CYPRIAN ON APOSTASY AND UNITY: CYPRIAN’S MESSAGE TO THE MODERNCHURCH

Justin EimersHistory of the Christianity I

December 8, 2012

INTRODUCTION

The influence of Cyprian of Carthage is felt to this day in

some of the doctrines and theologies of the Roman Catholic Church

on penance and church unity. Many have believed that because of

this influence Protestants can take little to nothing away from

what Cyprian has to say (especially since Protestantism is a

schism of Roman Catholicism). However, in doing this the

Protestant church cheats itself out of understanding how the

church learned both how to deal with intense pressure due to

persecution, as well as a working practical theology on a unified

Christianity. To do this a walkthrough of Cyprian’s ministry is

necessary so that his writings may be given context and in turn

meaning to a modern audience that at times is grossly

disinterested to it’s ancient forbearers wisdom.

BEFORE DECIUS

The church (for a time) experienced relative peace and

growth from 211-250 CE.1 A brief persecution under Maximinus did

1 Everett Ferguson, Church History Volume 1: From Christ to the Reformation, (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2005): 160. Roldanus puts this closer to 215-249 CE, Johannes Roldanus, “No Easy Reconciliation: St. Cyprian On Conditions for Re-Integration of the Lapsed,” JTSA, no. 92 (Spring, 1995): 24.

1

take place in 235 CE but it was largely regionalized and very

short lived.2 Roman policies on Christians had not changed from

the time of Trajan when it had become the practice of the empire

to execute Christians if they were found out.3 This being said

peace was the general theme for this period as Rome was dealing

with other more pressing needs. Frend puts the predicament of the

Roman Empire like this, “At one time or another in the period of

235-270, Rome lost the command of the Mediterranean to Visigoths

and the Heruls, saw successively the Rhine, Danube and Euphrates

frontiers overwhelmed, and the barbarians press into Gaul, Spain,

Greece and Asia Minor, while her currency dissolved in an

inflation more in keeping with the Modern than the Ancient

World.”4

Rome was in dire straights and so it is no surprise that for

this period it was relatively disinterested in Christianity. This

period of growth became especially prominent under Alexander

2 W.H.C Frend, Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church (Cambridge, UK: James Clark and Co. ltd, 2008): 390.3

? Ferguson, Church History, 160. 4 Frend, Martyrdom, 389.

2

Severus due to his love of philosophy and religious teachers5,

and Philip the Arab whom Eusebius seemed to think was a Christian

although it was more likely because of his wife Octacila Severa’s

correspondences with Origen.6 During this period under Philip as

recorded by both Eusebius and Origen, the church grew immensely.

In fact, the growth was so massive that Origen wrote that, “…

there are not laborers enough to gather in the harvest of souls,

there really is nevertheless such a great harvest of those who

are gathered together and conveyed into the everywhere existing

threshing-floors and Churches of God.”7

It was also at this time that Cyprian came to Christ circa

246 CE.8 His education and social standing almost immediately put

him to the position of presbyter and then in 248 CE he was made

Bishop of Carthage.9 This quick ascension to prominence within

5 Ferguson, Church History, 160.6

? Frend, Martyrdom, 397.

7 Origen, Origen Against Celsus 1.43 (ANF 4:415).8

? Trevor A. Hart, The Dictionary of Historical Theology (Carlisle, Cumbria, U.K.: Paternoster Press, 2000): 144.

9 Ferguson, Church History, 164.

3

the Carthaginian Church garnered him some enemies within the

clergy that would later come to haunt him in his ministry.10

While the Church flourished, the Empire floundered, as it

would appear that Philip’s reign was not intended to last as long

as Origen and others would have hoped. The economic and military

situation of Rome was far from ordinary, as Philip had to levy

heavy taxes on the eastern provinces in order to pay huge

reparations to Sapor, which he agreed to in 244 CE.11 This in

combination with mounting aggression from the Persians and Goths

and his allegiance to Osrehoene (a Christian Kingdom) and Fabian

Bishop of Rome soon made the Roman people as well as the frontier

armies tired of Philip. In 249 CE, Philip’s army was defeated and

he was killed in Verona.12 This lead to Decius’s rise to power as

Emperor in 249 CE as well as a newfound persecution against the

Church that was unprecedented in scope in all of the Church’s

history.13

10 Hart, The Dictionary of Historical Theology, 144.11 Ibid., 404.

12 Ibid., 404. 13

? Johannes Roldanus, “No Easy Reconciliation: St. Cyprian On Conditions for Re-Integration of the Lapsed,” JTSA, no. 92 (Spring, 1995): 24.

4

DECIAN PERSECUTION

Origen in 248 CE could tell that things were not going to be

as easy in the near future by writing, “And it is probable that

the secure existence, so far as regards the world, enjoyed by

believers at present, will come to an end, since those who

calumniate Christianity in every way are again attributing the

present frequency of rebellion to the multitude of believers, and

to their not being persecuted by the authorities as in old

times.”14

Origen in writing this unknowingly foreshadows both the

intention and motive of Imperial actions for the next decade.

Rome saw the church as a threat and in some cases believed it to

be a direct violation of Roman power and authority as many saw it

as an “imperium in Imperio”.15 Eusebius believed that Decius

persecuted the Church out of his hatred for Philip.16 The more

probable reason was the Decius was a devout pagan who believed

that Rome’s failure to honor traditional Roman values was the

14

? Origen, Origen Against Celsus 3.15 (ANF 4:470).15 John Foster, The First Advance: Church History 1, AD 29-500, ed. W.H.C. Frend

(London, UK: SPCK, 1991): 78.

16 Eusebius, H.E. 6.39.1 (NPNF2 1.280).

5

reason for their failures. This meant that Decius wanted Rome and

all of the empire to be following in the Roman tradition of

worshiping to the government sanctioned gods of the Roman

pantheon to regain their favor. It is obvious then that Decius

considered the church to be a threat not just because of its

organization and wealth but also because it worshipped a god that

was neither sanctioned nor recognized by the empire.17

Whatever the reason in late 249 CE Decius issued an edict

commanding that every citizen of Rome sacrifice to the Roman gods

or face a stiff penalty. To be sure that every citizen was

complying with the order Decius had certificates given to each

person sacrificing so that the local authorities would know who

had complied with the order and who had not. While this original

edict was likely aimed at every citizen it seemed to be made to

immediately affect the higher clergy of the church. Fabian

(Bishop of Rome) was executed January 20, 250 for his refusal to

sacrifice, and soon after province-by-province the edict swept

over the empire affecting every Christian.18 17

? François Decret, Early Christianity In North Africa, trans. Edward Smither (Eugene, OR: Cascade Books, 2009): 49-50. 18

6

Having seen this, Cyprian thought it wisest to leave

Carthage and hideout somewhere outside of the city, a move that

was heavily criticized. It is interesting to note that Cyprian

just as the Decian edict was about to fall upon his church

noticed, “Each one was desirous of increasing his estate; and

forgetful of what believers had either done before in the times

of the apostles, or always ought to do, they, with the insatiable

ardour of covetousness, devoted themselves to the increase of

their property.”19 This is a less that flattering picture of

Cyprian’s flock but it appears he knew that the damage done to

the church was going to be massive as Christians had become lazy

and comfortable. All throughout the empire, Christians were

persecuted and as a result, many turned away from the faith, some

of them not even needing to be brought before the officials but

sacrificing of their own free will. Cyprian writes of this

lamenting in disbelief,

Immediately at the first words of the threatening foe, the greatest number of the brethren betrayed their faith, and were cast down, not by the onset of persecution, but cast themselves down by voluntary lapse... They indeed did not wait to be apprehended ere they ascended, or to be ? Ibid., 50.19 Cyprian of Carthage, On the Lapsed 6 (ANF 5:438).

7

interrogated ere they denied. Many were conquered before thebattle, prostrated before the attack. Nor did they even leave it to be said for them, that they seemed to sacrifice to idols unwillingly. They ran to the market place of their own accord; freely they hastened to death, as if they had formerly wished it, as if they would embrace an opportunity now given which they had always desired.20

It does not appear as though this woeful apostasy was

unexpected and yet one can still sense the emotion of betrayal

and disbelief in the writing of Cyprian. With the exception of a

few a good majority of the church in Carthage including clergy

had apostatized. While this was troubling to Cyprian his work as

Bishop of Carthage was far from over as he was helping the

remaining faithful smuggle goods and food into prison to abate

the suffering of those who had refused to sacrifice. It appears

that the Romans in this persecution did not authorize the use of

deadly punishment but would only jail, starve, and torture

Christians until they made the decision to sacrifice. The point

of the persecution was not to exterminate Christians (as has been

stated by some) but to create converts to the imperial faiths,

not martyrs.21

20

? Cyprian of Carthage, On the Lapsed 7-8 (ANF 5:438-439.)21

? Decret and Smither, Early Christianity, 54.

8

As time went on there were an increasing number of apostates

who requested to come back into the communion of the Church.

During Cyprian’s absence, these individuals were allowed back

into the Church with a simple certificate given to them by the

“confessors” (those who had rejected sacrifice) of the faith. The

confessors had begun to believe themselves important and in so

doing had believed themselves worthy of the authority of

forgiving sins. Cyprian at hearing this sends a letter to

Carthage encouraging his flock to wait until the persecution has

ended so that the bishops could convene in a council and decide

whether or not the lapsi as they had come to be called could come

back into the Church and under what circumstances.22 The threat

of persecution decreased significantly in late 250 however due to

a Vandal attack on the Danube and a little after Easter of the

following year Cyprian returned to Carthage and shortly after

this Decius died and with him any fervor to renew the edict of

persecution.23

22 Christopher A. Hall, Learning Theology with the Church Fathers (Downers Grove,IL: IVP Academic, 2002): 235. 23

? Decret and Smither, Early Christianity, 55.

9

THE LAPSED

Upon his return Cyprian fulfilled his promise to his laity

and convened a council on the matter of the lapsi. The accused

fell in one of two categories of which one category had two

within it. The first category was the sacrificati or those who had

sacrificed to the Roman gods. Another category of this, which

more than likely fell to the poorer of the lapsi, was thurificati,

which were those who burned incense to the gods.24 The second

category was the libellaciti or those who had bought certificates

without actually paying homage or sacrificing to the gods.25 The

council’s decision for the libellaciti was that their punishment fit

the amount of pressure they were under to buy the certificates.

The sacrificati (which also includes the thurificati) might be admitted

now at death if penance had been done. These orders after a year

were relaxed even more.26 It is interesting to note that Cyprian

does not come down on a position so firmly in that he accuses

anyone of heresy in being either a laxi (those who believed that

24

? Ibid., 51.25

? Ibid., 52. 26 Frend, Martyrdom, 416.

10

lapsed Christians should be allowed back into the community of

faith with no proofs of repentance) or the rigorists (those who

believed that no penance or repentance would allow the lapsed

back into the fold of God).

Once more, the council also decided that if a clergyman had

been found amongst the lapsed that while being readmitted to the

communion of believers after a time they could not hold any

office of ministry. In fact in a letter written while in exile he

leaves the matter in the hands of a trusted clergyman

Caldonius.27 Despite Cyprian’s grace on the matter Felicissimus,

a deacon and predominant leader decided that he would create his

own church, which he called the, “church on the mountain.”28 He

did this under the guise of being a laxi but in reality, he was

one of the clergy/laypersons who had thought that Cyprian had

risen to prominence within the church too soon and saw the

opportunity to take the episcopate from Cyprian. His plan

backfired as while on the way to Rome he was both excommunicated

in North Africa and found out by Cornelius who agreed with the 27

? Cyprian, Epistle 18 (ANF 5: 297).28

? Decret and Smither, Early Christianity, 57.

11

African council’s decision and excommunicated him.29 Not only is

there a laxi community, but in Rome also there was a rigorist

community lead by Novatian.

In 254, Cornelius passed and Stephan became Bishop of Rome.

Almost immediately Cyprian recognized that his comfortable

relationship with Rome was likely over when he received a

communication from a couple of Spanish churches that Stephan had

readmitted two lapsed bishops back to their previous sees. In

their letter, they ask for Cyprian’s opinion. The African Church

responded by convening another council on the matter and in doing

so again condemned the practice of admittance to the episcopacy

those whom had lapsed from the faith. 30 After the decision was

reached, Cyprian and the African council sent a letter to Stephen

telling him of their findings and their decision that these

bishops would not be readmitted to leadership. As more time went

on Cyprian’s position (regardless of 2 council losses [255, 256])

seemed all but cemented as Frend states, “The Novatianists were

taught that puritanism without organization was of no avail, and

29

? Ibid., 57.30 Ibid., 60.

12

Stephen was left in no doubt that the tradition of the African

Church was now irrevocably that of the Elect opposing the world

and its allies.”31 Not only this but Cyprian also had in

agreement with his position the Eastern Church represented by

Firmilian of Cappadocia, and Dionysius of Alexandria.32 Through

this controversy, Cyprian does something almost completely new

with his ecclesiology and according to Harnack through Taylor’s

observation; “The practice of absolving these sinners was

according to him, a gradual growth which marked a fundamental

change in the very concept of the Church.”33

ON UNITY

Cyprian now has two communities claiming to be the true

church. Both communities have left the Catholic Church due to

doctrinal differences on how to deal with the issue of the lapsi.

31

? Frend, Martyrdom, 421. 32

? Ibid., 421. 33

? John Hammond Taylor, “St. Cyprian and the Reconciliation of Apostates,” TS 3, no. 1 (Fall, 1942): 28.

13

What is interesting is that Cyprian had allowed for flexibility

in the exercise of these new policies on the lapsed so it is more

likely that these schisms are more politically motivated than

spiritually motivated. Cyprian in dealing with Novatian in

particular he writes his treatise “On the Unity of the Church”.

In this Cyprian lays out just how damaging a schism is and why

those who reject the Church reject God. Cyprian in this treatise

makes a statement that has resonated with Roman Catholics and

Protestants alike. In it he states, “He can no longer have God

for his Father, who has not the Church for his mother.”34 These

powerful words force all Christians to look at whether or not

they can be a Christian apart from God’s people. In his treatise

Cyprian also uses Matthew 12:30 as Jesus says, “Whoever is not

with me is against me, and whoever does not gather with me

scatters.” For Cyprian this made the matter relatively clear,

those who stood against Christ’s Church stood against him and as

a result, they would scatter.

Cyprian does not stop here however but also condemns those

who are taking part in these schisms but he comes down even

34 Cyprian of Carthage, On the Unity of the Church 6 (ANF 5:423).

14

harder on those leading these schisms (like Novatian) by writing,

“And does any one believe that this unity which thus comes from

the divine strength and coheres in celestial sacraments, can be

divided in the Church, and can be separated by the parting

asunder of opposing wills? He who does not hold this unity does

not hold God’s law, does not hold the faith of the Father and the

Son, does not hold life and salvation.”35 For Cyprian the

preservation of the unity of the Church is a sacred duty of every

Christian and for Christians to break that unity is to break

themselves away from God himself.

Cyprian knowing his adversary moves to his next point, which

is actually a rebuttal of an argument that Cyprian is expecting.

In this he brings up Matthew 18:20 which reads, “For where two or

three are gathered in my name, there am I among them.” Cyprian

then calls for the schismatics to read the verse within its

proper context saying to them, “Corrupters and false interpreters

of the Gospel quote the last words, and lay aside the former

ones, remembering part, and craftily suppressing part: as they

themselves are separated from the Church, so they cut off the 35

? Cyprian of Carthage, On the Unity of the Church 6 (ANF 5:423).

15

substance of one section.”36 Verse 19 before 20 states, “Again I

say to you, if two of you agree on earth about anything they ask,

it will be done for them by my Father in heaven.” Here again we

see the craftiness of Cyprian as he points out that unity in

Christ is a prerequisite for the presence of God and since they

(the Novatianists) had broken off from the one true Church they

in reality were apostates of the faith themselves. By 255 CE, the

Novatianists requested to be brought back into the Catholic

Church.37

CONCLUSION

At the end of it all Cyprian in 258 CE was martyred in

the persecution under Valerian.38 It was a life well lived and a

ministry well served. In just ten years Cyprian changed how the

church both saw itself in terms of how it forgave its congregates

and gained a new and affective weapon in battling those who

wished to break away from the Church and create their own schism.

The question out of all of this however is regarding what this

36 Cyprian of Carthage, On the Unity of the Church 12 (ANF 5:425).37

? Decret and Smither, Early Christianity, 58. 38

? Frend, Martyrdom, 427.

16

says to the modern Evangelical Church. In retrospect, perhaps

Cyprian’s understanding of penance and repentance should be taken

to heart.

Another lesson that can be learned is from the Carthaginian

Church’s massive apostasy. The Church at that time had been at

relative peace for almost 40 years with the exception of a

minimal persecution here or there. The American Church has been

as peace for far longer. Is it equipped to disciple Christians in

a way that if something were to happen and a massive persecution

of Christians occurred that there wouldn’t be a massive apostasy?

These questions are ones that need to be pondered by the American

Church. With the ever increasing hostility of American culture

against orthodox Judeo-Christian faith it is time that the Church

not be lazy but do as Origen said, “…we have learned from the

Gospel neither to relax our efforts in days of peace, and to give

ourselves up to repose, nor, when the world makes war upon us, to

become cowards, and apostatize from the love of the God of all

things which is in Jesus Christ.” 39

39 Origen, Origen Against Celsus 3.15 (ANF 4:470).

17

The last lesson to take from Cyprian is the importance of

Christian unity. While the Church today looks very different from

the early church in which Cyprian lived, it is still important

that she come together in love and unity. This may not be

accomplished in a complete communion of doctrine and theology but

can occur in service to each other and our neighbors. If the

church does these simple things, it will find itself in a state

far more prepared for the realities of hardship than it currently

is.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, Second Series,

Volume I: Eusebius: Church History, Life of Constantine the Great, and Oration in Praise of Constantine. Edited by Schaff, Philip and Henry Wace. New York: Christian Literature Company, 1890.

Decret, François. Early Christianity In North Africa. Translated by Edward Smither. Eugene,

OR: Cascade Books, 2009.

18

Ferguson, Everett. Church History Volume 1: From Christ to the Reformation. Grand Rapids,

MI: Zondervan, 2005.

Foster, John. The First Advance: Church History 1, AD 29-500. Edited by W.H.C. Frend.

London, UK: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1991.

Frend, W.H.C. Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church. Cambridge, UK: James Clark

and Co. Ltd, 2008.

Hall, Christopher A. Learning Theology with the Church Fathers. Downers Grove, IL: IVP

Academic, 2002.

Hart, Trevor A. The Dictionary of Historical Theology. Carlisle, Cumbria, U.K.: Paternoster

Press, 2000.

Roldanus, Johannes. “No Easy Reconciliation: St. Cyprian On Conditions for Re-Integration

of the Lapsed.” Journal of Theology for South Africa, no. 92 (Spring,1995): 23-31.

Taylor, John Hammond. “St. Cyprian and the Reconciliation of Apostates.” Theological

Studies 3, no. 1 (Fall, 1942): 27-46.

The Ante-Nicene Fathers, Volume IV: Fathers of the Third Century: Tertullian, Part Fourth;

Minucius Felix; Commodian; Origen, Parts First and Second. Edited by Roberts,

Alexander, James Donaldson and A. Cleveland Coxe. Buffalo, NY: Christian Literature Company, 1885.

The Ante-Nicene Fathers, Volume V: Fathers of the Third Century: Hippolytus, Cyprian,

19

Novatian, Appendix. Edited by Roberts, Alexander, James Donaldson and A. Cleveland

Coxe. Buffalo, NY: Christian Literature Company, 1886.

20