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Crime and Victimisation: The Experiences of British

Pakistanis in Scotland

As noted by Gilroy (2000), the term ‘race’ is a relatively new one. Although theories about

skin colour and the meanings it brings have a long history, the idea of ‘race’ was mainly

established through the work of influential writers and philosophers of the enlightenment

period, (see for example Kant, 1960), who insisted on Europe’s racial and cultural

superiority. The origins of interest in race and crime can be found in the work of Cesare

Lombroso, who theorised that certain physical features were automatic signs of a link to

deviant behaviour (Burke, 2001). Undoubtedly, this type of criminological theory might

appear to be simple minded today, with Bowling and Phillips (2002) for example even

challenging the existence of race and arguing that just like crime it is a socially constructed

concept. Nevertheless, race and crime is still a hugely debated topic, with much written

about the race-crime in England being a much written about topic. However, there appears

to be little written about race and crime in Scotland, perhaps due to the population of

ethnic minorities being much lower than in England. This essay will give an account of the

experiences of British Pakistanis in relation to crime and victimisation. Furthermore, the

findings will attempt to be placed within the broad theoretical framework that surrounds

the link between race and crime in the field of criminology.

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History and Demographics

It is known that people from the Indian sub-continent have been settling in the UK, at least

temporarily, since as early as the seventeenth century. However, the biggest modern-day

mass immigration from Pakistan to the UK came in the 1950s and 60s (Macey, 2002). With

huge labour shortages following WW2, many Pakistanis saw an opportunity to work and

save money for them and their families, with the wages in the UK at the time being around

thirty times higher than in Pakistan (Shaw, 2000).

Since then, the Pakistani population in the UK has risen to 747,285 and become 4th highest

ethnic group in the UK, making up around 1.3% of the total population according to the

2001 census (Office for National Statistics, 2002). However in Scotland, British Pakistanis

make up just 0.63% of the population, or just over 30,000 people (McCrone and Bechhofer,

2008), compared to the 706,539 that reside in England (Office for national statistics, 2002).

This still makes the Pakistani population the largest ethnic group in Scotland after those

from white backgrounds, with most families living in Glasgow and other urban areas (Kidd

and Jamieson, 2011).

Using Official statistics on crime and criminalisation

The most obvious way of assessing the relationship between any ethnicity and crime is to

look at the official statistics, hence why so much research has rested so heavily upon them.

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Before beginning however, it is worth understanding that although this essay is an attempt

to understand the experiences of British Pakistanis, much of the official statistics and

research do not assess such a specific ethnic group. Although some statistics and research

will refer specifically to ‘Pakistani’ or ‘British Pakistani’, others will only speak of the broader

ethnic group of ‘Asian’. Official statistics about crime in Scotland are interestingly not

produced in the British Crime Survey (BCS), but have their own ‘Crime and Justice Statistics’.

The problem is that the Scottish Crime and Justice Statistics, as will be seen, do not possess

as much detail surrounding offending and victimisation as the British Crime Survey. This has

led to the need to at times refer to the BCS both to compare and relate to the Scottish

findings.

Recorded Crime

In 2011-2012 there were a total of 858,219 crimes and offences recorded by the police in

Scotland (Recorded crime in Scotland, 2011-2012). Unfortunately there are no arrest rates

for Scotland available, nor do they possess stop and search statistics or much other

information on the ethnicity and offending in the criminal justice process prior to

incarceration. This provides huge problems when trying to investigate offending among

different ethnicities. However, the arrest rates for England and Wales show an over-

representation of Asians, just like other BME groups, compared to their population, with

them taking up 5.6% of all arrests in 2010 (Ministry of Justice, 2010). What the Scottish

statistics do tell us however is that the majority of crime was committed in urban areas and

large cities such as Edinburgh and Glasgow, where the majority of ethnic minorities appear

to be settled. This leads to the questions as to whether we can assume arrest rates in

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Scotland would show a similar story to the rates shown in England and Wales, with no

conclusion being possible from these statistics alone.

Prison rates

Out of 8106 offenders in custody in Scotland 2011-2012, 75 reported being of a Pakistani

ethnic origin. This equates to around 0.9% of the prison population which is in relative

proportion to the adult population as a whole (The Scottish Government, 2012). As a whole,

the Asian prison population (excluding Chinese), make up around 1.5%. This differs hugely

to those of England and Wales where around 13% of the prison population reported to be

Asian or British Asian (Ministry of Justice, 2013), much higher than in proportion to their

population as a whole.

This contrast is interesting since it could easily be assumed that Scotland would possess a

similar over-representation of Pakistanis, and Asians in general, in the offending side of the

Criminal justice system. However, as warned by Coleman and Moynihan (1996) it must be

remembered that they tell us nothing about what they call ‘the dark figure of crime’.

Furthermore, as mentioned Scotland have no records of arrest rates or stop and search

statistics, making it difficult to fully assess the relationship between Pakistanis/Asians and

offending. Therefore, although it would be wrong to assume that the prison rates alone tell

us a totally correct story about the offending of Pakistanis and Asians in Scotland, they do

give us something to at least compare with those From England and Wales. Therefore, due

to the prison rates in Scotland apparently showing that Pakistanis are less likely to commit

crime and be incarcerated in Scotland than in England and Wales, two possibilities could be

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drawn. Firstly, criminality is less amongst Pakistanis in Scotland than in England and Wales

due to either cultural or structural differences. Another possibility is that due to official

statistics being what Bowling and Phillips (2002: 86) described as, “the product of criminal

justice practices”, Pakistanis are less likely to be brought into the criminal justice system for

a variety of reasons.

Cultural Theories

As explained by Bowling and Phillips (2002), cultural theories that attempt to explain the

relationship between race and crime are concerned with the norms and values of society or

certain sections of society. A theory put forward most prominently by Murray (1990), who

argues that crime is a consequence of what he terms the ‘underclass’ of society, of who

BME groups are often associated. Characteristics of this ‘underclass’ might include being

‘illegitimate’ or having a lack of parental guidance and a dependence on welfare. This theory

appears to have been heavily linked to the Moynihan report (1965), which described similar

characteristics to explain violent behaviour among black youths in the USA. Similarly,

Anderson’s (1999) ‘code of the street’ discusses how the high crime rate in an inner-city

poor black community in Chicago is down a lack in faith in authority that has led to a street

culture of interpersonal violence and aggression.

If however, we attempt to apply this theory to the Pakistani community, it is not as simple.

As explained by Bolognani (2009), family and community bond among Pakistanis tends to be

very strong and works as a form of informal social control aiming to prevent crime among

youths. Furthermore, the fear of being shunned by family and community was much

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stronger than the desire to commit crime. This is despite Pakistanis having higher rates of

poverty than other ethnic minority groups in Scotland (Netto et al, 2011). A further general

problem with this theory is that it places blame entirely on the ‘underclass’, whether that is

based on offending being a calculated choice or determined by biological factors.

Social disorganisation theory is another idea put forward as an attempt to explain the

relationship between race and crime. Shaw and Mckay (1942), and applied to the UK later

by Rex and Moore (1967), argued that community disorganisation and an inability to self-

police can produce areas prone to criminal behaviour. These areas are usually found to be

urban areas where BME are usually segregated. Out of this, criminal subculture emerges

where criminal behaviour is often and expected or even praised, as codes and values differ

greatly from the main culture of society (Vold et al, 1998).

Bolognani (2009) describes how older members of the Pakistani community in Bradford

speak of how the last 20 years have witnessed the emergence of a Pakistani deviant

subculture. Torn between two cultures, Pakistani youths may often feel the need to rebel in

either appearance or behaviour, with a ‘mafia mentality’ becoming a common concept

among Pakistani and other Asian youths. Furthermore, Macey (2002) outlines the illegal

drug trade as being controlled by Pakistani Muslims in Bradford. However, it must be

remembered that Bradford has a history of very tense relations between white and

Pakistani communities, shown by the disturbances of 1995 and 2001. Therefore, it may not

be surprising that a deviant subculture has emerged in an area where there may be a lack of

respect and faith in state authority and tense race relations (Macey, 2002; McGhee, 2005).

Although no such in-depth studies are evident in cities in Scotland, suggestions have been

put forward that race relations in Scotland are much more positive in England, with much

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effort and funding going into promoting a multi-faith and multi-cultural Scotland (Scottish

Government). The Scottish Council for Voluntary Organisation for example (2007), speaks of

how the English are still the most persecuted in Scotland and that most research looking at

ethnic/religious divide is focussed on the Catholics and protestants. Therefore, it could be

possible that the apparent difference in Pakistani offending between Scotland and England

is down to better race relations in Scotland, thus less of a chance that deviant subcultures

will be created as means of rebelling against state and public authority.

Structural Theories

The most common critique of cultural theories is that they fail to take into account political,

economic and social forces that might affect offending rates among BME groups (Gilroy,

1987). It is these factors that structural theories attempt to consider. Influenced by Marx

and Engels, structural theories view criminalisation as a function of the dominant economic

class, who use the law as a force that sustains their power over the lower classes (Bowling

and Phillips, 2002).

A critical theory of race and crime suggests that the higher rate of offending among BME

groups in England and Wales is due to the political and social construction of them as

criminals. Political policy of the 1980’s for example frequently referred to the ‘exceptional

problem’ of the black community (Gordon, 1984), which has led to discrimination

throughout the criminal justice process and thus a disproportionate prison population. This

was heavily noted in the Macpherson report (1999), which stated that the Metropolitan

Police were institutionally racist, and also explains the strained relationship ethnic

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minorities, black people in particular, have with the police. In short, the apparent link to

race and crime is down to racism. Construction of Asian criminality is discussed by Desai

(1999), who notes the media construction of the ‘Asian gang’ throughout the 1990s (Cited in

Bowling and Phillips, 2002). This is evidence of the creation of a new ‘folk devil’ and a

process by which the Muslim community is being becoming part of the ‘underclass’

(Alexander, 2000). A more recent example of the construction of Asian criminality is

concerned with the growing reports of ‘Asian sex gangs’ (Ahmed, 2012). As discussed by

Cockbain (2013), since 2011 there has been widespread reports among British media about

the supposed ‘Asian sex gang’ problem in the UK mainly in relation to Pakistani males.

Cockbain (2013: 1) argues that Asians have been overrepresented and that this construction

is based on unfounded generalisations, describing it as ‘thinly veiled racism’.

As Bowling and Phillips (2002) argue, the overrepresentation of Pakistanis, and ethnic

minorities in general, in the arrest and stop and search statistics could be clear evidence of

discrimination from the police. However, as already mentioned Scotland do not possess

such figures, making it difficult to accurately compare. However, due to the prison rates

apparently showing less offending among Pakistanis, and equal rates in comparison to their

overall population, in Scotland than in England and Wales, it could be theorised that

Scotland is less instructionally racist and thus Pakistanis are less likely to be brought into the

criminal justice system. Miles and Dunlop (1986: 1) argue for example, that the apparent

lack of problems regarding race relations in Scotland is down to ‘the absence of a

racialization of the political process’. Miles and Dunlop do emphasis however, that this does

not mean the absence of racism in Scotland. Kelly (2000) also argues that Scotland is a long

way off from ridding the nation of racism and discrimination in the police, although much

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more effort has been put in since the Stephen Lawrence enquiry. Citing examples of race

related murders in Scotland, Kelly discusses how the police have come under much criticism

for their failure to report such incidents as race related and that the lacks of official statistics

regarding police conduct means that racism and discrimination in the police can easily stay

hidden, leaving difficulty in determining the state of race relations in Scotland.

Racism is not the only issue addressed by structural theories. Strain theory, originating from

the work of Durkheim and later Merton (1938), theorises that crime is a product of the

pressures from social structures placed on people to succeed (cited in Burke, 2001). The

concept of ‘the American dream’ is a prime example of this pressure. Poorer people are less

likely to be able to succeed through legitimate paths, therefore attempt to succeed via

illegitimate ones. This, according to strain theory, is the reason that crime seems to be

concentrated among the poor. This theory would appear to make sense when applying it to

ethnicity and crime, as BME groups are often associated with poverty and unemployment.

This is no different in Scotland, with Pakistanis having the highest rate of poverty along with

a lack of access to good education and housing (Netto et al, 2011). The problem is however,

that according to the prison statistics in Scotland Pakistanis are no more likely to offend

than white people, despite having higher rates of poverty and unemployment. Bowling and

Phillips (2002) outline how a general problem with structural theories is that they assume

crime is down to economic and social forces alone, as if the poor have no choice but to

commit crime.

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Fear of Victimisation

When assessing the fear of victimisation in Scotland a clear picture is presented that

Pakistanis, and those from BME groups in general, are more likely to fear being a victim of

crime. For example, 37% of whites said they were ‘fairly’ or ‘very’ worried about having their

car vandalised, where 55% of Pakistanis reported being worried about the same crime

(CRER, 2008). Pakistanis were the most worried out of any ethnic group that they would be

a victim of household offences but appeared to be less worried about personal attacks,

although still higher than the white sample for most personal crime (CRER, 2008). BME

groups were also significantly more likely to use avoidance strategies such as avoiding

certain areas at certain times (CRER, 2008).

Heim and MacAskill (2006) found that Pakistanis, along with other BME groups, felt similar

levels of safety in terms of walking alone after dark compared to the general population,

and were also more likely to feel safe using public transport. However, Pakistanis reported

feeling less safe in their own home compared to the general population, although African

and Caribbean respondents were much more likely report feeling unsafe in their own home.

Risk of Victimisation

Although Bowling and Phillips (2002) correctly point out the complexity of the relationship

between the fear of victimisation and actual victimisation, it would appear that Pakistanis

are warranted in having a higher fear of crime. Interestingly, the most recent Scottish Crime

and Victimisation survey taken in 2006 does not a have a breakdown of crimes into

ethnicity, despite acknowledging an ‘unequal risk of crime’ depending on age, sex and socio-

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economic group. However, the Scottish Crime survey (2000) shows that those from BME

groups are significantly more likely to be at risk of victimisation. For example, 13.4% of BME

respondents reported to have been a victim of vandalism, compared to just 6% of white

respondents. This difference was evident for all household and vehicle offences although

personal offence, such as assaults or robbery showed a relatively similar risk compared the

white sample. Although, the Scottish Crime Survey (2000) did also determine that BME

groups were less likely to report assault, robbery and theft from the person, which could

explain the apparent equal risk when it comes to personal offences.

Racist Victimisation

As Moody and Clarke (2004) discuss, racist victimisation has only recently become a public

and political issue in Scotland, after some high-profile violent racist attacks through the

1990s and 2000s. The racist murder of Kunal Mohanty in Glasgow in 2010 is one of the most

recent examples. Similar cases of white victimisation have also been evident in recent years,

the most high-profile being the murder of teenager Kriss Donald by a gang of Pakistani men

in 2004. Despite this, it a well held view that Scotland, in comparison to England and Wales,

is a very tolerant nation without a high rate of racist victimisation. For Moody and Clark

(2004) this is for a number of reasons. Firstly, the Scottish population has no more than

around 2% from a non-white background, much lower than in England and Wales, with the

largest ethnic minority being British-Pakistani rather than black African or Caribbean.

Pakistanis are known to develop their own community and social institutions, usually

working as a form of informal social control that brings a compliance with the law (Wardak,

2000). Clusters of BME groups are also only situated in the largest cities with the population

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of Pakistanis and other BME groups in remote areas of Scotland being almost non-existent.

Moody and Clark (2004) also speak of the absence of radical right-wing organisations in

Scotland that have often built up racial tension in England. Furthermore, as already

mentioned discrimination in Scotland usually reflects religious rather than ethnic conflict

(SCVO, 2007).

In terms of racist incidents reported to the police Clark and Moody (2002) show that

reporting of racist incidents in the 1990s, which was the first decade of them being

reported, were largely inconsistent between forces. However, the Crime and Disorder Act of

1998 brought into existence two new offences. The introduction of racially aggravated

harassment and racially aggravated conduct put more pressure on the police to record

throughout the UK to record racially motivated crime (Moody and Clark, 2004), and this

resulted in interesting results in Scotland over the coming years. Between the years from

2000 and 2004, the number of racial incidents that were reported to the police dramatically

increased from 1036 to 3856 (CRER, 2008). This increase continued through to 2007 and

was much more prominent in certain areas. Strathclyde for example, showed an increase in

racial incidents from 271 in 2000 to 1970 in 2007 (CRER, 2008). The Scottish Crime Survey

(2000) found that those from Pakistani ethnic backgrounds were more likely to be a victim

of racist crime than any other ethnicity. Since then, the number of racist incidents appears

to have become stable. However, as Moody and Clark (2004) argue, it is still feared that the

number of racist incidents in Scotland is still grossly underestimated due to the reluctance of

people to report it. Furthermore, as is discussed by Jacobs and Eisler (1993), there is always

a difficulty with assessing the motive of a crime. This could further highlight that the amount

of race related crime is most likely underestimated in Scotland.

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Explanations of Racist Victimisation

As explained by Bowling and Phillips (2002), victim accounts of race related crime tend to

show the perpetrators as mainly being males between the ages of 16-25. Sibbitt (1997) also

found that racist views were more common in areas of socio-economic deprivation. Views

that ethnic minorities received extra help and resources regarding things such as housing

and employment tended to be a community-wide view, meaning that acts of racism were

reinforced rather than condemned. This however, was disputed by Husband (1993) who

argued that racist views are just as prominent in rural, suburban and prosperous areas.

Another popular explanation of racist victimisation cited by Bowling and Phillips (2002) is

that the rate of violent racist behaviour is higher in areas with a high ethnic minority

population. This might explain the difficulties of race relations in areas such as Bradford,

which is well known for a large population of Pakistanis, often being dubbed “Bradistan”

(Shackle, 2010). Similarly, it could explain why Scotland, having a much lower BME

population in general, is known to be more a more tolerable nation in terms of race

relations. However, Bowling and Phillips argue that racist violence is common even in places

where there is a small population of ethnic minorities. Also, racist violence appears to have

increased even at times when governments have spoken out against too much immigration

and attempted to limited it. Furthermore, the idea that the rate of race related crime

depends on the population of ethnic minorities does not explain why racist incidents in

Scotland have, as already mentioned, increased rapidly since 2000, since there has been no

dramatic increase in Pakistani, Asian or any other ethnic minority population.

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Sheridan (2006) argues that rather than looking at racism to explain any increase in violent

behaviour towards the South Asian population of the UK, we should be looking at religious

discrimination. Since September 11th 2001, a report carried out by EUMC (2002) found that

Islamophobia has grown rapidly throughout the EU, including the UK with the branding of

Muslims as ‘terrorists’ being the most reported incident. Hostility towards all South Asians

was common, with people simply assuming that they are Muslim based on their skin colour.

This could explain the rapid rise in race related incidents in Scotland between 2001 and

2007, with the terrorist attacks on London in 2005 also undoubtedly contributing. However

with this theory, we would expect to find an increase after the attacks on Glasgow airport in

2007, although this does not appear to be the case from the official statistics.

This essay has given an account of the experiences of Pakistanis and British Pakistanis in

relation to both crime and victimisation in Scotland. The gathering and analysis of official

statistics proved to be difficult due to the lack of information available for Scotland such as

arrest rates and stop and search statistics. However, an analysis of the Scottish prison

population appears to show Pakistanis were no more likely to be associated with crime than

whites, which differs greatly to England and Wales where ethnic minorities are over-

represented in the criminal justice system. Some of the cultural and structural explanations

given to explain crime among ethnic minorities were at time hard to apply to both the

Pakistani community and Scotland, due to ethnic minorities taking up such a small

population. Similarly, despite living in similar socio-economic deprivation to communities in

England and Wales, no evidence could be found that this led to more criminal behaviour in

Scotland. In terms of victimisation, it has been shown that ethnic minorities are more likely

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to be a victim of crime than white people, with Pakistanis the most likely to be victim to

racial victimisation. This is despite Scotland having a much smaller population than England

and Wales. Again, explaining racial victimisation is difficult due to the lack of research

conducted in Scotland, particularly in more remote areas, not allowing for any real

comparison. However, the rise of race related crime in Scotland could be down to the rise in

Islamophobia that has been witnessed throughout Europe, due to the high profile terrorist

attacks that have been a huge part of political and public rhetoric over the last decade.

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