Development of the role of public health nurses in addressing child and family poverty: a framework...
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Development of the role of public health nurses in addressing child and
family poverty: a framework for action
Benita E. Cohen & Linda Reutter
Accepted for publication 4 September 2006
Correspondence to Benita E. Cohen:
e-mail: [email protected]
Benita E. Cohen PhD RN
Assistant Professor
Faculty of Nursing,
University of Manitoba, Winnipeg,
Manitoba, Canada
Linda Reutter PhD RN
Professor
Faculty of Nursing,
University of Alberta, Edmonton,
Alberta, Canada
This article is part of the CSE Global Theme
Issue on Poverty and Human Development.
This is an international collaboration,
involving journals from developed and
developing countries, aimed at raising
awareness, stimulating interest, and
stimulating research into poverty and human
development. Please visit the following
website for more details: http://
www.councilscienceeditors.org/
globalthemeissue.cfm
COHEN B.E. & REUTTER L. (2007)COHEN B.E. & REUTTER L. (2007) Development of the role of public health
nurses in addressing child and family poverty: a framework for action. Journal of
Advanced Nursing 60(1), 96–107
doi: 10.1111/j.1365-2648.2006.04154.x
AbstractTitle. Development of the role of public health nurses in addressing child and family
poverty: a framework for action
Aim. The purpose of this paper is to invite dialogue about how public health nurses
could best address child and family poverty. Their current role is reviewed and a
framework for expanding this role is presented.
Background. The negative health consequences of poverty for children are well-
documented worldwide. The high levels of children living in poverty in wealthy
industrialized countries such as Canada should be of concern to the health sector.
What role(s) can public health nurses play in addressing child and family poverty?
Method. A review of scholarly literature from Canada, the United States of America
and the United Kingdom was conducted to ascertain support for public health
nurses’ roles in reducing poverty and its effects. We then reviewed professional
standards and competencies for nursing practice in Canada. The data were collected
between 2005 and 2006.
Findings. Numerous nursing scholars have called for public health nurses to address
the causes and consequences of poverty through policy advocacy. However, this role
was less likely to be identified in professional standards and competencies, and we
found little empirical evidence documenting Canadian public health nurses’ efforts
to engage in this role. Public health nurses’ roles in relation to poverty focus pri-
marily on assisting families living in poverty to access appropriate services rather
than directing efforts at the policy level. Factors associated with this limited
involvement are identified. We suggest that the conceptual framework developed by
Blackburn in the United Kingdom offers direction for a more fully developed public
health nursing role. Prerequisites to engaging in the strategies articulated in the
framework are discussed.
Conclusion. Given more organizational support and enhanced knowledge and skills,
public health nurses could be playing a greater role in working with others to make
child and family poverty history.
Keywords: child poverty, evidence-based practice, nurses, population health pro-
motion, public health, social policy
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Introduction
Poverty remains an important issue in many industrialized
nations worldwide. Indeed, the recent ‘Make Poverty His-
tory’ campaign has received widespread public support
among citizens of developed countries. Although there is
evidence that the campaign’s key messages have filtered down
into government policy rhetoric in some cases [see Depart-
ment For International Development 2005, for a United
Kingdom (UK) example], there is little evidence of substantial
government action to reduce poverty in some of these
countries. In spite of being one of the wealthiest nations in
the world, Canadian poverty rates remain high compared
with most other nations within the Organization for Econo-
mic Co-operation and Development (OECD) (Bryant 2006).
According to the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF
2005), Canada ranks 19th of 26 OECD countries in a global
survey of child poverty rates in industrialized countries (the
US ranked 25th) with one child out of every six in Canada
living in poverty (Campaign 2000, 2005). Poverty rates are
much higher, however, for Aboriginal children (40%) and
recent immigrant children (49%) (Campaign 2000, 2005).
Poverty rates in Canada are determined using Statistics
Canada’s ‘Low Income Cut-Off’ (LICO) income levels at
which Canadians, differentiated by family size and the
population of their community, spend 20% more of their
income on basic needs than the average proportion spent by
Canadians. Currently, families who spend >54Æ7% of their
income on basic needs are living below the LICO (Ross et al.
2000). A striking feature of child poverty in Canada is that,
contrary to common stereotypes of the poor, 31% of all low-
income children lived in families with at least one parent
working full-time, full year (Campaign 2000, 2005).
The negative physical and social health consequences of
poverty for children are well-documented worldwide (Schor
& Menaghan 1995, Phipps 2003). In Canada, infant
mortality rates in low-income neighbourhoods are almost
double that in high-income neighbourhoods, and children
from the poorest neighbourhoods have the highest rates of
low birth weight, infant hospitalization, teen pregnancy,
developmental problems such as hyperactivity and delayed
vocabulary, and the lowest rates of high school completion
(Kidder et al. 2000, Manitoba Centre for Health Policy
2004). There is also increasing evidence of a cumulative effect
of adverse economic and social conditions across the life span
that predisposes individuals to adult chronic disease, stroke
and adult-onset diabetes (Kuh & Ben Shilmo 1997, Raphael
& Farrell 2002, Davey Smith 2003, Raphael et al. 2003,
Raphael 2004). Given this link between early childhood
experiences and later health status, the persistent high levels
of children living in poverty in Canada (and elsewhere)
should be of particular concern to the health sector.
Public health nurses (PHNs) are in an ideal position to
build the capacity of the health sector to address child and
family poverty (CFP). Every day they encounter low-income
families while providing health promotion and illness/injury
prevention services in homes, clinics and schools. Yet, there is
little documented evidence of their involvement in poverty-
related work. The purpose of this paper is to invite dialogue
and discussion about how PHNs could best work to address
CFP. We begin by examining the current role of PHNs in
addressing CFP and then discuss a framework that may assist
nurses to expand their roles in this area. The focus on CFP is
not intended to suggest that poverty among other population
groups, such as homeless adults and older people, is less
important, nor that PHNs do not have a role in addressing
poverty among these other groups. Given that a significant
proportion of PHNs’ work is devoted to maternal-child care,
their potential impact on CFP is particularly strong. This is
also the case in other jurisdictions; for example, the PHN role
in the United States of America (USA) is very similar to that
in Canada and, in the UK, ‘health visitors’ provide similar
maternal-child care.
Support for public health nurse role in addressingchild and family poverty
The fact that the historical development of public health
nursing is grounded in struggles for basic human rights and
social justice has been well documented (Rogge 1987,
Erickson 1996, Drevdahl 2001, Falk-Rafael 2005a). There
is also theoretical and professional/regulatory support for
developing PHNs’ role in addressing poverty, which will be
the focus in the next two sections.
Theoretical support
MacDonald (2002) notes that the foundational concept of the
environment in nursing practice has been challenged to
expand from a traditional narrow focus on the psycho-social
environment of the individual to a broader focus on the
socio-political context that affects the health of individuals,
groups and communities. This view has led to consideration
of an expanded conceptualization of a health-promoting
nursing practice. Perhaps the most well-known proponent of
an expanded notion of the contextual influences on health
(and nursing practice) is Butterfield (2001), who proposed a
theoretical perspective that focuses attention on the broad
societal factors that shape individual behaviour. Using this
approach, nurses would be expected to make an effort to
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change social conditions affecting their clients. This notion of
using an ‘upstream’ approach is often discussed within the
context of developing ‘population-focused’ or ‘population-
based’ nursing practice (Kuss et al. 1997, Keller et al.
2004a,b, SmithBattle et al. 2004).
The challenge of expanding the role of nursing to that of
social change agent or social activist (rather than changing
individual beliefs and practices) has been raised by several
nursing scholars, many of whom are influenced by critical
social theory and feminist theory. For example, social change
is viewed as a central concern of those who espouse
‘emancipatory nursing’ – which aligns nurses with the
oppressed to help them take action to change the forces of
oppression – as opposed to traditional nursing, which aligns
with dominant interests to help people cope and adapt to
their oppression (Moccia 1988, Kendall 1992, Stevens &
Hall 1992, Drevdahl 1995, Maxwell 1997, Starzomski &
Rodney 1997). VanderPlaat (2002) continues this theme
when she calls on PHNs (and all nurses, for that matter) to
see themselves as potential social activists, committed to an
emancipatory ethic, who challenge barriers that stand in the
way of meaningful social change.
Recently, Falk-Rafael (2005b) put forward the concept of
‘critical caring’, which aims to reincorporate the social justice
agenda characteristic of early public health nursing practice
that has not featured prominently in contemporary nursing
theories. One of the core ‘carative’ processes of PHNs’
practice that she identifies is contributing to the creation of
supportive and sustainable physical, social, political and
economic environments. Falk-Rafael argues that nurses who
practice at the intersection of public policy and personal lives
are ideally situated to include political advocacy efforts to
influence policy related to poverty and other social-economic
determinants of health. She joins others (Stevens & Hall
1992, Byrd 1995, Williamson & Drummond 2000) in
arguing that nurses have a moral/ethical and professional
obligation to be involved in socio-political activities that
address structural conditions contributing to health inequities
because they see the impact of these conditions every day.
Public health nurses’ role in advocating for healthy public
policies – including those that address root causes of ill health
such as poverty – has been clearly articulated in the literature
(e.g. Needleman 1995, Erickson 1996, Daly 1999, Falk-
Rafael 1999, Reutter 2000, Reutter & Williamson 2000,
Burdett 2002, Reutter & Duncan 2002, Drennan 2004,
Lynam 2005, Stewart et al. 2005). Daiski (2005) states: ‘As
nurses and healthcare practitioners on the frontlines…we
need to advocate for social equity, adequate welfare and
disability payments, wages that people can live on, affordable
housing as a right, and social inclusion of the poor’ (p. 37).
Needleman (1995) suggests that there are two levels of
advocacy that nurses can engage in: ‘case advocacy’ directed
at individual clients, and ‘class advocacy’ directed at chan-
ging policies and social conditions.
As far as PHNs’ role in addressing CFP specifically, there is
limited discussion in the nursing literature. The benefits of
PHN-managed home visitation to vulnerable and at-risk
families in early childhood are well-documented (Ciliska
et al. 1999, Hanks & Smith 1999, MacLeod & Nelson 2000,
Rains & Carroll 2000, Barnes-Boyd 2001, Olds et al. 2002,
Kemp et al. 2005), but these examples contain little or no
discussion of PHNs’ strategies for addressing poverty itself.
Williamson and Drummond (2000) point out that traditional
health education sessions with PHNs alone are not adequate
to significantly enhance low-income parents’ capacities to
promote their children’s health; they need to be accompanied
by policy advocacy and social action strategies that challenge
the socio-economic and political conditions that negatively
affect child health. The need for PHNs (and other nurses) to
address broader determinants of health of vulnerable or
marginalized families – such as food security (Bull 1996),
housing security and safe neighbourhoods (Handelman 2003,
Welch & Kneipp 2005), and access to welfare benefits
(Greasley 2005) – is also identified in the literature. Reutter
(2000) acknowledges the importance of supporting families
living in poverty, but argues that nurses must also attempt to
change public policy contributing to family poverty. She
describes how a continuum of empowering strategies (adap-
ted from Labonte 1993) – increasing personal empowerment,
small group development, community development, policy
advocacy, social/political action – can be used by community
health nurses when working with low-income families. A
conceptual framework that specifically addresses CFP is
provided by Blackburn (1992). The details of this framework,
including its potential for guiding the role of PHNs in
addressing CFP, will be discussed later in the paper.
Professional/regulatory support
In addition to historical and theoretical support for the role
of nurses in addressing poverty, this role is supported by
professional standards of practice and position statements,
although the depth and scope of support varies. At the
international level, the International Council of Nurses
(2004) states that nurses have a vital role in reducing poverty
and its impact on health and well-being, including such
activities as forming intra- and inter-sectoral partnerships and
networks to advocate for anti-poverty measures (e.g. job
creation, income supplements); assessing the impact of
poverty through family- and community-based care; lobbying
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98 � 2007 The Authors. Journal compilation � 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
for equity in health and social services for the poor; and
lobbying for pro-poor social and health policy. In the USA,
Ballou (2000) has reviewed American Nursing Association
(ANA) position papers and standards of practice, and
concludes that nurses have a professional obligation to
engage in socio-political activities to facilitate equal access
to health care. However, nurses’ obligation to engage in
macro-level activities related to reform of public policy,
social, economic and cultural structures and systems is not
clearly spelled out in these documents.
In Canada, the Canadian Nurses Association (CNA) has
released several discussion papers that provide strong support
for nurses’ role in addressing poverty. Social determinants of
health and nursing: a summary of the issues (CNA 2005)
summarizes the impact of social and economic factors (such
as poverty and economic inequality, low social status, social
exclusion, job and food insecurity) on population health. The
CNA suggests that nurses can play an important role in
addressing these social determinants of health (SDOH) by
working on their individual practices (e.g. including SDOH
in client assessments and treatment and follow-up plans),
helping to reorient the healthcare system (e.g. ensuring that
health promotion programmes go beyond lifestyle and
behaviour to include SDOH), and advocating for healthy
public policies (e.g. using stories from patients to help
advocate for policies that address SDOH, making decision-
makers aware of the research on the links between socioe-
conomic factors and health). In Social justice: a means to an
end, an end in itself (CNA 2006a), it is proposed that, in
order to put social justice into practice, the nursing profession
must work towards 10 specific attributes, including ‘projects,
programmes and/or structural reforms of an economic,
political or social nature that reduce poverty, increase the
overall standard of living and/or increase the participation of
the poor in social and political life’ (p. 14).
The CNA’s (2002) Code of Ethics for Registered Nurses
also provides some support for PHNs’ role in addressing
poverty. It suggests that nurses should promote social justice
by advocating for health and social conditions that allow
persons to live and die with dignity, and encourages nurses ‘to
the extent possible in their personal circumstances to work
individually as citizens or collectively for policies and proce-
dures to bring about social change…’ (e15). However, these
statements are buried within a much larger discussion of the
need for nurses to ensure equity and fairness in the allocation
of healthcare services. Advocacy for an equitable allocation of
social and economic resources needed for health is not
presented explicitly as an ethical responsibility of the nurse.
A recent CNA (2006b) discussion paper on the ethical
challenges of PHN practice is a welcome development in
terms of recognizing that ethical considerations in public
health practice (where concern for the common good is the
prime motivating principle) are often very different from
those in other areas of nursing (where concern for individual
rights and autonomy takes precedence). The discussion
paper acknowledges the need for public health practice to
be informed by ‘advocacy ethics’, which considers the
interests of populations, particularly the powerless and
oppressed. Unfortunately, the concept of advocacy ethics in
the context of public health nursing practice is not elabor-
ated upon, nor is there any reference to the PHN role in
advocacy to reduce poverty or related conditions (e.g.
unaffordable housing and food insecurity) that are root
causes of ill health.
At the provincial/territorial level – where responsibility for
regulation and licensing of nurses resides – standards for
nursing practice and/or entry-level competencies for nurses
provide only lukewarm support for nurses’ role in addressing
poverty. We reviewed standards/competencies for all prov-
inces and territories (except Quebec) (see Table 1). We found
no references to addressing the SDOH in any of the
‘standards for nursing practice’. Entry-level competencies in
six provinces (British Columbia, Manitoba, Nova Scotia,
Ontario, Prince Edward Island, Newfoundland/Labrador)
and two territories (NWT, Nunavut) refer to the need to
consider broad determinants of health in nursing practice;
however, there are no references to competencies related to
interventions to address SDOH such as poverty. In these
documents, references to nurses’ advocacy role is limited to
advocacy for clients’ rights related to healthcare needs; there
are no references to nurses’ role in advocacy for public
policies that influence population health.
The strongest support for nurses’ role in addressing poverty
comes from the Community Health Nurses Association of
Canada (CHNAC) (2003), which has developed Standards of
Practice that become basic practice expectations after 2 years
of experience in any of the domains of practice, education,
administration or research. Some of the nursing actions and
responsibilities identified in the Standards include identifying
and seeking to address root causes of illness and disease;
identifying which determinants of health require action/
change to promote health; promoting social responsibility for
health; applying principles of social justice and engaging in
advocacy in support of those who are as yet unable to take
action for themselves; and supporting community action to
influence policy change in support of health. The Standards
also state that the community health nurse has ‘an advocacy
function in creating policy, system and resource allocation
change (class advocacy) to increase opportunities for health
within society’ (p. 6).
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Theory–practice gap
In spite of historical, theoretical and professional support for
the role of PHNs in addressing poverty, there is relatively little
empirical evidence documenting Canadian PHNs’ efforts to
engage in this role in practice. This is not to say that poverty-
related issues are not important or recognized by PHNs. On
the contrary, several studies of PHN practice in Canada
indicate that working with individuals, families and groups
who are vulnerable due to a variety of social determinants
such as poverty and social exclusion is an important part of
their role (Reutter & Ford 1996, Falk-Rafael 1999,
MacDonald & Schoenfeld 2003, Meagher-Stewart & Aston
2004, Cohen 2006). The role of PHNs in providing support to
families at risk of poor infant/child health outcomes is well
documented (Kearney et al. 2000, Williamson & Drummond
2000, Jack et al. 2002, Drummond & Marcellus 2005).
However, there is a little discussion in the literature about a
formal PHN role in monitoring, alleviating and reducing child
and family poverty and its related conditions. Few studies
have explored the extent to which PHNs engage in policy
advocacy and social action strategies that challenge and
attempt to modify socioeconomic and political conditions that
contribute to health inequities, and there is some indication
that involvement in such activities is limited (Williamson &
Drummond 2000).
This limited involvement has been associated with a
number of factors, including PHNs’ perception that they
lack the requisite knowledge and skills (and/or personality) to
engage in these types of activities; belief in personal respon-
sibility for health; lack of time, often due to the demands of
expanding mandatory programmes; lack of support/encour-
agement from managers (who may lack appropriate know-
ledge and skills as well); an organizational philosophy that
Table 1 List of Canadian Nurses’ Organization Regulations Consulted
Name of organization Details of publication
Alberta Association of Registered Nurses
(AARN)
Professional Conduct: Nursing Practice Standards. AARN, Edmonton, AB, 1999
Association of Nurses of Prince Edward
Island (ANPEI)
Standards for Nursing Practice. ANPEI, Charlottetown, PEI, 1999
Entry-level Competencies for Registered Nurses in the Year 2001. ANPEI,
Charlottetown, PEI, 1999
Association of Registered Nurses of
Newfoundland and Labrador (ARNNL)
Standards for Nursing Practice in Newfoundland and Labrador. ARNNL,
St John’s, NFLD (n.d.)
Competencies Required by Registered Nurses for Entry to Practice, 2000–2001.
ARNNL, St John’s, NFLD, 1998
College and Association of Registered
Nurses of Alberta (CARNA)
Entry-to-Practice Competencies. CARNA, Edmonton, AB, 2005
College of Nurses of Ontario (CNO) Professional Standards. CNO, Toronto, ON, 2004
Entry to Practice Competencies for Ontario Registered Nurses as of January 1, 2005.
CNO, Toronto, ON, 2004
College of Registered Nurses of British
Columbia (CRNBC)
Professional Standards for Registered Nurses and Nurse Practitioners. CRNBC,
Vancouver, BC, 2005
College of Registered Nurses of Manitoba
(CRNM)
Standards of Practice for Registered Nurses. CRNM, Winnipeg, MB, 2004
Entry Level Competencies for Registered Nurses in Manitoba. CRNM,
Winnipeg, MB, 2004
College of Registered Nurses of
Nova Scotia (CRNNS)
Standards for Nursing Practice. CRNNS, Halifax, NS, 2003
Entry-level Competencies for Registered Nurses in Nova Scotia. CRNNS,
Halifax, NS, 2004
Northwest Territories Registered Nurses
Association (NWTRNA)
Entry-level Competencies for Registered Nurses in the Year 2002. NWTRNA,
Yellowknife, NWT, 2000
Standards of Practice for Registered Nurses. NWTRNA, Yellowknife, NWT, 2002
Nurses Association of New Brunswick
(NANB)
Standards for Nursing Practice. NANB, Fredericton, NB, 1998
Entry Level Competencies. NANB, Fredericton, NB, 2000
Registered Nurses Association of British
Columbia (RNABC)
Competencies Required of a New Graduate. Registered Nurses Association of
British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, 2000
Saskatchewan Registered Nurses’
Association (SRNA)
Standards and Foundation Competencies for the Practice of Registered Nurses.
Saskatchewan Registered Nurses’ Association, Regina, SK, 2000
Yukon Registered Nurses Association
(YRNA)
Standards for Registered Nursing Practice in the Yukon. Yukon Registered Nurses
Association, Whitehorse, YT, 2005
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100 � 2007 The Authors. Journal compilation � 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
does not promote these activities; workload measures that do
not capture these activities; narrow job descriptions; and
limited understanding/recognition among the public and
other health professionals about the potential role of the
PHN in these activities (Chalmers & Bramadat 1996, Leipert
1996, Reutter & Ford 1998, Meagher-Stewart 2001, Mac-
Donald & Schoenfeld 2003, Falk-Rafael 2005a, Cohen
2006).
A similar situation exists in the USA where, in spite of a
large body of literature describing the efforts of PHNs to
improve access to health services for under-serviced popula-
tions, there is evidence that most nurses are only minimally
involved in activities related to policy advocacy or social
action (Ballou 2000).
Moving forward: a framework for action
Blackburn (1992) has developed a useful framework that
outlines three broad roles for practitioners who work with
families living in poverty. Monitoring refers to gathering and
analysing information to assess the impact of poverty on
families. Alleviating and preventing involves helping families
to avoid and alleviate the effects of poverty. Bringing about
social change involves working for changes to team, organ-
izational, and government policies with the goal of reducing
or eliminating poverty. These roles can be carried out at
various levels of intervention: at the individual/family level; at
the neighbourhood/community level; and at the district/
regional level. Tables 2–4 outline activities/strategies within
each of the three broad roles that PHNs can use when
working with families living in poverty. A few salient issues
regarding each of the broad roles are discussed below.
Although some of the examples of activities (in the tables and
below) are taken from the Canadian context, the central
issues also will be relevant to PHNs elsewhere.
Monitoring
Public health nurses regularly encounter low-income families
in their work. As a result, they are in an ideal position to play
a vital monitoring role through assessing and recording the
effects of poverty on the health and well-being of children
and families. PHNs can provide information to local/regional
health authorities that ‘top down’ demographic and epide-
miological data can not capture, e.g. the living conditions of
families, their subjective experience of income, housing, and/
or food insecurity, and what families identify as their
personal and material support needs (including their need
for social services and child care services). In this way PHNs
can be ‘the eyes and ears’ of the poor, giving a voice to the
Table 2 Public health nurses’ monitoring role in addressing child and
family poverty
Monitoring: gathering and analysing information to assess the impact
of poverty on children and their families through:
• Poverty and health profiling (assessment)
• Monitoring and evaluating effectiveness of service provision in
meeting needs of low-income families
• Monitoring how specific non-health-sector policies affect families
(e.g. minimum wage, child care and housing)
• Monitoring how specific health-sector policies affect families (e.g.
Healthy Living)
Adapted from Blackburn (1992).
Table 3 Public health nurses’ role in alleviating child and family
poverty
Alleviating: helping families to avoid and alleviate the effects of
poverty through:
• Helping families to maximize income levels (e.g. helping families to
claim benefits)
• Case advocacy (e.g. with the Department of Child and Family
Services)
• Improving access to early childhood development services for poor
families, especially those at risk for poor child health outcomes (e.g.
Head Start, Baby First)
• Minimizing the financial and emotional costs of using services (e.g.
by offering them in easily accessible venues, at convenient times,
and in a format that is culturally and socially acceptable to different
ethnic and social groups
• Providing information about services (e.g. low-cost recreational or
parent support programmes), particularly about how to use and get
access to them
• Targeting resources to those with greatest needs
• Providing support and working in partnership with individuals and
groups
Adapted from Blackburn (1992).
Table 4 Public health nurses’ role in bringing about social change
Bringing about social change: working for changes to team, local,
regional, and/or national policies through:
• Using empowering strategies with clients
• Initiating community discussion (directly or through use of the
media) about how poverty affects child and family health and how
policies can lock families into poverty
• Taking every opportunity to get the issue of child and family
poverty on the agenda of PHNs’ professional associations, their
employers, and their community partners
• Working with intra- and inter-sectoral partners for the development
of policies that decrease child and family poverty (e.g. employment
and education programs, living wages and adequate welfare in-
comes, child tax credits, access to affordable childcare and afford-
able housing)
• Transferring knowledge, skills, and control to local people so that
they have the information and resources to challenge the social and
economic causes of poverty themselves
Adapted from Blackburn (1992).
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effects that poverty has on health (Doult 1998). While
poverty monitoring, or profiling, has received little attention
in the discourse on PHN role development in North America,
it has received significant attention in the UK, where it is
considered a professional responsibility of community health
nurses (Royal College of Nursing 1996).
Blackburn discusses the practitioner’s role in monitoring
and evaluating the effectiveness of service provision, noting
that evaluation is the only consistent way to learn whether,
on balance, the strategies and responses of the health system
to family poverty are positive and achieving their intent. It
could be added that evaluation is also the only way to learn
whether public health programmes address the needs of low-
income families. For example, many public health depart-
ments in Canada are initiating programmes under the
‘Healthy Living’ initiative (Public Health Agency of Canada
2005). One of the stated goals of this initiative is to reduce
inequalities in health (including those related to socio-
economic status), yet concern has been expressed that the
definition of ‘Healthy Living’ makes no reference to condi-
tions of daily life as determinants of health, reducing the
focus to health-related behaviours (Raphael & Bryant 2006).
In its recent Annual Report, the Health Council of Canada
(2006) concluded that the targets set by the ‘Healthy Living’
initiative fail to address inequalities in health. PHNs are in an
ideal position to provide valuable information regarding the
effectiveness of ‘Healthy Living’ strategies in addressing the
needs of children and families living in poverty.
Another monitoring activity in which PHNs can engage,
alluded to by Blackburn, is the creation of ‘health impact
assessment groups’ (our term) to monitor how specific
policies (related to child care, housing, social assistance,
employment, taxation, etc.) affect children and families. An
example of this type of activity occurring among health
visitors in the UK is assigning each nurse in a team to monitor
and periodically report about a specific policy area (Rayner
2003).
The information provided by PHNs through their monit-
oring role can help validate existing research that documents
the impact of poverty and related public policies on child/
family health (e.g. Rude & Thompson 2001, Kerr et al. 2004,
Williamson et al. 2005), and identify the need for further
research. Nurses’ monitoring efforts also form the basis of the
next two areas of work.
Alleviating/preventing
Activities within this role are aimed at helping families to
alleviate or minimize the effects of poverty. The majority of
these activities relate to developing, or increasing, access to
services for low-income families. For example, informing
low-income parents about how to access health and social
services and programmes is an important part of PHNs’ day-
to-day work (Cohen 2003). Facilitating the creation and
operation of community gardens, community kitchens, and
early childhood development initiatives are other examples of
the ways that PHNs can alleviate the effects of poverty on
low-income families. This role can also involve ‘case advo-
cacy’ on an ad hoc basis, where the PHN intervenes on behalf
of a client who is unable (perhaps due to illiteracy or feelings
of powerlessness) to negotiate ‘red tape’ with a particular
government service. In the UK, where many people are
missing out on benefits to which they are entitled, health
visitors are actively involved in helping families to claim
eligible social service benefits (Hoskins & Lakey 1997,
Greasley 2005). Kniepp (2000) discusses community health
nurses’ role in the USA in screening women on welfare who
may be at risk for poor health outcomes and referral to
welfare advocates; otherwise, PHNs’ involvement in welfare
benefits screening/advocacy has received little attention in the
North American nursing literature.
Bringing about social change
Public health nurses have an important role to play in
bringing about social change to reduce child poverty. At the
individual level, using empowering methods of practice is one
way that PHNs can contribute to social change, the assump-
tion being that empowered clients may then have the
confidence, knowledge and skills to engage in community
initiatives to change social and economic policies that
contribute to poverty (Blackburn 1992). However, interven-
tions at the neighbourhood and regional levels will have a
greater effect. For example, Blackburn suggests that nurses
can initiate public discussions on the health effects of poverty
and how policies (e.g. inadequate social assistance rates, lack
of subsidized child care) can lock families into poverty. They
can support local anti-poverty groups, get family poverty on
the agenda of their professional organizations, and use the
media to increase awareness. The information gathered by
PHNs from their monitoring activities could be used by
health regions to advocate for healthy public policies with
appropriate government levels and private sector organiza-
tions, to support community groups who advocate for these
policies, and to inform the public (via the media and other
forms of communication) about the impact of poverty on
child and family health.
Policy advocacy is best done collectively and may be
especially useful in situations where nurses do not have
organizational support for an advocacy role. Nursing organ-
B.E. Cohen and L. Reutter
102 � 2007 The Authors. Journal compilation � 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
izations are particularly well positioned in this regard as they
have power in numbers, organizational infrastructure, and
political linkages and knowledge. Moreover, these organiza-
tions are often called on to respond to draft documents
regarding potential policy changes and they may in turn
consult with their members before submitting their response
(see, for example, the list of consultation documents on the
UK Royal College of Nursing’s website at http://www.
man.ac.uk/rcn/policy/rcncons.html). Yet, in many countries
including Canada, nursing organizations are not as likely to
engage in advocacy for specific social policy that influences
health (i.e. healthy public policy) as they are for healthcare
policy. A notable exception in Canada is the Registered
Nurses Association of Ontario, which has made efforts to
influence policy in such areas as homelessness, social exclu-
sion, inadequate welfare support and minimum wages (see
their website at http://www.rnao.org). Several nursing organ-
izations (e.g. CNA, College and Association of Registered
Nurses of Alberta) have excellent information on their
websites about strategies that would assist individual nurses
to engage in policy advocacy in their own jurisdictions.
Beyond nursing organizations, PHNs can also work colla-
boratively with other professionals through multi-disciplin-
ary organizations such as public health associations (e.g.
Canadian Public Health Association and its provincial/
territorial affiliates).
Prerequisites for role development
There are three prerequisites for developing PHNs’ role in
addressing CFP.
Appropriate knowledge and skills
Blackburn (1992) suggests that nurses need to have
comprehensive knowledge about several issues related to
CFP, including: how poverty in general, and CFP in
particular, is defined and measured; the most recent data
regarding the prevalence of CFP in their regions and those
most at risk; and the most recent evidence regarding the
link between poverty and child/family health and well-
being. We suggest that they also need to be knowledgeable
about current social and economic policies that might be
affecting child/family health, current initiatives in their
community/region to address CFP, potential partners with
whom to collaborate, public understandings of CFP and its
effects, public opinion regarding desired/proposed policy
changes, and the political dynamics of their community/
region that might influence (either hinder or facilitate)
action to address CFP.
However, knowledge on its own may not be sufficient.
Empirical evidence suggests that many PHNs are familiar
with the concepts and principles related to advocacy for
healthy public policy (and other population-level health
promotion strategies), but they do not feel that they have
the skills to apply their theoretical knowledge due to lack of
practice opportunities during their clinical education or
current clinical work (Cohen 2006). Although there is
increasing emphasis on policy advocacy in nursing curricula
(Rains & Carroll 2000, Reutter et al. 2000, Reutter &
Duncan 2002), there is also a need to provide practicing
PHNs with opportunities for continuing education and
practice in these areas.
Appropriate values, beliefs, attitudes
Public health nurses’ ability to address CFP effectively will
require that they place a high value on social justice and
equity, support structural explanations of poverty, believe
that social/political action is a legitimate part of their role,
and have a positive attitude towards individuals living in
poverty. For example, Blackburn (1992) notes the evidence
that health and social service practitioners may find it easier
to redefine financial and material problems as issues of
personal or emotional inadequacy rather than taking into
account structural explanations. Opportunities for PHNs to
explore their values, beliefs and attitudes related to CFP on a
regular basis are essential.
Organizational commitment
Ultimately, the ability of PHNs to fulfil their potential role in
addressing CFP will depend on the support that they receive
from their employers. Without organizational commitment to
put poverty on the central agenda of public health work, even
the most well-intentioned PHNs may be unable to engage
successfully in this type of work. Public health organizations
may be reluctant to challenge government policies when they
depend on government funding; however, there are good
examples of Canadian public health agencies that have not
shied away from an anti-poverty advocacy role (Raphael
2003). Organizational commitment must include resources to
enhance knowledge and skills, and organizational policies
and processes that support PHNs’ work in this area. An
encouraging development in this regard is a recent discussion
paper (Lefebvre et al. 2006), which argues for the integration
of social and economic determinants of health into the formal
mandate of the Ontario public health system, and emphasizes
the need for capacity-building at the level of local boards of
health and public health staff. In Canada, the health sector’s
JAN: THEORETICAL PAPER Addressing child and family poverty
� 2007 The Authors. Journal compilation � 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd 103
role in addressing poverty reduction has been limited (Will-
iamson 2001).
According to Blackburn (1992) the key to success in
developing the capacity of frontline practitioners to address
family poverty is team effort. She notes that traditional
approaches to staff development and training provide limited
opportunities for health (and other social service) workers to
explore practice issues together as a team. ‘Putting poverty on
the central agenda of health and welfare work requires teams
to examine together the issue and what it means for their
collective and individual practice’ (p. 3). The idea that teams,
not individuals, are the fundamental learning unit in an
organization, and that the most successful learners use
collective strategies that involve colleagues, staff, supervisors
and clients as co-learners, has led to several action research
initiatives to address poverty (Bond 1997). Intersectoral
collaboration with relevant stakeholders is crucial; involving
low-income people is key to ensure relevancy and can be
empowering (Reutter et al. 2005). Blackburn’s (1992) train-
ing handbook provides a step-by-step approach to team
learning and planning around issues of family poverty,
including exploring attitudes and clarifying views about
poverty. Development of similar capacity-building approa-
ches, adapted to the context of PHN practice in Canada (or
elsewhere), is essential.
Conclusion
There is historical, theoretical, and professional support for
PHNs’ role in addressing child and family poverty.
Although there is documented evidence of their role in
providing support and services to low-income families, there
is relatively little discussion in the literature about their
formal role in monitoring, alleviating, and reducing child
and family poverty and its related conditions. We recognize
that PHNs may be engaging in these activities and therefore
recommend that research be conducted to explore their
current role in addressing poverty in general, and CFP in
particular. Research is also urgently required to explore
strategies to build PHNs’ capacity to address poverty, with
particular emphasis on policy advocacy and social action
strategies. Developing capacity through team building and
team learning approaches with other sectors and profes-
sionals, and with low-income people, is a promising
approach. Given more organizational support and enhanced
knowledge and skills, PHNs could be playing a greater role
in working collaboratively with others to make child and
family poverty history.
Author contributions
BC was responsible for the study conception and design and
the drafting of the manuscript. BC performed the data
collection and data analysis. BC and LR made critical
revisions to the paper.
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