Contemporary Vernacular Resort Architecture:

Contemporary Vernacular Resort Architecture:

Representation of manufactured heritage or genuine expression of new vernacular values?

Contemporary Vernacular Resort Architecture: Representation of manufactured heritage or

genuine expression of new vernacular values?

Dissertation by Diana Belomorska

Supervisor: Oriel Prizeman

Welsh School of Architecture, Cardiff University

A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the degree of MArch, 2020

Word Count: 10,314

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Table of Contents

Acknowledgements

Abstract

Introduction

Context

Tourism and Authenticity

Hypothesis & Structure

Methodology

The Case Study | Unguja Island

Literature Review

Vernacular Traditions in Architecture

Authenticity in Tourism

The appropriation of Vernacular Architecture

Imitations of Vernacular Architecture

Imitations of Vernacular Architecture in the Form of Resorts

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Case Study Analysis | Unguja Island

Preliminary Research | Challenges in Tourism

Analysis | Case Studies

Architectural Continuity

Communal Engagement

Environmental Context

Conclusion | Reflection

Conclusion

Bibliography

List of Figures

Appendices

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Acknowledgements

First and foremost, I owe my gratitude to my tutor Oriel Prizeman for her invaluable help

and guidance throughout the process.

I would also like to express my gratitude to all of the expats on the main island of Zanzibar,

especially the two participants, who were gracious enough to set aside from their time and

tell their stories. This research would not have been possible otherwise!

Lastly, thank you, Mick, for continuously pushing and supporting me. Could not have done it

without you!

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Abstract

With globalisation continuously growing, indigenous cultures are perceived as losing their

identity. The impact of consumerism related to mass-tourism calls for the emergence of

accommodation developments, which draw their architectural significance from the

vernacular. In world where cultural expressions are merging to make way for internationalism,

Vernacular Architecture appears to be under threat by pressing issues related to

commodification of its values, ultimately harming the heritage of its integrity and wholeness.

Such concerns lead to immediate disregard of resort architecture as a mere form of imitation,

portraying no genuine values related to the vernacular. The research aims to explore this topic

and seeks to find a deeper meaning in the process of resorts developments, located in

vernacular contexts.

“The synthesis of the past and the present, of tradition and modernity, is the concern of

architects everywhere… architecture rooted in culture and tradition must extend itself to

reflect contemporary concerns and expectations.”1

1 Hasan-Uddin Khan, "Being, Forgetting, Remembering: Stewardship, Spirituality, And Change in The Vernacular Built Environment", International Journal Of Islamic Architecture, 4.1 (2015), 5-27 (p.18) <https://doi.org/10.1386/ijia.4.1.5_2>.

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Introduction

“How do we, in an increasingly global culture, one in which there is no defined region,

project the authenticity of place?”2

2 Khan, "Being, Forgetting, Remembering: Stewardship, Spirituality, And Change in The Vernacular Built Environment", p.20.

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Context

Mass tourism is one of the leading industries in the world and is responsible for the biggest

international and domestic movement of people. Putting aside concerns regarding transport-

related carbon emissions, it is one of the leading sources for cultural exchange and global

understanding, as well as a key economic generator for many countries. The sector currently

generates over $1.7 trillion in revenues and it continues to experience growth and

diversification, with its estimated number of travellers hitting the 1.4 billion mark in 2019. 3

While it is effectively suspended during the COVID-19 pandemic, the expectation remains that

it will resume its prominence economically as soon as is possible. As globalization and numbers

in tourism increase, the impact on the authenticity of heritage and cultural identity is

becoming more evident.

Nezar AlSayyad, in Consuming Tradition, Manufacturing Heritage: Global Norms and Urban

Forms in the Age of Tourism, brings the focus onto the traditional built environment and the

problems related to its exploitation as a means to attract foreign investors and tourists.4 Many

Third World countries, where the ‘vernacular’ dominates, actively promote their traditions

and heritage, taking advantage of their increasing popularity among tourists.5 Large-scale

developments devoted solely to consumerism are constantly emerging, their architecture –

meaningless in form and function and disconnected from its indigenous context.6 Therefore,

a growing concern is becoming that of regional built heritage, both authentic and

manufactured, and the way it is represented through tourism-related architectures.7

3 UNWTO, International Tourism Highlights: 2019 Edition (Madrid: UNWTO, 2019), pp. 2-14 (p.2)

<https://doi.org/10.18111/9789284421152> [Accessed 5 October 2020]. 4 Nezar AlSayyad, "Global Norms and Urban Forms in the Age of Tourism", in Consuming Tradition,

Manufacturing Heritage: Global Norms and Urban Forms in The Age Of Tourism, 2nd edn (London:

Routledge, 2013), pp 1-33, (p.2). 5 Erik Cohen, "Authenticity And Commoditization In Tourism", Annals Of Tourism Research, 15.3

(1988), 371-386 (p.381) <https://doi.org/10.1016/0160-7383(88)90028-x>. 6 Brian Goodall, “Coastal Resorts: Development and Redevelopment”, Built Environment, 18.1 (1992),

4-11, (p. 8). 7 Hasan-Uddin Khan, "Consuming Culture: Tourism and Architecture", International Journal of Islamic

Architecture, 5.1 (2016), 5-26, (p.9) <https://doi.org/10.1386/ijia.5.1.5_1>.

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Along with the issue of commodification of material-focused (tangible) heritage, scholars such

as Smith, have also identified an intangible aspect of heritage that is also under threat by the

effects of tourism – social and cultural processes and the way they are represented and

interpreted.8 These include traditions or ways of living such as “oral traditions, performing

arts, social practices, rituals, festive events, knowledge and practices concerning nature and

the universe or the knowledge and skills to produce traditional crafts”, as identified by

UNESCO.9

The concept of ‘community’ and problems related to identity and disassociation have,

therefore, become of interest in the field of heritage. Currently, increasing concerns are

evident in regard to a broader awareness of the injustices of cultural appropriation with

respect to colonialism as opposed to acculturation and assimilation.10 As communities turn to

‘representations of hegemonic meaning’ about their history to seek validation of their

identity, their ‘intangible’ heritage embodies significant value in cases where the pressing

economic changes, evolving social norms or the unavoidable effects of globalisation are

involved. 11 Heritage is no longer about conserving the past, but rather about staging it as a

‘visitable’ experience that can be accessed through contemporary forms of representation.12

The ICOMOS Charter adopted in 1999 aimed to tackle this issue, as it moved the focus from

minimising the negative impact of tourism on heritage, towards conservation of heritage

(tangible and intangible) with the intent to make its significance more accessible to visitors. In

regard to the built environment, the Charter highlights the importance of considering the

broader context on heritage places and states that ‘preference should be given to using local

materials and take account of local architectural styles or vernacular traditions’ as a guideline

on practice. 13 Without appropriate representation of the significance of a ‘place’ to visitors

8 Laurajane Smith, Uses Of Heritage, 1st edn (London: Routlegde, 2006), p.3. 9 UNESCO, "What Is Intangible Cultural Heritage?", Ich.Unesco.Org, 2020 <https://ich.unesco.org/en/what-is-intangible-heritage-00003> [Accessed 4 December 2020]. 10 James O Young, Cultural Appropriation And The Arts, 1st edn (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010), p.5. 11 Emma Waterton and Steve Watson, "Framing Theory: Towards A Critical Imagination In Heritage Studies", International Journal Of Heritage Studies, 19.6 (2013), 546-561 (p.550). 12 Rodney Harrison, Heritage: Critical Approaches, 1st edn (London: Routledge, 2013), p.86. 13 ICOMOS, INTERNATIONAL CULTURAL TOURISM CHARTER (Mexico, 1999) <https://www.icomos.org/charters/tourism_e.pdf> [Accessed 15 October 2020]

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and local members of the community, there is a risk that ‘a lack of understanding and

appreciation of the culture and heritage of the place within the wider community’ emerges

which can lead to prevention of the development of the local community’s place and

identity.14,15

With globalization growing, regionalism is making way for internationalism; the ‘vernacular’ is

outweighed by the ‘contemporary’. In a society which is becoming progressively dominated

by homogeneity, ‘vernacular’ architectural values are perceived as losing their authenticity

and, in turn, their identity. However, the re-interpretation of an imagined localism remains

the foundation of many economies.

14 Ibid. 15 ICOMOS, Heritage At Risk From Tourism, ICOMOS World Report 2001-2002 On Monuments And Sites In Danger (ICOMOS, 2001) <https://www.icomos.org/risk/2001/tourism.htm> [Accessed 1 October 2020].

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Tourism and Authenticity

“Capitalism seeks for cultural raw materials that can be transformed into income through

conservation, restoration, and outright fabrication of indigenous landscapes and traditional

cultural practices for the amusement of metropolitan consumers”16

One of the most conventional discussion surrounding the notion of ‘authenticity’ with respect

to art was initiated by Walter Benjamin in 1935. Through his essay “The Work of Art in the Age

of Mechanical Reproduction”, he suggests that an ‘authentic’ object is characterised as such

by “its presence in time and space, its unique existence at the place where it needs to be”.17

This means that not only will any further attempt at reproduction of this object inevitably lack

authenticity, as it is no longer possible to recreate the exact same conditions under which the

‘object’ was produced, but it might also damage the original object’s authenticity as well.18

“The Nara Document on Authenticity” from 1994 attempts to highlight the importance of

recognising and assessing ‘authenticity’ in a broader cultural sense.19 The charter suggests

that judgement regarding values and authenticity should not be based on fixed criteria, as the

nature of these notions differs “from culture to culture”.20 This resulted in recognition of

authenticity in a way that is respectful to all forms of representation of cultural diversity.

A main concern in modern tourism relates to the delivery of ‘authenticity’.21 The foreign visitor

is driven by the interest of seeking ‘real’ experiences when interacting with ‘exotic’ cultures.22

16 Dell Upton, "'Authentic' Anxieties", in Consuming Tradition, Manufacturing Heritage: Global Norms and Urban Forms In The Age Of Tourism, 2nd edn (London: Routledge, 2013), pp298-306 (p.298). 17 Walter Benjamin, "The Work Of Art In The Age Of Mechanical Reproduction", in Illuminations, 1st edn (New York: Schocken Books, 1969), p. 3. 18 Ibid, p. 19 ICOMOS, THE NARA DOCUMENT ON AUTHENTICITY (Nara, 1994) <https://www.icomos.org/charters/nara-e.pdf [Accessed 29 October 2020] 20 Ibid. 21 Dean MacCannell, The Tourist: A New Theory of The Leisure Class, 1st edn (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1999), pp. 91-108 (p.101). 22 MacCannell, p.10.

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A great deal of this interest is shaped by the ideal that Western media portrays as experiencing

the ‘exotic’.23 Respectively, host countries strive to provide that experience, as tourism is a

major generator in economic development.24 Local governments and business leaders resort

to the exploitation of heritage, be it authentic or fabricated, in order to satisfy this type of

consumerism.25 26 It is becoming increasingly difficult to grasp when an experience is in fact

‘real’. Therefore, authentic heritage has become just as much a key problem, as it is a leading

attraction in the tourism sector.

Contemporary ‘vernacular’ resorts are perceived as actively taking part in increasing the

problem, as their ‘exotic’ architecture is viewed as specifically tailored to what the foreign

visitor expects to receive – carefully constructed picturesque experiences with no real

meaning or values behind them.27 This particular ‘revival of the vernacular’ is critiqued for

portraying what scholars of heritage and tradition have identified as a ‘fake’ image of

vernacular architecture.28 It derives from an amalgamation of ‘contemporary’ and

‘traditional’, in order to fit into its context, at least at a perceptual level.29 Professionals

involved in the field are, therefore, accused of constructing fake experiences through the

manufacturing of heritage due to their desire to employ vernacular elements and

characteristics in their design, yet with no real meaning behind them.

Research by other scholars of heritage, such as Harrison, suggests that contemporary forms

of representation could act as a way of accessing the past.30 This proposes that heritage could

no longer be focused solely on the conservation of history, but also on its portrayal as a

‘visitable’ experience.31 This shift on experience could also be perceived as intensified through

the emphasis in recent years on the ‘intangible’ aspects of heritage. Vernacular architecture

is a field not only characterised by its tangible heritage, for example choice of materials and

23 Khan, "Consuming Culture: Tourism and Architecture", p.7. 24 MacCannell, p.101. 25 Ibid. 26 Cohen, p. 372. 27 Khan, "Consuming Culture: Tourism and Architecture", p.9. 28 Alissa De Wit-Paul, "Vernaculars: Creation of Modern Vernacular Traditions", Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review, 26.1 (2014), p.20. 29 Ibid. 30 Rodney Harrison, Heritage: Critical Approaches, 1st edn (London: Routledge, 2012), p. 86. 31 Harrison, p.86.

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architectural aesthetics, it is also the embodiment of many intangible traditions, such as

egalitarian relationships between individuals and collective knowledge regarding building

methods. Therefore, assessment of contemporary architectural representations of

vernacularism and their ‘authenticity’ could be based on aspects of their architectural

appearance, but a deeper analysis could reveal a more intangible connection to the vernacular

of the past.

The review uncovered one paper that deals directly with the issue of contemporary vernacular

resort architecture. In his essay “(Re)Presenting the Vernacular/(Re)Inventing Authenticity:

Resort Architecture in Southeast Asia”, Hock-Beng Tan challenges this notion, as he argues

that although a significant number of modern vernacular accommodations are in fact ‘place-

less’, there are contemporary architectural pieces of work that truly embody the values of

vernacular cultures, whilst managing to meet the expectations of the contemporary

consumerist.32 As Tan explores the ambiguous notion of authenticity, he states that the

problem with accepting modern vernacular architecture as authentic has to do with the ever-

changing nature of the term, therefore its applicability on traditional and modern architecture

is becoming increasingly more difficult.33

“Meaningful directions in contemporary architecture … can only evolve if there is a deeper

understanding and protracted re-evaluation of indigenous building traditions…”34

Tan’s essay, although insightful regarding the relationship between authenticity and the

contemporary vernacular, evaluates the chosen case studies solely based on their resulting

architectural appearance, rather than provide a deeper analysis of the intangible values that

the vernacular embodies.

32 Hock-Beng Tan, “(Re)Presenting the Vernacular/(Re)Inventing Authenticity: Resort Architecture in Southeast Asia”, Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Working Paper Series, vol. 6.2, 1994, 27-46 (p.26) 33 Tan, p.28 34 Ibid, p.35

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Hypothesis

“The new vernacular is not limited by either building type or confinement to any one place –

it is timeless because it embodies principles and values that are timeless.”35

This paper presumes that the understanding of contemporary vernacular architecture could

be redefined as such to allow for it to represent genuine traditional values, while still managing

to stay relevant in the context of current architectural concerns and expectations. Discourse

on the notion of the traditional vernacular and its values in the context of tourism will be

explored. The research seeks to find which characteristics shape the essence of vernacularism,

and question its validity as a relevant, dynamically developing part of modern architectural

practice, rather than an ‘architectural phase conformed to the past’, left only to be looked at

and appreciated for its aesthetics.36 Ismail Serageldin suggests in “Space for Freedom” that the

question is not whether a building conforms exactly to values of the past, but whether the

lessons have been analyses and understood so that they can be applied when creating

solutions for contemporary situations.37

Structure

First, the paper will review the existing discourse surrounding the notion of vernacularism and

will aim to uncover some of the founding values related to the term. Difficulties with

perceiving modern interpretations as ‘authentic’ are uncovered as grounded in the limitations

surrounding the term itself along with a general perception of the field of vernacularism as

one that is rooted in ‘past’ traditions. Therefore, authenticity reveals itself a significant

problem from the perspective of contemporary tourists, as well as academics and

35 Khan, "Being, Forgetting, Remembering: Stewardship, Spirituality, and Change in The Vernacular Built Environment", p.24. 36 Paul Oliver, "Vernacular Know-How", Material Culture, 18.3 (1986), 113-126 (p.118). 37 Ismail Serageldin, Space for Freedom, 1st edn (London: Butterworth Architecture, 1989), p. 58.

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conservationists who are trying to process the interpretation of modern vernacular

architecture as it develops, particularly resort architecture. The research explores the

meaning of the term in this context and draws on the work of scholars who acknowledge a

possible validity of authenticity through the approach of representation. Through this, the

research aims to determine whether meaningful new vernacular architecture in the form of

resort developments can be achieved by a combination of intangible embedded traditional

values and contemporary principles.

After thematically ordering current values attributed to the idea of the vernacular from a

range of disciplinary perspectives, the framework will be used to determine the criteria for

the critical analysis of resort developments on the East Coast of Zanzibar’s main island –

Unguja, where numerous coastal developments of this type are situated within the context of

the local vernacular. The development of tourism on the island will be explored to determine

what are the current challenges that this sector faces. The paper will then focus on an in-depth

analysis of two case studies, which will be chosen as representatives of the two categories

determined based on a desktop survey of the island’s current accommodation sector. The

analysis will aim to explore the hypothesis of the paper, as case studying will be evaluated

against themes extracted from the literature review.

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Methodology

The objective of the paper is to determine whether contemporary vernacular resorts are able

to embody traditional values at a deeper level, rather than solely through surface

representation. Initially, the research was intended to be focused on implementation of

vernacular architectural elements in the design of contemporary resort developments on

Unguja Island’s East Coast. A review of the existing literature that explores this type of tourist

developments uncovered that emphasis is put on the portrayal of tangible vernacular

characteristics, with little investigation into the intangible processes that lead to the

completion of such projects. Therefore, the aim of the research shifted onto a more in-depth

investigation of values associated with the traditional vernacular and how their expression

may find its place in the reality of today.

Documentary analysis was conducted to gain insight into the current situation of tourism and

how it influences the indigenous population of the island, along with its cultural heritage. A

selection of resorts from different price categories within the accommodation sector was

considered as a centre-point of the case study analysis but was dismissed due to

considerations related to unequal level of possible investments. As the documentary analysis

suggested that high-end resorts have the most positive impact out of all three accommodation

types (low-, mid-, and high-end), the focus of this paper was moved onto representatives from

this category. A desktop survey was then carried out to allow for a comprehensive

architectural overview of the existing high-end developments, subsequently leading to a

selection of two case studies for an in-depth analysis. The choice was based on their level of

similarity, as well as difference in aesthetic appearance in comparison to the prevalent resort

architecture in the area.

Qualitative research methods were utilised to explore the topic of research. A total of two

semi-structured interviews were conducted with two participants – one representative for

each case study. Interviewees were chosen based on their level of knowledge and involvement

of the planning, construction and use of the respective resorts. The open-ended nature of the

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interviews allowed for a more unrestricted discussion, which led to a possibility for further

clarification and expanding on emergent themes.

Both semi-structured interviews initiated with questions regarding general information about

the respective developments, followed by informal interrogation regarding three general

themes: architectural inspirations, sourcing of materials and involvement of the locals.

Although two interviews do not provide sufficient data for a conclusive statistical proof, they

do give insight into the participants’ intangible attitude towards the vernacular heritage of the

region.

Responses from the interviews, along with personal observations of the architecture of the

developments were analysed against the three main themes and their sub-indicators using a

deductive method. Based on this, conclusions were made on the challenges and opportunities

contemporary resort developments encounter regarding implementing genuine vernacular

values.

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The Case Study | East Coast of Unguja

Southeast Africa’s coastal region is home of the ‘Swahili’ culture and its people (from Arabic:

‘sahil’ means coast).38 The Swahili people are Afro-Arabs, whose culture is Islamic with

incorporated African and Indian elements.39 Their settlements are located along the Southeast

African mainland and several coastal islands of the Indian Ocean, one of which – Unguja, also

referred to as Zanzibar Island (Figure 1). 40

38 Linda W. Donley-Reid, "Zenj", in Encyclopaedia оf Vernacular Architecture of The World, 1st edn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp.1973-1974 (p. 1973) 39 Ibid. 40 Ibid.

Figure 1

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The island’s hybrid architecture is a clear testament to its heritage, as it is a living

representation of a long and vibrant history, exposed to numerous foreign influences. For a

long period of time, the island was home to Swahili merchants, who dealt with long-distance

traders from both Africa’s mainland and the Indian Ocean.41 At the end of the 15th century,

the Portuguese dominated the mainland’s coastal trade, along with Zanzibar’s main island,

which continued for nearly two centuries and brought with it economic downturn and the

beginning of the slave trade.42 From the late 17th century all through the 19th century, the

island fell under the ruling of The Sultanate of Oman, which had the most substantial impact

on the island’s development. The new colonizers introduced the ‘heavy-walled, flat-roofed,

multi-storey courtyard house”, which was an adequate design for its original dry region, but

not as appropriate for the island’s tropical conditions.43 Later on, Zanzibar encountered the

incursion of Indian traders, who introduced a new form of mixed-use buildings with outdoor

terraces and decorative ornamentation.44 Finally, the island fell under the ruling of the British

during the late 19th century and colonial elements made their way into the already colourful

architecture of Zanzibar.45

The early development of Zanzibar Island was not significantly influenced by the rural African

population, as the indigenous people kept their distance from the foreign urban intruders.46

With time, progressively more free Swahili people settled on the island.47 Their architecture

remained the traditional mud and wattle house, which was widely popular along the

Southeast African coast.48

41 Mark Horton and John Middleton, The Swahili: The Social Landscape of a Mercantile Society, 1st edn (Oxford: Blackwell, 2010), p. 46. 42 Richard Harris and Garth Myers, "Hybrid Housing: Improvement аnd Control In Late Colonial Zanzibar", Journal Of The Society Of Architectural Historians, 66.4 (2007), 476-493 (p.477) <https://doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2007.66.4.476>. 43 Ibid. 44 Ibid. 45 Harris and Myers, p. 478 46 Erich F. Meffert, "Zanzibar", in Encyclopaedia оf Vernacular Architecture of The World, 1st edn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p.1992. 47 Ibid. 48 Ibid.

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The homes of the Swahili are generally made from a boriti and fito (vertical pole and horizontal

lath) structural frame which is then filled with pressed udongo (clay) to complete the walls

(Figure 2).49 Small stones or shells might be added to the udongo for more density (Figure 3).50

The houses are topped with makuti (made from thatched palm leaves), which has a high

insulation value and allows for partial ventilation through the roof.51 As all materials are

sourced locally, the building process is con venient and cost-effective.

Today, the island’s vernacular architecture remains tightly connected to its people’s

traditional Swahili culture, regardless of the pressure applied by multiple foreign influences

throughout the centuries. As tourism is a leading driver in Zanzibar’s economic development,

the coastal regions currently are overtaken by hotels, resorts, Western style restaurants and

other settlements tailored to cater to visitors and their experience on the island. Today,

Zanzibar is the archetypal confused post-colonial dream, as the legacy of oppression is

covered by beautiful landscapes and picturesque resort settings – a constructed place for an

ideal experience for outsiders.

49 Donley-Reid, "Zenj", p. 1973. 50 Ibid. 51 Harris and Myers, p. 480

Figure 2 Figure 3

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Literature Review

The following section critically explores the notion of vernacular architecture and its

place in the 21st century to understand how its traditional values can be successfully

preserved, while at the same allowing it to stay relevant and support its dynamic

development. The views on modernist interventions in the field of vernacularism

are analysed to give an understanding of the approaches undertaken when

implementing vernacular elements in contemporary designs and the potential

problems that emerge with them – ethical issues of the authenticity of

contemporary vernacular architecture and the values it represents. Through this,

the research aims to explore whether a sensible intervention in vernacular settings

in the form of resorts could have a positive impact on the representation of local

architecture to foreign visitors.

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Vernacular Traditions in Architecture.

The notion of ‘vernacularism’ provokes controversial views among scholars. Although the

term dates back to earlier centuries, it became a particular topic of interest in architecture

during the second half of the 20th century.52 Curiosity spiked after Rudofsky’s exhibition in

1964, which portrayed vernacular buildings as ones that amount to ‘intuitive genius’,

therefore ascribing their designers’ abilities to ‘mystical causation’.53

“For want of a generic label, we shall call it vernacular, anonymous, spontaneous,

indigenous, rural, as the case may be.”54

Rudofsky’s catalogue Architecture without Architects, which followed the exhibition, was

considered only a surface investigation, as it was ‘strong on exotic images’, but lacked critical

analysis on the vernacular approach to building and design.55 According to scholars such as

Paul Oliver, similar studies in the field have also had a tendency to unintentionally overlook

the dynamic nature of vernacularism, as its architecture has often been perceived solely

through an aesthetic point of view, with little regard for context, which has resulted in

‘conforming vernacularism to past traditions’ with little potential for future development of

the field., 56, 57

In opposition to Rudofsky’s definition of vernacular architecture as something that “does not

go through fashion cycles” 58, a range of later research by scholars, such as Oliver, Upton,

52 Bernard Rudofsky, Architecture Without Architects, 1st edn (London: Academy Editions, 1964). 53 Thomas Hubka, "Just Folks Designing", Journal of Architectural Education, 32.3 (1979), 27-29 (p.27). 54 Rudofsky. 55 Hubka, p.27. 56 Paul Oliver, "Ethics and Vernacular Architecture", in Ethics and The Built Environment, 1st edn (London: Routledge, 2020), pp. 115-126 (p.118). 57 Dell Upton, "The Tradition of Change", Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review, 5.1 (1993), 9-15 (p.10). 58 Rudofsky.

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Hubka, Glassie and others, has promoted the concept that such notions of the vernacular

being stuck in the past needs to be revised. Instead, they urged for a critical analysis of the

ideas behind this ‘architecture without architects’, which could then unfold vernacularism’s

true values and allows for them to continue their reiteration in the world of today.

Architectural continuity.

A significant value related to vernacular architecture is the ‘know-how’ that is necessary in the

field. According to Paul Oliver, it is expressed in the ‘transformation of energy into building

process’, meaning ‘what is known and what is inherited about the dwelling, building or

settlement’: appropriate building techniques; knowledge of natural material resources for

building; method or technique that transmit into skills and manual abilities.59 Oliver, through

his explorations on the topic, suggests that this aspect of the vernacular is one that is heavily

romanticized, as it regards the respect towards the authenticity surrounding craftsmanship

without taking into account that weaknesses and difficulties in building technology set limits

within which to work, rather than pose problems to overcome through technological

advancement.60 Vernacular builders depend on tradition and experience, which, although

results in homogenic architectural settings, does not motivate for gaining knowledge on

possible application of skills to modern technologies. Although its efficiency and performance

in today’s world in terms of building technology are put into question, know-how remains a

core value of Vernacular Architecture.

Communal Engagement.

Engagement and direct participation during the design phase, the construction phase and,

subsequently, the use of the space when completed are founding principles in the idea of the

vernacular. According to Upton and Glassie, building relies on a powerful sense of community

and understanding between people, which juxtaposes to the fragmented and isolated nature

59 Paul Oliver, "Vernacular Know-How", Material Culture, 18.3 (1986), 113-126 (p. 113). 60 Ibid, p. 116.

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of contemporary society.61 This personal involvement in the process of building is perceived as

rewarding, offering reassurance of the inhabitant’s capabilities, contrasting to the

disassociated nature of modern building approaches and “decline in personal

empowerment”.62 Glassie builds on this, by stating that the involvement of communal political

ethic can be also be noted from repetitive patterns between vernacular spaces of a single

origin. This is ascribed to the existence of shared traditional social values and egalitarian

relations, contrary to the nature of modern social interactions where exploitation and

disconnection prevail.63 64

Environmental Context.

One of the key aspects that provoke the appraisal of Vernacular Architecture is its perceived

connection to the surrounding natural context. Materials need to be sourced locally and

building decisions are subject to environmental conditions, therefore, an architectural

continuity emerges, as builders do not strive to escape from the contextual limitations, but

rather use them to their advantage.65 Henry Glassie ties similar views into the values of

traditional architecture, which he juxtaposes to those of modern buildings.66 He implies that

vernacularism helps people understand ‘their place in the universe’ and ‘the validity of their

culture’. It requires nature to be faced head on, as opposed to the ‘nonhuman world’, where

‘nature is erased’ and liberation from environmental conditions is offered, therefore

prohibiting real experiences, and preventing people from establishing authentic connections

with the world they inhabit.67

61 Dell Upton, "The Tradition of Change", Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review, 5.1 (1993), 9-15 (p.11). 62 Henry Glassie, "Architects, Vernacular Traditions, And Society", Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review, 1.2 (1990), 9-21 (p.12). 63 Ibid. 64 Upton, “The Tradition of Change”, p.10. 65 Oliver, "Vernacular Know-How", p.117. 66 Glassie, p.11 67 Ibid, p.12.

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This part of the literature review explores the perceived traditional meaning of vernacular

architecture and key values are extracted which will be used as criteria for assessing the case

studies analysed in this paper. The aim is to explore whether contemporary interpretations of

vernacular architecture are capable of embodying vernacular ideas and values to the same

extent as indigenous buildings.

Key values of the traditional vernacular:

4. Architectural continuity:

• Homogenic architectural settings

• Craftsmanship

• Tradition and experience

5. Communal engagement:

• Personal involvement in the process of building

• Shared traditional social values

• Egalitarian relations

6. Environmental Context:

• Building decisions are subject to environmental conditions

• Real experiences

• Establishing authentic connections with the world

20

Authenticity in Tourism.

Authenticity reveals itself is a key problem when evaluating the significance of new vernacular

designs. Therefore, we must first determine the meaning of the term within the context of

tourism and establish criteria by which it would be possible to evaluate the extent to which an

architectural piece proves itself to be, in fact, authentic.

Dean MacCannell explores the meaning of authenticity through the perspective of the modern

tourist and how it is used as a set characteristic of evaluating objects and experience.68 Erik

Cohen builds on MacCannell’s theory and argues that authenticity is a “socially constructed

term”, therefore its definition is not a given, but ‘negotiable’, depending on the strictness of

the criteria by which the individual evaluates, which results in differential conceptions of

authenticity.69 He goes on to state that objects or experiences, if consistently regarded as

genuine by society, may also gradually acquire the status of ‘authentic’, a process which he

refers to as ‘emergent authenticity’.70 This theory could then easily be applied to architecture

– if new vernacular buildings are designed well enough to convince the visitor of their

significance, they could become authentic over time.

David Boyle, in his book Authenticity, explores the search for authenticity as a newfound need

to experience the origins of humanity, rooted in nature and genuine beauty, as explained by

Heynen.71 This emerges as an opposition to all that is ingenuine, mass-produced and

manufactured; it is related to “the beauty of places as opposed to the ugliness of non-places”.72

Vernacular architecture is an appropriate medium in this sense, as its essence is rooted in the

local environment and the interrelation between the two is a leading principle in the field.

68 MacCannell, p. 93 69 Erik Cohen, "Authenticity and Commoditization In Tourism", Annals Of Tourism Research, 15.3 (1988), 371-386 (p.379). 70 Ibid. 71 Hilde Heynen, "Questioning Authenticity", National Identities, 8.3 (2006), 287-300 (p.288) <https://doi.org/10.1080/14608940600842607>. 72 Ibid.

21

According to Oxford Dictionary, for something to be regarded as authentic, it must “accurately

reflect a model or exemplar” or be “traditionally produced and presented”.73 This definition

resonates with Marcel Vellinga’s views, who argues in The Inventiveness of Tradition that

modern examples of vernacular architecture are essentially ‘authentic cultural expressions’,

as their building language represents shifts in the development of culture and place; they are

authentic representations of their specific context, just as much as their predecessors speak

of the cultural and environmental context of their own time.74 Furthermore, this ‘local

vernacularisation of modernity’ is very much connected to ‘place’, as they draw their

inspiration from the existing vernacular architecture providing architectural continuity.75

Karsten Harries, in The Ethical Function of Architecture, similarly implies that architecture ‘in

its highest sense’ is an art of representation – by drawing from the essence of ‘other

architecture’ with special significance, buildings express their own by representing themselves

in the image of the ideal they chose to reference.76 New architecture, by representing

vernacular regional buildings, could be interpreted as a celebration of an ideal of the past, a

memory that in the contemporary world is out of direct reach, but its significance can be

praised through meaningful manifestation.

“…building becomes architecture when it re-presents itself, turning to the architecture of

the past in order to represent an imagined architecture that answers to dreams of genuine

building and dwelling.”77

73 ‘Authenticity’, in The Oxford English Dictionary [online], <https://www-oed-com.abc.cardiff.ac.uk/view/Entry/13325?redirectedFrom=authenticity#eid> [accessed 05 December 2020]. 74 Vellinga, "The Inventiveness of Tradition: Vernacular Architecture and The Future", p.122. 75 Ibid, p. 124. 76 Karsten Harries, The Ethical Function of Architecture, 1st edn (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1998), pp. 118-135 (p.120). 77 Ibid, p.119

https://www-oed-com.abc.cardiff.ac.uk/view/Entry/13325?redirectedFrom=authenticity#eid

https://www-oed-com.abc.cardiff.ac.uk/view/Entry/13325?redirectedFrom=authenticity#eid

22

The Appropriation of Vernacular Architecture.

Currently, vernacularism is under massive pressure by aspects of globalisation such as

consumerism, mass tourism and manufacturing of heritage.78 Economic development pushes

for architectural interventions in vernacular settings. Concepts such as ‘tradition’, ‘modernity’,

‘place’ are shifting their meaning.79 As a result, the ideal traditional values of vernacularism

are perceived as vulnerable and under threat by issues that follow acts of cultural

appropriation. A commonly shared view amongst scholars of heritage and conservation is that

the advancement of modernisation inevitably leads to the “contamination, destruction and

disappearance” of vernacular heritage.80 Therefore, when speaking of western appropriations

of vernacular traditions, the focus of the discourse tends to lean towards the negative impact

on the integrity and wholeness of indigenous cultures.81

Sahlins, in his publication "Two or Three Things That I Know About Culture", justifies similar

concerns by indicating the relevance of “the despondency theory”, which states that the fall

of vernacular traditions when being brought into contact with western cultures is unavoidable

due to the massive impact of globalisation; eventually indigenous cultures will inevitably suffer

from decline or loss of their unique values due to cultural appropriation.82 An essay by Rogers

provides insight into transculturation – a form of cultural appropriation, which characterises

this phenomenon as influenced by global capitalism in the ear of today.83 According to his

research, transculturation occurs when imported cultural elements take on local commodified

‘exotic’ features under the dominant influence of consumerism, which could prove damaging

to the host community’s cultural ‘purity’.84 Notions of ‘vernacular’ and ‘contemporary’ are,

therefore, commonly viewed in a continuous juxtaposition within the architectural discourse,

78 Lindsay Asquith and Marcel Vellinga, "Introduction", in Vernacular Architecture in the 21st Century: Theory, Education and Practice, 1st edn (London: Taylor & Francis, 2006), pp. 1-20 (p.5). 79 Asquith and Vellinga, p.5. 80 Marcel Vellinga, "Engaging the Future: Vernacular Architecture Studies in The Twenty-First Century", in Vernacular Architecture In The 21st Century: Theory, Education And Practice, 1st edn (London: Taylor & Francis, 2006), pp. 81-94 (p.85). 81 Ibid. 82 Marshall Sahlins, "Two or Three Things That I Know About Culture", The Journal of The Royal Anthropological Institute, 5.3 (1999), 399-421 (p. 401) <https://doi.org/10.2307/2661275>. 83 Richard A. Rogers, "From Cultural Exchange To Transculturation: A Review And Reconceptualization Of Cultural Appropriation", Communication Theory, 16.4 (2006), 474-503 (p. 475). 84 Ibid, p.491.

23

as issues of commodification of indigenous architectural features for the purpose of

consumerism threaten the integrity and wholeness of the respective cultures.

Marcel Vellinga, on the other hand, agrees with these theories and the issues they pose in

terms of the unavoidable influence between cultures, but suggests also the importance of

recognising this process as one that is just as relevant now, as it has been throughout history.85

Vellinga indicates that most existing cultures today are essentially born out of numerous

encounters in the past, resulting in ‘cultural borrowing and merging’, therefore cultural

development must be recognised as a natural process, one that shows that traditions are

dynamic and adaptive, as opposed to “stagnant and unchanging”86, which also applies to the

vernacular and its contemporary development.87

“it is an ever-changing continuous interplay of precedent and innovation that dialectically

responds to changes in society, culture, and the natural environment.”88

Khan builds on this in his essay "Crossing Boundaries: Expressions Of Identity In Architecture",

and highlights the idea that for vernacular traditions to develop, the principles behind them

must necessarily be understood and adapted to suit the requirements of the modern

environment – through new vernacular architecture it is possible to express the

transformation of identity and the new values it stands for.89 Dell Upton, in “The tradition of

Change”, even goes as far as to state that for vernacular studies to advance, scholars of the

field must contaminate the ‘authenticity’ and ‘traditions’ of the vernacular, maybe even

abandon these notions altogether and the responsibilities they bring with them, shifting the

focus of research onto the unknown and the ambiguous.90

85 Vellinga, "Engaging the Future: Vernacular Architecture Studies in The Twenty-First Century", p.86. 86 Hubka, p.27. 87 Vellinga, "Engaging the Future: Vernacular Architecture Studies in The Twenty-First Century", p.86. 88 Marcel Vellinga, "The Inventiveness of Tradition: Vernacular Architecture and The Future", p.124. 89 Khan, "Crossing Boundaries: Expressions Of Identity In Architecture ", Thresholds, 13 (1996), 6-13 (p.10). 90 Upton, "The Tradition of Change”, p.14.

24

Imitations of Vernacular Architecture.

A common approach when dealing with the vernacular and its representation through

modern vocabularies is identified by Özkan, in "Introduction - Regionalism Within Modernism”,

as the interpretative version of vernacularism, or neo-vernacularism.91 Oliver, in his essay

"Why Study Vernacular Architecture?", explains that this approach is one that aims to revive

distinctive characteristics of the vernacular through sympathetic recognition of spatial

qualities, material use, details and other forms of indigenous expressions, which in turn are

intended to be sensibly employed through new forms of architecture.92 He suggests that the

interpreters of vernacularism use traditional buildings as inspiration and hope to provoke

similar emotions in the user through their own architecture, even though such specialists

recognize that the approach they undertake towards designing differs radically to that of true

vernacular builders.93

Özkan further explores this in the context of vernacular architecture, and states that although

neo-vernacular buildings possess a conformist nature, as contemporaneity is accepted by

acknowledging the need to comply with modern requirements, the modern architectural

vocabulary that they embody is rooted in the building tradition of a particular culture.94 He

goes on to say that vernacularism and neo-vernacularism differ from one another mainly in

terms of the building technology, however, the forms and spaces “belong to the distant

past”.95 This, effectively, still achieves the aim of bringing new life to vernacular heritage, even

though it is meant for new and contemporary purposes.

Vellinga, in the “The Inventiveness of Tradition: Vernacular Architecture and the Future”,

supports this by stating that architectural pieces of work such as these can still be perceived

as vernacular, as they represent specific cultural characteristics of traditional buildings which

91 Suha Özkan, "Introduction - Regionalism Within Modernism", in Regionalism in Architecture, 1st edn (Singapore: Concept Media, 1985), pp. 8-16 (p.10). 92 Paul Oliver, "Why Study Vernacular Architecture?", in Built to Meet Needs: Cultural Issues in Vernacular Architecture 1St Edition, 1st edn (London: Routledge, 2006), pp. 3-16 (p.10). 93 Ibid. 94 Özkan, p.12. 95 Ibid.

25

are connected to the same place or region, and as such they help form the “shared

architectural dialect” of the culture.96

96 Marcel Vellinga, "The Inventiveness of Tradition: Vernacular Architecture And The Future", Perspectives In Vernacular Architecture, 13.2 (2006), 115-128 (p.124).

26

Imitations of Vernacular Architecture in the Form of Resorts.

“Constructing buildings, indeed constructing experiences, using the same materials, the same

vocabularies as that of tradition, but obviously more sophisticated and communicated to an

external audience, means that historical information absorbed in this way assumes the

aspect of reincarnation”97

Resort developments are a leading phenomenon in the architectural sector for buildings that

‘represent’ vernacular values through modern approaches, as resort settings play an integral

part in shaping the impression of the host country’s architecture in the eye of the foreign

visitor. The vernacular is used as a source of inspiration for resort developers and a guide to

creating genuine ‘exotic’ experiences for the visitor.

According to Oliver, their architecture is also often considered a simple presentation of local

shapes and forms as a means to merely replicate values of vernacularism for consumerist

purposes.98 Their designers are perceived as less interested in the actual values of traditions,

than in the imitation of surface elements and aesthetic characteristics, as their designs are

inspired by a desire to construct a ‘dream’ as imagined by the visitor.99 Therefore,

conservationists and modernists reject their interpretation of ‘modern’ and ‘vernacular’

combinations, justifying this on the basis that the designs are not ‘authentic’ representations

of the vernacular.100 Furthermore, the apparent economic dependence of host countries on

tourism and the income it brings poses questions as whether this justifies the commodification

of such vernacular features.

97 Khan, "Consuming Culture: Tourism and Architecture", p.19. 98 Oliver, "Why Study Vernacular Architecture?", p.10 99 Ibid. 100 Vellinga, "The Inventiveness of Tradition: Vernacular Architecture and The Future", p.125.

27

Unguja Island | Case Study Analysis

28

Challenges in Tourism.

The archipelago of Zanzibar gains its independence from Britain in 1963, after which it forms

a union with the state of Tanganyika, subsequently leading to the formation of the United

Republic of Tanzania.101 The country adopts a socialist regime, imposing protective policies

with the intent to shield the economy from the influence of foreign capital, effectively

discouraging external investments.102 According to Curry’s research, this results in an overall

underdevelopment of the tourist sector up until the 1980s, as it was completely reliant on

domestic public-sector investment.103 Significant changes occur when the government

establishes the Tourism Investment Act in 1986, which allows for the first hotel to be built on

the east coast of the main island during the following year. 104 Today, tourism in Zanzibar is

blooming, as reports show that numbers in annual tourist arrivals on the island have gone

from 20,000 in 1987, to over 500,000 in 2017.105 Although the worldwide impact of the COVID-

19 pandemic has also posed a setback in the development of the sector, Zanzibar remains one

of the few ‘exotic’ destinations open to tourists, attracting its usual visitors from major source

market countries, many of which in Europe.106

Research suggests that tourism can have a positive influence on social and economic local

development if effective mechanisms are placed to enforce best practice. This can be

accomplished by establishing and expanding local linkages, meaning foreign enterprises

develop relationships with local businesses which lead to mutual benefits.107 Although the

101 UNESCO, Swahili Historic Urban Landscapes - Report On The Historic Urban Landscape Workshops And Field Activities On The Swahili Coast In East Africa 2011-2012 (UNESCO, 2013), p. 30. 102 Dorothea Meyer, "Exploring The Duality Of Structure And Agency – The Changing Dependency Paradigms Of Tourism Development On The Swahili Coast Of Kenya And Zanzibar", Current Issues In Tourism, 16.7-8 (2013), 773-791 (p. 781). 103 Steve Curry, "Tourism Development In Tanzania", Annals Of Tourism Research, 17.1 (1990), 133-149 (p. 141). 104 Meyer, p. 781. 105 The World Bank, Zanzibar: A Pathway To Tourism For All: Integrated Strategic Action Plan (The World Bank, 2019), p. 14 <https://documents.worldbank.org/en/publication/documents-reports/documentdetail/993701565250577192/zanzibar-a-pathway-to-tourism-for-all-integrated-strategic-action-plan> [Accessed 4 December 2020]. 106 Ibid, p. 15. 107 Wineaster Anderson and Saleh Juma, "Leakages At Tourism Destinations: Challenges In Zanzibar", ARA: Revista De Investigación En Turismo, 3.1 (2011), 27-41 (p. 28).

29

effects of tourism on specifically economic development are not the topic of research in this

thesis, it is important to mention this, as it puts into perspective the significance of

relationships between resort developments, the local community and the difficulties they

face.

Reports on the development of Zanzibar, such as “The Value Chain Analysis” from 2010 and

the “Tourism Integrated Strategic Action Plan” (TISAP) of 2019, state that tourism accounts

for almost half of the island’s revenue, 90% of which is generated by the accommodation

sector.108 Nevertheless, several factors pose challenges for the tourism industry in the

archipelago of Zanzibar, particularly for hospitality developments, which can be characterised

as demand and supply-related. 109 The current situation within the accommodation sector will

be analysed against the three themes extracted from section 2 with the intent to explore what

the contemporary challenges that the sector faces are in regard to traditional vernacular

architecture and its values.


Regardless of the forementioned dangers of representing the vernacular only at a surface

level, Zanzibar’s most recent tourism policy encourages the use of local architecture as a

source of inspiration when planning new developments.110 The aim is to maintain consistency

in the architectural aesthetics and building style on the island.111 This includes use of local

building techniques, as well as implementation of indigenous arts & crafts in the design of the

buildings. Regarding the former, the goal is to preserve building methods as a tradition on the

island, while the latter is encouraged through supporting the growth of material production

108 Birgit Steck, Kenneth Wood and Julia Bishop, Tourism More Value For Zanzibar: Value Chain Analysis – Final Report (Zanzibar, 2010) (p.7). 109Ibid, (p.3) 110 Zanzibar Commission for Tourism, Zanzibar Tourism Policy Statement (Zanzibar: Zanzibar Tourism). 111 Ibid.

30

and manufacturing of ornamentation through the explicit use of materials sourced solely on

the island.112

Communal engagement.

A fundamental responsibility for stakeholders in the tourism industry is establishing positive

relationships with the local community. This can be expressed through promotion of products

and services to tourists, and it also assures mutual benefit, as the local economy is boosted,

and visitors are exposed to the particularity of the host country’s culture. 113 Most common

approach remains employment. According to the TISAP, an estimation of over 20,000 direct

jobs have been created, as well as around 50,000 indirect ones by the sector out of a

population of 1.4 million.114 Such low employment numbers in a tourism-dependent location

such as the archipelago of Zanzibar are a consequence of several factors.

First, there is a prevailing lack of adequate training provision for potential local personnel,

Basic skills such as the ability to speak languages other than Swahili, or be able to do simple

mathematic, are rarely present, therefore employers in the accommodation sector tend to

seek foreign recruitment.115

Second, a significant issue becomes the difference in cultural understandings between foreign

stakeholders involved in the destination’s tourism sector and the Zanzibari residents. As the

natives are predominantly of Islamic faith, participation in the tourist sector proves less

desirable due to religious considerations such as choice of work clothing and/or working with

specific foods and alcoholic substances.116 Furthermore, surveys show that the local

population feels that the lack of tourist education regarding ‘proper behaviour’ shows signs

of disrespect towards the indigenous culture.117 Therefore, locals are less inclined to accept

112 Zanzibar Commission for Tourism. 113 Wineaster Anderson, "Leakages In The Tourism Systems: Case Of Zanzibar", Tourism Review, 68.1 (2013), 62-76 (p.63). 114 The World Bank, p.14. 115 Steck, Wood and Bishop, p.3. 116 The World Bank, p.31. 117 Ibid, p.28.

31

the sector as one that has a positive influence on the island, which leads to less desire to get

involved.


The tourism policy also highlights the importance of using local materials in new

developments, which is something that has also been underlined by the ICOMOS charter from

1999, with the aim of encouraging designs that reflect the environmental and cultural context

of the respective hospitality developments.118 119 Furthermore, by sourcing materials through

local vendors not only is the local economy supported and linkages are strengthened, the

energy and costs related to transportation are also majorly reduced.

On the other hand, research shows that a gradual problem is becoming the deforestation and

degradation of ecosystems on the island, as the increasing demand for local construction

materials and the developing competitiveness between investors and local providers has led

to resource depletion.120 Therefore, although traditional vernacular architecture calls for use

of locally sourced building materials, it is debatable whether large-scale new developments

should, in fact, necessarily implement this approach, as it could prove more damaging, than

helpful to the specific context, subsequently having a negative impact on the local population.

The involvement of resorts.

According to research conducted by The World Bank, at government level, success in tourism

development on the island is attributed solely to increased numbers of visitors, rather than a

holistic approach, while the overall growth of the sector largely advances at the expense of

foreign resort hotel investors.121 Furthermore, analysis shows that high-end hotels have the

highest positive impact on the local community and have therefore been chosen as the central

118 Zanzibar Commission for Tourism, Zanzibar Tourism Policy Statement (Zanzibar: Zanzibar Tourism). 119 ICOMOS, INTERNATIONAL CULTURAL TOURISM CHARTER (Mexico, 1999) <https://www.icomos.org/charters/tourism_e.pdf> [Accessed 01 October 2018]. 120 Elena S. Rotarou, "Tourism In Zanzibar: Challenges For Pro-Poor Growth", Caderno Virtual De Turismo, 14.3 (2014), 250-264 (p. 260). 121 The World Bank, p. 5.

32

topic of analysis in this research.122 The intent is to explore what aspects need to be considered

when undertaking new developments of such high and demanding standard in sensitive

indigenous contexts and what are the challenges that the hospitality sector faces.

A desktop survey carried out on ‘Booking.com’ shows that there are currently close to 600

accommodation listings on the island, only 30 of which are in the upper-class resort niche.123

The majority of these are located on the East Coast of the island (Figure).

122 Steck, Wood and Bishop, p. 7. 123 "Booking.Com: The Largest Selection Of Hotels, Homes, And Vacation Rentals", Booking.Com, 2020 <https://www.booking.com/> [Accessed 5 December 2020].

Figure 4

33

Initial observations via online sources indicate that most resorts establishments in this price

category undertake surface representational design approaches, most often by utilising

traditional to the region thatched makuti roofs to achieve a ‘vernacular’ aesthetic appearance.

Differences emerge in the openings and some aspects of the shapes of the roofs, as the

thatching technique allows for a flexible design (Figure 5 – 10).

Figure 6 Figure 5

Figure 7 Figure 8

Figure 5 Figure 10

34

Analysis | Case Studies

Qambani Luxury Resort | First Case Study

The first case study was chosen based on its aesthetic similarity to other developments in the same price

category. Initial observations reveal that it embodies a similar design concept - one-bedroom luxury villas,

all of which topped with traditional makuti roofs and subtly decorated with oriental ornaments (Figure 12).

The villas are evenly distributed throughout the site at a measured distance that allows for privacy. The

specificity of their locations is also coordinated with direct views towards the Indian ocean. The central

dining area resembles the architectural style of the individual houses, apart from the façade facing the

ocean, which is lined with wooden shutters, allowing for a perception of ‘openness’ towards the natural

view beyond (Figure 11).

Figure 11

35

Xanadu Villas & Retreat | Second Case Study

The second case study appears as if completely out of place in relation to the vernacular architecture on

the island, and was, therefore, chosen as a contrasting point of analysis. The several irregularly shaped,

two-storey dome buildings, which make up the accommodation spaces, seem to not directly resemble any

of the traditional influences in the area (Figure 13). The villas are located close to each other and privacy is

achieved through an abundant use of landscaping (Figure 11). The dining area in the centre completely

differs from its surrounding villas, as its architecture seems to be the only element on the territory of the

resort that incorporates traditional vernacular materials. Similarly to the first case study, this spaces is also

topped with makuti, although the technique differs at first glance, and the area is completely open on one

side with no forms of potential sealing.

Figure 12

36

Figure 14

Figure 13

37


Preliminary impressions regarding the ‘vernacular’ aesthetics of both resorts were followed

by questions concerned with the origin of inspiration. The objective was to gain more insight

into what representational aim was intended during the planning phase of each development.

The interviews uncovered contrasting responses from both participants.


Although the architectural style of the first case study strikes as rooted in the traditional

vernacular of the island, interviewee responded with a referal to the ‘colourful’ team of

investors, all of which of foreign nationalities, rather than an elaboration on specific

architectural indigenous influences that might have impacted design decisions.124 Further

attempts to question architectural inspirations led to the following response:

…we took many traditional elements, and we translated them into new modern design…125

This answer inevitably refers back to concerns outlined in the literature review section related

to surface portrayal of the vernacular through ornamental implementation of elements and

aesthetic characteristics and questions arise as to whether genuine architectural values were

considered during the planning stage.126 The tangible aspects of the resort’s architecture

reveal a good example of commodified ‘exotic’ vernacular elements, tailored to suit the needs

of high-end visitors (Figure 14).

124 Appendix I 125 Ibid. 126 Vellinga, "The Inventiveness of Tradition: Vernacular Architecture and The Future", p.125.

38

Figure 15

39

The development’s design appears to resonate with most of the existing resorts in the area,

as its buildings take up simple rectangular forms, with a conservative design. The main goal

seems to be the achieving of high-level comfort, as well as offering a straightforward high-end

experience.

The seeming absence of bold architectural imagination brings into highlight a study by Boswell

– “Re-presenting Heritage in Zanzibar and Madagascar”, which states that hoteliers in the

area tend to stick to more ‘predictable’ Western designs, as not all of their exclusive guests

would like to be fully immersed in the chosen host country’s culture.127 Similarly suggested by

Boniface and Fowler, it seems that what tourists often look for is “home away from home”,

therefore most investors tend to focus more on convenience and comfort to gain higher client

satisfaction, rather than opt for a radically different design to what the client is accustomed

to.128

Although the contemporary vernacular architecture of the resort does reveal itself as one that

holds a deeper meaning, the case study does contribute positively at a surface level to the

architectural aesthetics of the area, as it resembles most of the resorts present in the same

price category, as well as the indigenous buildings in proximity. As argued by Vellinga, it suits

the purpose of representing characteristics, particular to the same place or region, therefore

contributing to the formation of the “shared architectural dialect” of the culture.129


Interview with second participant showed indications of a much more in-depth approach to

design. The circular plan buildings at Xanadu that constitute the accommodation spaces of the

development draw inspiration for their form from a particular architectural movement in

127 Rosabelle Boswell, Re-Presenting Heritage in Zanzibar And Madagascar, 1st edn (Addis Ababa: Organisation for Social Science, 2011), pp. 67-70 (p.69). 128Priscilla Boniface and Peter Fowler, Heritage and Tourism In "The Global Village", 1st edn (London: Routledge, 1993), pp. 13-18 (p.13). 129Vellinga, "The Inventiveness of Tradition: Vernacular Architecture and The Future", p.124.

40

Swahili culture.130 The shapes represent a modified round-plan type of indigenous hut, where

the roof takes the form of a dome.131 Traditionally, both the walls and roof are made of the

same materials without any ‘eave-like break’ and are usually thatched with grass or banana

leaves.132 The case study implements the shape and unified materials used in the architecture

of this indigenous hut through a forms of contemporary interpretation – an approach

recognised by Ozkan as one that implements forms and spaces that ‘belong to the distant

past’.133 This research finding also refers to Oliver’s views on introducing a possible ‘revival’ of

the vernacular through sympathetic recognition of distinctive indigenous characteristics,

although at a more intangible level, as the vernacular here is hidden behind the use of a

contemporary architectural vocabulary (Figure 15). 134

Observation of the development brought another aspect of the architecture into focus. One

of the villas’ design incorporates particular leaf-like elements that dominate the roof of the

building. The three organic forms continue in a dome-like formation from the side facades

towards the sky, resembling the rest of the building in terms of materials, but they do not

form an enclosed space (Figure 16). The same architectural language is also implemented near

the private pool areas of two smaller beach front villas, where the impression is again tied into

the ‘natural’, only this time the leaf-like structures involve slits, which are meant to enhance

the architectural continuity from the abundant use of arches.

…it was just the dream of building something different and beautiful…135

130 Appendix I 131 Hartmut Schmetzer, "East Africa", in Encyclopedia Of Vernacular Architecture Of The World, 1st edn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp.1971-1973. 132 Ibid. 133 Özkan, p.10. 134 Oliver, "Why Study Vernacular Architecture?", p.10. 135 Appendix I

41

Figure 16

Figure 17

42

These structures also emphasize the contemporary and artistic aspect of the resort,

distinguishing it further from the predominantly conservative interpretations of vernacular

architecture on the island. Here, the ‘authenticity’ of the caste study’s design could be argued

through a referral back to Boyle’s theory of finding authenticity in places rooted in nature and

genuine beauty, as opposed to the mass-produced.136

Colonial influences.

Research findings from both interviews, as well as observations of the developments, indicate

similar levels of surface implementation of design elements which are meant to reflect the

colonial history of the region, particularly its Omani period.

One of the villas’ design at Qambani Luxury Resort is fully influenced by the oriental period on

the island, as it resembles a typical multi-storey, flat-roofed courtyard house. Palatial arches

are also incorporated around the ground floor entrance, which contribute to the appearance

of the villa (Figure 17). Arabic elements also give out the influence of the forementioned

culture on Xanadu Villas & Retreat’s architecture. Lavish curves distributed sensibly on the

facades of the buildings, as well as the interior, complement the circular shapes of the spaces

(Figure 18). Narrow but high arched openings on the facades in the form of windows and

doors in both developments are filled with bespoke wooden window frames. This is a

commonly applied technique on the island, and both case studies are no exception to this

choice of surface oriental representation.

Craftsmanship

Observation uncovered one factor that seems to play an integral in the design of the two case

studies – the clean choice of colour palette, which is used for the exterior and interior walls of

136 Heynen, p.288.

43

Figure 18

Figure 19

44

both resorts. This decision is meant to highlight the African textures and patterns, which are

introduced using colourful soft furniture inside. Their presence arguably impacts the visitors

positively, as it provokes an intangible awareness of the host country’s cultural artistic

particularity. Unfortunately, this sort of indigenous representation could be argued as a

commodification of ‘exotic’ cultural particularities to entertain guests, as the production origin

of these ‘native’ decorations remains unknow.

A specific to the island traditional craftsmanship is the manufacturing of carved Zanzibari

doors. The first case study has chosen to implement this craft through an imposing wooden

gate, which greets visitors upon arrival, and can be considered a good imitation of the

authentic historical examples found in the Old Town of Zanzibar (Figure 19). This traditional

element is emblematic to the archipelago of Zanzibar. It is produced in all forms and sizes and

is usually manufactured upon request for each project. The incorporation of it respectfully

highlights a particular traditional craftsmanship, specific to the region, and supports the

growing development of this vernacular ‘know-how’. Through encouraging indigenous

craftsmen to continuously apply their skills and preserve the vernacular ‘know-how’ within

with culture, which results in an intangible contribution to the preservation of the culture’s

heritage.137

This same element is also implemented in the design of the second case study, although

research findings from the interview present a different approach to the conservation of this

traditional craftsmanship. A splash of colour is added by the occasional use of this element in

places where the common observer would not think to accentuate (Figure 20). Servicing

spaces are hidden behind genuine Zanzibari doors, which the participant stated where

purposely sought out and salvaged through repainting, as their initial condition upon

procurement appeared to be in poor state. Although modified, the representatives of this

craft that were implemented here revels themselves as ‘authentic’ examples of this traditional

craft, which effectively highlights their presence even further.

137 Oliver, “Vernacular Know-How”, p.113.

45

Figure 21

Figure 20

46

Communal Engagement.

The literature review indicates that a core intangible value of vernacularism is the personal

involvement in the process of building, as identified by Glassie.138 Therefore questions

regarding the direct participation of both interviewees in the construction phase of the

respective resorts emerged during the conversations.


Discourse analysis of responses given by representative of Qambani Luxury Resort suggests

that constant attendance on site was provided throughout the entire period of

construction.139 Furthermore, the research findings also show signs of developed long-lasting

relationships between the stakeholders involved in the resort and the construction team

working on the development. Interviewee stated that specialists hired to work on the project

continue to be contracted for on-going and/or future developments, as both parties find the

professional relationship satisfactory.140 This can arguably be considered a contemporary

mutation of egalitarian relationships between the person that commissions the work, and the

person who is tasked with execution of the project – a core value inherent in vernacular

traditions, as identified by Upton. 141

Unfortunately, analysis also uncovered that most of the leads in the construction team were

of foreign nationalities.142 This approach presents itself common where high-end

developments are concerned, as most projects in this category require a higher level of skilled

specialists, especially in terms of the technology and detailing required for luxury designs.

Such decisions can be argued by Oliver’s theory that vernacular builders specialise within set

138 Glassie, p.11. 139 Appendix I 140 Appendix I 141 Upton, "The Tradition of Change", p.10. 142 Appendix I

47

limitations posed by tradition and experience, whereas contemporary developments often

require present-day knowledge and skills regarding building technology.143


By contrast, the team working on the construction of Xanadu Villas & Retreat was entirely

local and was assembled at the beginning of the project by the participant herself. Analysis of

responses given by interviewee also suggests similar levels of participation in terms of

attendance on site throughout construction phase.144 Furthermore, findings indicate that

direct engagement in working with materials was also present, which offers a more hands-on

personal involvement in the process of building – also a founding value of the vernacular.145

Discourse analysis also presents an interesting approach to planning and construction –

communicating ideas directly to the construction workers through words and gestures,

without the use of architectural drawings.146 Such practice is perceived as applied by

traditional indigenous builders, as research on building methods employed in vernacularism

rarely include the mentioning of drawings.147

“…the challenge is essentially making them understand what is beautiful, and what is not.”148

During the construction phase, the participant encountered one massive problem when

working with this approach, which essentially slowed down the entire process – the

contrasting image of what both parties perceived as satisfactory in terms of accuracy of spatial

143 Oliver, "Vernacular Know-How", p.118. 144 Appendix I 145 Glassie, p.11. 146 Appendix I 147 Hubka, p.28. 148 Appendix I

48

forms and details. This resulted in multiple corrections, or even repeated demolitions and

reproductions of specific elements until the outcome was found acceptable by the

stakeholder. This finding further demonstrates Oliver’s theory that the explicit employment

of vernacular building methods is not as appropriate in present day, as building standards have

evolved. 149

Challenges.

Analysis of both interviews shows signs of similar opinions regarding required high-level

standard that needs to be achieved, particularly in luxury resorts. This level is dictated by the

western norms of the hospitality sector, as most of the tourists that visit the island come from

developed countries.150 Therefore, it is essential that, although building materials and spatial

elements may express the traditional culture’s architecture, the quality of detailing must meet

the expectations of today’s reality.151 Both projects, as mentioned, were in a constant need of

on-site supervision by the teams responsible. Every detail was discussed thoroughly

beforehand, then inspected carefully upon completion.

One of the interviewees also highlighted a particular problem that occurs when contracting

local construction firms. Due to the country’s developing nature in terms of education,

indigenous people are rarely familiar with other languages apart from Swahili; therefore, for

foreign investors and developers, the task of directly communicating ideas becomes difficult

as there is a possibility of an emergent language barrier.152 This is unfortunate, as most

developers resort to hiring other foreign contractors who speak English and are familiar with

the local language as well; consequently, establishing a direct relationship with employees

working on the project is obstructed, as all ideas become indirectly communicated through a

third party.

149 Oliver, "Vernacular Know-How", p.118. 150 The World Bank, p.14. 151 Tan, p.26. 152 Appendix I

49


One of the main themes extracted from the literature analysis shows the intricate connection

between authentic vernacular architecture and the use of naturally sourced materials. To

evaluate the case studies against this criterion, interviews with participants also included

question regarding the choice and origin of materials used in both developments.


Qambani Luxury Resort reveals itself composed of predominantly external materials, as

research findings extracted from interview state that containers were shipped from Europe,

Indonesia as well as other countries from continental Africa.153 Therefore, the tradition of

‘truth to materials’ associated with vernacularism is lost in the potential for an ‘authentic’

representation of values of this development. 154

An emblematic aspect of the case study’s design appears to be the central swimming pool,

which, according to the interviewee, is perceived as the most attractive characteristic of the

development by visitors.155 Unfortunately, the inspiration for this element’s material choice

originates from Indonesian culture, which was not only stated by the participant, but is also

evident in the choice of finishing material – green Sukabumi stone (Figure 17).156 As the use

of such materials is entirely foreign to the vernacular traditions of Zanzibar’s main island, the

implementation of this element proves concerns related to heritage manufacturing and

cultural misrepresentations. Such design decisions appear to be based solely on a desire to

exaggerate the island’s ‘exotic’ ambiance with the intent to attract more visitors, disregarding

issues of cultural misrepresentation.157

153 Appendix I. 154 Glassie, p. 12. 155 Appendix I. 156 Ibid. 157 Rogers, p.491.

50


Thorough inspection of the second case study highlighted a different attitude to material

selection, as participant stated that the aim was to source everything locally. An effort was

made to choose materials which are entirely natural, with the intent to complement the

organic architectural forms of the resort buildings.158 The use of paint or other forms of

manufactured finishing materials for the facades were written off as early as the conceptual

stage, as the goal was to go ‘natural all the way’.159 Clay was initially considered an option, as

it is natural and applied manually. It is also easy to source from Tanzania’s mainland and there

is variety of colours depending on the origin, but the owner also decided against it as she

wanted everything to be sourced from the island alone.160 This approach resonates with Oliver

158 Appendix I 159 Ibid. 160 Ibid.

Figure 22

51

and Glassie’s understanding of the vernacular and its reliance on the conditions of the

environmental context.161 162

“…if I brought in clay, I would be bringing something that is not natural to the island and

then… beach sand came into play…”163

The exterior of the villas is plastered with sand taken directly off the beachfront of the

resort.164 The white sand is applied to the facades with the help of SBR Bond, which is a latex

based, water resistant bonding agent and is suitable for areas where there is high humidity,

dampness, and continuous water contact.165

Although the aim to limit the choice of materials to locally sourced does resonate with the

traditional approaches in vernacular architecture, currently concerns are emerging regarding

the depletion of natural resources and potential harming of ecosystems through exploitation,

particularly on the island of Unguja.166 Truth to materials remains a core value of the

vernacular of the past, but the contemporary issues related to environmental crisis pose

questions as to whether this tradition should be upheld at all costs.

161 Oliver, ‘Vernacular Know-How”, p.117. 162 Glassie, p 163 Appendix I. 164 Ibid. 165 "503 SBR Bond | PVA & SBR Bonding Agents UK | Everbuild", Everbuild, 2020 <https://www.everbuild.co.uk/product/503-sbr-bond/> [Accessed 6 December 2020]. 166 Rotarou, p. 260.

52

Other findings.

Where possible, both resorts include wooden elements, traditionally made from mango

wood, sourced from old dhow boats used for trading purposes. This technique is commonly

applied on the island when it comes to crafting traditional furniture for the interior design of

resorts in the region.

Discourse analysis of first interview indicated surface implementation of the technique,

interviewee refers to this traditional craft method as an on-going ‘trend’ during the

development of the resort.167 This indicates, again, that decisions regarding potential genuine

expression of vernacular values were not thoroughly taken into consideration and the aim

appears to be solely a commodification of traditional crafting techniques.

By contrast, research findings from interview with owner of the second case study indicate

signs of enhanced desire to go beyond typical implementation of this material use, as dhow

wood was also been integrated in the form of decking in places such as the dining space.

Multiple doors and frames of the windows present in the resort have also been carved

manually to fit ‘imperfectly’ into place, which, at a closer look, all reveal themselves as distinct

from one another. All these elements are bespoke, as they have been specifically crafted for

the development.168

“I do not like perfection, I wanted them all different. I find beauty in the imperfect.”169

167 Appendix I. 168 Appendix I. 169 Ibid.

53

Reflections.

“To speak of inheriting and extending a tradition into different realms does not mean

copying, but rather absorbing the principles behind earlier solutions and transforming them

into new vocabularies suitable to changed attitudes and environments.” 170

170 Khan, "Crossing Boundaries: Expressions of Identity In Architecture ", p.10.

54

Conclusion.

The aim of this research was to explore whether meaningful representations of genuine

vernacular values can be achieved in the face of resort architecture. Common perception of

contemporary vernacular architecture appears to be based on evaluation of surface portrayal

of vernacular features, as well as the level of accuracy in utilising traditional materials and

building techniques. Such approach to determining the ‘authenticity’ of the architectural

pieces of work within the accommodation sector leads to criticism related to commodification

of indigenous heritage for consumerist purposes, as well as concerns related to cultural

appropriation. Although a common approach to designing resort developments remains

simple replication of tangible indigenous architectural features, as part of the research

findings suggest, there is also possibility for a deeper, intangible embodiment of vernacular

values in the process of the emergence of such architecture.

Traditional vernacular architecture is admired for its profound connection to the surrounding

context. Its building language is influenced by social, cultural, and environmental factors;

therefore, it represents the circumstances of its time and place. Contemporary imitations of

the traditional vernacular cannot be ‘authentic’ representations in the sense that the

conditions under which the ‘originals’ were constructed are not possible to be recreated, as

suggested by Benjamin.171 But their architecture is not meant to ‘conform to traditions of the

past’, as their existence alone as an aspect of modern tourism is a reflectance of the shifts in

the development of global attitudes to ways of living and experiencing life.

171 Benjamin, p.3.

55

The research uncovered the embodiment of both tangible and intangible values associated

with the vernacular but transformed in ways that reflects their contemporary context. They

are categorised under the three main themes investigated consistently throughout the

research.

The perceived fragmented nature of contemporary reality pushes individuals into seeking a

connection with the origins of humanity, associated with natural beauty and harmony.

Meaningful vernacular resort architecture appears to provide exactly this opportunity for a

‘genuine’ experience in the circumstances of today. It aims to provoke similar emotions in its

Key values of the contemporary vernacular:

1. Architectural continuity:

• Contribution to homogenic architectural settings

• Support of traditional craftsmanship

• Implementation of vernacular building techniques

• Expression of contemporary architectural advancement

2. Communal engagement:

• Personal involvement in the process of building

• Understanding of traditional social values

• Establishing of long-lasting professional relationships

3. Environmental Context:

• Truth to materials

• Real experiences through exposure to nature

• Consideration of issues related to environmental preservation

56

users by representing the vernacular and its values through sympathetic recognition.172 This

resonates with Harries’ views on a possibility for expressing authenticity by representing

‘architecture that answers to dreams of genuine building and dwelling’.173 The research has

identified that the ‘authenticity’ of resort architecture can be argued as follows:

Resort developments draw their inspiration for providing ‘genuine’ experiences through

representation of an ideal construct by the means of an architectural and building

vocabulary that complies with the current realities.

The paper has uncovered aspects of possible planning, design and construction decisions that

could be made when aiming to achieve a worthy portrayal of traditional vernacular

architecture and the values it embodies through the utilisation of contemporary approaches.

Outside the scope of this thesis was the consideration of issues and possibilities related to

sustainability – a topic closely related to vernacular architecture. As the vernacular is proven

to be interconnected with environmental conditions, further research could be done into the

implementation of such knowledge to improve the level of sustainability in resort

architecture. The research has uncovered issues related to the accommodation sector in

tourism with regards to heritage commodification and cultural appropriation in terms of the

vernacular. Although such concerns are not unjustified, it is important to consider that

vernacular architecture has an adaptive nature – it is an ongoing process of evolvement, as

literature analysis suggested. Therefore, disregarding contemporary architectural

interpretations of the vernacular could mean also unintentionally limiting the possibility of its

continuous development, subsequently obstructing the expression of potential new

vernacular values.

172 Oliver, "Why Study Vernacular Architecture?", p.10. 173 Harries, p.120.

57

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63

List of Figures

Figure 1 | Location of Case Study

Author’s image, 2020

Figure 1 | Native huts, Ng’ambo area, Zanzibar

Harris, Richard, and Garth Myers, "Hybrid Housing: Improvement and Control In Late

Colonial Zanzibar", Journal Of The Society Of Architectural Historians, 66 (2007),

476-493 (p.480).

Figure 3 | Fito frame with udongo (mud) walls, Mwera, Zanzibar

Ibid.

Figure 4 | Location of High-end Resorts on The East Coast of Unguja Island


Figure 5 |Matemwe Retreat: Villa

"Matemwe Beach House | Zanzibar | Asilia Africa", Asilia Africa, 2020

<https://matemwe.asiliaafrica.com/matemwe-beach-house/> [Accessed 10

December 2020].

Figure 6 | Tulia Zanzibar: Villa

Tulia Zanzibar Gallery, Tulia Zanzibar, 2020 <https://tuliazanzibar.com/gallery/>

[Accessed 10 December 2020].

Figure 7 | The Palms: Villa ‘Cinnamon’

"Image Gallery - The Palms Zanzibar", Palms-Zanzibar.Com, 2020

<https://www.palms-zanzibar.com/image-gallery/> [Accessed 10 December 2020].

Figure 8 | Kiwengwa Beach: Villa

"Gallery Kiwengwa, Tanzania Hotel - Kiwengwa Beach With A Stunning Ocean

View", Kiwengwa Beach Resort, 2020

<https://www.kiwengwabeachresort.it/en/gallery/> [Accessed 11 December 2020].

64

Figure 9 | White Sands Luxury Villas & Spa: One-Bedroom Villa

"Zanzibar Hotels | Holiday Villas In Zanzibar | Zanzibar White

Sand", Whitesandvillas.Com, 2020 <https://www.whitesandvillas.com/en/gallery>

[Accessed 10 December 2020].

Figure 10 | Pongwe Bay Resort: Villa

"Rooms – Pongwe Bay Resort", Pongwebayresort.Com, 2020

<http://www.pongwebayresort.com/rooms/> [Accessed 10 December 2020].

Figure 11 | Qambani Luxury Resort: Layout


Figure 12 | Xanadu Villas & Retreat: Layout

Author’s image 2020

Figure 13 | Qambani Luxury Resort: ‘Coastal’ Villa

Timbuktu, 2020 <https://www.timbuktutravel.com/lodge/qambani> [Accessed 6

December 2020].

Figure 14 | Xanadu Villas & Retreat: ‘Umande’ Villa

"Gallery Villas - Xanadu", Xanadu, 2020 <https://xanadu-villas.com/gallery-3/gallery-

luxury-villas/> [Accessed 10 December 2020].


Author’s photograph, ‘Qambani Luxury Resort’ 2020

Figure 16 | Xanadu Villas & Retreat: ‘Mawimbi’ Villa



Figure 17 | Xanadu Villas & Retreat: ‘Korongo’ Villa



65


"Hotel in Michamvi-Zanzibar | Qambani Luxury Resort", Ticati.Com, 2020

<https://www.ticati.com/hotel/qambani-luxury-resort-127332/> [Accessed 11

December 2020].

Figure 19 | Xanadu Villas & Retreat: ‘Alfajiri’ Villa



Figure 20 | Qambani Luxury Resort: Entrance

"Hotel in Michamvi-Zanzibar | Qambani Luxury Resort", Ticati.Com, 2020

<https://www.ticati.com/hotel/qambani-luxury-resort-127332/> [Accessed 11

December 2020].

Figure 21 | Xanadu Villas & Retreat: Zanzibari Door

Author’s photograph, Xanadu Villas & Retreat 2020

Figure 2 | Qambani Luxury Resort: Central Pool

Author’s photograph, Qambani Luxury Resort 2020

66

APPENDIX I Interview Transcripts with Participants

First Interview: Representative from Xanadu Villas & Retreat

D: What is your role in the resort?

A: I am the owner here.

D: And how did all of this come together?

A: It was not my intention to build a resort in Zanzibar, I was actually very, very tired. I was

building in Zambia, I had just finished a complex of houses, totally burned out and came on

holiday to Zanzibar and… out of the holiday this came out actually. I thought maybe I’d build

a house; a getaway home and I actually fell in love with the place. My brain started going

crazy… what I could do with the place.

D: Did you have an architect involved?

A: No, just me.

D: When was the resort built?

A: I came here first about 12 years ago, we have been open for about 5 years, the

construction went on for about 4 years… so, 9 years ago.

D: What made you want to build here?

A: I fell in love with the island, and I was so tired of the city, really, I was burned out.

D: How did you come about building this without the help of an expert?

A: I already had some experience with the project at Zambia, my husband was also a civil

engineer. In terms of architecture, I think I just had a very good eye. So yeah, no drawings at

all. It is just something that I put together day after day and went to sleep and thought about

how I would want it; what materials would be beautiful…

D: What was the dream initially?

A: The dream was actually creating something unique and beautiful and using raw materials,

you know? That was the main thing. You, to start with, creating something that was not

done on the island, you know, because I went around and saw a lot of hotels and was not

happy and I thought I could do something better, the materials were available, beautiful

materials. Nobody really used them. And I could see that there was no passion in a lot of

buildings, they were just put together for a business because if you are really going to do

business from this kind of thing, you don’t make money from this. To build for four years,

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you lose money. So, for me it was just the dream of building something different and

beautiful, rather than making money You can see that if you wanted to make money, you

don’t do this. So, for me this was built from just passion and beauty, nothing else. Making

that money was not a factor, so I could do it. And I was lucky that I could do it.

D: How did you come about choosing the materials?

A: You know, the island is so small, and it is very easy to find what is available. You move

around and you see things and you know. It was easy to find materials, everything is locally

sourced. The difficult thing was finding the workers to put it together, that was a challenge.

People here grow up in an environment where they do not understand beauty. Beauty for

them is…. What we see beautiful, they look at us and think we are crazy. You know what,

you spend so much time to have a rock cut into perfection and put it together, why do you

want the arch exactly like that?! “Oh, she’s crazy!” Break it down, do it again… it is even

more difficult, because they are not born in a place where they see all these beautiful things.

So, the challenge is essentially in making them understand what is beautiful, and what is not.

That was the hardest part.

D: What other challenges did you encounter during the construction?

A: Yeah, it was mainly that. That they could not see beauty. So, uh, standing on top of them

and breaking things, and re-doing them, and breaking them again, because I’m a

perfectionist and I suffered, because I had to make them break the wall maybe ten times to

have it perfect. But also, we have the other side of it where we were lucky as well. They are

like kids, you see. They can build without drawings. Any European would have said “Are you

crazy? I am not going to do it! I need drawings!” But they were able to grasp my concept and

go with it and they were happy to do that. They understood more than building off drawings.

So, it is two sides of the coin.

D: And how did you communicate your ideas to them?

A: I speak their language, so I was able to say “Go up 4-5 meters on this column and stop. Go

5 meters around the next column and stop. Drop it, go center so many meters, stop.” So, I

was there 24/7 and if I have to go, I close the project.

D: So, you needed constant supervision?

A: Yes, and it was very hard, and I was very lucky it turned out the way I wanted it to. It’s like

even when you do the makuti roofs, when you go around Zanzibar everywhere that grass

has like four inches in between, while here it is done... you will never find this anywhere, it’s

way thicker, it’s one inch in between. It is too much work and it’s too expensive, people are

cutting corners. Again, it bows down to speed, money, and all that. Like I said, I was lucky to

build without thinking about money and time limit.

D: How do you deal with the weather conditions here?

A: I promise you, sweetheart, it can drive you mad! It is super, super expensive to run a

resort and keep it looking brand new. We’ve been open for five years, and the reasons it

looks brand new is every time a client moves out, we renew it to its original state. For

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example, you see what we used for the outside of the villas is not paint, eh? That is beach

sand.

D: What?!

A: That is beach sand outside the villas! It’s not paint. We took sand from the beach and we

used SBR, which is a bonding agent, it’s like glue, so it’s an extremely expensive process

because it breaks down every time it rains, so you need to redo it again. It won’t break down

on one rain, but after a few, like maybe a month of rain if it rains every day, and then it

breaks down and you redo it when it gets sunny again. But I had to do it that way because I

wanted it natural all the way. If I had painted it with a normal paint, you wouldn’t have had

that beauty and it would have been hard to look at, it wouldn’t have been as welcoming as it

is right now. Can you imagine that presidential villa with normal paint? It’s the whole thing

coming together, so if you make a mistake on one element, it will destroy everything. So, I

had to really think through a lot of stuff when I did things.

D: How did using sand even come to your mind? I don’t think I would ever consider this.

A: I did, because I wanted it natural all the way, so I did a lot of things and I tried. It was

either beach sand, I almost used clay from the village that I was going to bring in, which you

put by hand. You have different colors of clay depending where it’s coming from, so I

contemplated that as well and I thought “No, that’s not coming from the island.” So if I

brought in clay, I would be bringing something that is not natural to the island and then…

beach sand came into play.

D: The furniture also seems like it ties completely into the place.

A: Yes, everything we have here is made from dhow boats, you know. You have probably

heard of this, it is very typical. We managed to find the biggest dhow boat there is on the

island, and then the fundis took it apart bit by big. It is a very expensive process making

furniture from this, as everything has to be cut accordingly. Even the windows, you see, all of

the frames are made from dhow.. and all of them are different. I don’t like perfection. I

wanted them all different. I find beauty in the imperfect.

D: And what about your guests? You probably have wonderful reviews.

A: We have never advertised Xanadu. We’ve only had two representatives – one in the UK

and now we have one in the States. We have never gone out and marketed Xanadu in a big

way, because when we opened, my son had just passed away and that stopped me from

going full on. I refused to engage in anything, so It was very slow in the beginning, because I

didn’t really want any guests. I couldn’t really close down, because it was already running,

otherwise it would have damaged the whole place. I had no energy to market it... I had no

drive. It picked up eventually, agents heard about it and people came and it just… went on

fire. Actually, if it wasn’t for Corona this year, we were fully booked, we were turning away

guests. We don’t even have a sign on the road.

D: Haha, yeah, my brother and I were joking on the way here that this must be part of the

local experience, not putting signs.

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A: Yeah, I’ve asked clients for their opinion and they like the rough ride. It’s an adventure for

them to find the place, the roads are pretty rough, the search for the place is a bit difficult

and then bum! They arrive here. So, I’ve left it at that. I thought about, you know, paving the

road and putting trees and everything to make it look beautiful, but the clients like this. They

like the rough, this is like a gem hidden away. It’s weird, because these clients come from

very beautiful places where everything is so perfect and… everything is gates and security,

and you don’t go through any rough… this for them is an adventure.

D: And how do you get along with the locals?

A: A lot of this is made very difficult because of the local government. Dealing with the

government can be quite challenging. They have a very different mentality. Here in Zanzibar

the government official is for himself. He doesn’t care about overall benefits of foreign

investors. You can get better roads, hospitals, school from taxes. But it’s not for that. They’re

here to benefit for their individual selves, not for the whole. Because if they can make it

difficult for you to go straight and pay what you need to pay, they’re gonna make it so

difficult for you, that you will end up paying under the table for your project to go through.

And if you don’t, they’re just gonna make it impossible for you to run your business. I fought

very hard for this place; I was paying so much money for resident permits. There are no rules

here, no laws… if you don’t give them any money, they frustrate you. If you are not strong…

even the president here knows me because of my stubbornness. I fought with the local

officials here a lot. And now they do not bother me.

D: That must have put a lot of extra pressure on the project.

A: Not only that, one other thing I forgot to mention as a woman coming to a Muslim

country… I arrived with my husband here and we hired our first team of about twenty

workers. They expected my husband to come, and when they saw me, they didn’t take me

seriously. They thought I was crazy to be heading the construction team. They didn’t want to

take orders from a woman, you could see it in their faces. Eventually they all said they were

in. After a few weeks they realized I was though, resilient and they began to respect me. So,

today, after all of this is done, they respect me, but I had to earn it and it was difficult.

D: Yes, I can see that the staff here really appreciates you. Are they local?

A: No, most of them are from mainland, from Tanzania. Zanzibari people don’t understand,

they have no ethics in working like this. They are born in an easy life on an island. Fish from

the ocean, fruits from the trees. They could be hard workers in they wanted to. But it’s the

way they were born, their culture. They don’t need to work… they really don’t.

D: What do you mean?! How would they provide for their families?

A: They’re not gonna starve, if they don’t work. In Zambia they would starve. Here they have

everything – mangos, bananas, coconuts. In Zambia they have nothing, there they would

starve.

END OF INTERVIEW.

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Second Interview: Representative from Qambani Luxury Resort

D: What is your role in the resort?

S: Qambani… we took it with two family friends from Holland. They had a dream to build a

small house, and then the idea started to become a bit more concrete and more exact in

terms of what they wanted. They my brother got involved, he and I, we both like design. And

then my brother in law also, he’s an artist. Those guys from Holland are crazy, they had

many good ideas. We started to plan; the whole thing took around 1 year of planning. And

then another guy from Kenya jumped into the project. He’s an interior designer, crazy guy, a

lot of cool ideas. And then all of us found ourselves working together, planning this project.

Took around two years planning and construction was… around five years, I think. A lot of

complication, because all the details. It took ages. And then also they decided to bring

cement-carving ornamentation from Lamu.

D: From where?

S: The Island Lamu in Kenya. It is also a Swahili island, like Zanzibar. And… then it started to

become really complicated, because the way the did it is very difficult, the way they do this

art. Basically they do all of this cement carving, then they come back with white cement and

water and… they start filling each and every pattern. It’s really crazy, really. If I’m not

mistaken, there we eight guys only doing this for almost three years.

D: Wow.

S: Partly we wanted to do it, because it’s nice, but also… to keep this culture. If you stop

doing this, these techniques will die one day. And not one day, but soon. And you try to

support them, more people learn it. It was a huge team… from Kenya, people helping from

Zanzibar… so many people doing only this job for two and half years.

D: Yeah, I can see why it took so many years.

S: Yeah! All the borders in the house, all the art walls, all the polishing and it’s…er… after a

while I forgot they came from Kenya, they were there for so long… and…ah.. yes, a few

things came from Bali, a few things came from Zanzibar.

D: Where did you source most of the materials?

S: The materials came from all around the world. If I now start to remember, containers

came from Europe, Zanzibar, Bali, Uganda, Kenya… you know, from everywhere.

D: And what about in terms of style?

S: I would say, the style and the elements came from this mix of people that were involved. If

you go in Qambani and check everything… its absolutely crazy.

D: What about the team that was constructing the project, were they local?

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S: Yes! So, let me give you one sample. You saw the big green stone pool?

D: The infinity one? Yes.

S: Yeah, about that we bought really small stones from Bali. If I’m not mistaken, in this pool

we have 25 - 26 thousand stones. When they came from Bali, we found out that they are not

cut in a square. They were a little bit at an angle. If you start to tile them, they pattern will

become curved and the whole thing would be a disaster. The guy who was working, he said

there was only one way to fix this. We needed to cut the stone, one by one, on all four

corners to make them square. Believe it or not, we bought two machines and there we two

people cutting the stone day and night for three and a half months. Everyone I mentioned in

this interview will remember the sound if you ask them. 100,000 cuts in total to make the

pool tiles square. But now, you can see the lines from the infinity are smooth. The guy, he

still works with me. Carpenters, they still work with me, electricians as well. A team that I

built, as I was working around on all the hotels, as well as Qambani of course.

D: Did you guys spend a lot of time on the construction site?

S: Not “a lot of time”! All the time! I was there for six year, every single day, expect for a

holiday week here and there. Me and the team, every single day!

D: And how long has it been open now?

S: Three years I think. We started 2011, I think

D: But it turned out very beautiful. Is it difficult for maintenance?

S: No, the only difficult part is the wood. The decking around the common area needs to

change completely no, not a big issue, but it’s one of the things. And we did it also with

wood because under it there are channels running left and right that collect rainwater, and

they go to water tanks that are used during the dry season to water the plants. The whole

common area, along with the dining area… water is collected everywhere under the floor for

the garden. Solar panels we have as well, we are increasing them now actually. Very

complicated systems. What you see in the details in terms of difficulty and then… what you

don’t see in terms of the infrastructures… very complicated.

D: Yeah, it sounds like it. And probably a lot of things changed during the process of

construction itself?

S: Oh yes! Now, you can see with the new houses.

D: Where there any more traditional elements that you wanted to implement?

S: The terrazzo… it’s not really traditional, I don’t know… the thing is we took many

traditional elements, and we translated them into new modern design.

D: I think I noticed dhow furniture, is there a lot of it?

S: Not a lot, but few. It was trend at that time, we didn’t do a lot, but for example the whole

bar is from dhow wood. The gate as well, the piece are as well a pattern from dhow. And a

lot of other small, different places. But you cannot say it was lot. The translation of the

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Swahili design into this modern way of work and some really, really traditional…. Have you

seen the pinkish house?

D: Yeah, I noticed it on the website.

S: We kept also some of the walls in their state from during the construction. We call them

sampling walls. So we did sample of colours, stones as well…We did this as to not lose time,

so when the whole team would assemble, we would have ready examples. This house we

call it the sampling area.

END OF INTERVIEW.

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APPENDIX II Documentation on Ethical Considerations & Approval Forms

1. Title of the project

Contemporary Vernacular Resort Architecture: Representation of manufactured

heritage or genuine expression of new vernacular values?

2. Purpose of the project

The aim of the project is to obtain information on the design and construction

process of resort developments on the East Coast of Zanzibar’s main island.

Globalisation and mass-tourism’s impact on the authenticity of heritage and

cultural identity is becoming evident, therefore a growing concern is becoming

that of regional built heritage, both authentic and manufactured, and the way it

is represented through tourism-related architectures.

Of particular interest is the traditional vernacular architecture on the Island of

Zanzibar and the way it is used as a means to attract foreign visitors by means of

incorporating traditional elements into newly built resorts. The research will

explore the question of whether the island’s vernacular architecture is a genuine

inspiration for the development of high-end resorts, or simply a means of

increasing the interest in tourists.

The data will be collected through in-depth semi-structured interviews, which

will provide insight into how the values of the traditional architecture on the

island were taken into consideration when the development of the resorts was

initiated. For this, two individuals which were directly involved in the process of

development will be sought out.

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3. Brief description of methods and measurements

Data will be collected through semi-structured interviews, which will allow for

more in-depth answers from the participants. Questions will be divided in three

categories, which have been extracted through a literature review: a) Communal

engagement, b) Sourcing of materials, c) Architectural style. A brief overview at

the beginning will also be requested to gain some general context for the

particular resort discussed during the interview.

The interviews will be conducted over the phone with the chosen participants.

The participants will be selected based on the choice of resorts to be used as

case studies. The interviews will be audio-recorded.

General overview of the questions that will be asked will be sent over via email

in advance along with a cover letter that includes details of the project as well as

information about data protection, voluntariness of participation etc. (see

Appendix A). A consent form will also be sent over email. Duration of the

interviews is anticipated to not exceed thirty minutes.

4. Participants: recruitment methods, number, age, gender, exclusions/inclusion

criteria

Participants in the study are individuals closely involved in the development of

selected resorts located on the East Coast of Zanzibar’s main island, which will

be used as case studies in the research.

5. Consent and participation information arrangement

The proposed study does not pose a realistic risk of any participants experiencing

either physical or psychological distress or discomfort. The interviews only

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contain questions of purely informative character about resort development

process. Furthermore, the project does not involve any kind of participant

deception, manipulation, distraction, or misleading information. No sensitive

data will be collected that could trigger upset, anxieties or any other adverse

emotional reactions. The information sheet provided with the questionnaire

explicitly informs the participants that participation is voluntary, and that

participants can withdraw from the study at any time.

6. Statement of ethical considerations

Ethical considerations arise with the two potential participants, as they are asked

to provide information related to their role in the development of the resort and

will then be quoted and analysed in the research. The interviews will also be

audio-recorded, as the information gained will then be written in a transcript for

further analysis. However, personal names will not be stated in the research

itself and the participants will be informed that of the format and purpose of the

interview, which they will give written consent to if they agree to participate.

7. Estimated start date and duration of the project

I intend to send out an invitation for the interviews immediately after research

has been approved by the School Research Ethics Committee.

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Interview Questions

A. OVERVIEW

1. What is your role in the project?

2. When was the resort built?

a. How long was the construction process?

b. How many years has it been open?

B. Architectural inspiration.

1. Was there an architect involved in the process?

2. What was the initial drive for undergoing a resort development?

3. Where did you draw inspiration from?

3. How did the island’s architecture influence the design?

C. Sourcing of materials.

1. How was the criteria for choice of materials formed?

2. Where were the materials sources from?

3. What were the main factors that had to be taken into consideration?

D. Communal engagement.

1. Who built the project?

2. Was the contracted company local?

3. How were the ideas communicated?

4. Were there any difficulties during the construction process considering the

location?

Contemporary Vernacular Resort Architecture:

Documents

Transcript of Contemporary Vernacular Resort Architecture: