Diet, health and social differentiation in Middle Helladic Asine. A bioarchaeological view.

PEETERSLEUVEN – PARIS – WALPOLE, MA

2013

PHAROS SUPPLEMENT 1

DIET, ECONOMY AND SOCIETY IN THEANCIENT GREEK WORLD

Towards a Better Integration of Archaeology and Science

Proceedings of the International Conference held at the Netherlands Institute at Athens on

22-24 March 2010

Edited by

Sofia Voutsaki & Soultana Maria Valamoti

CONTENTS

PREFACE ........................................................................................................................................ VII

S. VOUTSAKI & S.M. VALAMOTI

Towards a better integration of archaeology and science in the study of ancient diet: an introduction ........................................................................................................................... 1

J. BINTLIFF

Archaeological science, scientific archaeology and the Big Questions in the long-term development of Greek society from prehistory to Roman times .................................................... 9

A. PAPATHANASIOU, T. THEODOROPOULOU & S.M. VALAMOTI

The quest for prehistoric meals: towards an understanding of past diets in the Aegean: integrating stable isotope analysis, archaeobotany and zooarchaeology .................................. 19

M. ROUMPOU, N.S. MÜLLER, N. KALOGEROPOULOS, P.M. DAY, I. NIKOLAKOPOULOU &V. KILIKOGLOU

An interdisciplinary approach to the study of cooking vessels from Bronze Age Akrotiri, Thera ..................................................................................................................................... 33

B. DERHAM, R. DOONAN, Y. LOLOS, A. SARRIS & R. JONES Integrating geochemical survey, ethnography and organic residue analysis to identify andunderstand areas of foodstuff processing ................................................................................ 47

S. EL ZAATARI, K. HARVATI & E. PANAGOPOULOU

Occlusal molar microwear texture analysis and the diet of the Neanderthal from Lakonis .... 55

E. KOTJABOPOULOU

The horse, the lake and the people: implications for the Late Glacial social landscapes at thefoot of the Pindus mountain range, north-western Greece .................................................... 65

M. PAPPA, P. HALSTEAD, K. KOTSAKIS, A. BOGAARD, R. FRASER, V. ISAAKIDOU, I. MAINLAND,D. MYLONA, K. SKOURTOPOULOU, S. TRIANTAPHYLLOU, CHR. TSORAKI, D. UREM-KOTSOU,S.M. VALAMOTI & R. VEROPOULIDOU

The Neolithic site of Makriyalos, northern Greece: a reconstruction of the social and eco-nomic structure of the settlement through a comparative study of the finds ......................... 77

K. PSARAKI, M. ROUMPOU, V. ARAVANTINOS & N. KALOGEROPOULOS

Food storage and household economy at late Early Helladic II Thebes: an interdisciplinary approach ................................................................................................................................ 89

A. PAPANTHIMOU, S.M. VALAMOTI, E. PAPADOPOULOU, E. TSAGKARAKI & E. VOULGARI

Food storage in the context of an Early Bronze Age household economy: new evidence fromArchontiko Giannitson .......................................................................................................... 103

VI CONTENTS

E. PAPADOPOULOU & Y. MANIATIS

Reconstructing thermal food processing techniques: the application of FTIR spectroscopy in the analysis of clay thermal structures from Early Bronze Age Archontiko ............................ 113

T. BROGAN, C. SOFIANOU, J.E. MORRISON, D. MYLONA & E. MARGARITIS

Living off the fruits of the sea: new evidence for dining at Papadiokampos, Crete ............... 123

S. VOUTSAKI, E. MILKA, S. TRIANTAPHYLLOU & C. ZERNER Middle Helladic Lerna: diet, economy, society ..................................................................... 133

A. INGVARSSON-SUNDSTRÖM, S. VOUTSAKI & E. MILKA

Diet, health and social differentiation in Middle Helladic Asine: a bioarchaeological view ... 149

A. GALIK, G. FORSTENPOINTNER, G.E. WEISSENGRUBER, U. THANHEISER, M. LINDBLOM,R. SMETANA & W. GAUß

Bioarchaeological investigations at Kolonna, Aegina (Early Helladic III to Late Helladic III) 163

S. ANDREOU, C. HERON, G. JONES, V. KIRIATZI, K. PSARAKI, M. ROUMPOU & S.M. VALAMOTI

Smelly barbarians or perfumed natives? An investigation of oil and ointment use in Late Bronze Age northern Greece .................................................................................................. 173

D. MYLONA, M. NTINOU, P. PAKKANEN, A. PENTTINEN, D. SERJEANTSON & T. THEODOROPOULOU

Integrating archaeology and science in a Greek sanctuary: issues of practice and inter-pretation in the study of the bioarchaeological remains from the Sanctuary of Poseidon at Kalaureia ................................................................................................................................ 187

M. TIVERIOS, E. MANAKIDOU, D. TSIAFAKIS, S.M. VALAMOTI, T. THEODOROPOULOU & E. GATZOGIA

Cooking in an Iron Age pit at Karabournaki: an interdisciplinary approach ......................... 205

C. BOURBOU

Are we what we eat? Reconstructing dietary patterns of Greek Byzantine populations (7th-13th cen-turies AD) through a multi-disciplinary approach .................................................................. 215

R. CHARALAMPOPOULOU

The institutional framework of scientific analyses in Greece: administrative procedures and some statistics for the period 2002 – 2009 ............................................................................. 231

S. VOUTSAKI, S.M. VALAMOTI & THE PARTICIPANTS

Institutional framework and ethical obligations: doing archaeological science in Greece – the Round Table discussion ................................................................................................... 235

Diet, health and social differentiation in Middle Helladic Asine

A bioarchaeological view

ANNE INGVARSSON-SUNDSTRÖM, SOFIA VOUTSAKI & ELENI MILKA

Abstract

This paper aims to discuss the complex picture of living condi-tions, economy and social differentiation that emerges from the integration of different analytical techniques applied to differ-ent sources of data. The main questions to be answered are:1. is there evidence for emerging social differentiation at Asine in the MH and early LH period? and 2. are there indications for economic change and better nutrition through time?

We will focus on mortuary variability, diet and subsistence, indicators of health and physiological stress, and the household economy.

Keywords

Middle Helladic period; bioarchaeology; social organisation; graves; houses.

Introduction

The ancient site of Asine, located on the Kastraki promontory, was excavated by a Swedish team between 1922 and 1930.1 The field work revealed the existence of considerable habitation during the Early, Middle and Late Bronze Age. Excavations extended to the Barbouna hill to the north-west, where the settlement expanded towards the end of the Middle Bronze Age. In the 1970s, excavations conducted to the east of Kastraki revealed the East Cemetery, a MH to early LH burial mound surrounded by graves, as well as further houses and graves on the lower slopes of the Barbouna.2

The MH period is thus attested in all three areas investigated at the site of Asine (Figure 1).3 However, the three areas were not used for burial throughout the period. In MH I-MH II, graves were cut in between the Kastraki houses, while at some point, probably in MH II, the extramural East Cemetery (including the tumulus) came into use.4 In MH III-LH I, graves were also dug amidst disused houses at Barbouna. At Kastraki ‘intramural’ burial continued

during the last phases of the MH period, but declined during the early Mycenaean period. The East Ceme-tery remained in use probably into LH II. The three burial areas therefore overlap in the last phases of the MH and the early LH period (Table 1).

MH

I

MH

II

MH

III

LH I

LH I

I

LH I

IIA

Kastraki ≈ ≈ ≈ ? – –

East Cemetery – ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ?

Barbouna – – ≈ ≈ – –

TABLE 1. Periods of use of the different burial areas in Asine.

Fortunately, both the human and animal remains from Asine have been studied, though with varying intensity. At least 108 of the 110 graves at Kastraki contained skeletal remains. These were only partly studied by Fürst and Angel, and unfortunately most of this material is now lost.5 However, bones from both humans and animals excavated during the 1926 season were transported to Sweden among other finds from the excavation.6 The animal bones found in MH and LH contexts have been studied by Moberg Nilsson.7

1 Frödin & Persson 1938. 2 Dietz 1980, 1982; Hägg & Hägg 1973; Nordquist 1987, n.d. a, n.d. b. 3 Nordquist 1987. 4 Here we follow the revised date of the tumulus, based on the results of the radiocarbon analysis and a careful re-examination of the stratigraphy; see Voutsaki, Dietz & Nijboer 2010. 5 Fürst 1930; Angel 1982. 6 Nordquist & Hägg 1996. 7 Moberg Nilsson 1996, 1997. Unfortunately, only the location in the settlement of a minor part of the animal remains has been recorded (i.e. the bones from terrace III). It was therefore not pos-sible to discuss the animal bones at the level of the household.

150 ANNE INGVARSSON-SUNDSTRÖM, SOFIA VOUTSAKI & ELENI MILKA

8 Ingvarsson-Sundström 2008. 9 Angel 1982; Ingvarsson-Sundström in Voutsaki et al. 2006, 110-112; Ingvarsson-Sundström in Voutsaki et al. 2007, 73-76; Vout-saki, Ingvarsson-Sundström & Dietz 2012.

In an earlier study, Ingvarsson-Sundström examined skeletal remains of children (and a few adults) found in MH contexts, some of which could be assigned to the published graves.8 The human remains from the East Cemetery and Barbouna were studied by Angel in the 1970’s and have recently been re-examined by Ingvarsson-Sundström for the Middle Helladic Argolid Project.9

Asine therefore provides us with an excellent opportunity to explore whether the use of different burial areas between MH II and LH I was dictated by social reasons, and whether variation in the mortuary record corresponds to differences in diet and health. This will be achieved by integrating mortuary, osteo-logical and zooarchaeological data, but also the evi-dence from the well-documented houses. Even if the study sample may be too small and fragmentary to provide convincing answers to our questions about social differentiation at a local level, we believe that careful contextual analyses of individual sites are indispensable for providing explanations of cultural and social change at a regional level.

FIGURE 1. The site of Asine (from Nordquist 1987, fig. 8).

DIET, HEALTH AND SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION IN MIDDLE HELLADIC ASINE 151

10 I.a. Hodder 1982. For a general discussion on the development of mortuary studies in archaeology see Parker Pearson 1999. See also Knüsel 2010 on the relationship between mortuary analysis and bioarchaeology. 11 Morris 1992, 1-30. 12 Allison 1999. 13 E.g. Danforth 1999; Larsen 1997, 6-63, esp. 14, 50; Steckel 2008.

causes of differentiation. Social differentiation is often seen as arising from differences in subsistence and productive potential. A number of ethnohistorical and bioarchaeological studies indicate that socioeco-nomic inequalities may be connected with differential access to nutritional resources which is sometimes reflected in the diet and health status of the popula-tion.13 But the causal connection between social ine-quality and productive potential is more complex than it appears. For instance, in a society that is largely organised along kinship lines, where status is inherited and defined by kinship position, productive potential will depend on kinship, and hence social, position, rather than the other way around. A whole series of interconnected questions must therefore be addressed:1. Can differences in mortuary practices be con-

nected with social status?2. Does differential burial treatment correspond to

nutritional or health-related differences of the bur-ied individuals or groups?

3. Is this picture of emerging social differentiation confirmed by the settlement record? Is there, for instance, evidence for increasing storage capacity, or for engagement with more intensive economic activities in specific households?

4. Finally, does the evidence from the animal bones pro-vide information on changing economic strategies?

A bioarchaeological approach with integration of var-ious types of data (e.g. palaeopathological, palaeode-mographical, archaeological, zooarchaeological and biochemical) makes it possible to deduce important information about the connection between, and implications of subsistence strategies, disease and social structure in MH and early LH Asine.

Indications of health and diet from skeletons

Adequate nutrition during infancy and childhood is crucial for growth, physiological and behavioural development. Malnutrition during this critical period contributes to childhood morbidity and mortality

Social differentiation and the mortuary record

The first question to be addressed is: how can social differentiation be reconstructed on the basis of the mortuary record? Recent theoretical debates in mor-tuary studies have cast doubt on the idea that energy expenditure or wealth deposited in graves can be directly equated with social status held in life.10 It has been convincingly argued that mortuary ritual does not simply reflect, but also shapes social relations.11 Therefore we should not automatically attribute dif-ferences between graves or burial groups to social differences, and certainly not conceive these as rigid divisions in a static social system. They can be seen rather as expressing social aspirations and claims by different social groups who attempt to negotiate their position in the social landscape, and as remnants of past ritual practices.

The next question is: How can variation in the mortuary record be assessed and reconstructed? The contextual approach in mortuary studies has made some specific methodological suggestions. All aspects of the mortuary record have to be examined: the loca-tion of the burial ground; the demographic compo-sition, diet and health status of the burial group; the construction, size and complexity of the grave; the disposal of the body and the accompanying rites; the diversity, quantity and quality of the grave goods – and also to be examined is the existence of any cor-relation in differentiation along all these dimensions. Finally, we need to keep in mind that social status is only one dimension of personal identity, and that burial treatment may also depend on age, gender, kinship position, or other characteristics of the deceased.

However, correlating all the different aspects of the mortuary evidence is not sufficient, precisely because the mortuary ritual may distort, exaggerate or mask social differences. Mortuary variation must also be compared with the settlement record, i.e. with dif-ferentiation between houses in terms of location, size, construction, lay-out, or the diversity of economic activities. Despite problems caused by poor preserva-tion or post-depositional processes,12 comparing the situation in the domestic and mortuary sphere will allow us to reach safer conclusions on the extent of differentiation within a community.

But we still need to go one step further and do more than reconstruct the extent of differentiation in social life; we also need to understand the underlying


14 Goodman & Armelagos 1989. 15 Newell Morris 1997. 16 Wood et al. 1992. 17 Robb et al. 2001. 18 Age and sex of the skeletons have been determined using the morphological criteria and the methods presented in Buikstra & Ubelaker 1994. 19 Goodman & Armelagos 1988. 20 Goodman & Rose 1990, 1991. 21 E.g. Angel 1966; Stuart-Macadam, 1985; Walker et al. 2009; Fairgrieve & Molto 2000; Stavropodi et al. 2009; Wapler, Crubézy & Schultz 2004; Keenleyside & Panayotova 2006. 22 Stuart-Macadam 1985. 23 King & Ulijaszek 1999; Gunnell, Rogers & Dieppe 2001. 24 Larsen 1997, 64-78.

1. Childhood: Linear enamel hypoplasia (LEH); Cribra orbitalia (CO); long bone growth; adult stature; diet (stable nitrogen and carbon isotope analysis).

2. Adulthood: Caries, ante mortem tooth loss (AMTL) and diet (stable nitrogen and carbon isotope anal-ysis).

Linear enamel hypoplasia (LEH) and Cribra orbitalia are commonly regarded as non-specific indicators of physiological stress during childhood, and they are fre-quently found in archaeological populations. LEH is visible as horizontal lines or horizontally distributed pits in tooth crowns which provide a permanent record of periods of disrupted enamel formation.19 Although LEH may result from a large number of different stressors, malnutrition and infectious diseases are often considered to be among the most influential.20

Cribra orbitalia (CO) show up as pitting on the superior wall of the orbits. CO is being regarded as evidence of nutritionally related anaemia (and in some cases genetic types) or as resulting from diseases such as scurvy or a combination of infections, unsanitary living conditions with a high parasitic load and nutritional deficiencies.21 In palaeopathological studies it is often pointed out that CO may result from a complex syner-gistic relationship between many different factors that are difficult to separate. Regardless of the original cause of the lesions, some type of health problem during childhood is often regarded as implicit in the different types of aetiologies proposed for the lesion, because active lesions are almost never found in adults.22

Subadult growth of the long bones and adult stat-ure are often used as indicators of environmental factors such as nutritional status and standard of living during childhood, although genetic factors are also influential. An interaction between malnutrition and infection during childhood is considered to be a contributing factor to short adult stature.23

Indicators of oral health such as caries and ante mortem tooth loss (AMTL) are related to different modes of subsistence and variation in diet: caries is often associated with a diet rich in carbohydrates and AMTL is related to caries and to other factors such as heavy dental wear and periodontal disease.24

Another, more direct way to approach the palaeo-diet is through analysis of stable isotopes of the human skeleton. The measurement of stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes (expressed as d13C and d15N val-ues) provides information on the sources of dietary

and may have long-term consequences for the overall health status in adolescence and adulthood.14 How-ever, osteological evidence of nutritionally related health problems is often either unspecific in nature or non-existent: malnutrition acts synergistically with many diseases which are not in themselves regarded as nutritionally related and/or are not skeletally visi-ble.15 Furthermore, malnutrition lowers the immune response and may predispose the individual to lethal infections before the skeleton becomes involved.16

As emphasised by Robb,17 it is seldom fruitful to seek for a simple correspondence between osteological stress indicators and social status based on mortuary differences, because such a correlation depends on a number of more or less complex conditions. For instance, that hierarchical social groups can be identi-fied through other archaeological remains, that these groups differ significantly in lifestyle and that this is reflected in their skeletons. Thus, the incomplete information about health and diet obtained from skeletal material cannot be used independent of other evidence to test hypotheses about social organisation.

In the Asine material there are also other important limitations that may bias the interpretation: the sample size is very small and the skeletons are poorly preserved. Further, there is an uneven representation of age and sex groups between burial grounds and chronological periods.18 Despite these difficulties, demography in combination with skeletal stress indicators and other skeletal lesions provides important information about health during the various stages of life. In addition, the relative importance of plant and animal-based foods in the diet as well as breastfeeding practices may be approached through stable carbon and nitro-gen isotope analysis of the skeletons. In order to obtain information about health and nutrition at Asine the following indications will be considered:


25 Schoeninger 1995. 26 Herring, Saunders & Katzenberg 1998. 27 The discussion is partly based on the analysis carried out by E. Milka (Milka 2006, in preparation) though the conclusions reached here differ in certain respects. 28 24 out of the 34 graves certainly dating from the MH I-II period are pits. Out of the 55 graves which can only be dated to the MH period in general, 34 are again pits (Milka in preparation). 29 2-3 out of 34 early MH graves: Milka in preparation. 30 The four adult age groups used in the MH Argolid Project (Young Adult 18-30 years, Prime Adult 30-40 years, Mature Adult 40-50 years and Old Adult + 50 years) have been merged into two age groups (18-40 and +40 years of age) because of the variable and poorly preserved markers for age determination in the Asine skeletons.

burial grounds? If we look at the limited data avail-able on diet and palaeopathology (Table 2) (here

protein, i.e. if the protein derives mostly from terres-trial, marine or freshwater resources.25 Since nitrogen isotopes indicate the trophic level of the consumer (i.e. the place occupied in the food chain) it is also possible to assess breastfeeding patterns: a breastfed child’s position in the chain is higher than that of its mother, which shows up in the child as higher nitro-gen values. However, when weaning starts the values gradually begin to decrease.26

Mortuary practices, health and social differentiation in MH – early LH Asine27

Our analysis will be carried out in two stages. First, we will compare the (few) early-phase graves of the East Cemetery with those found at Kastraki. Then, we will compare the late-phase graves attested at all three burial grounds. Settlement remains and animal bones will also be discussed in addition to the mortuary evidence from the two broad phases.

The early phase (MH I-MH II)

Only two East Cemetery graves can be dated with certainty to this earlier phase: a pithos burial and a cist grave. Two other graves, however (another pithos and a cist), may also belong to this phase. Interest-ingly, the two pithos burials in the East Cemetery are double burials (two adults in the one; a juvenile and an adult in the other) – something fairly exceptional in this early period. No pits were found in this burial group. In contrast, the majority of MH I-MH II graves at Kastraki were simple pits,28 many of which contained neonates. No pithoi were found at Kast-raki, and burials in smaller jars were rare and used exclusively for single sub-adult burials.29

Only one of the early East Cemetery graves con-tained any offerings. The four vases from one of the pithos double burials are exceptional during a period where most graves were unfurnished. Indeed, an even smaller proportion of graves at Kastraki received any offerings.

Let us now examine the human remains. Although the sample size is small, it is clear that adults domi-nate at both burial grounds and that neonates are completely missing at the East Cemetery (Figure 2).30

Is there evidence for differences in nutritional related stress indicators (CO, LEH, short subadult stature and mean adult stature) or in diet (stable iso-tope values) between the populations from different

East Cemetery Kastraki

Childhood

Cribra orbitalia 2/2 –

Linear enamel hypoplasia 3/4 1/5

Children short for age 0/1 1/3

Mean adult stature – 165.9 cm (n=2)

Diet (d13C: d15N) ‰ -18.9: 8.9 (n=1) –

Adulthood

Caries 1/2 –

Ante mortem tooth loss 2/2 –

Diet (d13C: d15N) ‰ A: -19.1:10.3 (n=1)J: -19.1:9.8 (n=1)

–

TABLE 2. Indications of health and diet in the East Cemetery and Kastraki during the early Phase (MH I-MH II). Number of individuals affected/number of individuals observable, diet = stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values. A=adult,

J=juvenile.

FIGURE 2. Age distribution in the three burial grounds at Asine in the early phase (MH I-II) and the late phase (MH III-LH II).


31 Only individuals on whom observations for the studied lesion could be made have been included. 32 Angel 1982. Mean adult stature is based on femur length; only in male skeletons had this bone been preserved complete enough to allow measurements to be taken. 33 Ingvarsson-Sundström, Richards & Voutsaki 2009. 34 Triantaphyllou et al. 2008. 35 Voutsaki 2010. 36 A conclusion already reached by Nordquist 1987, 90. 37 All data on the animal bones derive from Katrin Moberg Nils-son’s analysis of the faunal material excavated at Kastraki in 1926. The results of this analysis were presented in a seminar paper(22 October 1997) presented at the Department of Classical Archaeology and Ancient History, University of Uppsala, while a smaller selection of the material has been published in a short article (Moberg Nilsson 1996). The faunal material from 1926 is currently being kept in storage at Uppsala University.

The analysis of the MH I-MH II houses in Asine35 revealed no differences in size, lay-out, storage capacity, the range of work activities or the quantity of manu-factured items or imports across the settlement.36

Evidence for the utilisation of animal resources at Asine can be inferred from the composition of the animal bone assemblage, although only a crude divi-sion into MH and LH assemblages is available.37 In the MH assemblage bones of pigs dominate the mate-rial, which makes it likely that pigs were the animals consumed most frequently at Asine; young piglets as well as adult animals seem to have been a source of meat (Figure 3). Approximately a fourth of the stock was slaughtered during their first year but the major-ity were kept for 2-3 years. Second in abundance is the category sheep/goat (24% of the material). Most of them were probably kept for milk and wool as indicated by the high slaughter age (at or after 4 years of age). Cattle bones make up a fifth of the material, less than 1% of the slaughtered animals having been younger than 12-18 months and almost 30% older than 24-30 months. Less than 8% of the assemblage comes from wild animals, mainly red deer.

To conclude: the MH I-II settlement evidence shows no indication of a differentiation among houses. In contrast, the mortuary evidence indicates that certain groups or individuals began to demarcate themselves from the rest of the community. The establishment of a formal cemetery at a distance from the graves in the settlement, the presence of adult and juvenile pithos burials and indications that the diet of at least two of these individuals was largely based on animal protein certainly deserves attention. Interestingly, the

expressed as individual counts31 to facilitate a com-parison between graves and skeletons) some observa-tions can be made:1. Differences in health and diet during childhood Evidence of childhood stress is found at both bur-

ial grounds. The diet of one child (about 10 years of age) was characterised by a slightly lower pro-tein consumption in comparison to the mean adult values for the total MH Asine sample (n=10), -19.4 ± 0.5 ‰ (d13C) and 9.1 ± 0.7 ‰ (d15N). The mean adult male stature is comparable with the BA average (165.6 cm).32

2. Differences in health and diet during adulthood Stable isotope analysis revealed a heavy reliance on

C3 terrestrial foods. It should be mentioned here that this applies in general to the total MH assem-blage, where we have results from 19 individuals.33 The diet of the adult and juvenile buried in a pithos at the East Cemetery seems to have con-tained substantial amounts of animal protein when compared to the animal protein values from Lerna. Unfortunately, comparative data on animal pro-tein values from Asine are presently lacking.34 The adult skeleton nonetheless displayed evidence of both caries and tooth loss.

It is thus evident that the paucity of the available osteological and chemical data limits our ability to compare the health and diet of the two population samples. Evidence of intermittent periods of child-hood stress is found in individuals at both burial grounds. The character of the burial grounds and graves provides clearer evidence for differentiation between Kastraki and the East Cemetery. The evidence from the settlement, however, does not confirm this.

FIGURE 3. Proportion of species identified from the animal bones recovered during the 1926 excavation at Kastraki (NISP= Number of identified specimens). Diagram based on data from Moberg

1997.


38 Of course, pit graves were mainly used during this period for sub-adults, who were usually buried in graves among houses (Milka in preparation). 39 It should be noted, however, that both in the East Cemetery and at Barbouna bones from additional individuals were found in some graves (Ingvarsson-Sundström in Voutsaki et al. 2007). 40 Here only the graves dated with certainty are included.

In all three burial grounds a general increase in the proportion of graves containing offerings can be observed (Table 4). However, the percentage of graves with offerings was higher in the East Cemetery and at Barbouna than at Kastraki. In terms of quantity and diversity, however, the East Cemetery presents a more complex assemblage than Barbouna. Finally, only the East Cemetery contains golden objects (golden diadem, golden earring). It should be pointed out, however, that the East Cemetery contains quite a few unfur-nished graves in this period.

With regard to the age distribution in the three burial grounds, it is clear that the adult overrepresen-tation at the East Cemetery persisted, whereas the ratio of neonates versus adults at Kastraki and Barbouna is almost equal (Figure 2). However, one neonate was buried at the East Cemetery in this phase. Males dominate at all three burial grounds, although the sex determinations (as well as the age determinations of adults) in several cases were based on few and poorly preserved markers (Table 5).

East Cemetery

Kastraki Barbouna

Females 3 2 2

Males 4 4 4

No sex determination 2 0 1

Total 9 6 7

TABLE 5. Sex distribution in the East Cemetery, Kastraki and Barbouna.

Regarding the evidence for differences between the three burial grounds in health and diet (Table 6) the following can be observed:

1. Differences in health and diet during childhood Evidence of childhood stress is still found at all

three locations and there are no discernible differ-ences between them. The stable isotope values indicate that children were breast-fed. The mean

animal bone data, which indicate a dominance of pigs kept probably for meat, agree well with the chemical data which pointed to a diet rich in animal protein. Evidence of childhood stress is found at both burial grounds, and oral health problems were found to be present in adults in the East Cemetery.

The late phase (MH III-LH I)

Only cists, and one pit, from this phase are found in the East Cemetery. As Table 3 illustrates, the percent-age of cists is higher in the East Cemetery than at Barbouna or at Kastraki.38 The only pit in the tumu-lus belonged to an adult man and contained a bronze knife and a golden earring. No burial pithoi from this period were found in the East Cemetery. In contrast, jar burials are still found among the Kastraki graves.

EastCemetery

Kastraki Barbouna

Pits 1 11 5

Cists 10 8 10

Jar burials 0 2 0

Pithos burials 0 0 0

TABLE 3. Types of graves used in MH III-LH I Asine.

Single burials were the norm in all three burial grounds. However, some double burials are attested, the major-ity of which are found in the East Cemetery. On the other hand, a new practice introduced in this period, the re-use of graves and secondary burial, is only attested in one grave at Barbouna.39

Num

ber

of

MH

III

-LH

I

grav

es

Gra

ves

wit

h of

feri

ngs

Num

ber

of

vase

s

Num

ber

of

non-

cera

mic

of

feri

ngs

Kastraki 2140 9 127

(5 bronze)

Barbouna 16 8 188

(3 bronze)

East Cemetery 10 or 11 5 225

(4 bronze, 2 gold)

TABLE 4. Numbers of MH III-LH I ceramic and non-ceramic offerings in the three


41 d13C: -19.1, d15N: 7.9. 42 They do not constitute an exception, however: in the Argolid such larger and more complex houses are also found in Lerna and Tiryns; see Voutsaki 2010. 43 Nordquist 1987, 29.

To conclude, there is more evidence for differentia-tion between the three burial grounds during the late phase. The differences in mortuary treatment between Kastraki and the East Cemetery became more pro-nounced, as expressed by the (almost exclusive) use of cists, the more diverse and richer funerary assemblage and the presence of golden objects in the East Cem-etery. The differences with the Barbouna graves are less pronounced. The skeletal evidence shows no immediate changes in health status or diet of the populations compared to the preceding period. There is still evidence in all three burial grounds of periodic physiological stress during childhood, which does not seem to have affected the mean adult stature. Oral health problems are also found, despite evidence for a continued high consumption of animal protein in most individuals in the East Cemetery.

Some important changes in the settlement can also be observed in this period. Some houses at Kastraki were much larger and more regular but also more complex in plan than earlier houses on the promon-tory or than contemporary houses at Barbouna.42 Houses D and E, for instance, are rectangular and symmetrical, with well-defined boundaries, and form regular blocks surrounded by roads or courtyards.43 While early MH houses usually consisted of two or at most three rooms, house D had eleven rooms, B seven (plus a second floor?), and E five. Finally, while

adult male stature is still comparable with the BA mean at all three burial grounds.

2. Differences in health and diet during adulthood There is no discernible difference in the oral health

of adults, but the animal protein component in the diet of the East Cemetery adults is still quite substantial, especially in females and unsexed indi-viduals. In contrast, the one adult male skeleton at Barbouna which produced results in the stable iso-tope analysis showed slightly lower nitrogen values than the mean male value from the East Cemetery. It should be mentioned, however, that the nitro-gen values of the male skeleton from the pit burial (the gravegoods of which included a golden ear-ring) were the lowest of the whole Asine sample, suggestive of a mainly plant-based diet.41 On the other hand, the two adult skeletons in the East Cemetery who had been buried in cist graves accompanied by prestige items showed slightly higher nitrogen values, suggestive of a diet with more animal protein compared to the East Cemetery mean.

East Cemetery Kastraki Barbouna

Childhood

Cribra orbitalia 3/4 – 1/9

Linear enamel hypoplasia 2/4 2/3 5/6

Short for age 1/1 1/2 0/2

Mean adult stature 165.6cm (3) 166.3cm (2) 167.5cm (2)

Diet (d13C: d15N) ‰ -18.7:10.7 (1) – -18.8:10.1 (5)

Adulthood

Caries 1/3 – 1/5

Ante mortem tooth loss 1/3 – 1/3

Diet (d13C: d15N) ‰ -19.5: 9.1 (6) – -19.3: 8.3 (1)

TABLE 6. Indications of health and diet in the East Cemetery, Kastraki and Barbouna during the late phase (MH III-LH I). Number of individuals affected/number of individuals observable, diet =

stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values.


44 These small rooms had no entrances and could therefore only be entered by a ladder (or a high threshold): Nordquist 1987, 82. 45 Nordquist 1987, 82. 46 Nordquist 1987, 90. 47 See Voutsaki 2010 for more discussion on this point. 48 Moberg Nilsson 1997. 49 Halstead 1987, 1996. 50 Halstead 1999. See also Galik et al., this volume. 51 Hamilakis 2003.

collective herding of large flocks.49 It is possible that this created a greater demand for cooperation among (family? kin?) groups in LH, but this may at the same time have increased competition between other groups within and between settlements.

Bones from wild species, esp. red deer, are more numerous than in the preceding period, a pattern observed also at other sites.50 The hunting of red deer probably became more important, and since whole carcasses seem to have been brought to Asine, it is likely that they were hunted not far away. Hamilakis and others have proposed that the importance of hunting during the LBA increased, not only for sub-sistence, but as an ideological need for elite groups to produce and legitimise power.51

Discussion and conclusions

With regard to the mortuary evidence it has already been suggested that the initiation of the East Ceme-tery, sometime in MH I-II but most probably in MH II, marked out the group who used it and set it apart from the rest of the community. The predominance of cists, the higher quantities and greater diversity of offerings, and the presence of gold ornaments all point to a special status for the group being buried there. On the other hand, the absence of shaft graves (found, of course, in the Mycenae Grave Circles but also in Lerna), the scant evidence for secondary burial and re-use (adopted in many MH III-LH I graves across the southern mainland), and the presence of many unfurnished graves all imply that the differ-ences between the East Cemetery and the rest of the community were not unbridgeable. Is it possible to establish whether this group simply legitimated their status, already acquired by accumulating wealth and resources, or whether they attempted to create it by means of mortuary display? The study of the houses may suggest an answer: not a single house in MH Asine, not even in the later period, has produced evi-dence for a larger storage capacity or for accumulated

early houses followed an axial plan, the so-called ‘megaron’ arrangement, the larger houses at Kastraki, such as B and D, had a much more complex plan and seem to have consisted of joint ‘megaroid’ units, each with its own entrance and its own cooking installation. Unfortunately it was not possible to assess the storage capacity of these houses. However, the largest house in Asine, house D, which can be sub-divided into three separate units, has four small, rectangular rooms at its centre.44 According to Nordquist,45 large num-bers of pithos fragments were found in one of these small rooms, which adjoined all three separate parts of the house and had a pavement of stone slabs – something exceptional in MH houses. The concen-tration of pithoi in one small room may imply that the three different domestic units using the separate parts of the house pooled and stored their resources in this one room. While none of these larger houses contained more ‘valuable’ items than others,46 they seem to have owned slightly more imported pottery. Indeed, households that pool and share agricultural resources increase their economic capacity, even if the individual families may not be wealthier than the other households of the village. That way such house-holds can initiate new exchange partnerships, expand their exchange networks, and acquire more valuable goods.47 Although our conclusion is based on very uncertain and limited data, it still suggests one pos-sible way in which MH households could have acquired an economic advantage over their neigh-bours.

The results of the analysis of the animal bones also indicate a certain intensification of animal husbandry practices, although this development cannot be dated with precision.48 In the LH period there was a change from a household economy based primarily on pigs to one based on sheep and goat husbandry, while also cattle breeding increased (Figure 3). There was no patent change in slaughter ages compared to the MH period; most sheep and goats were slaughtered around 3-4 years of age, although the age of cattle at slaughter slightly increased (43% were older than 24-30 months). The changing proportions of the various domestic species as reflected in the bones could indicate that more effort was being invested in clearing and farm-ing the surrounding land, a process which may have been facilitated by pooling resources. An expansionof the household’s herds would also have been costly in terms of human labour, especially if the focus was on dairy farming, and it may have necessitated the


52 Robb et al. 2001. 53 Danforth 1999.

evidence of nutritional or other health advantages in ranked lineages compared to unranked ones. It is only in state-level societies that such differences become evident.53

We know very little about the actual living condi-tions in MH Asine, but it is possible that crowding, bad sanitation and proximity to domesticated animals may have contributed to high parasitic loads and rapidly fatal infections. It is likely that such health hazards would have affected the people in a small farming community fairly equally, regardless of pos-sible distinctions in social status, and that children, always the most vulnerable segment of a population, suffered most. Evidence of childhood stress is present in both phases, but adult stature indicates reasonably good nutrition. This may suggest that although child-hood was a stressful period for many children, those who survived into adulthood were not markedly affected by growth disturbances, or managed to catch up after periods of reduced growth.

Whatever the situation was, the settlement evi-dence and the analysis of the animal bones both sug-gest that attempts were made to ensure a more stable subsistence basis and perhaps increase social contacts by a) pooling resources among (probably related, pos-sibly co-habiting) families, and b) adopting more labour intensive animal husbandry methods.

The small sample size and uneven quality of the data prevents us from reaching reliable conclusions about the possible connection between diet, health and social differentiation. From the data at hand, however, it seems likely that the sample populations experienced similar conditions with intermittent periods of stress regardless of their social position. It is plausible that differences between individuals were more related to other factors, such as age and individual frailty. Nevertheless, the first signs of asymmetries perhaps emerged already during the MH II period, while social complexity clearly increased during the MH III-LH I periods. Both the domestic and the mortuary sphere show increas-ing evidence for differentiation, but also for the con-tinuing significance of family and kin relations. In the settlement area, (related?) families lived together in larger houses; in the cemetery, (family or kin?) groups continued to demarcate and separate them-selves from the rest of the community. It may be sug-gested that kinship and family ties thus became a driving force for social differentiation and asymme-try, as this process of subtly transforming kinship

wealth. The study of the human remains may also point to some answers. We will summarise the main obser-vations.

The East Cemetery stands out from the other two burial areas in Asine in at least two ways:1. The temporally consistent, skewed age distribution

whereby sub-adults, especially neonates, are under-represented.

2. Although admittedly based on very limited evi-dence, in both phases a number of adults and juve-niles at the East Cemetery (esp. females) seem to have had a diet rich in animal protein, although this diet evidently did not exclude the development of dental pathologies. In fact, some individuals seem to have received most of their protein from animal resources, thus resembling the individuals buried at Grave Circle B at Mycenae, while a more varied animal-plant based diet has been attestedin the population at the neighbouring site of Lerna. A notable exception in the East Cemetery is a man whose diet seems to have been largely veg-etarian.

Although it cannot be excluded that socioeconomic inequalities in terms of differential access to nutri-tional resources may have existed at Asine, it has not been possible to distinguish any clear differences between the populations at the three burial grounds in terms of differences in poor skeletal growth and other stress related indicators. The absence of such differences is, however, not unexpected given the small sample size and poor skeletal preservation, which often obstructed a temporal comparison between the burial grounds.

It must be emphasised that although a correlation between skeletal stress indicators and archaeological variables derived from mortuary data (often inter-preted in terms of status) has sometimes been attested in bioarchaeological studies, the relationship between signs of pathology and social differentiation is never straightforward, even when reasonably large samples are available.52 For example, data from prehistoric populations in so-called egalitarian societies in North America and Mesoamerica produced few indications of nutritional differences, whereas ‘trans-egalitarian’ or ‘chiefdom groups’ produced only limited


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A. INGVARSSON-SUNDSTRÖM

Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, University of Uppsala

[email protected]

S. VOUTSAKI

Groningen Institute of Archaeology,University of Groningen

[email protected]

E. MILKA

Groningen Institute of Archaeology,University of Groningen

[email protected]

Acknowledgements

The analysis was carried out as part of a five-year multidisciplinary project, the Middle Helladic Argolid Project, financed by the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) and the University of Groningen, the Netherlands. For the aims and methods of the project, see Voutsaki 2005, or visit the website of the project: http://www.MHArgolid.nl

The re-examination of the skeletal material from Asine was funded with Research Grants from the Institute of Aegean Prehistory, the Wiener Labora-tory (ASCSA), the Swedish Research Council and Gösta Enboms Foundation. We would like to thank the successive Directors at the 4th Ephorate of Prehis-toric and Classical Antiquities, Mrs Zoi Aslamatzidhou. Mrs Anna Banaka and Dr Alkisti Papadimitriou, and the Department of Conservation, Ministry of Culture, for granting us permission to examine and take samples from the MH human skeletons of Asine. We thank the Swedish Institute at Athens, Prof. Dr C.-G. Styrenius and Prof. Dr R. Hägg for granting us permission to sample the skeletons from the East Cemetery and Barbouna. The samples were taken by Dr Anne Ingvarsson-Sundström, with assistance by Dr Sevi Triantaphyllou. We would also like to acknowledge the assistance of the staff at the 4th Ephorate, particularly Mrs Evangelia Pappi. Our thanks go also to the guards of the Nauplion Museum who were particularly helpful during our study.


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Diet, health and social differentiation in Middle Helladic Asine. A bioarchaeological view.

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