Continuity and Change in Pastoral Livelihoods of Senegalese Fulani

Continuity and change in pastoral livelihoods of Senegalese Fulani

Hanne Kirstine AdriansenDanish Institute for International Studies, Copenhagen, Denmark

Accepted in revised form September 9, 2005

Abstract. Based on fieldwork in northern Senegal, this paper shows how some pastoralists in Ferlo have managed touse market opportunities as a means to maintain their ‘‘pastoral way of life’’ Increased market involvement hasenlarged the field of opportunities for pastoral activities as well as the vulnerability of these activities. This has givenrise to a dialectic process of diversification and specialization. The paper is concerned with the portfolio of livelihoodactivities pastoralists use in order to respond to adverse socio-economic and environmental conditions. Depending onthe possibilities and values of a household, a certain combination of activities is chosen and this may change fromone year to another. Hence, the activities are used in a dynamic way within households. On the basis of pastorallivelihood activities, four ideal types of pastoral livelihood strategies can be constructed: ‘‘agro-pastoralism,’’ ‘‘Ta-baski pastoralism,’’ ‘‘commercial pastoralism,’’ and ‘‘non-herding pastoralism.’’ These four types illustrate howpastoralists re-invent their livelihoods in order to continue a pastoral way of life.

Key words: Fulani, Ideal types, Livelihood strategies, Market opportunities, Pastoral production, Senegal

Hanne Kirstine Adriansen is a post doctoral fellow of development studies at the Danish Institute for Interna-tional Studies. Her training is in human geography and she has fieldwork experience from West Africa and theMiddle East. Her research interests include pastoral populations, dryland management, community development,and the philosophy of science and the role of values in research.

Introduction

Sahelian pastoralism came to public attention in the mid-1970s due to droughts, which led pastoralists from theSahel1 to the humid areas in search of pasture for theiranimals. The drought years caused new scholars to be-come aware of the nomadic pastoral population. Asawareness of environmental problems in the Westernworld grew, this concern was transferred to the drought-plagued African pastoralists. Range ecologists, econo-mists, and other newcomers to the study of nomadicpastoralists added new dimensions to the discussion.Much of the literature concerning nomadic pastoralismfocused on the so-called failure of the pastoral economy;the impact of drought seemed devastating and the con-sequences of development projects were not positive(Riesman, 1984; Scoones, 1995). Desertification anddegradation became commonplace terms in the discus-sion of nomadic pastoralism, and an image of irrationalpastoralists was often painted; typical examples areBrown (1971), Lamprey (1983), and Picardi (1974). Thischanged with the paradigm shift in studies of rangeland

ecology and pastoralism in the early 1990s (e.g., Behnkeet al., 1993; Ellis and Swift, 1988; Warren, 1995). Today,pastoralism is perceived to be an ecologically rationallivelihood, but there are still numerous examples ofpastoralists who have turned to agriculture and migrantwork in an attempt to make a living (e.g., Bovin, 1990;de Bruin and van Dijk, 1995). This applies to Sahelianpastoralists as well as pastoralists in other parts of Africa.Researchers such as Grayzel (1990), Hiernaux (1996),and Horowitz and Little (1987) explain that pastoralismis the best way utilize drylands and that outside forcessuch as decreased precipitation, agricultural encroach-ment, and new tenure systems are to blame for envi-ronmental degradation and the resulting distress seenamong many pastoralists.

According to a scenario outlined by Swift (2000), thepastoral economy will thrive in the Sahel by the year2020 when increased industrialization in the coastal areasof West Africa will cause urban migration and thusdepopulation of the rural areas. An increasing need forfood in the cities will raise the demand and hence theprices, which accordingly will lead to an intensification

Agriculture and Human Values (2006) 23: 215–229 � Springer 2006DOI 10.1007/s10460-005-6108-3

and commercialization of the pastoral production in theSahel.2 However, Swift’s scenario may not be positivefor all pastoralists living in the Sahel today, as it is likelythat those who survive commercialization will be entre-preneurs capable of adapting to a more competitive andharsh economic climate. Using these ideas as its basis,this paper examines pastoralism in the Ferlo region ofnorthern Senegal. The emphasis is on analyzing thedynamics of pastoralism and characterizing the diversityof livelihoods. In this way, the paper is in tune with anew discourse focusing on innovative aspects of pastorallivelihoods (see several examples in Azarya et al., 1999),thereby dismissing the ‘‘crisis discourse’’ that has pre-dominated research and development efforts in post-drought Sahel (e.g., Hiernaux, 1996; Turner, 2000).

First, the paper provides an introduction to the studyarea and fieldwork. Then, dynamics in pastoral liveli-hood activities are presented. Based on this information,four ideal types of pastoral livelihood strategies areconstructed. Then, four examples of pastoralists withdifferent combinations of livelihood activities are pre-sented. Finally, possible consequences of changes inlivelihood are discussed with special reference to thedynamics of diversification and specialization.

Study area

The Ferlo region of northern Senegal is the empiricalpoint of departure for the paper. Historically, the range-lands of Ferlo were utilized as a pastoral area due to thelow and variable precipitation and lack of permanentwater supplies. In the rainy season, Ferlo served as agrazing reserve for mobile pastoralists pursuing large-scale migrations. Pasture in the area was abundant, but astemporary water holes dried up during the dry season,pastoralists moved to areas with better access to water(Freudenberger and Freudenberger, 1993; Weicker,1993). In the 1950s, the French colonial administrationmade the first boreholes in Ferlo equipped with motorpumps, which meant that the area could be used on apermanent basis. The possibility of staying in the areaduring the dry season meant that pastoralists becamesemi-sedentary. Rain-fed agriculture was initiated, espe-cially in the southern part of the area, and more boreholeswere established (Thebaud et al., 1995; Toure, 1990).There is a fee for using the boreholes, whereas waterfrom the ponds is free (Alissoutin, 1997). Recently, Ferlohas been divided into resource management units fol-lowing the boreholes and based on pastoral (not agri-cultural) resource mangement; these are called pastoralunits (unites pastorales). Surrounding each borehole is avillage with a few shops and a market place. Whilevillages have grown around the boreholes, most pasto-

ralists live in the bush, where they have permanent rainyseason camps. Depending on the amount of pasture, theirherd composition, and their other activities, they may goon transhumance during the dry season.3 Althoughpresent-day Ferlo is experiencing agricultural encroach-ment, the continuing construction of boreholes providesan enlargement, so to speak, ‘‘from within’’ (Juul, 1999).

Before the drought in 1973, the majority of thepastoralists were subsistence-oriented, relying on acombination of herding and rain-fed agriculture. Theherds consisted mainly of milking cattle and a fewsheep and goats. The combination of agriculture and amixed herd meant that a family could be self-sufficientwith its daily necessities – and it provided risk spreading(Sutter, 1987). Entrusting animals to stock friends hasbeen another common way of spreading risk (Swift,1977). Risk spreading is important in areas characterizedby high variability in natural resources for livestock, self-sufficiency, and no veterinary services. This is similar towhat has been reported from Fulani communities in otherSahelian countries (e.g., de Bruijn and van Dijk, 1995;Kintz, 1986). The drought years in the mid-1970s andmid-1980s profoundly influenced the livelihoods of pas-toralists all over the Sahel, especially in regards to thepossibility for their self-sufficiency. However, Ferlo hassome special characteristics compared to other parts ofthe Sahel. For instance, Ferlo has the advantages of beingcloser to urban markets and having better security. Also,the creation of pastoral resource management units israre. Last but not least, Senegal is more ‘‘developed’’(i.e., the Human Development Index is higher) than otherSahelian countries. Consequently, and not surprisingly,the dynamics of livelihood activities seen in Ferlo aredifferent from those in the rest of the Sahel, and theymay represent a possible pastoral future. These liveli-hoods are the issues of interest in this paper.

Fieldwork

The fieldwork itself was carried out in the pastoral unit ofTessekre in the middle of Ferlo on several occasions fromOctober 1997 to April 2000. This paper presents findingsdistilled from a broader research project, the goal ofwhich was to examine livelihood strategies and the use ofmobility from pastoralists’ perspectives (see Adriansen,2002). For this purpose, five pastoral units were chosenfor fieldwork. Tessekre became the focal point of field-work both for logistical reasons and because it representsthe ‘‘zone pastorale par excellence.’’4 Figure 1 illustratesthe location of Ferlo and the five pastoral units.

The village of Tessekre is located around a boreholeestablished in 1954. In 1997, two secondary water out-lets, called antennas, were established. In the pastoral

216 Hanne Kirstine Adriansen

unit of Tessekre, the majority of the inhabitants areFulani (92%); the rest are Wolof (5%) and Moor (3%).While the Fulani live in the bush, the villagers are Moorand Wolof merchants who may have some animals. Thenon-Fulani are important in village life, but not in thepastoral activities of the community. Also, some Fulanihave shops and houses in the village even though theylive in the bush and likewise a few Moor and Wolof liveas pastoralists in the bush. The fieldwork was based onthe pastoralists living in the bush (including Moor andWolof).

The two main sources of information were ques-tionnaire interviews with all heads of householdspresent at the time (about 80%) and an in-depth studyof nine Fulani households selected randomly from thefirst group. A total of 64 heads (jomoro) of households(galle) were interviewed using a structured question-naire with a combination of quantitative and qualitativeopen-ended questions.5 In the nine families, qualitativeinterviews and informal conversations were made aswell as participatory observations. Apart from studyingthe socio-cultural fabric of daily life in the village andthe camps, participatory observations also providedinsight into herding practice during a number of dailymovements. While gender-specific findings were not apart of the analysis, qualitative focus groups were heldwith women and children in order to understand pas-toral livelihoods from their point of view and to let

them express their experiences and expectations for thefuture.6

Dynamics in pastoral livelihood activities

During the fieldwork, it gradually became evident thatthere had been major changes in the activities employedby the pastoralists in Tessekre. It appeared that many ofthe pastoralists were telling the same ‘‘story’’ in theinterviews, namely that they had shifted from subsis-tence-oriented activities including cultivation to market-oriented activities conducted both within and outside thepastoral sector per se.

During analysis, several components of pastoral live-lihoods were identified. These are listed below. First,however, it is necessary to elaborate upon the concep-tualization of ‘‘pastoralist.’’ In this study, the under-standing of ‘‘pastoralist’’ is based upon identity and notmeasured in the amount of time spent on livestockkeeping, or the percentage of the income or nutritioncoming from animals. The use of ‘‘identity’’ is inspiredby Durkheim’s thought that the individual is a product ofsociety (Durkheim, 1984). A crude elaboration of theidea is that all members of a pre-industrial society withno division of labor will be similar in attitudes, values,and norms (Edgar and Sedgwick, 2002). In the presentcontext, ethnic identity refers to the awareness of the

Figure 1. Map of Senegal and the pastoral area Ferlo. Fieldwork was carried out in the five pastoral units marked with Tessekreas the focal point.

Continuity and change in pastoral livelihoods of senegalese fulani 217

Fulani (or the Wolof or the Moor) of their own culturaldistinctiveness – their shared practices, values, and sys-tems of belief. Here, self-awareness is very important, asthe issue of ethnic identity was raised by the pastoraliststhemselves and not by me as a researcherc and observer.The Fulani ethnic identity is often linked with the con-cept of pulaaku (e.g., Azarya, 1993; Vereecke, 1999;Zubko, 1993).7 However, this concept was not used bythe interviewees and is therefore not used in this paper. Inthis context, a pastoralist is someone who defines himself(or herself) as being a pastoralist.8 According to the localunderstanding, a pastoralist is somebody who breedsanimals. Furthermore, the pastoralists explained that forthe ethnic group Fulani, to which they belonged, cattleare the most important of animals and play a key role intheir ethnic identity (discussed below).

Of the 64 interviewees, 62 were Fulani, 1 was Wolof,and 1 was Moor. They all identified themselves as pas-toralists, but in terms of their ethnic identity there was aclear difference between the Fulani and the others. Thiscould be seen in their answers concerning the importanceof livestock, especially cattle. In the following analyses,all of the pastoralists (Fulani, Moor, and Wolof) areconsidered one category unless otherwise stated. Theaverage household size was 11. Only 16 of the 64households had more than 20 members. Figure 2 illus-trates the household sizes in Tessekre.

Decreased agricultural activities

Before the drought in the early 1970s, the majority of thepastoralists were involved in various types of small-scaleagriculture. Cultivation was carried out to satisfy thedaily need for stable food. In cases of surplus production,which was quite common in the 1960s, the surplus wassold at the local market and the money was used forbuying items such as sugar and tea. While most pasto-ralists lost the majority of their herds during the drought,they did not consider agriculture a ‘‘fallback’’ activitythat could enable a rebuilding of the herds because the

returns were too low when the precipitation was poor andunreliable. Instead, they invested their time and money insmall ruminants. This tendency was more pronouncedafter the drought in the mid-1980s. Agricultural activitieswere diminished further or abandoned completely.Hence, due to explanations such as ‘‘decreased rainfall’’and ‘‘decreased output,’’ only a small number of thepastoralists cultivate today. Of the 64 pastoralists, 55 saythat today small ruminants are important for covering thedaily needs formerly provided by cultivation.

Today, 26 of the 64 interviewed pastoralists reportsome sort of agricultural activity (24 Fulani, 1 Wolof, and1 Moor). They cultivate cowpeas, bitter cucumber, millet,sorghum, and peanuts. There is no indication of changesin the cultivated crops. The cultivators were asked if theyexperience labor shortage for either agricultural or pas-toral activities. Only the Fulani find that there is a laborshortage (9 of the 24 claimed this), and the shortageconcerns cultivation. This shows that among the Fulani,pastoralism is the most important activity and, in case oflabor shortage, agriculture has the lowest priority.

Changes in species composition of the herdand entrustments

All members of the Fulani families own animals indi-vidually. Usually, children are given their first animalswhen they are 5–6 years of age, i.e., when they are oldenough to herd small ruminants. Most animals are eitherinherited or received as gifts or bride wealth; only a feware bought. Although the livestock are owned individu-ally, they are herded together and the head of thehousehold makes decisions concerning herding.

Since the droughts, most households have experienceda change in herd composition. It is difficult to tell whe-ther the herd size has returned to pre-drought levelsbecause household compositions have also changed sincethen. The number of cattle tends to be slightly lowertoday but still rebuilding, while the number of goats andespecially sheep is higher. There is also a change from

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milking cattle, which are kept for subsistence, to beefcattle, which are sold for slaughter. This change in theherd composition can be seen in the life histories, inwhich no one reported being given small ruminantsbefore the mid-1950s and then only sheep were given.Goats have gained in importance since the droughts.Quite a few households report that they have Tabaskisheep. These are young male sheep (rams) raised forcommercial purposes. They are sold just before theMuslim feast called Tabaski in Senegal and id-al-adha inArabic.9 The rams are kept for months in the herd and fedwell so they can earn a good price at the right time. In thisrespect, the Tabaski sheep are quite different from the restof the livestock, which are considered part of the familyherd and usually not cared for in this special way.

Despite an increased reliance on small ruminants ingeneral and sheep in particular, cattle still retain thehighest cultural value of any animal among the Fulani.There was consensus on this point and it was seen in anumber of daily practices that will be addressed in thefollowing sections.

Also, the Moor and the Wolof reported a change intheir herd composition because cultivation was no longerworthwhile. The Wolof bought small ruminants whereasthe Moor supplemented his herd of small ruminants(which he had before the drought) with cattle in order toprovide the family with milk and butter. Today, the Wolofpays a herder to take care of the small ruminants, while inthe Moor family, the son herds the small ruminants andcattle are not herded.

It is not polite to ask about the size of pastoralists’herds. Instead, the interviewees were asked to indicatethe size of their herd within some broad intervals. All

interviewees were comfortable with this method andsome even gave the exact number. During participatoryobservations with the nine pastoralists, attempts weremade to verify the herd size provided. Figure 3a and billustrate the number of cattle and small ruminants perhousehold. While all households had small ruminants,five had no cattle (this is discussed later).

The majority of the Fulani indicate that they do notentrust animals to other families nor do they have ani-mals in their herd which have been entrusted to them byfriends or family (so-called stock friends). Entrustinglivestock with another pastoral household is often con-sidered a means of spreading risk. It is employed as asurvival technique as well as for building social bonds. InFerlo, it is quite common for a woman to leave some ofher stock with her parents and only bring them to herhusband’s household in case of need. However, this isnot considered an entrustment. In the few cases ofentrustment reported in the interviews, the reason givenwas usually to help a relative. Leaving a cow with an-other person can be of considerable help because thisperson benefits from the milk and sometimes from thecow’s offspring. Hence, spreading risk does not seem tobe a reason for entrusting livestock to friends and rela-tives.

Increased livestock trade

The changes in herd composition are related to an increasein livestock trade. Many of the pastoralists noted that theyhad started buying and selling livestock. For some, thisactivity was related to the weekly markets – they bought afew heads at one market to sell a couple of days later at

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Figure 3. (a) Number of cattle per household in Tessekre. (b) Number of small ruminants per household in Tessekre.


another market. For others, fattening sheep for Tabaskihad caused the increased market orientation. None couldreally say when the trade had begun to increase,though some admitted that Tabaski sheep activities wereintroduced by FuutankoBe – Fulani pastoralists from theSenegal River area. FuutankoBe have increasingly spentmore time in Ferlo since the clashes with Mauritaniaaround 1989 and as a result of the agricultural encroach-ment on the pastures along the river.10

Every village in Ferlo has a weekly market day. OnSundays, there is a large livestock market in Dahra, themain market town in Ferlo. People come all the way fromDakar to buy livestock at this market. The number oflivestock sold in Tessekre varies throughout the year.Weekly record of sales and prices were made in 1998 and1999 showing the importance of sheep sales, especiallybefore the Tabaski, when the sale of sheep increasessignificantly for 3–4 weeks. During this period salesrange from 500 to 1,700 sheep per week. During the restof the year, the normal weekly sales range from 30 to 100sheep. The price is also highest during those 3–4 weekswhen it rises from the usual 700 CFA11 (US $1.30) to1,100 CFA (US $2.00) per kilo live-weight. Normally,weekly sales of cattle range from 10 to 50 heads, whilethat of goats is from 20 to 80. The variation in sales ofcattle and goats is not considerable compared to sheep.

Cattle and Fulani identity

All of the Fulani pastoralists have had cattle at somestage during their life. Today, 57 still have cattle intheir herd. For the Fulani, the issue of cattle is com-plex and strongly related to their culture, traditions,and ethnic identity. One question in the questionnairewas especially valuable for undertaking this issue:‘‘Why do you keep cattle?’’ Of the 60 answers, only 3give purely practical reasons for having animals: ‘‘tosurvive’’ or ‘‘to feed me and my family.’’ Theremaining mention their ethnic belonging or traditionexplicitly: ‘‘It is money in the bank for the Fulani’’;‘‘My father had cattle and it is to be Fulani’’; and themost poetic, ‘‘Because I’m Fulani – a Fulani withoutcattle is like a woman without jewels.’’ The Fulani areobviously very attached to their cattle and emphasizethe significance of cattle for important aspects of lifesuch as marriage, pilgrimage, and inheritance. Theanimals are given as bride wealth or used as paymentfor the pilgrimage: ‘‘I have cattle to go to Mecca, getmarried, to be heard among the other Fulani. If youdon’t have cattle, you haven’t got any say.’’ Thesefindings were further confirmed during the qualitativeinterviews. When talking about their various activities,many pastoralists explained that whatever they weredoing was all a means to increase their number ofcattle. They explained their desire for more cattle with

their wish to give their children a good life. However,the amount of time devoted to taking care of theircattle varied. This could be seen in the answers con-cerning cattle herding and was further emphasizedduring participatory observations with herders. Someadmitted that they did not herd their cattle and spenttheir time relaxing instead. Hence, the cultural impor-tance of cattle is not necessarily reflected in the timeattributed to taking care of these animals.

One of the ways to get more cattle is to acquire moresmall ruminants: ‘‘Cattle are gold for the Fulani. I havesmall ruminants in order to get gold.’’ Some of theanswers to the question ‘‘Why do you have small rumi-nants’’ revealed the same: ‘‘I have small ruminants to beable to buy cattle; small ruminants are cheap’’; and ‘‘Isell the small ruminants to buy food, and then I don’thave to sell the cattle.’’ Among the five Fulani house-holds without cattle, four had lost all their cattle in the1973 drought while the last had been forced to sell theircattle recently because the head of the household hadbeen in the hospital for several months. Among theseFulani, there is a strong desire to acquire cattle again: ‘‘Ihaven’t got any now, but I hope to get some like allFulani.’’ They considered themselves unfortunate to havelost their herd – one of them remarked, ‘‘Cattle are thehonor of the Fulani.’’

Even though the herd composition has changed towardsgreater reliance on small ruminants, this does not appear tohave affected the importance of cattle for the Fulaniidentity. One of the reasons may be that small ruminantsare used for sale and are not always a part of the familyherd, whereas cattle are always part of the family herd.

Unfortunately, only 2 of the 64 interviewees were fromnon-Fulani households, which makes it difficult to makemore general statements about the non-Fulani. However,both of these families had bought animals because of thedecreased precipitation and consequent bad harvest.Hence, while the non-Fulani adopted a practice theyfound successful, it appears they have not adopted thedesire for cattle as well. The Wolof did not have cattle,while the Moor said that the cattle were bought to getmilk and butter. Hence, it appears that cattle do not havecultural value for these non-Fulani pastoralists althoughthey live in a society strongly influenced by Fulani cul-ture and values. This was illustrated during the interviewwith children about animals, where one of the Wolofboys said, ‘‘We Wolof are only amateurs.’’

Herding cattle and small ruminants

Usually cattle and small ruminants are herded separately.Within the last 20–30 years, however, there have beenmajor changes in the herding patterns of both cattle andsmall ruminants.


The pastoralists explained that it is not necessary toherd cattle within the pastoral unit of Tessekre anymore,because the cattle know the area and because there are nolonger any predators or raiding. As one described,‘‘There are no more lions and almost no thieves.’’ Thispractice is related to the semi-sedentary lifestyle and hasnot changed because of the droughts. The changes in theamount of herding reflect the advent of another genera-tion. One interviewee explained his lack of herding bysaying that his father belongs to a generation of workers,while he belongs to a generation of lazybones. Thisreflection was agreed upon by many of the pastoralists.

Only 12 of the 58 who owned cattle said that they herdthem all year. Seventeen did not herd at all, while theremaining herd cattle part-time. The change from milk tomeat production also decreased the importance of herd-ing. The majority of those herding full time belongs tothe older generation. The others usually guide the cattlein the desired direction and make sure that they havebeen drinking. This means that someone from the familyis at the borehole looking after the cattle and countingthem to make sure that none are lost. Partial or completeabsence of herding, found among 46 of the 58 cattle-owning pastoralists, means that more is time available forother activities. Of those who do not herd full time, 25said they spent the extra time relaxing, 16 spent the timeon livestock trade, and 3 opened shops in Tessekre. It isconvenient to have a shop in the village because someonehas to be at the borehole to look after the cattle anyway.

Herding small ruminants has also changed, but thisis mainly related to their increased importance in theherd. Tabaski sheep, especially, have caused changes inthe herding patterns and use of mobility for smallruminants. Usually, sheep and goats are herded becauseotherwise they are ‘‘eaten by jackals,’’ ‘‘stolen,’’ or‘‘lost.’’ As Mamadou said, ‘‘It is a meal that is alreadyprepared.’’ Of the 63 who herd their small ruminants,47 mentioned theft as one of the reasons for herding.In contrast, one of the reasons for not herding cattle isthat there is no longer any theft. In most families,children herd the small ruminants when they are withinthe pastoral unit. Some even consider the labor inputfrom children essential for having small ruminants.Women can look after the small ruminants, but in thiscase ‘‘look after’’ means that they keep the smallruminants in the vicinity of the camp while the womenthemselves are doing other things. Generally, house-hold heads do not herd small ruminants.

Herding also depends upon the number of smallruminants, on the type of animal (sheep or goats), and onthe ‘‘purpose’’ of the herd, i.e., whether it is for sale orpart of the family herd. Tabaski sheep are herded by theyoung men of the family, on rare occasions by the headof household, and more often by a paid herder. The laborinput for Tabaski sheep is higher than for any other type

of animal; they are taken to the best pastures and watermay be brought to them.

The use of mobility

The semi-sedentary lifestyle and diversification ofactivities have changed the mobility patterns signifi-cantly, but transhumance is still important as a means tobalance variability in water and pasture. Breakdown ofthe borehole and lack of pasture are mentioned as themost common reasons for going on transhumance.However, the use of transhumance is also related to herdcomposition. Pastoralists with Tabaski herds are willingto go as far as The Gambia with these herds in search ofgood pasture or to pay a herder to do the job. The pas-toralists do not relate their herder identity or their ethnicbelonging to mobility and most considered movementsoutside the pastoral unit a burden.12

Instead of using mobility as a means to guide livestockto water, water can be transported to the livestock. Forthis purpose, ‘‘tubes’’ are used to store and transportwater. Use of rubber tubes is widespread in Ferlo. Placedon a donkey cart, the tube enables the pastoralists totransport water for long distances. Originally, the tubeswere discarded inner tubes from tractor wheels found atthe irrigation schemes near the Senegal River. Today,new rubber tubes can be bought at most markets in Ferlo.They come in different sizes – depending on the size ofthe wheel they are made for – and the largest cantransport up to 1,200 l of water. Hence, the introductionof the tube has changed the use of rangeland in Ferlo.Many pastoralists prefer to keep their small ruminants atthe good pastures far away from the borehole andtransport water to them. This increases the labor input forthe pastoralists, especially for the women who fetch thewater. But the small ruminants are in better conditionbecause they walk less and are fed on the best pastures.This also means that the grazing pressure is better dis-tributed, because fewer animals have to come to theborehole.13

Ideal types of pastoral livelihood strategies

The present paper relies on Andrew Sayer’s distinctionbetween abstract and concrete levels of research (Sayer,1997). While the dynamics in pastoral livelihoods pre-sented on the previous pages represent the concrete level,this section attempts to organize the findings in anabstract manner, i.e., independent of their spatio-tempo-ral setting. In this case, ideal types of livelihood strate-gies are used as abstractions to categorize the diversity ofpastoral activities found in Ferlo.14 The findings allowfor the construction of four ideal types of pastoral strat-egies. The governing idea of Sayer’s abstractions is that


these can be used for comparison because, by definition,they are less context-dependent than findings at theconcrete level. Hence, in a study of pastoralists in anotherspatio-temporal setting, some of the four ideal typescould be found and/or others constructed.

The strategies are called ideal types because they are‘‘pure’’ types that cannot be transferred directly fromthe interviews or questionnaires. Max Weber (1949) hassuggested ideal types as a means to understand socialaction (Weber, 1949). Burnham (1987), who advocatesthe use of ideal types for studies of pastoralism, ex-plains Weber’s idea this way: ‘‘Weber’s concept of theideal type was developed explicitly to escape from ...the notion in the natural sciences of a causality oper-ating outside of history and of actors’ subjective con-sciousnesses’’ (1987: 162). Burnham elaborates that theconstruction of ideal types involves recognizing howfactors operating within pastoral systems are mediatedby the actors’ subjective understandings of their situa-tions. Subsequently, each of the four ideal types pro-vides a comprehensive idea of the pastoral way of life,an idea based on pastoralists’ motivations, socio-eco-nomic possibilities, biological constraints, etc., and noton functionalist and structuralist perceptions of pastoralsocieties.

The ideal types of livelihood strategies have beendeveloped and confirmed through iterative abstractionand method triangulation (Mikkelsen, 1995; Roe, 1998).In practice, the questionnaires were read several timesand combined with information from the qualitativeinterviews. The ideal types are abstractions that shouldbe used to understand how different activities are em-ployed to obtain a ‘‘pastoral way of life,’’ and thus theidealized form pastoralism is used. The four types are‘‘agro-pastoralism,’’ ‘‘Tabaski pastoralism,’’ ‘‘commercialpastoralism,’’ and finally, ‘‘non-herding pastoralism.’’

Agro-pastoralism. This type is based on a mixed herdand cultivation. The production is mainly for subsistenceand based on risk spreading. Livestock sales are onlynecessary for buying, e.g., millet or clothes. Having‘‘stock friends’’ is common as compared to the othertypes. This is both because entrustment is a reminiscenceof the past, and because of the low degree of commer-cialization. Children herd the small ruminants and this isnot a labor-intensive activity. Transhumance is used inthe case of lacking water or pasture – in case of necessity.Differences among generations are most clearly seenwithin agro-pastoralism. The older generation herdsthe cattle all year, while the younger rests instead and letsthe cattle roam freely. Even so, there is a wish to enlargethe cattle herd; cultivation as well as small ruminants areused as a means to spare the cattle herd from sale.

Tabaski pastoralism. This type is based on a big herd ofmainly sheep and cattle. There is no cultivation. The

sheep production is highly commercial, directed towardsthe Tabaski. The most important thing is to find the rightpasture for the sheep. Transhumance is, therefore, com-mon and can involve large scale movements as far as TheGambia, either by the pastoralist himself or by a herderpaid to do the job. Herding of small ruminants is the jobof adults – young men – even when they stay within thepastoral unit. The sheep are kept far away from theborehole where pasture is abundant and water is broughtout to the sheep. Therefore, the tube is instrumental inthis strategy. Tabaski pastoralism is very capital-inten-sive. It is the most specialized and risk-prone of the four,as most of the work is directed towards the sale of sheepduring very few weeks of each year. Depending onsupply and demand, Tabaski pastoralism can be afinancial success or disaster. The Tabaski sheep cannotjust be included in the family herd as these are ramsraised for sale/slaughter. The animals can be sold at othertimes of the year, although often at a loss. The incomefrom Tabaski sheep is converted to cattle, which are notherded and only taken on transhumance when forced.

Commercial pastoralism. This type involves the spe-cialized buying and selling of livestock. In addition tothe family herd, a commercial herd of predominantlysmall ruminants is kept. Usually, the animals in thecommercial herds are bought and sold at the marketwithin a few days. Markets are frequented several timeseach week in the pastoral units in the area. Sometimesthe animals are kept for a few weeks and fattened, buteven so they are not considered part of the family herd.Beef cattle are raised for the purpose of sale andslaughter, sometimes at the expense of milking cattleused for subsistence. While commercial pastoralismdoes not involve herding cattle full time due to laborconstraints, cultivation may be possible. The harvest orthe residuals can be used for fattening the livestock formarket. Children herd the small ruminants. This strategydiffers from Tabaski pastoralism, as it is short-term andmore labor-intensive. In commercial pastoralism, ani-mals in the commercial herd are not kept for months ortaken on long migrations in order to find the rightpastures for them. Transhumance is caused by necessity.This strategy is particularly risky as only a few heads oflivestock are bought and sold at a time. Profit from thesale is converted into cattle.

Non-herding pastoralism. This type involves ways togenerate income, other than livestock rearing, mainlythrough non-animal commerce. This can be by owninga shop in the village, serving as president of the pas-toral unit or the rural community, or finding anotherway of generating an income outside the pastoraleconomy. Still, the family keeps a mixed herd and theowner identifies himself as a pastoralist. The income-generating activities mean that paid herders can be


used for the livestock. Also, cattle can be left to roamfreely and children can take care of the small rumi-nants. Transhumance is caused by a lack of water orpasture, which means that everybody in the pastoralunit has to take their animals on transhumance and it isnot a problem to close a shop and go; likewise for jobssuch as president of the pastoral unit. The pastoralactivities are labor-extensive. The tube is not widelyused, and non-herding pastoralism does not involvelivestock trading or cultivation. Although pastoralactivities are few within non-herding pastoralism, theincome from the non-pastoral activities is convertedinto animals, predominantly cattle.

Although the different strategies can be interpreted asa shift away from pastoralism, this does not appear to bethe case. The question is, how should these changes beinterpreted?

If the various practices revealed in the ideal typesare studied without considering underlying values,motives, and preferences, the society could be seen asvery dynamic and identities as constantly changing orreconstructed, and so could the pastoral way of life. If,on the other hand, issues such as preferences, values,and motives are taken into account, the strategies couldbe seen as innovative and adaptive to a changing so-cio-economic environment, but not changing the pas-toral way of life per se. Although the preferences andmotives of the pastoralists vary, the values are fairlyhomogeneous. Cattle represent ‘‘cultural capital’’among the Fulani and this does not appear to bechanging even though the ways to acquire this capitalhave been diversified. Here, ‘‘cultural capital’’ is usedin a modified version of Pierre Bourdieu’s conceptu-alization (1984). In the present context, cultural capitaldenotes the paramount importance of cattle in the Fu-lani culture. The importance of cattle among pastoral-ists was pointed out by Melville J. Herskovits in 1926and named ‘‘the cattle complex’’ (Herskovits, 1926).This denoted the ‘‘cultural area’’ of East Africa wherethe importance of cattle shapes people’s everyday lives.For Herskovits, the term ‘‘complex’’ refers to thecomposite nature of pastoralists’ relationship to cattle;hence, it should be understood as ‘‘multifaceted’’ andnot as a psychological ‘‘complex.’’ However, the con-cept of the cattle complex has been abused and hascome to denote an ‘‘irrational attachment’’ to cattle(e.g., Barfield, 1993). This appears to be a simplisticview of the importance of cattle.15 Therefore, ‘‘culturalcapital’’ has been chosen here because this indicatesthat the cattle can be both converted into economiccapital and act as a cultural value in the society con-tributing to social capital. Hence, the new activities, asdescribed in the following examples, help continue orconsolidate the values and identity of the Fulani.

Examples of pastoralists’ livelihood activities

In line with Sayer’s idea that understanding is created bya double movement from concrete to abstract back toconcrete (Sayer, 1997), the following examples illustratepastoral households’ livelihood activities as they are seenat the concrete level. The examples are based on thein-depth study with nine pastoralists. Four have beenselected for the following presentation. They have beenchosen to illustrate how the ideal types of livelihoodstrategies can been mirrored at the concrete levelalthough the ideal types are abstractions and not empir-ical categories. Hence, the four examples have been se-lected not to be representative, but to provide the bestillustration of the ideal types.16 No new informationwould be revealed by adding the remaining five exam-ples. The names and ages of the heads of household are:Mamadou (67), Seydi (44), Adama (41), and Ali al-hajj(52). Their main activities are raising cattle, raising smallruminants, cultivation, income-generating activities (e.g.,short-term livestock sale), Tabaski sheep, and/or non-pastoral activities. Each household has a unique combi-nation of livelihood activities based on their possibilitiesas well as their values, motives, and preferences.

Mamadou is head of a household with 12 members.Mamadou himself is in charge of cultivating four hectares,which means he is one of the main cultivators in Tes-sekre.17 However, the harvest is no longer for humanconsumption; the fields are used as fodder for the animals,mainly sheep. In this case, cultivation has changed from itsrelation to human consumption to one of animal con-sumption. Mamadou argues that cultivating for animalconsumption is worthwhile because he is very engaged incommercial sheep-rearing. The household has been in-volved in development projects. In 1976 they participatedin a project concerning cultivation and they have had fieldsever since. The payment from the project gave Mamadouthe possibility to buy eight heads of cattle. This was veryimportant, because he had lost all of his cattle at that time.Besides the opportunity to rebuild his cattle herd, it alsogave him the cattle needed to reproduce his ethic identity asa Fulani. Today, the household has 80 cattle and over 300small ruminants. Some of the small ruminants are sold forTabaski. The cattle are herded part-time by Mamadouhimself, while his son herds the small ruminants. Everyweek, Mamadou attends three markets where he buys andsells livestock. Some livestock are sold the same day,others are brought home and fattened on the fields.Mamadou expressed the change in strategy this clearly:‘‘Now the sheep are our harvest.’’ Although, they sellsheep for Tabaski, the household strategy can be charac-terized as commercial pastoralism. At first glance, how-ever, agro-pastoralism seems to characterize the strategydue to the cultivation of several fields.


Seydi heads a household with 12 members. Theycultivated from 1976 to 1980, but stopped because it wasnot worthwhile. In 1990, they participated in a project inwhich they were given sheep and a donkey cart. Theythen began raising Tabaski sheep. Today, they sell 200sheep for Tabaski and buy 2–3 cattle every year. Thehousehold owns 50–100 heads of cattle and more than300 small ruminants. The cattle are not herded during thedaily movements. When the cattle need herding orguiding, Seydi’s adult son or a paid herder performs thattask. Seydi explains his lack of herding by saying that hisfather belongs to a generation of workers, while Seydihimself belongs to a generation of lazybones. His adultson herds the small ruminants, together with a paidherder who lives with the family. The young children(boys and girls) take care of the lambs. In 1995, Seydibought a shop in Tessekre where he spends most of theday. From the money earned in the shop, he buysapproximately 50 sheep just before the rainy seasonwhen the price is lowest. He goes to the borehole to makesure the cattle are watered and that none are lost, then hegoes back to the shop where a lot of people gather. Seydiexplains that the shop and Tabaski sheep are merely ameans to get more cattle – and that they are more con-venient for him, because he does not like to herd thelivestock. The cattle are for his children, because hewants them to be rich, and it is better to give them cattlethan money. The livelihood strategy of the family can becharacterized as a combination of Tabaski pastoralismand non-herding pastoralism.

Adama is head of an extended household with 29persons. They have always cultivated. The family has aherd of more than 200 small ruminants and 100–200heads of cattle, but they have never bought animals. Theyprefer cattle because small ruminants are too labor-intensive, while the cattle can ‘‘take care of themselves.’’However, small ruminants are useful when money isneeded, e.g., for buying millet. Adama’s brothers guidethe cattle or herd them when necessary. The children herdthe small ruminants. All of the household’s activities arecharacterized by minimum input. Adama explains that heprefers to relax; he admits to belonging to the generationof lazybones. The household does not have income-generating activities. Their livelihood strategy can becharacterized as agro-pastoralism.

Ali is head of a household with 18 members and 3migrants. Ali himself likes to cultivate and, apart fromthe drought years, he has always cultivated. The familyhas a herd with 120 cattle and 400 small ruminants. Aliemphasizes that the most important thing is to serve Godand this is reflected in the organization of the householdand their activities. For instance, Ali claims that there isnot enough labor in the household for intensive sheeprearing. Although he has three teenage sons who couldbe used as herders, they are in Qur’an-schools. Ali wants

his sons to become marabouts,18 which he considersbetter than a pastoralist. Also, a marabout is paid to cometo the camp and lecture girls in the Qur’an. Ali himselfhas been on the pilgrimage (hajj) to Mecca and explainsthat religion is more important than a large number oflivestock.19 Nevertheless, the family has a labor-intensivestrategy and the cattle are herded full-time. The laborshortage is overcome by splitting up the family and theherd. Ali’s first wife is in a camp with the cattle, while hisother two wives are in charge of the small ruminants inanother camp. Some of the sheep are sold for Tabaski, butproper sheep rearing for Tabaski sheep is labor demand-ing. The livestock rearing is intensive, but instead of beingbased on the labor of the sons, it is based on the womenand the splitting up of the herd and the family. Ali’slivelihood strategy can be characterized as agro-pastoralism.

It must appreciated that the choice of activities reflectsnot only the labor availability and herd composition ofthe family, but also their preferences and values. At thesame time, the choice of activities is dynamic. For in-stance, in one year a pastoralist can describe himself asdeeply involved in Tabaski activities, and in the nextspend most of his time in his shop (as does the pastoralistSeydi in the previous examples). It is common to per-ceive labor availability as an important component forunderstanding utilization of natural resources and choiceof livelihoods (e.g., Bolwig, 1999). However, laboravailability cannot be understood on its own or as a merecalculation of family resources. Although the strongattachment to religion displayed by Ali is not verycommon, this example illustrates the dynamic interpre-tation of labor availability. For Ali, the labor of his sonsdoes not come into consideration because they have toattend Qur’an school. Instead he relies on an extensivedivision of labor among his wives. Furthermore, ques-tions concerning competition of labor for cultivation andpastoralism did not seem to make much sense to thepastoralists. It appeared there was no real question ofwhat to prioritize. Hence, considerations concerninglabor availability have to be based upon the perception ofthe pastoralist and his household.

Finally, it should be noted that Ferlo has beensubject to a number of development projects (see e.g.,Thebaud et al., 1995). Some of these have beenimportant for the survival of individual pastoralists.The development projects have furthered integration inthe market economy and have thereby been ofimportance to the combined diversification and spe-cialization of the pastoral economy. Nevertheless, asthe examples illustrate, some of the projects have tar-geted individuals and bypassed other pastoralists. Themost significant project, however, is PAPEL, which isin charge of securing a reliable water supply at theborehole and extending pipes to other parts of thepastoral unit. Improved water facilities help everybody.


While there is no doubt that there are social andeconomic differences between households in Tessekre,only four of the families have not managed to rebuild acattle herd after the droughts. Moreover, nobody hasbeen forced to leave Tessekre out of poverty. The onlyaccounts of people leaving were of boys in Qur’anschool and a businessman in Dakar.

Discussion

Pastoralists of Ferlo seem to have recovered fairly wellfrom the droughts of the previous decades compared toFulani elsewhere.20 They have managed to constructlivelihoods that are based on livestock rearing. At thetime of the fieldwork (1997–2000) many of the pasto-ralists in Tessekre had extensive herds of both smallruminants and cattle. The findings of this study are inaccordance with other studies from Ferlo (e.g., Ba, 1986;Barrall, 1982; Juul, 1999; Santoire, 1983; Sutter, 1987;and Toure, 1990). Most of these studies are based onfieldwork carried out 15–20 years ago, which means thatthe trends revealed here were less pronounced and someof them do not include the consequences of the droughtsof the early 1980s. Nevertheless, they describe an ab-sence of herding, increased commercialization, and de-creased cultivation. How are these trends then to beinterpreted?

Let us return to the scenario outlined by Swift (2000)according to which pastoralism will be a viable mode ofproduction in the Sahel in the near future, when increasingindustrialization in the coastal areas of West Africa willcause urbanmigration and an increased need for food in thecities. This, in turn, will increase demand and hence prices,which accordingly will lead to an intensification of agri-cultural production. Following McIntire et al. (1992), thisintensification will give rise to a specialization of agri-cultural production. A specialization in market-orientedanimal production can be expected in the northern Sahel,already at an early stage in the intensification process dueto the significant gradient in precipitation in West Africaand the socio-cultural importance of livestock rearing inthe area. The trends seen in Ferlo make Swift’s scenariopossible in the sense that here the pastoralists have alreadymanaged to make the most of market opportunities. Theincreased vulnerability that follows specialization andmarket integration is to some extent mitigated byemploying different activities at the household level. Itshould be noted that the effects of increased market inte-gration on the social differentiation of pastoral society hasnot been the issue of the present study. More research isneeded on this issue and on the linkages between liveli-hood strategies and market access.21

The process can be characterized as a dialectic processof specialization and diversification, in which individuals

specialize while the range of opportunities increase,creating diversification. Within large households, how-ever, family members can specialize in different ways,e.g., one brother can raise Tabaski sheep, another canhave commercial activities, and their father can take careof the entire family’s cattle. Thereby, the household’sactivities are diversified with a specialization at theindividual level. Hence, the increased range of opportu-nities provides space for specialization. The opportunitiesare, among other things, a product of increased interac-tion with the market. Following Durkheim’s argumentthat identity is a product of economic organization(1984), the processes of diversification and specializationoccurring in the pastoral economy will cause changes inthe values and attitudes of the pastoralists and hencechange their ethnic/pastoral identity, probably allowingfor a more individual reconstruction of the Fulani iden-tity. This on-going process of ethnic identity formationhas been pointed out by Burnham (1999) in relation tounderstanding social change in Fulani society.

It has been emphasized that the choice of livelihoodactivities is influenced not only by labor availability, herdcomposition, etc., but also by personal motives andpreferences as well as by the cultural values of the Fu-lani. The interwoven nature of cultural values (especiallythe value of cattle) and religious beliefs which exists inFerlo can be illustrated by the hajj – the pilgrimage toMecca. Many of the pastoralists in Ferlo say they havecattle in order to be able to go to Mecca: ‘‘I have cattle tobe a Fulani, to go to Mecca, to get married.’’ Hence, forthe pastoralists of Ferlo, cattle represent the hard andhonorable work worthy of paying for the pilgrimage.Vice versa, every pastoralist needs a lot of cattle for himto be a good Muslim and fulfill the pilgrimage. Thechanged reliance on small ruminants, and sheep in par-ticular, appears not to have affected the importance ofcattle as a source of identity. This is in agreement withZubko’s description of Fulani ethnic and cultural char-acteristics (Zubko, 1993).

To sum up, in this paper pastoralists of Ferlo havebeen characterized as ‘‘conservative’’ in their culturalvalues, but dynamic in their way of obtaining thesevalues. Or as Aguilar (1999) has pointed out, the cul-turally constructed pastoral ideology provides the conti-nuity that connects the past with the present through theconstantly occurring changes.

Concluding remarks

This paper has dealt with a number of intertwined trendsseen in Ferlo. After the droughts of the 1970s and 1980s,agriculture has been replaced by breeding small rumi-nants as a means to ensure daily necessities. This hasbeen possible through increased market integration. The


increased reliance on small ruminants has not, however,affected the importance of cattle as cultural capitalamong the Fulani. Finally, increasing numbers of pasto-ralists engage in the very market-oriented production ofTabaski sheep. Therefore, the paper shows that a notionof all Sahelian pastoral societies as pre-capitalistic andsubsistence-oriented does not apply. On the contrary, themajority of the pastoralists in Ferlo are involved incommercial sheep-rearing or livestock sale. Furthermore,it is shown that what at first glance appears to be thedisintegration of a lifestyle is, in fact, a means to main-tain it in a different way. There is an increased reliance onlivestock keeping, even among non-pastoral ethnicgroups, because it is economically successful. This ten-dency is in contrast to what is being reported from otherSahelian countries. Ferlo is an interesting case becausehere pastoralists are not destitute or entirely abandoningthe pastoral way of life. Rather, some pastoralists arereinterpreting ‘‘the pastoral way of life’’ in the sense thatthey maintain their preference for large cattle herds anduse diverse ways to stay in Ferlo and raise livestock inthe household. What can be seen in contemporary Ferlomay well be a specialization caused by increased marketorientation – a notion in line with the literature on agri-cultural transformation and pastoralism in Africa.

Notes

1. Sahel is the semiarid region of western and north-centralAfrica extending from Senegal eastward to The Sudan. Itforms a transitional zone between the arid Sahara to thenorth and the humid savannas to the south. The vegetationof Sahel is natural pasture, with low-growing grass and tall,herbaceous perennials.

2. It should be noted that Riesman had a similar line of rea-soning as far back as 1984 (Riesman, 1984).

3. In the present context, transhumance means movementoutside the pastoral unit, usually related to dry-seasonpasture shortage. The original meaning of transhumance isseasonal migration from lowland winter pastures to high-land summer pastures. However, it is also used to denoteseasonal migrations from a permanent homestead (Wid-strand, 1975). The word ‘‘mobility’’ refers to any kind ofmovement independent of season, whether this is withinthe pastoral unit or occasional ‘‘crisis’’ movements outsidethe pastoral unit or even outside Ferlo.

4. This characterization was made by the pastoral expertOussouby Toure of the Centre de Suivi Ecologique inDakar. Hence, Tessekre is not typical of the general area; itis more correctly described as ‘‘pure’’ case. Located in themiddle of Ferlo, it is predominantly pastoral and markedby Fulani – there is neither the influence from agricultu-ralists seen in the southern Ferlo nor that from the irrigatedagriculture along the River Senegal. The rainfall is averagefor the area.

5. Weicker (1993) has explained the term in the Ferlo context:‘‘Le galle constitue l’unite economique fondamentale dansla structure social des Peul. Le terme galle designe en Pulaard’abord la cloture qui entoure le lieu d’habitation reel d’unegrande famille, pour le delimiter des champs et paturagessitues aux alentours’’ (Weicker, 1993: 71, italics in original).

6. The majority of the interviews were conducted in Frenchand translated into Pulaar. A few interviewees spokeFrench well enough to avoid translation. The interpreterwas a Fulani from a town approximately 40 km fromTessekre. He had been recommended by a fellow re-searcher and was known as a dutiful and reliable translator.The interpretation was checked by presenting and dis-cussing the main findings during focus groups meetingswith the interviewees.

7. Pulaaku is often used to denote the Fulani or Fulbeidentity. It includes the social and moral code that Fulaniconsider central to their ethnic identity (see Bruijn andvan Djik, 1995 for an overview of the usage of the con-cept in the literature). Bruijn and van Djik note that‘‘something in Fulbe culture has attracted westerners for along time, and this has resulted in many studies on thecharacter of the Fulbe, which were indeed themselvesinstrumental in creating a Fulbe identity’’ (1995: 199).Consequently, I have avoided using the concept and reliedon the way the Fulani of Ferlo expressed themselves onthese matters.

8. Frantz (1993) has discussed various approaches to under-standing ethnic identity and the use of people’s owncharacteristics of themselves on the basis of language, race,place of origin, shared culture, values, etc.

9. Id-al-adha, the tenth day of theMuslim pilgrimagemonth, isa sacrificial feast in remembrance of Ibrahim, who was toldby God to sacrifice his son (Qur’an, sura 37). On this dayMuslims make an offering, usually a sheep. Both pilgrims inMecca and Muslims ‘‘at home’’ celebrate id-al-adha. Thismeans that the demand for rams all over Muslim Africa andthe Middle East is high at this time of the year.

10. See Juul (1999) for a further discussion of the FuutankoBe,and to Adams (2000) for a further discussion of the agri-cultural encroachment along the Senegal River.

11. CFA is the abbreviation for Communaute FinanciereAfricaine franc (XOF), the modern currency of Senegal.

12. See Adriansen and Nielsen (2002) for a further discussionon the use of mobility.

13. See Juul (1996) for a further discussion on the tube.14. The paper relies on a framework of ‘‘livelihood strategies’’

developed in the 1990s. The works of Frank Ellis (1998,2000), Deborah Bryceson (1996, 1999) and AnthonyBebbington (1999), which emphasize diversification (ofboth labor and capital) and different forms of capital (e.g.,social capital), have been of inspiration. The livelihoodstrategy approach entails economic and material aspects aswell as the human, social, and cultural aspects of making aliving. Furthermore, the actions, preferences, and values ofhouseholds are understood in context. Hence, the term‘‘livelihood strategies’’ is here used to denote the multipleactivities people carry out in order to secure their livingand the way they meet their needs and wants in life(inspired by Bolwig, 1999).


15. The importance of animals for man both as ‘‘sustenanceand symbol’’ has been pointed out in a number of studies(e.g., Anderson, 1993; Parkes, 1987; Shanklin, 1985). SeeAzarya (1993), Ogawa (1993), and Riesman (1984) forspecial reference to cattle and Fulani identity.

16. The households in the examples are slightly better off thanthe average, but likewise their household size is slightlyhigher (see Figures 1 and 2a–b).

17. It should be noted that there is no shortage of land and notenure regulations constraining cultivation, hence every-body can cultivate as much as they prefer.

18. In West Africa, the term marabout denotes a Muslimprayer leader, teacher, and sometimes a healer who isvenerated locally and believed to be touched by divinegrace, which sometimes conferred the right to rule as well.While orthodox Islam holds that everyone is directly intouch with Allah (God), in West Africa religious leaderswere assigned to provide a link between God and thecommon people. These religious leaders became known asmarabouts.

19. The pilgrimage is one of the five pillars of Islam, whichwere derived from the Qur’an (Sura 2) by Abu Bakr, thefirst khalif. Every Muslim should go on pilgrimage oncein his life, provided he can afford it; the hajj has to bepaid for by hard and honorable work (Khader, 1996;Qur’an Sura 3 and 62). An extensive account on theformation of Islamic identity among Fulani can be seen inShimada (1993).

20. It is beyond the scope of this paper to explore the reasonsfor this discrepancy. Here it suffices to say that Senegal isbetter off than most of the other Sahelian countries withmore market involvement and higher demand for highpriced commodities like meat.

21. For the effects of market reform in relation to the devel-opment of the Senegalese River Valley, refer to Beliereset al. (2002). Pastoralists and their use of markets havebeen described in a number of publications, e.g., Kerven(1992); Sikana et al., (1993); Toulmin (1995); and Zaal(1999).

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Continuity and Change in Pastoral Livelihoods of Senegalese Fulani

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