Understanding the Learning Experiences of Highly Educated Refugees

from Iraq and Syria En Route to Economic Integration in Luxembourg

Anne Marie Vesdrevanis

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Education in

Teachers College, Columbia University

2022

© 2022 Anne Marie Vesdrevanis

All Rights Reserved

Abstract

Understanding the Learning Experiences of Highly Educated Refugees

from Iraq and Syria En Route to Economic Integration in Luxembourg

Anne Marie Vesdrevanis

This qualitative exploratory study sought to understand highly educated Iraqi and Syrian

refugees’ perceptions of their learning experiences during economic integration in Luxembourg.

This research sought to elucidate how these new migrants learned to integrate in a country with a

long tradition of migration but little exposure to Arabic-speaking groups. Further, it sought to

explore participants’ experiences of what knowledge, skills, and practices they required, how

these were learned, what facilitators and inhibitors they faced, and the impact of identity and

religion.

In-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 20 refugee participants who had

arrived in Luxembourg since 2015 and from 10 professionals working in refugee integration

programs. Additional data were collected from critical incident questionnaires and document

analysis.

Several key findings emerged from interviews. First, participants reported high

professional status prior to their forced migration and gratitude toward Luxembourg for its

support, despite their many challenges. Second, participants identified linguistic skills, market-

relevant experience, Western qualifications, and adaptability as essential for integration, which

(apart from academic qualifications) were learned informally. Third, timely professional

exposure was a facilitator to integration, while Luxembourg’s multilingualism, job market, work

regulations, and discrimination were inhibitors. Fourth, participants reported stigma and

invisibility around their refugee identity. Their religious beliefs did not influence their economic

integration.

This research draws four main conclusions. First, migrants navigated the impact of wars

which disrupted their lives alongside an uncertain present, fraught challenges and mixed feelings.

Second, while linguistic skills, relevant academic qualifications, and adaptability were important,

there exists tension between the non-formal learning refugee integration ecosystem failing to

account for the informal learning that new migrants required. Third, while timely professional

exposure facilitates economic integration, Luxembourg’s ‘equal-for-all’ (but pragmatically

restrictive) frameworks and multilingualism delay new migrants’ integration. Fourth, there is

little shared understanding among stakeholders on the impact of identity and religion in

economic integration.

The recommendations of this study are to (1) champion timely access of migrants to the

job market through intensive language training and professional exposure; (2) assess fairness of

employment frameworks for non-majority groups; and (3) reflect on an inclusive, fair, and

diverse national adult education strategy.

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Table of Contents

Page

List of Tables ......................................................................................................................... viii List of Figures ........................................................................................................................... x Acknowledgments .................................................................................................................... xi Chapter 1: Introduction ............................................................................................................... 1

Context and Background ................................................................................................. 2 Refugees ................................................................................................................. 2 The “2015 Refugee Crisis” ..................................................................................... 3 Identity Trajectory .................................................................................................. 5 A Matter of Politics ................................................................................................. 7 The Grand Duchy of Luxembourg .......................................................................... 9 Republic of Iraq .................................................................................................... 12 Syrian Arab Republic ............................................................................................ 13 Problem Statement......................................................................................................... 15 Purpose and Research Questions .................................................................................... 18 Research Design Overview ............................................................................................ 19 Researcher Perspectives ................................................................................................. 20 Assumptions .................................................................................................................. 21 Rationale and Significance ............................................................................................ 23

Chapter 2: Literature Review..................................................................................................... 25 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 25 Literature Criteria .......................................................................................................... 26 Topic I: Refugee Economic Integration ......................................................................... 27 Luxembourg ......................................................................................................... 30 The Netherlands .................................................................................................... 32 The United Kingdom ............................................................................................ 33 Discrimination? .................................................................................................... 35 Topic II: Identity ........................................................................................................... 35 Occupational Identity ............................................................................................ 37 Cultural Identity .................................................................................................... 38 Language Learning and Identity ............................................................................ 38 Spiritual Identity ................................................................................................... 39 Topic III: Adult Learning Theories ................................................................................ 40 Informal Learning ................................................................................................. 41 Experiential Learning ............................................................................................ 42 Transformative Learning ....................................................................................... 47 Psychocritical Approach ............................................................................... 49 Psychoanalytical Approach .......................................................................... 49 Psychodevelopmental Approach ................................................................... 50 Social Emancipatory Approach .................................................................... 50 Mezirow’s Legacy ........................................................................................ 51

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Conceptual Framework .................................................................................................. 55 Chapter 3: Methodology ............................................................................................................ 57 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 57 Research Design ............................................................................................................ 58 Philosophical Underpinning .................................................................................. 58 Qualitative Research ............................................................................................. 59 Literature to Support Design and Data Collection Methods ............................................ 60 Areas of Information Needed ......................................................................................... 61 Demographic Information ..................................................................................... 62 Contextual Information ......................................................................................... 62 Conceptual Information ........................................................................................ 62 Perceptual Information .......................................................................................... 63 Research Design Sequence ............................................................................................ 63 Discussion of the Research Sample ................................................................................ 64 Twenty Highly-Educated Iraqis and Syrians.......................................................... 65 Ten Professionals Working with Refugee Populations .......................................... 67 Recruitment Protocol ............................................................................................ 69 Methods for Assuring Protection of Human Subjects ..................................................... 70 Methods for Data Collection .......................................................................................... 71 Semi-structured Interviews ................................................................................... 71 Critical Incident Questionnaire ..................................................................... 72 Twenty Highly Educated Iraqis and Syrians ................................................. 72 Ten Professionals Working with Adult Refugees .......................................... 73 Impact of Piloting ......................................................................................... 73 Document Review................................................................................................. 73 Methods for Data Analysis and Synthesis ...................................................................... 75 Initial Coding Scheme ........................................................................................... 76 Final Coding Scheme ............................................................................................ 77 Ethical Considerations ................................................................................................... 79 Issues of Trustworthiness ............................................................................................... 80 Limitations .................................................................................................................... 80 Chapter 4: Findings ................................................................................................................... 83 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 83 Finding 1: Refugee Status and New Reality ................................................................... 85 Sub-Finding 1A: Disruption of Previous Life ........................................................ 86 Privileges in Pre-refugee Status .................................................................... 88 Professional ......................................................................................... 88 Student/Migrant ................................................................................... 89 War Impact .................................................................................................. 89 Forced to Flee ...................................................................................... 89 Impact on People, Institutions, and Service .......................................... 90 Horrors of War .................................................................................... 91 Loss of Status ...................................................................................... 91 Values .......................................................................................................... 91

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Family ................................................................................................. 91 Learning .............................................................................................. 92 Sub-Finding 1B: Perceptions of New Reality ........................................................ 93 Gratitude ...................................................................................................... 93 Safety ........................................................................................................... 95 Challenges.................................................................................................... 96 Housing ............................................................................................... 96 Family ................................................................................................. 97 Findings from Professionals .................................................................................. 97 Professionals' Finding #1: Temporal Perceptions .......................................... 98 Professionals' Perceptions of Refugee Experience ................................ 99 Disruption of Past Life....................................................................... 100 Finding 2: (Learning: What Needs to be Learned and How Was It Learned): Knowledge, Skills, Practices, and Learning Activities ......................................... 100 Sub-Finding 2A: Knowledge, Skills, and Practices .............................................. 102 Knowledge ................................................................................................. 103 Professional Expertise ....................................................................... 103 Academic Qualifications ............................................................................ 104 Skills .......................................................................................................... 104 Linguistic Skills ................................................................................. 104 Digital Skills...................................................................................... 105 Practices ..................................................................................................... 106 Adaptability ....................................................................................... 106 Constructive Attitude ......................................................................... 107 Keep Learning ................................................................................... 107 Networking........................................................................................ 107 Proactivity ......................................................................................... 108 Sub-Finding 2B: Learning Activities ................................................................... 108 Informally .................................................................................................. 109 Experiential ....................................................................................... 109 Self-Directed ..................................................................................... 111 Formally..................................................................................................... 111 Language Courses ............................................................................. 111 Higher Education ............................................................................... 112 Non-Formal ................................................................................................ 113 Trainings/Workshops ......................................................................... 113 Learning from the Experience of Economic Integration ...................................... 114 Experience ................................................................................................. 114 Professional Preparation .................................................................... 114 Volunteer........................................................................................... 116 Professional Exposure ....................................................................... 117 Job ..................................................................................................... 117 Reflection-on-Experience ........................................................................... 118 Return to Experience ......................................................................... 118 Attending to Feelings ......................................................................... 119 Re-evaluation of Experience .............................................................. 119

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Transformative Learning ............................................................................ 121 Professionals’ Finding #2: Learning and Learning Activities............................... 122 Knowledge, Skills, and Practices ................................................................ 123 How Did Learning Occur?.......................................................................... 124 Learning from the Experience of Economic Integration .............................. 125 Reflections ................................................................................................. 126 Feelings ...................................................................................................... 127 Finding 3: Enablers and Inhibitors ............................................................................... 129 Sub-Finding 3A: Enablers of Economic Integration ............................................ 129 Institutions ................................................................................................. 132 Internship-Targeted Project ........................................................................ 132 Professional Exposure ................................................................................ 133 Regulations ................................................................................................ 134 Redesigned Social Assistance ..................................................................... 134 Intensive Language Trainings ..................................................................... 135 Refugee Involvement ................................................................................. 136 Sub-Finding 3B: Inhibiters of Economic Integration ........................................... 136 Linguistic ................................................................................................... 138 Multilingualism ................................................................................. 138 Learning ............................................................................................ 139 Quality of Courses ............................................................................. 139 Comparative Disadvantage ................................................................ 140 Learning Conditions .......................................................................... 140 Structural ................................................................................................... 141 Skills Gap/Competitive Job Market ................................................... 141 Institutional Failings/Long Waiting in Asylum .................................. 142 Restrictive Regulations ...................................................................... 143 Adverse Impact of Social Assistance ................................................. 144 Social, Cultural, and Religious Factors ....................................................... 144 Social ................................................................................................ 144 Cultural ............................................................................................. 145 Religious ........................................................................................... 146 Sub-Finding 3C: Coping ..................................................................................... 146 Meaning-making ........................................................................................ 148 Problem-solving ......................................................................................... 148 Emotion-focused ........................................................................................ 148 Religious .................................................................................................... 149 Professionals’ Finding #3: Enablers, Inhibitors, and Coping................................ 149 Enablers ..................................................................................................... 150 Inhibiters .................................................................................................... 150 Coping ....................................................................................................... 152 Finding 4: Impact of Identity and Religion................................................................... 154 Sub-Finding 4A: Identity Impact ......................................................................... 154 Impact of Identity ....................................................................................... 154 Parent/Family .................................................................................... 157 Professional ....................................................................................... 157

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Impact on Identity ...................................................................................... 158 New Nationality ................................................................................ 158 Refugee ............................................................................................. 158 Invisibility ......................................................................................... 159 Ethnic/Religious ................................................................................ 159 New Self............................................................................................ 160 Gender ............................................................................................... 160 Sub-Finding 4B: Impact of Religion ................................................................... 160 Originating from Islamic Country ............................................................... 160 No Impact .......................................................................................... 162 Impact ............................................................................................... 162 Role of Religion ......................................................................................... 163 Role ................................................................................................... 163 No Role ............................................................................................. 164 Reflections ........................................................................................ 164 Criticism ................................................................................... 164 Religious Tolerance .................................................................. 165 Support System ......................................................................... 165 Religious Bias ........................................................................... 166 Professionals’ Finding #4: Impact of Identity and Religion ................................. 166 Identity Impact ........................................................................................... 166 Role of Religion ......................................................................................... 167 Islamic Country of Origin........................................................................... 168 Summary of the Findings ............................................................................................. 169 Chapter 5: Analysis, Synthesis, Conclusions, and Recommendations ...................................... 172 Discussion, Interpretation, and Synthesis ..................................................................... 172 Analytic Theme 1: Temporal Experiences ........................................................... 172 Life Before Luxembourg ............................................................................ 172 First Steps in Luxembourg ......................................................................... 174 Analytic Theme 2: Learning................................................................................ 177 Knowledge, Skills, and Practices ................................................................ 177 Learning ..................................................................................................... 182 Formally, Non-formally, Informally .................................................. 182 Transformative Learning ................................................................... 186 Learning from Experience ................................................................. 187 Experience ................................................................................ 187 Reflection-on-Experience .......................................................... 190 Analytic Theme 3: Enablers, Inhibiters, and Coping Mechanisms ....................... 192 Impactful National Strategies ..................................................................... 192 Linguistic Policies ...................................................................................... 198 Nurturing Understanding ............................................................................ 200 Analytic Theme 4: Impact of Identity and Religion ............................................. 202 Identity Impact ........................................................................................... 202 Role of Religion ......................................................................................... 205 Assumptions Revisited ................................................................................................ 208

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Assumption One ................................................................................................. 208 Assumption Two ................................................................................................. 208 Assumption Three ............................................................................................... 209 Assumption Four ................................................................................................ 210 Assumption Five ................................................................................................. 210 Contributions to the Literature ..................................................................................... 210 Conclusions ................................................................................................................. 212 Conclusion One: Transitioning from Pre- to Post-migration ................................ 213 Conclusion Two: Learning Toward Economic Integration .................................. 213 Conclusion Three: Facilitators and Impediments to Economic Integration........... 214 Conclusion Four: Identity and Religion ............................................................... 214 Recommendations ....................................................................................................... 215 Recommendation for Highly Educated New Migrants ......................................... 215 Recognize the Need for Time ..................................................................... 215 Prioritize Intensive French Language Training ........................................... 216 Pursue Any Type of and Means to Gain Professional Exposure .................. 216 Reflect on Opportunities for Acquiring Formal European Academic Qualifications .................................................................................... 217 Recommendations for New Migrant Program Development Practitioners ........... 218 Consider Synergies for Rolling out Large-scale Targeted Economic Integration Projects ............................................................................ 218 Assess the Efficacy of Language and Integration Programs for Equipping New Migrants for Employment......................................... 218 Consider Creating Spaces for Reflecting on Stereotypes and Discrimination ................................................................................... 219 Recommendations for Policy .............................................................................. 219 Assess Fairness of Existing Employment Framework for New Migrants ............................................................................................ 219 Reflect on an Inclusive, Fair, and Diverse Adult Education Strategy........... 220 Incentivize the Job Market to Offer Timely Professional Exposure to Groups from Diverse Backgrounds ................................................ 220 Recommendations for Future Research ............................................................... 220 Conduct a Study with a Larger Number of Female New Migrants .............. 220 Conduct a Study with Highly Educated New Migrants from Other Geographical Regions ........................................................................ 221 Conduct a Longitudinal Study on Employment Outcomes of New Migrants ............................................................................................ 221 Reflection .................................................................................................................... 221 References .............................................................................................................................. 224

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APPENDICES Appendix A—Email Invitation to Participate in Interview (Refugee Participant) ..................... 240 Appendix B—Email Invitation to Participate in Interview (Professional Participant) ............... 241 Appendix C—Informed Consent and Participant’s Rights Form (Refugee Participants) .......... 242 Appendix D—Informed Consent and Participant’s Rights Form (Professional Participants) .... 246 Appendix E—Interview Protocol for Refugee Participants ...................................................... 250 Appendix F—Interview Protocol for Professionals Working with Refugees ............................ 251 Appendix G—Demographic Inventory for Refugees ............................................................... 252 Appendix H—Demographic Inventory for Professionals ......................................................... 256 Appendix I—Critical Incident Questionnaire for Refugees ...................................................... 258 Appendix J—Critical Incident Questionnaire for Professionals ............................................... 259 Appendix K—Critical Incident Findings for Refugees ............................................................ 260 Appendix L—Critical Incident Findings for Professionals ....................................................... 264 Appendix M—Excerpt of Coded Interview Transcript ............................................................ 267 Appendix N—List of Refugee Feelings ................................................................................... 270 Appendix O— Initial Coding Scheme ..................................................................................... 272 Appendix P—Final Coding Scheme for Refugees ................................................................... 274 Appendix Q—Final Coding Scheme for Professionals ............................................................ 277 Appendix R—Definition of Terms .......................................................................................... 280 Appendix S—Document Review/Analysis Sources ................................................................. 282 Appendix T—Additional Quotes – Finding 1A – Disruption of Previous Life (Values) ........... 283

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List of Tables Table Page 1 Number of Individuals Requesting International Protection in Luxembourg, by Year ............................................................................................... 31 2 Type of Information Needed by Data Source ............................................................ 61 3 Research Steps .......................................................................................................... 63 4 Summary of Refugees' Pseudonyms and Grouping per Nationality, Gender, Age, and Academic Qualifications ............................................................................ 67 5 Summary of Professionals’ Pseudonyms, Age, Gender, and Field of Professional Activity ................................................................................................ 68 6 Data Collection Matrix (Interview Protocol for Highly Educated Iraqis and Syrians) .................................................................................................................... 74 7 Summary of Research Question #1 Findings and Sub-Findings................................. 86 8 Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 1A (Disruption of Previous Life) ........................ 87 9 Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 1B (Perceptions of New Reality) ......................... 94 10 Perceptions of Refugee Status and New Reality ........................................................ 98 11 Summary of Research Question #2 Findings and Sub-Findings............................... 101 12 Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 2A (Knowledge, Skills, and Practices) .............. 102 13 Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 2B (Learning Activities) ................................... 110 14 Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 2C (Learning from the Experience of Economic Integration) ............................................................................................ 115 15 Professionals’ Perceptions on Necessary Knowledge, Skills, and Practices for Refugee Economic Integration ................................................................................ 123 16 Professionals' Perceptions on Refugee Learning Toward Economic Integration ...... 124 17 Professionals’ Perceptions on the Refugee Economic Integration Experience ......... 126 18 Professionals' Perceptions on Refugees' Feelings on Economic Integration Experience .............................................................................................................. 128

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19 Summary of Research Question #3 Findings and Sub-Findings............................... 130 20 Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 3A Enablers ...................................................... 131 21 Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 3B Inhibitors ..................................................... 137 22 Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 3C (Coping) ...................................................... 147 23 Economic Integration Enablers Identified by Professionals ..................................... 149 24 Economic Integration Inhibitors Identified by Professionals ................................... 151 25 Professionals' Perceptions on Refugees' Coping ...................................................... 153 26 Summary of Research Question #4 Findings and Sub-Findings............................... 155 27 Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 4A Identity Impact ............................................ 156 28 Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 4B (Originating from Islamic Country) ............. 161 29 Role of Religion ..................................................................................................... 168 30 Impact of Islamic Country Origin ........................................................................... 169

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List of Figures Figure Page 1 The Experiential Learning Cycle and Basic Learning Styles ..................................... 44 2 Boud et al.’s Model of Reflection Processes in Learning from Experience ................ 47 3 Graphic Conceptual Framework ............................................................................... 56 4 A Presentation of the Data Analysis Sequence .......................................................... 78

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Acknowledgments

I am grateful to all the people who participated in my research. Their trust, hopes, and

aspirations were a driving force when things got difficult, when the journey seemed long and

unclear. Your perseverance amazes me. A better world is possible.

I am indebted to my sponsor, Professor Jeanne Bitterman, for her unwavering support

and steadfast guidance throughout my doctoral journey. From the first doctoral courses under the

Adult Education Guided Intensive Study (AEGIS) program at Teachers College, Columbia

University, all the way to the completion of my dissertation, Professor Bitterman has been a true

mentor and a dedicated guide. I am indebted to my second reader, Professor Mary Mendenhall,

for her profound and insightful contributions throughout my research.

Special thanks go to other professors from the AEGIS program, particularly Professors

Lyle Yorks, Victoria Marsick, Terrence E. Maltbia, and Michel Alhadeff-Jones, for introducing

me to the complex and fascinating world of adult education. I am also grateful to Professor Amra

Sabic-El-Rayess, for her thoughtful feedback. The AEGIS XXV Cohort, my fellow travelers on

this doctoral journey, have been a continuous source of inspiration and encouragement.

I am thankful to Mr. Halim Abdoulrazzak, from Amuda, Syria, who has the distinction of

being a 2016 Luxembourg Peace Prize Laureate as an Outstanding Peace Activist. Through his

generosity and support, I met many remarkable people.

My parents, Kostas and Olga Vesdrevanis, laid the foundation for me to become a first-

generation college student in our family. Dad, thank you for introducing me to jazz and for

cultivating my passion for world affairs. Mom, without your support, I would not have made it

this far. Thank you. I love you both. My in-laws, Stefanos and Theodora Karoumpis, have been a

steady source of encouragement. Thank you. Κύριε Στέφανε, we miss you very much.

xii

My sister and brother-in-law, Monika and Nikos, have been our Luxembourg-based

support team. My brothers-in-law Spyros and Apostolos, my sister-in-law Irene, and my nephew

Manos have been our Corfu-based support team. My brother Petros, my sister-in-law Maria, and

my nephew Konstantinos have been my New York-based cheerleaders. Thank you all so very

much. Your love and support have lifted me so many times. Special thanks to my dearest friend,

AEGIS XXIV Cohort alumna Dr. Maria Kaloudis-Papadakis.

A big thank you goes to my aunt Anna Goulas in New York. Without you, none of our

achievements would have been possible. Your open heart (and open house!) offered warmth and

a ‘holding environment’ for many of us. Your effortless optimism, and strong work ethic, made

everything feel doable. Thank you so much. I love you dearly.

Countless friends, extended family members, current and past colleagues and employers,

caregivers, editors, administrators, and other acquaintances shared a positive thought, a helping

hand, and other forms of support to my and my family’s efforts. Thank you.

To my dear children, Stefania and Nikolas, I love you both so very much—more than

words can say. You are my guiding light, and I am a better person because of you. I am so lucky

to be your mom.

Last but certainly not least, my husband, my friend, my coach, my soul mate, Kostas: I

love you so very much. You make everything seem effortless; you always find a way to

challenge my thinking and make me see beyond the obvious. Thank you for making it all

happen.

Love, education, and dedication can pave the way to a meaningful and purposeful life.

A. M. V.

1

Chapter 1: Introduction

I am almost ashamed to be living in such peace while all the rest struggle and suffer. But after all, it is still the best to concern oneself with eternals, for from them alone flows that spirit that can restore peace and serenity to the world of humans. (Einstein, 2013, p. 52)1

The purpose of this research was to understand the learning experiences of highly

educated refugees from Iraq and Syria who arrived in Luxembourg since 2015 during their effort

to integrate economically into their host country. Their perceptions of the factors and skills that

influenced their economic integration, as well as the impact of their identity in the process,

formed the foundation of this study. Little is known about the lived experiences of the thousands

of new refugees who have arrived in Europe since 2015, creating the worst humanitarian crisis

the continent has faced since World War II. Further, how these populations make meaning of

their experiences has not been explored sufficiently. It is my hope that the findings and

recommendations of this study will better inform those charged with refugee integration policies

and the design of integration programs that aim to prevent the creation of new generations of

poor and socioeconomically isolated minority groups.

This chapter begins with a description of the context surrounding refugee integration.

Next is an elaboration of the research problem, building an argument for this study. Following,

the research purpose and the research questions that guided this study will help readers

understand the problem at hand. The research design section provides a brief overview of the

nature of the research, which is discussed in greater detail in Chapter 3. By identifying my

1Albert Einstein, German-born physicist and Nobel Laureate (1921), arrived as a refugee in America in 1933 after fleeing persecution in Nazi Germany.

2

perspectives, readers can become aware of the lenses through which this study was conducted.

The assumptions of the study, as well as the rationale and the significance, are also discussed.

The chapter concludes with definitions of relevant key terms.

Context and Background

Refugees

The phenomenon of migration goes back to the appearance of the first human beings.

“Human beings have always moved in search of new opportunities, or to escape poverty, conflict

or economic degradation” (Castles et al., 2014, p. 5). Over the last century, the number of people

being forced to flee their homes due to war, persecution, or environmental catastrophes has

exploded. Every year, millions of people continue to seek safe haven either within their countries

(Internally Displaced Persons—IDPs) or by crossing their country’s borders (refugees). The year

1950 marked a historic milestone for the protection of refugee populations when the international

community established the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) with the

aim of helping millions of Europeans who were forced out of their homes or lost them entirely.

The following year, the 1951 Geneva Refugee Convention was ratified by 145 state parties,

giving rise to the legal definition of a “refugee” as:

a person who owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable, or owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence...is unable, or owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it. (UN General Assembly, 1951)

The 1951 Geneva Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol remain the international legal

instruments designed to protect vulnerable people worldwide.

States are responsible for protecting the fundamental human rights of their citizens. When they are unable or unwilling to do so—often for political reasons or based on discrimination—individuals may suffer such serious violations of their human rights that they have to leave their homes, their families and their communities to find sanctuary in

3

another country. Since, by definition, refugees are not protected by their own governments, the international community steps in to ensure they are safe and protected. (UNHCR, 2011)

By the end of 2019, 86.5 million people (close to the population of Germany) worldwide

had been forced out of their homes due to persecution, conflict, or other crises (United Nations

High Commissioner for Refugees, 2020). About half of these people have remained within their

own countries and are identified as internally displaced persons. Over 20 million (close to the

population of Chile) are refugees (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 2020) who

have crossed the borders of their country in search of safety. This study focused on the lived

experiences of highly educated refugees from Iraq and Syria who arrived in Luxembourg since

2015.

The “2015 Refugee Crisis”

In 2009, the 28-member state union of Europe,2 known as the European Union (EU), was

receiving around 200,000 first time asylum applications, with an increasing trend reaching over

560,000 in 2014. By 2015 and 2016, first-time asylum applications were more than 1.20 million,

per year (Eurostat, 2019).

In 2015, Europe was still grappling with the results of the 2008 financial crisis. In

December of that year, EU28 countries estimated an unemployment rate of close to 22 million

people (EUROSTAT, 2016b) in the bloc of 400 million. Among the consequences of the

economic underperformance of the previous decade was increased mistrust in established

political parties, giving rise to far- and extreme-right structures and an increase in populist

rhetoric driven by racism and xenophobia. Concurrently, the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist

attacks in the United States led to the global and ongoing “war on terrorism,” now approaching

2As of January 1, 2021, the United Kingdom is no longer a member of the European Union.

4

its 20th year. Mainstream media outlets regularly correlated the increase in terrorist attacks

across Europe to Islam, which it considered a brutal religion and which cast Muslim populations

as radical sympathizers for violence.

In 2015 and 2016, Europe witnessed an unprecedented increase in the number of people

seeking international protection on the continent who were forced to flee mostly from war-torn

Syria, Afghanistan, and Iraq. In 2015, over one million people arrived in Europe seeking refuge

(EUROSTAT, 2016a), resulting in a grave humanitarian crisis. The number of first-time asylum

seekers doubled compared to the previous year, part of a phenomenon that became known as the

“2015 Refugee Crisis.”

Against this backdrop, international and regional organizations, along with individual

governments, were called on to design and implement emergency policies to address the

unfolding crisis. In April 2015, the European Union took political action to deter the human

tragedy that was developing in the Mediterranean (European Council Statement of 23 April

2015; European Parliament Resolution). Specifically, the 2015 European Agenda on Migration

set the following immediate priorities:

(a) preventing the loss of human life in the Mediterranean, where thousands of people were losing their lives while reaching safe havens in Europe’s shores,

(b) averting migrant smuggling, (c) designing a relocation program of migrants within the EU member states, (d) accommodating UNHCR’s efforts through participation to a migrant resettlement

program, (e) collaborating with partners to intervene in the origin of the migration flows, and (f) offering support to member states who are at the frontline of migrant flows.

(European Commission, 2015)

The main receiving country by number of applicants was Germany, recording around

890,000 asylum seekers in 2015 and over 280,000 in 2016 (BMI, 2017). According to the

UNHCR (2016) for Syrians alone, most of the asylum seekers who could reach Europe chose

Germany as their final destination.

5

Germany’s Institute for Employment Research (IAB), the Research Center of the Federal

Office for Migration and Refugees (BAMF-FZ), and the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP)

at the German Institute for Economic Research (DIW Berlin) conduct surveys analyzing the

integration of refugees in the country. The 2016 IAB-BAMF-SOEP Refugee Survey (Brucker

et al, 2016) reveals that the top reasons for refugees choosing Germany are the participants’

perceptions of: the country’s respect for human rights, the education system, feeling welcome, as

well as the economic situation, among others (p. 4). According to the same survey, only 13% of

participants present university credentials, compared to 21% of the population in Germany (p. 7).

Furthermore, the survey reveals that a significant segment of the adult refugee sample has high

educational aspirations, meaning that 66% wish to pursue vocational or higher education training

(p. 8). Therefore, the profile of these adult refugee groups is likely to change in the years ahead,

with a potential impact on their socio-economic status.

In Luxembourg, Syria and Iraq were in the top five third-country nationalities among

first-time asylum seekers in 2015 and 2016 (LU EMN NCP, 2018a). Although other countries

experiencing conflict, such as Eritrea and Afghanistan, were generating asylum seekers to

Luxembourg in 2017 and 2018, Iraq and Syria remained at the top of this list (LU EMN NCP,

2018a).

Identity Trajectory

In the Middle East, there is a “fluidity of coexisting identities” (Hinnebusch, 2013,

p. 152). Muslim, national (related to the state) as well as an Arab identity are some, but certainly

do not make up for the full picture. At varying times in their modern history, the different Arab

states witnessed different trajectories in their identity building. Hosting communities in the West

appear to address the refugees from this region as a unified group, mostly focusing on their

6

Muslim identity. This does not account for the different perceptions and trust the different groups

may have toward the state, religion, politics, and so on.

The identity of new migrants is multidimensional, addressing their legal status, gender,

nationality, religious identification, family status, and professional status, among others. Their

identities are often perceived differently between the hosting communities and themselves. They

are fluid, and there is a strong temporal dimension that defines them.

The key priority for refugees at first is to settle their legal status and reunify with their

families, where relevant. Therefore, their legal and family status impacts their identity at first. In

parallel, learning the local language(s) offers what Bourdieu (1991) argues as the means to

communicate but also impacts their access to and participation in local social networks, and their

identities.

With regard to religious identities, although the majority of participants in my study self-

identified as Muslims, some did not adhere to any religious affiliation (Appendix G) and had

varying approaches to their faith. The religious identity of refugees may be influenced by the

overreaching public sentiments in the host country or even the identity of the listener (Fiddian-

Qasmiyeh & Qasmiyeh, 2010). As sharing personal religious beliefs may be impacted by internal

and external factors (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh & Qasmiyeh, 2010), those beliefs may also alter in

importance as new migrants integrate or not into their new host country.

The sudden influx of refugees from the Middle East into Europe amplified public

sentiments of Islamophobia in significant parts of the continent. The increased terrorist attacks

on EU countries (e.g., the 2015 Paris attack) influenced public opinion of how Islam is viewed

(Freedom House, 2016). Concurrently, while a number of EU leaders have publicly expressed

support for and welcomed refugees, others have explicitly refused to accept them by mixing

7

economic instability in their own country with xenophobia and racism against Muslim

populations. It is noteworthy that a close look at the tendencies of public opinion demonstrates a

strong correlation between the negative rhetoric of the political leadership of a country toward

Muslims, especially around electoral cycles, and an increase in public distrust toward Muslim

groups (Esposito & Mogahed, 2007).

Muslim communities in Europe, as well as around the world, have undergone significant

turmoil and unrest over the last decade and a half, and the recent refugee crisis has become

another dimension in contemporary Muslim identity in Europe. However, popular media reports

and public discourse have seldom revealed how Muslim populations view their own identity. For

example:

Many who fall within the “Muslim in Europe” label do not regard their religion as a primary component of their self-identity, and do not necessarily make choices and decisions driven by “Islamic” motivations. We face a challenge when trying to determine how and when religious affiliations and identities are relevant factors for the explanation of social and political behaviours. (Mandaville, 2009, p. 493)

The study revealed similar findings when it came to the role of religion in the lives of

highly educated Iraqis and Syrians in Luxembourg.

A Matter of Politics

Determining how to address new migration flows, particularly refugee movements, is a

political decision that is driven in part by the domestic as well as the regional economic situation.

Precarious economic conditions are a common argument used to curb public expenditure in

support of minority underprivileged groups in a given country. Concurrently, ongoing conflicts

in the Middle East will continue producing refugee outflows as long as peace and economic

stability are not ensured.

Furthermore, the number of refugees who have arrived in Europe since 2015, compared

to those residing in the countries’ neighboring war-torn zones, is grossly disproportionate. The

8

total number of people who arrived in Europe in 2015 was 1,046,599 (IOM, 2015). In 2017,

Turkey alone hosted over three million refugees (UNHCR, 2018b). The vast majority of the

refugees cannot afford the perilous journey to Europe and have no choice but to flee to

neighboring countries in search of safety, in either refugee camps or urban areas (Betts &

Collier, 2017). Eighty-five percent of the world’s refugees are hosted by developing nations

(UNHCR, 2018a).

It follows that living in deteriorating camp conditions and impoverished urban settings in

underdeveloped regions would disrupt the lives of refugees and their families, as well as those of

local populations. Millions of children lack access to education, healthcare, and mental health

services, which risks creating a generation of severely traumatized and unskilled adults. In the

decades to come, this growing inequality has the potential to impact Europe and its neighboring

regions in harsh ways politically, economically, and socially.

Although Europe is witnessing a decline in the arrival of refugees since its peak in 2015,

the number of people under UNHCR’s remit has increased from 36.4 million in 2009 to

86.5 million in 2019 as the pace of refugee outflow continues to increase worldwide (UNHCR,

2020). A primary reason for the sharp decrease in arrivals in Europe after 2015 is the EU-Turkey

Agreement (IOM, 2016). In March 2016, the EU and Turkey signed an agreement that “outlines

the plan to end irregular migration flows from Turkey to Europe” (IOM, 2016, p. 2).

In 2016, the international community adopted the New York Declaration for Refugees

and Migrants. The document was adopted by all 193 member states of the United Nations. It is a

symbol of “global solidarity and refugee protection at a time of unprecedented displacement

across the world” (United Nations General Assembly, 2016). The New York Declaration

reiterated the principle of respecting the human rights of refugees and migrants, emphasizing in

9

particular the need to support countries that welcome these groups. Numerous countries around

Europe are taking up their legal and moral responsibility and contributing to reinstating dignity

and hope to the lives of thousands of refugees. Luxembourg is one such country.

The Grand Duchy of Luxembourg

Luxembourg is a small country located in the center of continental Europe, neighboring

with France, Germany, and Belgium. After World War II, it took a leading role in the

establishment of the European Union. Today it hosts a number of European institutions,

including the Court of Justice of the European Union, and the European Investment Bank

(CVCE, 2021). Luxembourg has emerged as a leading global financial center, which contributes

significantly to the country’s economic growth (Luxembourg for Finance [LFF], 2021).

The Grand Duchy of Luxembourg is a signatory to the 1951 Convention relating to the

Status of Refugees and to its 1967 Protocol. Luxembourg is also a State party to the 1954

Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons. Furthermore, in December 2011,

Luxembourg pledged at UNHCR’s ministerial meeting to accede to the 1961 Convention on the

Reduction of Statelessness.

The National Contact Point Luxembourg’s European Migration Network concluded a

study in 2018 presenting the modalities of the labor market integration of third country nationals

in Luxembourg (LU EMN NCP, 2018b). The report highlights, among others, insightful

information concerning Luxembourg’s context. Nearly half (47.9%) of the population are

non-Luxembourg nationals. The overwhelming majority of third-country nationals come from

another Member State of the European Union, leaving only 7.3% of the country’s population as

third-country nationals outside the European Union. As of January 1, 2018, Syria was one of the

top 10 third-country nationalities in Luxembourg. The international and multicultural dimension

10

of the country’s labor market are complemented by a dominant service-oriented sector. Another

distinctive feature is the high number of Luxembourg’s cross-border workers (from neighboring

regions of France, Germany, and Belgium), which amounts to 45% of the country’s workforce,

leaving only 4% of the country’s workforce who are third country nationals outside the European

Union (ADEM, 2018).

Luxembourg’s activities pertaining to the reception and integration of foreigners in the

country are defined by law (Loi, 2008b). In addition, the strategic document Plan d’action

national pluriannual d’integration 2018 (PAN integration), which replaces a previous edition

from 2010-2014, offers a detailed framework on achieving social cohesion in the country

(Government of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, Ministry of Family, Integration and the

Greater Region, 2018). One of the five priorities, i.e., Priority 2, seeks to strengthen the

employability of non-Luxembourgish nationals (p. 9). The country does not account separately

for its third country nationals in reports that document the status of integration, in general, and in

labor market integration specifically. However, the PAN integration calls for measures

facilitating data collection illustrating and assessing the country’s integration efforts of non-

Luxembourgish nationals (p. 17).

Luxembourg is no stranger to migration flows, as its current population synthesis

demonstrates. The percentages of foreigners compared to Luxembourg nationals grew to 47.5%

in 2019, up from 43% in 2009 (STATEC, 2019). Luxembourg’s history of demographic

diversity, attributable in part to immigration, has been shaping the economic, cultural, and social

life of the country over several decades. During the migration wave of 2015, Luxembourg

operated under a former legal framework (Loi, 2008b) defining the conditions for welcoming

and integrating non-Luxembourgers into the country’s economic, political, and social life. This

11

included the former Luxembourg Office for Reception and Integration (Office Luxembourgeois

de l’accueil et de l’integration, OLAI) (Loi, 2008b), which was managing both the reception and

integration of all non-Luxembourg nationals, EU, third country nationals, and those seeking

international protection. In 2019, Luxembourg’s National Reception Office (Office national de

l’accueil, ONA) became the public authority to lead implementation of the reception policy of

the country replacing OLAI (Loi, 2019). Concurrently, the responsibility for the integration of

foreigners into the country passed on to the Ministry charged with the integration portfolio.

Like a number of other EU countries in 2015, Luxembourg witnessed an increase of

120% in the number of people applying for international protection from the previous year, and

the numbers have remained at those high levels since then (Government of the Grand Duchy of

Luxembourg, Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs, 2018). To handle increasing demands,

the country introduced a series of measures, including the introduction of new legislation

regarding temporary international protection (Loi, 2015); the restructuring of relevant

government structures and an increase in dedicated human resources to deal with the increasing

number of cases; the expansion of reception capacities; the plan to develop an evaluation

program for the professional expertise of refugees; and financial support from the government

toward civil society to encourage targeted programs that facilitate the integration of new arrivals

and strengthen social cohesion. The country’s flagship program, entitled Mateneen, which means

“To each other” in Luxembourgish, provided funding of 15 million Euros to a number of projects

aimed at welcoming and integrating asylum seekers and refugees in Luxembourg (Oeuvre, n.d.).

In Luxembourg, the integration of non-nationals is not only the responsibility of the state

(Loi, 2008b) but also of local authorities, as well as civil society. For example, the Red Cross

and Caritas have taken over a large share of the first welcoming measures of newly-arrived

12

asylum seekers. Similarly, associations like CLAE (Comité de Liaison des Associations

d’Etrangers—Liaison Committee of Foreigners’ Associations) and ASTI (Association de

Soutien aux Travailleurs Immigrés—Immigrant Workers’ Support Association) have extensive

experience in designing and implementing measures in support of the socioeconomic and

cultural integration of migrant and refugee populations. With respect to refugees’ integration into

the job market, the country’s Public Employment Service (Agence pour le développement de

l’emploi – ADEM) offers advice and guidance to those who have received a residency status

related to international protection. Asylum seekers in general do not have the right to work,

although some exceptions are possible under the framework of the Authorization of Temporary

Occupation (Autorisation d’occupation temporaire - AOT).

Republic of Iraq

Iraq was under Ottoman rule before being occupied by the United Kingdom during

World War I and emerged as an independent kingdom in 1920. In 1958, Iraq became a republic,

where the ruling of Saddam Hussein from 1979 to 2003 left its mark with two major wars: the

Iran-Iraq war (1980-1988), followed by the Kuwait invasion (1990). The latter led to a US-led

coalition Gulf War (January-February 1991) supported by the United Nations (UN) (Central

Intelligence Agency [CIA], 2021a). In March 2003, the US invaded Iraq, and the Second Gulf

War was launched for Iraq’s non-compliance to UN Security Council resolutions calling for

dismantling its Weapons of Mass Destruction program, leading to the fall of the country’s

President Saddam Hussein (Crandall, 2014).

However, the “de-Baathification of Iraqi society” as well as the dismantling of the Iraqi

Army and other internal security forces undertaken by the ‘Coalition Provisional Authority’ (the

US) led to a rise of Iraq’s insurgency (Shimko, 2010, p. 173). The evolution of the political and

13

security scene in Iraq from the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003 to the announcement of the

Islamic State of Iraq and Sham (ISIS) in 2014 is summarized in three periods (Merone, 2021,

p. 730). The first one (2003-2005) represents the Sunni armed resistance to the US-led political

reforms, which in contrast were accepted by the Shia minority and Kurds. From 2006-2010, the

country witnessed a complete overhaul, with Sunnis allying with the government and the US to

the detriment of Salafi-Jihadis groups. The third phase led to the establishment of ISIS as a

distinct revolutionary force in the country (Merone, 2021).

In 2014 and 2015, Iraq continued facing severe security challenges due to terrorist and

sect violence, political turmoil, and economic instability. The number of internally displaced

people went over three million since January 2014, where their living conditions and prospects

were deplorable (UNHCR, 2014, 2015b). Iraq became also a destination for Syrian refugees, and

in 2016 UNHCR was reporting close to a quarter of a million Syrians registered in Iraq

(UNHCR, 2016). Against this political, security, and economic backdrop, many Iraqis were

forced to migrate not only to neighboring countries, but joined the refugee exodus to Europe in

2015 and 2016.

The decades-long warfare in Iraq has served as the backdrop of growing economic and

social challenges, among others, of its population. Unemployment and illiteracy rates are on the

rise, whereas enrollment rates at schools are declining. Higher education suffers from under-

investment, as well as from severe damage from the lasting conflicts (Sina & Al-Haitham, 2011).

Syrian Arab Republic

Syria was granted independence from France in 1946, following a French administration

after World War I of an area that was part of the Ottoman Empire (CIA, 2021b). The country

14

underwent a series of military coups leading to the rule of Hafiz al-Assad in 1970. After his

death, his son Bashar al-Assad became President following a popular referendum in 2000.

Political unrest and demonstrations were kicked off in Syria in March 2011 (UNHCR,

2012) following similar uprisings in the region. The response to the uprising was a military

crackdown (Droz-Vincent, 2021), combined with moderate government concessions (Rabinovich

& Valensi, 2021). By 2015, the entire country was in deep crisis, with violence and conflict

among the Syrian military, the Islamic State of Iraq and Al-Sham, armed Syrian opposition

groups, as well as Kurdish groups (UNHCR, 2015a).

Since 2011, the landmark year of uprising in Syria, millions of people have been forced

to flee their homes. Currently, over 13 million people in Syria require humanitarian and

protection assistance. Around half of them (6.7 million) are internally displaced persons, and the

other half (6.6 million) are Syrian refugees around the world (UNHCR, 2021). Eight-five percent

(5.6 million) of Syrian refugees are hosted in countries close to Syria, with Turkey alone

standing at 3.6 million (UNHCR, 2021). The Syrian humanitarian crisis is the largest worldwide

(CIA, 2021b; UNHCR, 2021).

Literacy rates stand at 80.84% of the adult population (corresponding to people ages 15

and above), showing a declining trend (World Bank, 2021). High unemployment rates were one

of the economic reasons contributing to the civil conflict that erupted in Syria (Kargin, 2018). By

the end of 2014, the country recorded US$143.8 billion in economic losses, and the percentage

of the population living in poverty was more than 80% (Al-Faisal et al., 2015). Unemployment

rose from 9.5% in 2000 to 57% in 2014 (Cohen, 2016).

15

Problem Statement

International organizations, refugee-accepting countries, and civil society have developed

an exhaustive range of policies over the past decades with the aim of facilitating refugee

integration. However, a considerable body of literature has illustrated that refugees are especially

susceptible to unemployment or underemployment and sociopolitical marginalization. Despite

this reality, there is gap in the literature around the learning strategies that highly educated

refugees deploy in their efforts to integrate economically into their host country. The problem,

then, lies in identifying the mismatch between economic integration policies and the lived

experiences of the skilled refugees, who run a high risk of marginalization and unemployment.

In 2015 alone, over one million refugees fled to Europe for safety, including thousands of

skilled professionals. Research has shown that refugees are more likely to enter into long cycles

of unemployment or underemployment in their host countries. The situation hampers their social,

cultural, and economic integration and strengthens public sentiments of xenophobia and

resentment, triggered also by prolonged economic instability on the European continent dating

back to the 2008 financial crisis.

Numerous media and populist politics have portrayed the recently-arrived migrant

populations as collectively illiterate and unskilled, preferring to rely on assistance programs

instead of seeking economic independence. However, there are vast linguistic, cultural, and

socioeconomic differences among refugee groups arriving in Europe since 2015. The more

deeply that one understands these variations, the more informed one can become in decision-

making around program development. Shedding light on these differences can also paint a more

humane picture of refugee populations living among majority populations.

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In particular, highly educated refugees have additional burdens to overcome when

integrating when compared to less educated refugees. Among the most significant of these is the

lack of proof of academic and professional credentials, which are often left behind during escape

efforts. Even when new migrants can provide evidence of their academic credentials, there are

usually lengthy procedures needed to recognize their equivalency, giving the refugees only

limited employment access in the local market. For some professions, there is little to no

recognition process; in other words, candidates need to get retrained in their profession according

to the host country’s norms and procedures. Combined with linguistic barriers, this training can

take some migrants decades to reach the same employment possibilities as the similarly educated

members of local majority populations.

The top three refugee-producing countries for the EU in 2015 were Syria, Afghanistan,

and Iraq (EUROSTAT, 2016a). In Luxembourg, the highest numbers of refuge-seeking nationals

were recorded from Syria and Iraq (close to 1,000 and 700, respectively, for the years 2015 and

2016), leaving Afghanistan far behind with about 270 people (Passerell, n.d.). Therefore, Syrian

and Iraqi nationals were selected as the target group for this study, given that they are two of the

top three refugee nationalities for both the EU as a whole and Luxembourg in particular.

It is important to underscore that many employers in the EU actively seek out refugee

populations. However, the legal framework is often burdensome, and employers cannot invest in

individually trying to navigate the system in search of potential refugee hires. Initiatives like the

“100 Club” in Sweden are recent examples of governments offering special assistance to

companies that are prepared to employ 100 or more newly arrived migrants (government.se,

2015).

17

The majority of people seeking international protection in Europe since 2015 come from

countries where Islam is the dominant faith. In the 1990s, Europe witnessed a similar refugee

wave of Muslim populations from the former Yugoslavia, mainly Croatia or Bosnia and

Herzegovina (Kamm, 1992). However, at that time, Islam was not a major topic of public or

political discourse; currently, the word Muslim carries indisputable political weight. It is

important to review how the new migrants in Europe experience the interplay between

constructing a new life and elements of their identity, which carry considerable weight for

majority populations.

In a 2015 report, the International Organization for Migration (IOM, 2015) emphasized

that “relatively little was known about migrants arriving to Europe beyond their nationality, sex,

and age” (p.1). Therefore, I intended to understand more about these populations. Specifically,

the study explored how a small group of highly educated Syrian and Iraqi refugees in

Luxembourg learned to transition into their new lives, emphasizing economic integration, which

is a prerequisite to regaining some semblance of normalcy.

For the purposes of this study, the terms refugee and new migrant are used

interchangeably. I recognize the specific circumstances that legally differentiate refugees from

other migrant populations. In Luxembourg, once an asylum seeker is granted refugee status, the

person becomes a legal resident; therefore, the distinction from other migrants ceases to exist. In

addition, after that milestone, there is no longer any formal tracking of their specific course in

search of employment and the like; instead, the person becomes part of the country’s larger

foreign-born group of inhabitants. Although this homogenization may help remove some stigma

that refugees may experience, it nevertheless assumes that any minority population has an equal

chance at success through existing structures and programs, which is seldom the case.

18

Furthermore, the term highly educated includes those persons who have acquired a

degree from a higher education institution, as defined by the Organisation for Economic

Co-operation and Development (OECD) and particularly the International Standard

Classification of Education (ISCE) scale (see definition of key terms at the end of this chapter).

This term is used interchangeably with skilled.

For adult educators working with refugee populations, it is necessary to understand the

particular context of the learning experiences of these minority groups. It is hoped that this study

will shed light on how the learning strategies of highly educated refugees are shaped, which may,

in turn, inform the design of targeted programs and policies in the future.

Purpose and Research Questions

The purpose of this study was to explore the learning experiences of skilled refugees

from Iraq and Syria in their efforts to integrate economically in Luxembourg since 2015. I sought

to understand both the facilitative and inhibitory conditions and competencies that skilled

refugees require in the course of their economic integration and the process by which refugees

acquire these competencies. The impact of identity in the process was also examined. The

findings of this research may offer greater insights into the design of refugee integration policies

and generate recommendations for the development and revision of learning programs pertaining

to the economic integration of skilled refugees. The following research questions guided this

study:

1. How do highly educated people from Iraq and Syria perceive the interaction between

refugee status and the construction of a new life in Luxembourg?

a. How do skilled refugees describe the experience of the disruption of their

previous reality and the construction of a new one in Luxembourg?

19

b. How do participants perceive the experience of refugee economic integration in

their new country of residence?

2. What are the skills and practices that participants perceive as necessary to achieve

refugee economic integration?

a. How do refugees acquire the knowledge, skills, and practices they perceive as

necessary to their economic integration?

3. What conditions do highly educated refugees identify as enablers and inhibitors to

their economic integration?

4. What are the reported perceptions of participants on the impact of identity in refugee

economic integration?

a. What is the impact of the refugees’ origins from Islamic countries on their

experiences and integration efforts?

Research Design Overview

A qualitative exploratory study approach with skilled refugees from Iraq and Syria in

Luxembourg served as the overarching research design. Qualitative research is influenced by

culture and is designed to produce data that are rich in context (Mack et al., 2005, p. vi).

As this is an exploratory study, I collected and analyzed data from two different cases of

highly educated refugees from Iraq and Syria arriving in Luxembourg since 2015. The analysis

was conducted on two levels, starting with what Merriam and Tisdell (2016) frame as a “within-

case analysis” and then moving on to a “cross-case analysis” (p. 234).

I conducted in-depth, semi-structured interviews (Appendix E) with 20 highly educated

refugees from Iraq and Syria residing in Luxembourg to answer the study’s research questions.

The interviews aimed to reveal their perceptions of the conditions and competencies required to

20

integrate economically into their new country, as well as their learning strategies to achieve

them. Furthermore, the impact of their identity in the integration process was also explored.

During the interviews, I discussed elements that participants identified in the demographic

inventory (Appendix H) and raised critical incident questions (Appendix J).

In addition, I interviewed ten professionals who work with adult refugee populations.

This group was comprised of representatives of civil society, governmental institutions, and local

businesses who are active in supporting refugee integration in Luxembourg. Participants

discussed their views on a series of questions stemming from the study’s research questions

(Appendix G). The aim was to capture the perceptions of individuals and organizations whose

work targets refugee populations and concerns itself with the refugees’ integration experiences.

Researcher Perspectives

My personal and professional life trajectory is a collection of migration stories across

different decades, continents, and circumstances. Being born in the United States to Greek

American parents, spending my formative years in Greece, and then returning to the United

States to pursue higher education have had a lasting impact on my life. Working for almost a

decade in Greece as a young professional only to migrate again—this time to Western Europe—

continues the journey that finds me living in present-day Luxembourg.

My migration choices, as well as that of my family, were voluntary and planned. My

father chose to leave his mountainous village in Epirus, Greece, in search of a better future

through the path of «ξενιτιἀ» (i.e., moving to a foreign land, the United States). Several decades

later, I followed his lead in search of new experiences, driven by curiosity and a need for

exploration. Kong (2010), a third-generation Peruvian Chinese person, a first-generation

Peruvian Chinese American, and a Latin American national, proclaimed, “I am a global

21

immigrant” and “the product of this complexity is an amalgamation of overlapping realities over

time” (p. 233). There is no better summary of my reality.

I underwent a series of different integration phases ranging from cultural to social and

economic. An assumption of positive intentions by the surrounding environment, especially its

people, made the integration process a mostly rewarding experience. However, it was often clear

that integration for some is not smooth, let alone seamless. My own experiences, in addition to

those to which I bore witness, led me to develop a great deal of empathy for migrants.

In addition, I am currently engaged in integration activities at the local level as a member

of the Consultative Commission for Integration in my Luxembourg town of residence at Bridel-

Kopstal (Commission Consultative d’Intégration). Luxembourg recognizes a role for integration

not only for state actors but also for local communities, as well as within civil society (Loi, 2008;

Règlement, 2011; Règlement, 2019). These commissions, which each town is required to

establish, aim to express the interests of foreign-born residents while contributing to the

country’s goal of living together (Vivre ensemble). Professionally, I led a project to develop a

roadmap for diversity and inclusion within the workplace. The purpose was to create a

professional environment in which diversity was valued and encouraged, ensuring that all staff

were treated equally and with dignity, fairness, and respect.

Assumptions

Five assumptions traverse this study. Inspired by the Universal Declaration of Human

Rights (United Nations General Assembly, 1948), I first assumed that the principle of dignity for

all human beings, as well as autonomy and the right to work, continues to steer Europe’s values.

As such, refugee policies and integration programs are designed to serve this purpose:

Everyone, as a member of society, has the right to social security and is entitled to realization, through national effort and international co-operation and in accordance with

22

the organization and resources of each State, of the economic, social and cultural rights indispensable for his dignity and the free development of his personality. (Art. 22)

The second assumption holds that Europe’s economic downturn, combined with a rise of

Islamophobia among the public, is making the already-difficult integration of refugees even

more challenging. The global financial crisis of 2008 continues to impact Europe, with a sizeable

increase in unemployment and a diminution of social services. Concurrently, the dramatic

increase within the last decade of terrorist attacks claimed by the Islamic State has equated, in

the mind of many, the Islamic faith with violence. These two elements have painted the

thousands of incoming refugees from Muslim countries as undesirable for a considerable part of

Europe’s population. Therefore, the integration process for this new wave of migrants has

become increasingly complex.

Furthermore, I assumed that participants shared their experiences candidly. The lived

experiences of refugees are punctuated by horror, pain, anguish, uncertainty, and fear. The pilot

interview I conducted illustrated that the majority of the participants welcomed the opportunity

to share their stories. However, as most of them believed that their refugee identity was a source

of social stigma, there was a risk that their narratives may be modified or edited to perform a

feeling of “normalcy,” which in reality they may lack.

A fourth assumption is that highly educated refugees will have more developed language

skills, which will ease their integration into the local labor market. Higher academic and

professional qualifications might have also enabled them to talk more reflectively about their

learning experiences.

The last assumption held that adult learning theories, such as learning from experience

and transformative learning, are helpful in illuminating their learning strategies, regardless of the

23

differences in the cultural context between the participants of this study and Western-conceived

theories.

Rationale and Significance

The complexity of migration calls for an interdisciplinary approach in order to understand

better the nature of challenges, to cope more efficiently with the consequences, and propose

more creative and efficient solutions for the benefit of all parties involved. In turn, the economic

integration of refugees is often viewed through a quantitative lens, which, in turn, supports

policymaking and program design. The qualitative exploratory lens deployed in this study

offered rich descriptive data of the lived experiences of highly educated refugees from Iraq and

Syria during their economic integration process in Luxembourg. I was interested not only in

identifying the “what” and “how,” but also the “why” behind the learning strategies of the

participants during the course of their integration. Exploring the trajectory of skilled refugees

may also lead to a better understanding of the integration experiences of less educated groups of

refugees who form a large part of this population.

I am hopeful that the design and findings of this study will contribute to the field by

offering recommendations that can facilitate the economic integration of skilled and highly

educated refugees. First, decision-makers may derive greater insights and increase their available

tools when choosing and designing future policies and programs and when assessing existing

ones. Second, the recommendations stemming from the lived experiences of refugees will offer

opportunities to explore the role of the targeted constituents in the process of economic

integration.

As the pace of new migration remains high globally, it is important to understand how

learning occurs in the context of highly educated groups so as to successfully absorb the human

24

and social capital of these new groups, facilitating, therefore, their economic integration into

their new destinations.

25

Chapter 2: Literature Review

Introduction

The purpose of this qualitative exploratory study was to explore and understand how

highly educated refugees from Iraq and Syria learn to integrate economically in Luxembourg and

the impact of identity in the process. The research questions guiding this study were:

1. How do highly educated people from Iraq and Syria perceive the interaction between

refugee status and the construction of a new life in Luxembourg?

a. How do skilled refugees describe the experience of the disruption of their

previous reality and the construction of a new one in Luxembourg?

b. How do participants perceive the experience of refugee economic integration in

their new country of residence?

2. What are the skills and practices that participants perceive as necessary to achieve

refugee economic integration?

a. How do refugees acquire the knowledge, skills, and practices they perceive as

necessary to their economic integration?

3. What conditions do highly educated refugees identify as enablers and inhibitors to

their economic integration?

4. What are the reported perceptions of participants on the impact of identity in refugee

economic integration?

a. What is the impact of the refugees’ origins from Islamic countries on their

experiences and integration efforts?

26

This chapter explores the literature relevant to this topic and establishes connections

between the research problem and literature associated with Refugee Economic Integration,

Identity, and Adult Learning Theories—particularly Experiential Learning and Transformative

Learning.

One aim of the literature review was to identify the theoretical framework of the study.

Merriam and Tisdell (2016) recognize the theoretical framework as “the underlying structure, the

scaffolding or frame of your study” (p. 85). On one hand, review of the literature “can

demonstrate how the present study advances, refines, or revises what is already known” (p. 91).

On the other, it “integrates, synthesizes, and critiques the important thinking and research on a

particular topic” (p. 95). I recognized that the review of the literature needed to continue during

the data collection, analysis, and synthesis phases of the study.

Literature Criteria

The aim of this study was to provide an understanding of the learning experiences of

skilled refugees from Iraq and Syria during their economic integration efforts in Luxembourg.

The first topic of this section critically reviews selected research pertinent to the economic

integration of refugees in Europe and a select number of other industrialized countries with a

tradition of hosting refugee populations. The second topic focuses on the meaning and impact of

identity in the learning experiences of highly educated refugees during their integration efforts.

The third topic of this chapter critically reviews adult learning theories, which contextualize the

ways in which refugee populations experience and make meaning of their integration process—

namely, experiential learning and transformative learning.

Marshall and Rossman (2016) asserted that the role of the literature review is threefold:

(a) to illustrate the study’s significance in advancing the discussion in the specific field; (b) to

27

recognize the main schools of thought that transcend the study; and (c) to discover the gap of

what is known in the fields being examined. The conceptual framework at the end of this chapter

summarizes these three roles and serves as the foundation to collect, analyze, and synthesize the

data in the following phases of the study.

Topic I: Refugee Economic Integration

The integration of refugee populations has several meanings among the various

disciplines studying population movements (Castles et al., 2014). This study was informed by

Ager and Strang’s (2008) integration framework, which offers a comprehensive typology with a

rich synthesis of the non-linear process of refugee integration. This typology was organized

around four key categories, supported by a series of separate components:

1. Means and Markers (Employment, Housing, Education, Health);

2. Social Connections (Social Bridges, Social Bonds, Social Links);

3. Facilitators (Language and Cultural Knowledge, Safety and Stability); and

4. Foundation (Rights and Citizenship)

My view on the integration of refugees in host countries was founded on the idea,

highlighted by the European Council on Refugees and Exiles (ECRE, 2005), that it is

fundamentally a change process. This progression is characterized as (a) two-way, i.e., between

receiving communities and the individuals/groups concerned; (b) dynamic and long-term; and

(c) multidimensional (p. 14). Integration in this study refers specifically to labor market

integration in the host country and is used interchangeably with economic and professional

integration.

The ability to engage in decent work is a fundamental human right, integral to human dignity and self-respect. Failure to ensure proper access to the labour market hinders the ability of a beneficiary of international protection to successfully integrate into their new society and leaves them at risk of destitution. It may also result beneficiaries of

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international protection engaging in unauthorized work in dangerous and degrading conditions, or their unauthorized onward secondary movement. As a result, it is essential to ensure beneficiaries of international protection are given effective access to the labour market. (ECRE, 2016, p. 2)

The right to access the labor market of host countries by beneficiaries of international

protection is ensured by international legislation (e.g., the 1951 Refugee Convention,1 the

International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,2 legislation by the Council of

Europe (e.g., Revised European Social Charter3), as well as by European Union (EU) legislation

(e.g., Recast Qualification Directive4). Concurrently, at a global level, the 2030 Agenda for

Sustainable Development5 adopted by world leaders in 2015 sets a specific goal (Sustainable

Development Goal, SDG 8) in support of decent work and economic growth. One of the targets

(8:8) is to “protect labour rights and promote safe and secure working environments for all

workers, including migrant workers, in particular women migrants, and those in precarious

employment” (p. 20).

1United Nations General Assembly, Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, 28 July 1951, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 189, p. 137, available at http://www.refworld.org/docid/3be01b964. Html [accessed 27 November 2017].

2United Nations General Assembly, International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 16 December 1966, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 993, p. 3, available at http://www.refworld.org/docid/ 3ae6b36c0.html [accessed 27 November 2017].

3Council of Europe, European Social Charter (Revised), 3 May 1996, ETS 163, available at http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b3678.html [accessed 27 November 2017].

4European Union: Council of the European Union, Directive 2011/95/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 13 December 2011 on standards for the qualification of third-country nationals or stateless persons as beneficiaries of international protection, for a uniform status for refugees or for persons eligible for subsidiary protection, and for the content of the protection granted (recast), 20 December 2011, OJ L. 337/9-337/26; 20.12.2011, 2011/95/EU, available at http://www.refworld.org/ docid/4f197df02.html [accessed 27 November 2017].

5United Nations General Assembly, Transforming Our World: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, 21 October 2015, A/RES/70/1, available at http://www.refworld.org/docid/57b6e3e44.html [accessed 27 November 2017].

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In parallel, refugee populations are, more often than not, eager to become autonomous

from government support and find gainful employment. Studies indicate that a considerable

percentage of the refugees arriving in Europe from Syria and Iraq in the 2015 cohort are highly

educated, unemployed, or at a high risk of being underemployed (Betts et al., 2017; Buber-

Ennser et al., 2016).

Projections have illustrated that integrating the current refugee cohort into Europe’s labor

force can also improve its economy. Although in the short term there has been an increase in

costs by EU member states to cover food, shelter, and first aid for arriving refugee populations,

these same costs can contribute to innovation, entrepreneurship, and GDP growth (Karakas,

2015). The eventual tax and social contributions of refugees to the host economies have the

capacity to far outweigh what they receive in benefits:

Managing the asylum procedure and the ongoing challenge of integration is not only about keeping risks at bay. It can also generate economic benefits. Improving outcomes for this current refugee cohort can deliver a positive overall GDP contribution of about €60 billion to €70 billion annually if the refugees are integrated into the labour market and society by 2025. (McKinsey Global Institute, 2016, p. 2)

Although public policy initiatives are necessary for the integration of refugees into work,

the contribution of the business world should not be underestimated in its potential to offer

training and employment opportunities. The OECD, together with the UNHCR, recently

launched a joint consultation with various business representatives to better understand the

challenges encountered by the private sector in employing refugees (OECD-UNHCR, 2016).

Several key themes emerged as important to support and facilitate businesses’ employment of

refugees:

1. providing adequate, timely, and systematic information;

2. offering precise arguments in support of hiring refugees;

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3. real-time information about skills and clear ways for refugees to get credential

recognition;

4. providing guidance on separate initiatives;

5. raising awareness on language (of sector) and culture (of industry);

6. dedicating time and effort to communicate about actions;

7. establishing close cooperation among public, private, and social partners; and

8. offering clear legal and administrative structures.

This section highlights the concept of labor integration, the legal basis in support of

refugees’ access to the workforce, the potential economic benefits to host countries, and the

challenges facing the business world in opening the doors to more jobs for refugees. Following

are some country-specific examples in Europe regarding their experiences in integrating refugee

populations.

Luxembourg

Luxembourg has a long history of migration. From a country of emigration until World

War I, it became a country housing thousands of migrants. During the 1960s and 1970s,

Luxembourg proactively encouraged immigration from Italy and Portugal in support of the

country’s booming steel and construction industries (Gouvernment.lu). In 2016, almost half of

the country’s population (46.7%) consisted of non-Luxembourgers (STATEC, 2017) in a country

of close to 600,000 inhabitants. The country is characterized by its multilingualism featuring

three official languages: Luxembourgish, French, and German. The Grand Duchy of

Luxembourg was impacted by the 2015 and 2016 refugee cohorts. Table 1 summarizes the

number of people who requested international protection from 2014 to 2019.

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Table 1. Number of Individuals Requesting International Protection in Luxembourg, by Year 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019

January 94 88 265 224 175 226 February 88 89 119 236 121 182 March 70 98 103 222 132 220 April 49 78 125 186 132 170 May 88 90 122 194 139 140 June 63 101 160 144 151 124 July 84 106 131 160 239 133 August 96 190 197 182 223 184 September 134 374 199 192 210 158 October 128 381 269 194 178 209 November 114 423 163 143 234 138 December 83 429 183 241 272 163 Total 1091 2447 2036 2318 2206 2047

Source: Ministère des Affaires étrangères et européennes – Direction de l’immigration, (2019) Bilan de l’année 2019 en matière d’asile, d’immigration et d’accueil

The 2016 report of the Luxembourg Ombudsman recognized that the current legal

framework (Loi, 2015) did not permit adults who have filed a demand of international protection

to access the labor market force in the six months following their request. The Ombudsman

pointed to the example of Germany, where demanders and beneficiaries of international

protection can engage in voluntary activities as well as in other activities associated with refugee

accommodation, receiving a minimal remuneration to encourage their integration and autonomy

(p. 73). The report also recognized that integration was greatly facilitated by participating in the

economy of the country. Moreover, recognition of migrants’ competencies is key for integration

as well as for the pursuit of educational activities to either expand or re-orient their skills, or to

learn at work (p. 66). Both cultural differences and probable language acquisition issues also

need to be addressed to facilitate integration.

Furthermore, the Ombudsman acknowledged that a number of cases were submitted by

Syrian and Iraqi nationals who waited for several months for a response to their request for

international protection, in some cases over a year. The 2016 report recognized the gravity of the

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situation both for the responsible government authorities, who face a shortage of human

resources to follow the increased number of cases, as well as for persons awaiting a response

who are faced with continued ambiguity in their already profoundly disrupted lives. Although

not necessarily in danger, these people cannot proceed with a number of activities that might

engage them with their host country until their paperwork is cleared (p. 29). Concurrently, civil

society and several municipalities have been active in taking on a vast number of activities in

support of refugees’ welcome and integration in the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg.

The Netherlands

Compared to more frequent destinations for refugee populations like Canada and

Australia, the Netherlands has a shorter history in this domain. De Vroome and Van Tubergen

(2010) identified a number of facilitative factors that positively influence the economic

integration of refugees. The first factor is academic credentials acquired in the host country

(compared to credentials from abroad). The second factor is proficiency in the local language

and work experience in the local market. The third factor, social relationships with the majority

population and associations, facilitated both economic integration of refugees and the successful

completion of integration courses. The factors that negatively impacted the employment

experiences of refugees included mental health issues (e.g., depressive disorders) as well as

prolonged periods of stay in refugee welcome centers.

Bakker et al. (2014) identified two stressors that influence the socioeconomic integration

of refugees. In a study of Afghan, Iraqi, Iranian, and Somali refugees in the Netherlands, the

duration of stay in asylum accommodation, as well as the type of residence status granted, had an

impact on the socioeconomic integration of these populations. In the first instance, long stays in

asylum accommodation had a negative effect on mental health, impacting the overall efforts of

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integration. The type of residence status that refugees received, on the other hand, had an impact

on the integration course, with full citizenship being the best predictor for integration. Language

proficiency and academic credentials also promoted full participation in the local labor market.

The study of refugees’ economic integration can benefit from further research in the role

of gender during the process. Although some findings have claimed that males fare better in

Dutch labor integration (De Vroome & Van Tubergen, 2010), little is known about the factors

influencing the performance of females.

The United Kingdom

Research with doctors and teachers who are refugees in the UK has shown that four

different strategies were adopted to help cope with the barriers they faced in accessing their

professions in a new country (Piętka-Nykaza, 2015). The first was accepting the need to get

re-qualified and re-educated in order to remain in their chosen profession. The second was

compromise, finding a balance between their professional aspirations and their perception of

how realistic their goals were. The third strategy was based on ambivalence, wherein newly

arrived refugees did not come to terms with either their new reality or a clear vision of how to

move ahead. The last “strategy” that refugees resorted to was resignation—essentially giving up

on their goals following failure experiences.

Although it is important to highlight the prospects of refugees’ sense of agency, doing so

is not enough to overcome the racist discrimination and xenophobia they often face when

entering professional domains in their host countries. The role of local professional associations

in facilitating or inhibiting access of refugees with professional credentials can provide valuable

input to decision makers as well as to trade unions. In addition, tolerance and multicultural

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awareness in host countries become critical in work and educational settings, in addition to at the

community level.

The images of fleeing refugees packed in lifeboats and lining up for humanitarian

assistance have shocked the public (CNN, 2015). It is not an overstatement that the developed

world has reached the limits of “donor fatigue.” The consistent representation of refugees as

passive victims, wracked with pain and suffering and in need of total social and economic

support, contributes to this phenomenon (Rieff, 2011). In contrast, portraying refugees as people

who make conscious and informed decisions about their future based on their personal attitudes

and aspirations creates an alternative perspective. This approach has the capacity to influence

both policymakers and the public to adopt a more humane and sustainable approach to the

ongoing refugee crisis in Europe. Accessing the local labor markets sooner rather than later can

also positively impact the overall integration of these populations.

Willott and Stevenson (2013) interviewed 50 skilled refugees in Leeds, UK, and

discovered that the participants experienced a cycle of high motivation and a sense of close

association with their profession during the early years following their arrival, then began to feel

disappointed and discouraged as their access to appropriate employment remained difficult. The

authors recognized a role for professional associations to be more active in engaging with

refugees, given that the general employment support by government agencies and nonprofits was

not sufficient for these groups. Furthermore, the refugees in this study did not seek feedback

from employers on their applications to view how their candidacies were perceived, which can

provide valuable insights into future employment applications. However, this also illustrates a

lack of initiative from the employer’s side in proactively providing feedback to refugee

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candidates about their applications regarding not only job-related skills but also the overall

approach to the employment search.

Discrimination?

When seeking to facilitate refugees’ access to appropriate employment, it is not enough

to focus only on developing personal capacities and skills. It is equally critical to acknowledge

and dismantle the discrimination that refugees face from employers, as well as other structural

barriers (Bloch, 2007). Only small numbers of refugees have shown employment activity, mainly

in the secondary sector without many prospects for improvement. Highly skilled refugees

experience underemployment, and strong associations to social networks lead to employment

below their personal capacities. Gender differences in employment are sharp (Bloch, 2007);

highly skilled women refugees illustrate low levels of employment (Dumper, 2002).

We have identified a number of strategies utilized by employers and their representatives in talking about issues of discrimination in the job market. Their general approach is to embed their arguments within the theme of pragmatics (Augostinos et al., 1999; Wetherell and Potter, 1992)—what can and can’t be done within a competitive market system—and the impossibility of providing “special treatment” within such a context. While they cast about for possible sites at which to lay responsibility for the less than equitable employment outcomes new migrants face, their accounts revolve around the neo-liberal market system, transferring discrimination to clients, to more or less relevant job requirements including “soft skills,” to other staff, and to the applicant. Employers present themselves as simply “bit” players within an impersonal market system, the inherent amorality of which relieves them of moral responsibility for apparent discrimination. (Tilbury & Colic-Peisker, 2006, p. 669)

Topic II: Identity

Identity is a research topic present in various disciplines, including psychology,

sociology, anthropology, linguistics, political science, and education, and represents an

expanding body of work over the last several decades. Notwithstanding the myriad approaches

concerning identity literature, there appears to be little interaction across these disciplines

(Schwartz et al., 2011).

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The guiding question in reviewing the literature on identity for this study was: How does

identity influence the learning experiences of highly educated refugees in integration? In

conducting the literature review for this study, occupational (professional) and cultural identities

were the focus, as the aim of this study was toward skilled refugees from Iraq and Syria. Further,

as language skills are a key concern of refugee integration, I also turned to literature on identity

and language learning. Finally, spiritual identity was also reviewed. The above is not meant to be

an exhaustive list, but a starting point to illustrate the multiple layers of identity enacted by

highly educated refugees from Iraq and Syria in Luxembourg in stark contrast to viewing them

solely through their refugee status.

The theoretical foundation of identity literature varies according to the approach. One

way of dividing the theoretical origins of identity is by reviewing how identity is explored in the

fields of developmental psychology, social psychology, and cultural studies (Schwartz et al.,

2011). Erikson’s (1950) theory on psychosocial crises as markers for each period of human

growth has influenced personal identity research through the developmental psychology lens. In

contrast, social psychology’s approach to identity is influenced by the work by Tajfel and Turner

(1979) in forming a social identity theory. An individual’s perception of self stems from the

social group to which one belongs (e.g., nationality), and the number and importance of group

memberships vary (Hogg et al., 1995). The lens that cultural studies has used to view identity is

influenced by acculturation strategies (Berry, 1980), national cultural differences (Hofstede,

1980), and the constructs of individualism and collectivism (Triandis, 1995). In addition,

anthropology influences how identity is viewed in cultural studies—for example, Geertz’s (1975)

reliance on “observable symbolic forms” (p. 47) to understand other cultures.

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A study on refugees’ vocational identity (Wehrle et al., 2018) illustrated how the refugee

experience is not only plagued by numerous obstacles to successful integration, but also by

threats to a felt sense of identity. In the above study, refugees addressed the threats to their

identity either by maintaining or reinforcing their sense of identity or trying to mold it to fit into

their new environment. Furthermore, they invested in creating opportunities for integration and

reported that their efforts led to personal and professional growth.

Occupational Identity

Occupational identity, also referred to as professional, work, or career identity, defines

one’s self-awareness as an employee (Skorikov & Vondracek, 2012) and is of meaningful

importance to one’s overall identity (Erikson, 1968). Work identity is characterized not only by

continuity but also by change, given the advances in working processes and the requirements of

the labor market (Brown et al., 2007). Christiansen (1999) suggested the impact of work identity

in social integration as follows:

It provides context for deriving meaning from daily experiences and interpreting lives over time.... Competence in the performance of tasks and occupations contributes to identity shaping and that the realization of an acceptable identity contributes to coherence and well-being. (p. 547)

A study on the occupational experiences of refugees and asylum seekers in Australia

(Mayne et al., 2016) revealed three key findings. The first was that the imagined possibilities of

refugees prior to arrival in the host country differed greatly from their lived experiences upon

arrival. This was attributed often to the non-recognition of their credentials and professional

experiences. The second finding was that establishing occupational routines is very important for

refugees, both for their integration as well as for their overall well-being. The third finding

highlighted refugees’ aspiration to pursue a personally meaningful life following the

establishment of an occupational routine.

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Cultural Identity

Cultural identity designates “a person’s identity as a member of a cultural group, which

often (but not always) consists of people of similar ethnic, racial, and/or national origins.

Therefore, cultural identity usually includes ethnic identity, but it also can be broader than ethnic

identity” (Unger, 2012, p. 812). The construction of cultural identity is influenced by several

factors, such as context (i.e., socioeconomic factors, ethnic background), education, individual

attributes, and group characteristics (Phinney, 2006). It is also characterized by complexity and

dynamism, as cultural identity has various dimensions and can change depending on

circumstances (Duty, 2015).

When considering geographic regions, it is typical to associate them with dominant

ethnic and religious groups (e.g., Arabs and Muslims in the Middle East). Conversely, ethnic,

religious, and cultural synthesis in this region is considerably more complex. A study on the

acculturation experiences of young Assyrian women in New Zealand observed that they

experience an “identity negotiation” process (Collie et al., 2010). This process has created

feelings of ambiguity when negotiating among the cultural maintenance of their Assyrian

background, their Iraqi homeland, and their new settlement in New Zealand.

Language Learning and Identity

Language learning and identity is a field that has undergone considerable growth over the

last couple of decades. The work of Bonny Norton has made a lasting contribution to this field

(Norton, 1997, 2000, 2001; Norton & Kamal, 2003; Norton & Pavlenko, 2004; Norton Peirce,

1995), by drawing on poststructuralist theories and introducing the construct of investment

(Norton & Toohey, 2011).

Investment … sees language learners as having complex identities, which change across time and space, and which are constructed on the basis of the socially given and

39

the individually struggled-for.… Investment is a sociological construct and seeks to make meaningful connections between a learner’s desire and commitment to learn a language and their changing identities. (p. 420)

Drawing on the work of Anderson (2006) and Wenger (1998) around imagined

communities and communities of practice (respectively), Kanno and Norton (2003) explored the

impact of language learning as a vehicle for learners to participate in a future community (e.g.,

refugees’ imagined professional community in the host country) and its possible influence on

(re)constructing their identity. “Humans are capable of connecting with communities that lie

beyond the local and immediate and that investment in such imagined communities strongly

influences identity construction and engagement in learning” (p. 247).

Through the lens of language learning and the concept of a sense of belonging among

immigrants, Warriner (2007) explored the experiences of Sudanese women refugees in adult

English language classes. She argued that “proficiency in English does not necessarily confer the

social, cultural, economic, or political capital necessary to achieve ‘substantial citizenship’”

(p. 355). The complexity between language learning and sense of belonging for refugees in their

new context is associated with Tajfel’s (1981) “identity relationships between in-groups and out-

groups in social life” (Norton & Toohey, 2011, p. 413).

Spiritual Identity

Research on the interaction between spirituality and identity has been largely influenced

by Erikson’s (1980) work on personality development over the lifespan and Marcia’s (1966)

work on forming an ego identity (MacDonald, 2000). MacDonald asserted a five-dimensional

model of viewing the interplay between spirituality and identity wherein religiosity is only one of

the five dimensions. The Expressions of Spirituality Inventory (ESI) consists of five dimensions:

(a) Cognitive orientation towards spirituality; (b) Experiential/Phenomenological dimension;

(c) Existential well-being; (d) Paranormal beliefs, and (e) Religiousness. This taxonomy does not

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serve as a theoretical foundation but as a framework to comprehend spirituality better and

understand the interplay of various aspects comprising spirituality.

Rudnicka-Kassem (2016) identified three ways in which Muslim identity is expressed:

ethnic, cultural, and religious. An ethnic Muslim identity recognizes close ties to one’s ethnic

background; although individuals have a knowledge of the Muslim faith, they are not practicing

the faith. A cultural identity acknowledges “the universal dimension of Islam” (p. 254), whereas

a religious identity exhibits strong ties to the Muslim faith by a strong observance of the five

pillars of Islam.

Topic III: Adult Learning Theories

This section reviews a selection of relevant adult learning theories and illustrates how

these theories inform the learning experiences of highly educated Iraqi and Syrian refugees

during their economic integration efforts in Luxembourg. Belanger (1996, as cited in Merriam

et al. 2007) underlined that “the question is no longer whether adult learning is needed, and how

important it is. The issue today is how to respond to this increasing and diversified demand, how

to manage this explosion” (p. 5).

It is not uncommon for adults to equate their learning with education or training programs

offered by higher education institutions or a given workplace (Merriam et al., 2007). However,

adult education theories recognize a number of settings in which learning for adults takes place.

Merriam et al. classified three major settings: (a) formal institutional settings, (b) nonformal

settings, and (c) informal contexts (p. 29). Formal learning is organized within an institutional

setting and is based on a set curriculum, with a predefined role for instructors leading to formal

credentials (English, 2005). Nonformal learning is organized outside of educational institutions,

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like community groups. Informal learning happens in everyday life (English, 2005) and is the

focus of the next section.

Informal Learning

Informal learning is experiential and occurs in everyday situations at work, in school, or

in other domains of one’s life. It encompasses the acquisition of skills, knowledge, and

understanding that is not planned. However, the outcomes are not always associated with

positive intent or actions (Jarvis, 2005). According to Marsick and Watkins (1990), self-directed

learning, networking, coaching, mentoring, and trial and error are examples of informal learning.

Although informal learning is strongly associated with organizational learning (Marsick &

Volpe, 1999), it has clear applications to other domains, including the economic integration

process of refugees in their new environments.

Informal learning can facilitate the learning experiences of refugees in developing their

skills and contributing to the integration process. This occurs as learners reflect on their realities

and try to make meaning of their experiences. However, cultural context and the credential-

driven demands of professional environments make informal learning less explicit when

compared to formal learning.

Educated refugees often pursue further academic credentials in their host country to

reinstate their professional lives (Morrice, 2009). However, formal coursework is not always

sufficient in preparing participants for entrance to either the new higher education system or the

professional environment. Hence, social interaction and the learning that occurs among and

between participants gain outsized importance, even though formal training is still uniquely

valued as proof of acceptable credentials. The existence of informal spaces reinforces the social

and emotional support required to adapt to a new culture.

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For migrants, informal learning is influenced not only by their new environment and the

community in which they find themselves, but it is also shaped by knowledge and context

stemming from the environment antecedent to their migration (Alenius, 2016). Refugees, like

other immigrants, go through an adaptation process to a second culture, which requires a lifelong

process of learning (London, 2011).

Experiential Learning

The philosophical foundation of experiential learning (or experience-based learning)

stems from the work of Kurt Lewin, John Dewey, and Jean Piaget, among others, regarding their

approach to human learning and development (Kolb & Kolb, 2005). Fundamental to this adult

learning theory is the role of experience. For example, Lewin highlighted the importance of

valuing the concrete experience as well as feedback processes in his model of learning (Kolb,

1984). Experiential learning is also grounded in Dewey’s (1938) pragmatism, asserting the

notion “that all genuine education comes about through experience [but] does not mean that all

experiences are genuinely or equally educative” (p. 25). Dewey underscored continuity and

interaction as instrumental for learning to occur, which, in turn, are foundational for experiential

learning. Continuity recognizes that experiences that provide learning are not isolated events, and

that present learning connects with past and future learning. Interaction assumes that learning is

the direct result of the interaction between the individual and the environment.

Experiential learning is founded on the belief that the learner’s experience is pivotal for

teaching and learning (Andersen et al., 1995).

This experience may comprise earlier events in the life of the learner, current life events, or those arising from the learner’s participation in activities implemented by teachers and facilitators. A key element of experience-based learning (henceforth referred to as EBL) is that learners analyse their experience by reflecting, evaluating and reconstructing it (sometimes individually, sometimes collectively,

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sometimes both) in order to draw meaning from it in the light of prior experience. This review of their experience may lead to further action. (p. 225)

One of the most influential theorists in experiential learning is Kolb (1984), who posited that:

Learning is the process whereby knowledge is created through the transformation of experience. This definition emphasizes several critical aspects of the learning process as viewed from the experiential perspective. First is the emphasis on the process of adaptation and learning as opposed to content or outcomes. Second is that knowledge is a transformation process, being continuously created or recreated, not an independent entity to be acquired or transmitted. Third, learning transforms experience in both its objective and subjective forms. Finally, to understand learning, we must understand the nature of knowledge, and vice versa. (p. 38)

Kolb’s model on experiential learning is one of the earliest in adult education. This model

explores how people construct knowledge from experience through cycles of action and

reflection. The four-stage cycle is defined by (a) concrete experience, illustrating an openness

and willingness to involve oneself in new experiences; (b) reflective observation, where

observational and reflective skills are used to view experiences from a variety of perspectives;

(c) abstract conceptualization, when analytical abilities are deployed to integrate ideas and

concepts; and (d) active experimentation, where decision-making and problem-solving skills are

used to generate new ideas and concepts in practice. As described in Figure 1, Kolb’s

experiential learning cycle is complemented by four learning styles: (a) accommodating—those

learning from their own experience and not guided by logical inquiry; (b) diverging—those using

different perspectives to address a situation; (c) assimilating—those who can process a wealth of

information and organize it in a structured way; and (d) converging—those who focus on the

practical implementation of principles and beliefs (Loo, 2004).

In this integrated, reciprocal model, learners use their own set of experiences and learning

strengths to construct knowledge. The four-stage cycle can begin at any point, and the goal of the

process is a fully integrated personality. However, the theory does not appear to consider

sociopolitical power dynamics and context (Merriam & Bierema, 2014), which are relevant in

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the context of refugee experiences. Furthermore, although feeling and reasoning appear to

interact, the learning cycle favors the latter.

Figure 1. The Experiential Learning Cycle and Basic Learning Styles (Kolb, 1984)

Source: Kolb et al. (as cited in Merriam & Bierema, 2014), p. 109

Boud et al. (1985) extended Kolb’s experiential learning cycle in two distinct ways. First,

they recognized that specific contexts shape an individual’s experience in different ways.

Second, they explored how differences among individuals impact the type of learning developed

through reflection of experience. Furthermore, emotion takes center stage in this approach to

experiential learning. In this learning model, experience and reflection are the two key elements,

the interaction between which will lead to certain learning outcomes. According to Boud et al.,

experience is “the total response of a person to a situation or event,” whereas “reflection is a

form of response of the learner to the experience” (p. 18). This original model, which advocated

for reflection in learning, is based on three stages of the reflective process: (a) return to and

replay the experience, (b) attend to the feelings the experience provoked, and (c) re-evaluate the

experience. Nevertheless, the model does not address power issues, such as language or culture.

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Building on their initial framework, Boud and Walker (1991) further elaborated on their

approach to experiential learning by paying attention not only to the reflection that transpires

after an experience but to the ways of encouraging reflection during the course of an event.

During this reflection-in-action process, there are three central points to focus on: what is

happening, how the learner feels, and what it means. First, by returning to the experience, the

learner is becoming aware of what is happening (noticing) but is also actively seeking to

intervene in the particular event. Second, by being conscious of the emotions unfolding during an

experience, the learner is aware of whether feelings will serve as facilitators or impeders. Finally,

after going through the first two phases, the learner tries to make meaning of the experience,

which may lead to a re-evaluation of the situation. The processes that contribute to re-evaluation

are: (a) association, relating new data to what is already known; (b) integration, seeking

connections within the information; (c) validation, determining the authenticity of ideas and the

feelings that have emerged; and (d) appropriation, making knowledge that becomes one’s own.

Targeted preparation ahead of an event to ensure the maximum benefits for the learner

(Boud & Walker, 1991, p. 29) is a phase with significant applications to refugees’ integration

programs. The first pillar of this preparation lies in what the learner is bringing into the event—

their personal experiences, aspirations, feelings, and how all of these interact. The second pillar

is making learners aware of the surrounding context, which includes cultural and other norms

and procedures. The third pillar focuses on instilling learning strategies to achieve the desired

learning goals—for example, develop noticing skills—or to facilitate the construction of

meaning from an event.

Boud et al. (1993) identified five propositions to frame learning from experience. The

first proposition addresses the foundational and inductive role of experience in learning.

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However, “our personal history affects the way in which we experience and what we

acknowledge as experience” (p. 9). Therefore, the impact of reflecting on present and past

experiences by observing and re-assessing is pivotal in turning experience into learning. The

second proposition suggests that learners interpret their experience and its meaning based on

their personal and cultural history. Merging the cognitive, affective, and psychomotor aspects of

learning into a single whole summarizes the third proposition. Keeping in mind the cultural bias

of English-speaking societies against the affective dimension of learning, it is interesting to

explore how the refugee participants in this study addressed this bias. The fourth proposition

recognizes that the surrounding social and political context, together with prevailing cultural

norms, influences learning. Critical reflection facilitates the learner’s attempts to review the

dominant assumptions influencing one’s learning. The final proposition acknowledges the

influence of emotions in learning. “Emotions and feelings are key to both possibilities for and

barriers to, learning. Acknowledging them can enable us to significantly redirect our attention

towards matters which we have neglected. Denial of feelings is denial of learning” (p. 15) (see

Figure 2).

Experiential learning theory and its application have been subject to critique. Fenwick

(2001) clustered this critique around five major themes: the emphasis on reflection as cognition,

the role of context, the concreteness of experience, the way the learner is viewed, and the

function of the educator. Focusing emphatically on cognitive reflection marginalizes the

influence on learning of the learner’s affective as well as psychological state. Second, context in

experiential learning is presented in a vacuum, detached from the surrounding social, political,

and cultural context. Jarvis (1987) posited “that learning is not just a psychological process that

happens in splendid isolation from the world in which the learner lives, but that it is intimately

47

Figure 2. Boud et al.’s Model of Reflection Processes in Learning from Experience

Source: Boud et al. (1993), p. 77.

related to that world and affected by it” (p. 11). Third, Fenwick (2001) underlined the restrictive

identification of experience as something concrete and distinctly separate from reflection,

whereas the latter is cast as more fluid in nature. The fourth cluster brings forward a criticism on

the limiting, rational way the learner is viewed, in contrast with psychoanalytic, situative, and

enactivist perspectives. Finally, the role of the educator in experiential learning is challenged,

particularly to the extent that learning becomes a transaction. “In this process, living human

experience becomes normalized, standardized, then commodified and sold in the labor exchange

relations defining capitalism” (p. 32).

Transformative Learning

Transformative learning is the theory “most researched and discussed in the field of adult

education for over 25 years” (Taylor, 2007, p. 173). Jack Mezirow elaborated the theory of

transformative learning in the 1970s, and it has since evolved and “brought a new and exciting

48

identity to the field of adult education” (Cranton & Taylor, 2012, p. 16). The theory of

transformative learning has not remained static. “Scholars have elaborated in Mezirow’s work,

critiqued it, and provided new conceptualizations of the process of transformation” (Cranton &

Kasl, 2012, p. 397). Taylor and Cranton (2012a) highlighted not only the issues and tensions that

have emerged over the years, but also the theory’s progress into new perspectives. Academic

debates about transformative learning theory continue, as demonstrated by the publication of the

Journal on Transformative Education, the U.S.-led biennial International Transformative

Learning Conference, and the biennial conference of the European Society for Research on the

Education of Adults (ESREA) on Interrogating Transformative Processes in Learning and

Education.

“Transformative learning offers a theory of learning that is uniquely adult, abstract,

idealized, and grounded in the nature of human communication. It is a theory that is partly a

developmental process” (Taylor, 1998, p. 5). However, Mezirow (1996) posited that “learning is

understood as the process of using a prior interpretation to construe a new or revised

interpretation of the meaning of one’s experience in order to guide future action” (p. 162).

Transformative learning is perceived as a change in the frames of reference or perspectives,

which may lead to a change in behavior following an active dialogue with others (Mezirow,

2000). Making meaning of an experience is key in transformative learning, and so is the impact

of “a disorienting dilemma,” which is the first of a 10-phase process in which meaning becomes

clarified (Mezirow, 2000, p. 22).

In 1998, Taylor introduced a categorization on the evolution of transformative learning

theory into four separate approaches: (a) psychocritical, (b) psychoanalytical,

(c) psychodevelopmental, and (d) social emancipatory (Hoggan, 2016).

49

Psychocritical Approach

The psychocritical approach refers to Mezirow’s work on transformative learning theory.

Its basic premise is that to understand the meaning of an experience, adults use habits of mind: “a

set of assumptions—broad, generalized, orienting predispositions that act as a filter” (Mezirow,

2000, p. 17). Three key elements in Mezirow’s theory are “the centrality of experience, critical

reflection, and rational discourse” (Taylor, 1998, p. 8). Transformative learning is a process of

critically reflecting on existing assumptions, beliefs, values, and perceptions, with the goal of

revising them and developing a broader, more discriminating, and integrative understanding of

one’s experience. The emphasis in this approach is the “rational, cognitive process related to

critical reflection” (Dirkx, 2000, p. 1).

Taylor (1998) identified seven ongoing concerns in the basic premises of transformative

learning theory: (a) individual vs. social change; (b) a decontextualized view of learning; (c) a

universal view of learning; (d) transformative learning as adult development; (e) an emphasis on

rationality; (f) a need for other ways of knowing; and (g) the model of a perspective

transformation (p. 44).

Psychoanalytical Approach

The psychoanalytical perspective in transformative learning is based on the learner’s

psychological predisposition (Cranton, 2000). Cranton posited that “our psychological

predispositions both influence the way we engage in transformative learning and are frames of

reference that we should examine and reconstruct” (p. 202). Jung’s (2016) work on two main

psychological types—introvert and extrovert—was the foundation for understanding the

learners’ preferences in learning. Introversion and extroversion influence the processes of critical

reflection and discourse, and therefore the transformative learning process itself.

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Furthermore, the psychoanalytical approach to transformative learning identifies a role

for individuation in the process (Cranton, 2000; Dirkx, 2000; Taylor, 2008). Jung (2016)

described individuation as

the process by which individual beings are being formed and differentiated; in particular, it is the development of the psychological individual (q.v.) as a being distinct from the general, collective psychology. Individuation, therefore, is a process of differentiation (q.v.), having for its goal the development of the individual personality. (p. 411)

Therefore, instead of focusing on a cognitive, rational approach to critical reflection, the

emphasis shifts to the learner’s unconscious reflection as it is represented by dreams and

emotions (Hoggan, 2016).

Psychodevelopmental Approach

Kegan (2000) expanded the idea of transformative learning as a lifelong phenomenon.

While this approach primarily broadened the meaning of transformative learning to cover the

entire lifespan, it also concentrated on understanding different ways of knowing instead of

simply knowing more. “Central to this view of transformation is epistemological change (change

in how we make meaning), not just change in behavioral repertoire or quantity of knowledge”

(Taylor, 2008, p. 7). Transformative learning for Kegan involves the ability for abstract thinking

and contests the idea that any type of dramatic change constitutes transformative learning.

Social Emancipatory Approach

The focus of the social emancipatory approach is to identify, confront, and change

oppressive structures in society (Merriam & Bierema, 2014). The influential Brazilian educator

Paulo Freire (2014) introduced the idea of transformation starting from the individual, through a

process of conscientização (conscientization) to reach a transformation at the social level.

Conscientization “refers to learning to perceive, social, political, and economic contradictions,

and to take action against the oppressive elements of reality” (p. 35). Freire’s approach used “a

51

dialogical and problem-based education” (p. 40), which involved both an understanding of the

learner’s realities and the endeavor to find ways to address these realities.

To encourage emancipatory education, Taylor (2008) recalled three prerequisites as

elaborated by Freire and Macedo (1995): the importance of critical reflection, an approach to

education as problem posing, and the democratization of the relationship between teacher and

learner.

The rationale for exploring the possible implications of transformative learning theory for

the narrative of highly educated Iraqi and Syrian refugees in Luxembourg was grounded on the

nature of the refugee experience in escaping persecution and seeking safety.

A perspective transformation often occurs either through a series of cumulative transformed meaning schemes or as a result of an acute personal or social crisis, for example, a national disaster, the death of a significant other, divorce, a debilitating accident, war, job loss, or retirement. These experiences are often stressful and painful, and they cause individuals to question the very core of their existence. (Mezirow, 1997, as cited in Taylor, 2008, p. 6)

Mezirow (1997) posited that the purpose of adult education is “to help the individual

become a more autonomous thinker by learning to negotiate his or her own values, meanings,

and purpose rather than uncritically acting on those of others” (p. 11). Although transformative

learning remains strongly associated with the theory of perspective transformation as developed

by Mezirow, it is also “used to refer to a more general phenomenon of people changing in

dramatic ways” (Hoggan, 2016, p. 60). Thus, Taylor and Cranton (2012) invited

scholars to pay particular attention to voices on the margins—voices of transformative experiences that often are overlooked and inadequately understood. The study of transformative learning in non-Western countries, positionality, and cultural difference holds great promise if offering new understanding of this way of adult learning. (p. 572)

Mezirow’s Legacy

Mezirow’s thinking and academic contributions to perspective transformation, his

synonym for transformative learning, have evolved over five stages, each one characterized by a

52

distinct underlying theme (Marsick & Finger, 1994). In the beginning, Mezirow concentrated on

community development, where Dewey’s notion of social democracy formed the basis of his

approach. A second milestone during this same period was his discovery of Freire’s work,

particularly the themes of conscientization and political awareness.

The second phase, which coincided with the launch of his academic career, was

dominated by Mezirow’s (1978a) encounter with Blumer’s symbolic interactionism, which led

him to “define learning as the psycho-sociological process by which people interpret reality and

make meaning of their experiences” (p. 3). Furthermore, his conception of “perspective

transformation” was very close to the idea of “paradigm change” introduced by Thomas Kuhn

(Mezirow, 1978a). However, Mezirow’s use of grounded theory dominated his work at this time.

Through this research methodology, Mezirow was concerned with the establishment of theory

and the priority of constructing hypotheses rather than testing them. Mezirow used grounded

theory in three different contexts: (a) for literacy programs, (b) for basic adult education, and

(c) for his theory creation efforts, which led to the concept of perspective transformation as

elaborated in his famous study, Education for Perspective Transformation: Women’s Reentry

Programs in Community Colleges (1978b). Transformations, according to Mezirow (1991), are

characterized by a series of 10 phases of meaning making:

1. a disorienting dilemma;

2. self-examination with feelings of guilt;

3. a critical assessment of epistemic, sociocultural, or psychic assumptions;

4. recognition that one’s discontent and the process of transformation are shared, and

that others have negotiated a similar change;

5. exploration of options for new roles, relationships, and actions;

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6. planning a course of action;

7. acquisition of knowledge and skills for implementing one’s plans;

8. provisional trying of new roles;

9. building competence and self-confidence in new roles and relationships; and

10. a reintegration into one’s life on the basis of conditions dictated by one’s new

perspective. (pp. 168-169)

The study on women’s reentry programs led to the adoption of the terms meaning

schemes and meaning perspectives. Gradually, Mezirow’s phraseology evolved to points of view

and frames of reference, respectively, with the latter including habits of mind and points of view

(Mezirow, 2000).

The third phase of Mezirow’s work was influenced by the psychoanalytical theory of

Roger Gould. As a result, Mezirow’s focus became clearly oriented toward the individual

person; however, learning is not perceived entirely as an individual process but rather as a social

process. The importance of childhood in the formation of a meaning perspective was introduced

for the first time, as was the role of the unconscious in the same process (Marsick & Finger,

1994).

The influence of the German philosopher and sociologist Jürgen Habermas in Mezirow’s

writings starting in the 1980s was the major shift toward the fourth phase of his work. The major

elements he drew from Habermas were language and the methodology of emancipation.

Furthermore, he introduced three learning domains: (a) instrumental learning (technical),

(b) communicative learning (dialogic), and (c) emancipatory learning (self-reflective)

(Baumgartner, 2012). Rational discourse and method became central to Mezirow’s path to

transformative learning. Individuals critically reflect on their assumptions, and through dialogue

54

they assess their insights and decide whether to act or not. This process assists in transforming

questionable frames of reference and making them more inclusive, open, and reflective (Marsick

& Finger, 1994).

In the last phase of his work, Mezirow addressed perspective transformation through the

lens of adult development. In this approach, he was inspired by humanism, which views personal

growth and maturity as the result of a developmental process. Furthermore, he illustrated signs of

a more pragmatic definition of perspective transformation—almost returning to Dewey’s initial

influence on Mezirow. At this point, the individual actively pursues learning and makes a

conscious decision whether to follow up with action or not (Marsick & Finger, 1994).

Although some of Mezirow’s (1991) 10 steps of meaning-making appear possible in a

refugee’s experience, this researcher has not assumed that transformative learning necessarily

occurs. I purposely asked participants to reflect critically on (a) their experience of trying to

integrate into Luxembourg’s labor market and (b) the influence of identity in that process;

critical reflection is one of the four components of Mezirow’s (2000) process. Therefore, I found

it useful to observe any connections to transformative learning.

Initial indications about the profiles of the people arriving in Austria from Syria and Iraq

since 2015 suggested higher levels of education (Buber-Ennser et al., 2016), thus contradicting

popular assumptions that refuge-seeking groups in Europe are illiterate or have very low

education. With respect to labor market integration, Iraqi and Syrian refugees reported

previously high levels of employment in their home country as well as high rates of intention to

be integrated into the local labor force (Buber-Ennser et al., 2016).

The different types of admission status granted to migrant populations yielded different

results concerning labor integration in Sweden. Relatives of migrants who were reuniting with

55

their family members in the host country had faster employment results when compared to

original asylum seekers. Furthermore, asylum seekers performed better than refugees who

resettled in the country from another destination. Younger and better educated individuals had a

higher probability of employment, whereas the impact of having children was positive for men

entering the labor force and negative for women. When comparing the choice of cities in the host

country, the capital demonstrated better employment results for resettled refugees and asylum

seekers when compared to smaller cities. However, women who reunited with family in Sweden

had higher employment levels in smaller cities than in larger ones. Finally, differences were

observed among the various countries of origin of migrant groups when it came to labor market

integration (Bevelander, 2011).

Conceptual Framework

The conceptual framework of the study is represented graphically in Figure 3. The

literature on refugees’ economic integration, identity, and the adult learning theories of informal,

experiential, and transformative learning were the foundation upon which the study took shape.

The sphere in which they converged, pointed by the arrow in Figure 3, forms the basis for the

elaboration of my study’s conclusions and recommendations. The conceptual framework,

according to Miles and Huberman (1994), “explains, either graphically or in narrative form, the

main things to be studied—the key factors, concepts, or variables—and the presumed

relationships among them” (p. 18, as cited in Maxwell, 2013, p. 39).

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Figure 3 Graphic Conceptual Framework

57

Chapter 3: Methodology

Introduction

The purpose of this qualitative exploratory study was to understand how highly educated

refugees from Iraq and Syria learned to integrate into a new professional environment in

Luxembourg, and how their identities and religion affected the process. The research questions

that drove the study were:

1. How do highly educated people from Iraq and Syria perceive the interaction between

refugee status and the construction of a new life in Luxembourg?

a. How do skilled refugees describe the experience of the disruption of their

previous reality and the construction of a new one in Luxembourg?

b. How do participants perceive the experience of refugee economic integration in

their new country of residence?

2. What are the skills and practices that participants perceive as necessary to achieve

refugee economic integration?

a. How do refugees acquire the knowledge, skills, and practices they perceive as

necessary to their economic integration?

3. What conditions do highly educated refugees identify as enablers and inhibitors to

their economic integration?

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4. What are participants’ perceptions of the impact of identity in refugee economic

integration?

a. What is the impact of the refugees’ origins in Islamic countries on their

experiences and integration efforts?

This chapter describes the methodology used to answer the research questions of the

study. First, there is a discussion of the rationale and appropriateness of a qualitative research

approach. The next section refers to the domains of information needed to answer the research

questions, followed by a discussion of the research steps. The presentation of the research sample

is followed by the methods used for ensuring protection of human subjects. The next section

highlights the methods for data collection and then data analysis. In closing, there is reference to

ethical considerations, issues of trustworthiness, and the limitations of the study. The chapter

concludes with a brief summary.

Research Design

This study aimed to understand the learning strategies of skilled refugees from Iraq and

Syria in their effort to integrate economically in Luxembourg and the impact of their identities

and religion in that journey.

Philosophical Underpinning

The philosophical perspective that best informs this study is based on constructivism.

While Merriam and Tisdell (2016) summarized the four different philosophical positions in

research orientations, they also highlighted the tensions that transcend a rigidly defined

positioning and recognized the possibility of “overlap in actual research designs” (p. 11). The

purpose of research from a constructivist (used interchangeably with “interpretive”) perspective

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is to describe, understand, and interpret multiple realities that are context-bound (Merriam &

Tisdell, 2016).

In this worldview, individuals seek understanding of the world in which they live and work. They develop subjective meanings of their experiences…. The meanings are varied and multiple, leading the researcher to look for the complexity of views…. Often these subjective meanings are negotiated socially and historically. In other words, they are not simply imprinted on individuals but are formed through interaction with others (hence social constructivism) and through historical and cultural norms that operate in individuals’ lives. (Creswell, 2013, pp. 24-25, as cited in Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p. 9)

Qualitative Research

Merriam and Simpson (1995) posited that qualitative methods allow researchers to

expose the meaning of a phenomenon for participants and to comprehend how people make

sense out of their lives and how they interpret their experiences. Qualitative research methods

offer a deeper understanding of participants’ experiences, which serves as an antecedent for

improving practice (Merriam & Simpson, 1995).

Another hallmark of qualitative research is the key role of the researcher for the data

collection and analysis (Creswell, 2014; Marshall & Rossman, 2016; Maxwell, 2013; Merriam,

2009). A researcher collects data by interviewing participants, reviewing documents, or

observing behavior (Creswell, 2014). Furthermore, a researcher has the capacity to respond and

adapt to the needs of the study. She may refine and summarize material, inquire for further

clarification, as well as detect and assess unusual patterns of responses (Merriam, 2009). All

these features are instrumental in understanding a phenomenon. Because of the intensely

personal and subjective nature of this role, a researcher inevitably brings limitations and biases

that might influence the study (Marshall & Rossman, 2016; Merriam, 2009). These need to be

recognized and monitored to raise awareness about their effects on the research.

Two additional attributes of qualitative research are that (a) it is an inductive process and

(b) it offers rich description (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). An inductive process is underway when

60

qualitative researchers collect “data to build concepts, hypotheses, or theories rather than

deductively testing hypotheses as in positivist research” (p. 17). The prolific descriptions of the

participants’ context, their experiences, and their activities, including quotes from their

interviews, amount to richly descriptive data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).

Literature to Support Design and Data Collection Methods

While determining the research problem for this study, I discovered uncertainty around

what the important variables would be, realizing that these would emerge from the participants

themselves (Creswell, 2014). Seeking to understand the learning experiences of highly educated

Iraqi and Syrian refugees amounted to discovering the meaning of this phenomenon for them.

Merriam and Simpson (1995) emphasize that qualitative methods shed light on the lived

experiences of participants and on their interpretation of phenomena. Although the economic

integration of refugees in new host countries is not a new phenomenon, the current political,

economic, and social contexts in Europe and the Middle East exert influence over the meaning-

making mechanisms of the Iraqi and Syrian populations who were the target of this study. Little

is known about their perceptions of what and how they learn in order to integrate economically.

The 30 individual interviews of the two participant groups provided the basis for the themes that

emerged to answer the research questions of this study.

The scope and features of this research led to an exploratory study. On one hand, the

study investigated a contemporary phenomenon, with unclear boundaries between phenomenon

and context; on the other, the study relied on multiple data sources as well as a theoretical

proposition (through the conceptual framework) to collect and analyze data (Yin, 2014). As the

study addressed two distinct cases (i.e., Iraqi and Syrian refugees), this led naturally to a

comparative case study.

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Areas of Information Needed

In order to answer the four research questions, it was necessary to collect demographic,

contextual, conceptual, and perceptual information. The data sources included a literature

review, as well as demographic inventories, and semi-structured interviews of skilled refugees

and professionals, and also a document review. Table 2 summarizes the information needed by

type and source.

Table 2. Type of Information Needed by Data Source

Information Needed Literature Review

Demographic Inventory

Semi-structured Interviews

Document Review

Demographic Gender Age Race Ethnicity Primary language Other languages Place of birth Place where lived most of life Religious affiliation Educational attainment Country of academic credentials

x x x x x x x x x x x

x x x x x x x x x x

Contextual Work history Current job situation Employer information Arrival in Luxembourg Date of refugee status Religious observance

x x x x x x

x x x x x x

Conceptual Refugee Economic Integration Identity Adult learning theories and practices

x x x

x x x

x x x

Perceptual Experiences, and lessons learned Necessary knowledge, skills, and practices Learning strategies Facilitators and inhibitors Impact of identity and religion

x x x x x

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Demographic Information

Participants’ demographic information was collected and describes their personal and

professional backgrounds (Appendices G and H). These demographic inventories provided data

about refugee participants such as gender, age, ethnicity, marital status and dependents, and

religious affiliation. They also gathered information about language skills, academic

qualifications, past professional experience, and current employment status. Similar data were

collected for professionals but excluded religious affiliation. The demographic information

provided an overview of the research sample and was helpful in ensuring variety. It was also

valuable during the data analysis stage in assessing how background might have impacted

participants’ learning strategies in the process of economic integration.

Contextual Information

Contextual information illustrates the individual journey of each participant not only

physically, from their countries of origin to Luxembourg, but also professionally, from their

working experiences prior to their migration to their professional standing in their host country at

the time of their interview. The data sources for collecting contextual information were the

demographic inventory and the semi-structured interviews with participants.

Conceptual Information

Conceptual information was necessary to support the theoretical framework for the study.

A selective review of the literature provided the foundation for conceptualizing refugees’

economic integration, along with identity theory and relevant adult learning theories. Information

about these themes also emerged from the semi-structured interviews as well as from the

document review.

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Perceptual Information

The four research questions of this study guided the perceptual information that was

required to answer these questions. These included participants’ experiences during their

economic integration process in Luxembourg, the lessons they derived from these experiences,

the knowledge, skills and practices they perceived as necessary to be successful in integrating,

facilitators and inhibitors to their integration, and the roles of identity and religion. The semi-

structured interviews provided the necessary perceptual information.

Research Design Sequence

The objective of this qualitative exploratory study was to generate a deeper understanding

of the learning experiences, as well as the knowledge, skills and practices that skilled Iraqi and

Syrian professionals perceived as influential on their economic integration in Luxembourg, in

addition to the impact of identity and religion during this process. In order to complete the study,

a series of research steps were necessary. Table 3 provides an overview and a description of the

research steps undertaken throughout this study.

Table 3. Research Steps

Step Description

1. Invitation Letter, Consent Form, Participants’ Rights

Following IRB approval, e-mails or text messages were sent to prospective research participants to gauge interest in participating in the study. Prospects received: - Invitation: informed, in detail, each research participant of the purpose of the study and logistical arrangements pertaining to the organization of the interview (Appendices A and B). - Informed Consent and Participants’ Rights Form: elaborated on the purpose of the study and participants’ rights and specified confidentiality assurances about the way data were collected. In addition, a detailed description of their rights during the study was provided (Appendices C and D). All participants signed an Informed Consent and Participant’s Rights Form ahead of their interview. [Q2 2018-Q2 2019]

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Table 3 (continued)

Step Description

2. Demographic Information

Participants completed a Demographic Inventory Questionnaire (Appendices G and H). [Q2 2018-Q2 2019]

3. Interviews Semi-structured interviews were scheduled with all participants. Interviews with 20 highly educated refugees, eight Iraqis and 12 Syrians, were scheduled for 90 minutes each. In addition, ten interviews were conducted with professionals working with refugee populations, scheduled for 60 minutes each (Appendices E and F). During the interviews participants were asked a series of critical incident questions (Appendices I, and J). [Q2 2018-Q2 2019]

4. Interview Transcription and Coding

Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed, and coded. [Q2 2018- Q1 2021]

5. Document Review To ensure data triangulation, I interviewed two different groups of participants, with embedded critical incident questions during the interviews, and reviewed relevant documents (Appendix T). [Q2 2018- Q1 2021]

6. Inter-Rater Reliability An inter-rater reliability exercise was completed by sharing a randomly selected coded interview and the final coding scheme with an Ed.D. graduate from the Adult Education Guided Intensive Study doctoral program at Teachers College, Columbia University. [Q1 2021]

7. Data Analysis All data collected were coded, analyzed, interpreted, and synthesized on the basis of the conceptual framework. [Q2 2018-Q1 2021]

Discussion of the Research Sample

The focus of the study was 20 highly educated Iraqis and Syrians who sought asylum in

Luxembourg since 2015. Parallel to those interviews, and in order to deepen the understanding of

their experiences, a separate group was interviewed consisting of ten professionals who worked

with adult refugees.

Sampling was purposeful to ensure maximum variation. Specifically, I chose two

different ethnic groups (8 Iraqis and 12 Syrians) and sought to secure a reasonable gender

representation, knowing, however, that male refugees outnumber females in Luxembourg.

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Consequently, the research sample consisted of four females, two from Iraq and two from Syria.

Further, I sought diversity in age groups and professional backgrounds. In order to identify

refugee participants, I regularly attended public events targeting migrant audiences, followed

news items on refugee groups on local media, and reached out to a refugee activist (unaffiliated

with the research sample) who offered to introduce me to potential participants. After each

interview, I asked participants to voluntarily forward my name and contacts to other potential

candidates. Sampling was also purposeful for the group of ten professionals working with

refugee groups to secure sample variation and diversity. Participants were identified through

public events and media coverage as well as through my own inquiries.

Twenty Highly Educated Iraqis and Syrians

The group of 20 highly educated refugees, 8 from Iraq and 12 from Syria, had settled in

Luxembourg since 2015 and were in the process of integrating economically in the country. The

rationale for choosing these two nationalities was that Iraq and Syria represented two of the top

three countries of refugee outflow to Europe in 2015 (EUROSTAT, 2016a) as well as in

Luxembourg between 2015 and 2016 (Passerell, n.d). The initial aim was to secure an equal

distribution of participants from each country. However, as Syrians outnumbered Iraqis, it was

not possible to secure an equal number of participants across the two ethnic groups.

For the purposes of this study, participants were highly educated persons from Iraq and

Syria. They had at least a bachelor’s or equivalent level, corresponding to the International

Standard Classification of Education (ISCED) of the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and

Cultural Organization (UNESCO) group 6 (UNESCO Institute for Statistics, 2015). Sixteen

participants reported earning the equivalent of a bachelor’s degree, and four reported having the

equivalent of a master’s degree. The research sample of the 20 refugees were professionals who

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were active in their home countries prior to their migration to Luxembourg, including two

recently graduated students. Often, refugees arrived in host countries missing vital

documentation, especially pertaining to their academic and professional qualifications

(Desiderio, 2016). I did not ask for records of their academic qualifications; therefore,

participants self-reported their qualifications. The terms highly educated and skilled are used

interchangeably in this study.

I randomly selected Arab first names to assign as pseudonyms to all participants. Table 4

provides an overview of the 20 refugee participants. They are identified by their pseudonym,

nationality, gender, age group, and academic qualifications. All tables and appendices that follow

present alphabetically first Iraqis, then Syrians. In turn, female refugee participants are

highlighted in gray in all relevant tables and appendices. As an additional layer of

confidentiality, the age of participants is presented only by age group. A comprehensive

demographic inventory of refugee participants is available in Appendix G.

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Table 4. Summary of Refugees’ Pseudonyms and Grouping per Nationality, Gender, Age, and Academic Qualifications (N=20)

Refugee participant

Age group

Academic field

Iraq

is Adil 25-34 Social Sciences

Basma 35-44 Humanities

Fadila 25-34 Humanities

Imad 25-34 STEM

Majid 25-34 Health Sciences

Rashid 55-64 STEM

Sani 45-54 STEM

Tamid 45-54 STEM

Syria

ns

Akram 35-44 Social Sciences

Asif 35-44 Health Sciences

Bahij 25-34 STEM

Bashar 25-34 Humanities

Faysal 35-44 Health Sciences

Gabir 25-34 Humanities

Jabbar 25-34 Life Sciences

Kamil 25-34 STEM

Khalid 25-34 Social Sciences

Lamis 25-34 Social Sciences

Raheem 55-64 Health Sciences

Samina 25-34 Social Sciences

Ten Professionals Working with Refugee Populations

A second group of participants was interviewed and complemented the research sample.

It consisted of ten professionals who worked in Luxembourg with adult refugees. They were

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employed in governmental institutions, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and in industry

on projects aimed at integrating refugee populations in Luxembourg.

Professional participants were assigned pseudonyms to protect their confidentiality.

Table 5 provides professionals’ pseudonyms in alphabetical order, their age group, and their

fields of professional activity. Female professionals are highlighted in gray in all relevant tables

and appendices. Instead of exact age, the professional’s age group was used to further ensure

confidentiality. The NGOs were distinguished by long-established organizations versus

organizations that were project-based and had received funding for launching their activities

relevant to refugee integration from 2015 onwards. Given the very small size of the country, the

circle of people working in refugee integration is also small, and stakeholders tend to be well-

known. Therefore, I avoided any further classification in order to prevent traceability to

participants.

Table 5. Summary of Professionals’ Pseudonyms, Age, Gender, and Field of Professional Activity (N = 10)

Professional Age Group Professional Field

Carl 25-34 Government Institution

Camila 35-44 NGO (established)

Danielle 55-64 NGO (project-based)

Gabriella 25-34 NGO (established)

Josy 55-64 Government Institution

Michaela 35-44 NGO (project-based)

Nadine 35-44 NGO (established)

Pierre 35-44 NGO (established)

Simone 25-34 NGO (project-based)

Zoe 45-54 Entrepreneur

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Recruitment Protocol

The sampling strategy was both purposive and snowball (Patton, 2002). I sought referrals

for the study by contacting NGOs and other nonprofit initiatives in Luxembourg that targeted

refugee populations. In 2017, I contacted a small number of potential participants I met at a

social gathering, which was oriented toward migrant groups, to inquire whether they would be

interested in participating in the study. Through snowball sampling, actual participants referred

other interested candidates.

To conduct interviews with refugee participants, it was important to “select a site without

vested interests” (Creswell, 2014, p. 96). Thus, the choice for refugee participants was a

contemporary and welcoming coworking space in Luxembourg city center. The choice was a

convenient location next to the central bus and train stations, which facilitated access and served

as a neutral, non-threatening, and credible site. Using meeting rooms reinforced the sense of

privacy and confidentiality. As an alternative designed for participants’ convenience, I offered to

conduct the interview at their homes or workplaces. Some participants preferred these options.

For professional participants, I offered to conduct the interviews at their offices with no other

participants.

Candidates for participation received an e-mail or a text message inviting them to

participate in the study (Appendices A and B). Ahead of interviews, they received an Informed

Consent and Participants’ Rights Form (Appendices C and D) and a Demographic Inventory

Questionnaire (Appendices G and H). Text messaging tended to be the most popular medium of

contact.

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Methods for Assuring Protection of Human Subjects

The highest ethical standards were applied throughout the design of this study, from the

proposal phase throughout the data collection and analysis phases. Yin (2014) posited that “the

study of ‘a contemporary phenomenon in its real-world context’ obligates you to important

ethical practices akin to those followed in medical research” (p. 78).

Several steps were undertaken to ensure that this study adhered to all human subjects

research guidelines of Teachers College, Columbia University, and to safeguard the rights and

welfare of research participants. In April 2017, I completed the Collaborative Institutional

Training Initiative (CITI) basic course pertaining to the IRB of Social and Behavioral

Researchers. After submitting an IRB application, and once approval was granted, I collected

signed Informed Consent and Participants’ Rights forms (Appendices C and D, respectively)

before interviewing participants. Protecting the privacy and confidentiality of participants was of

utmost importance (Yin, 2014), and participants were informed that I would take specific steps to

ensure confidentiality. Pseudonyms were used for participants and also for any institution or

employer with which they were affiliated. All electronic material associated with participants

was stored in a password-protected computer. All written material was kept in a locked drawer in

a locked office. All raw data will be retained for three years and will be destroyed thereafter.

With respect to ethical considerations, Birman (2005) posited, “As in the case with much

of social science, research on immigrants and refugees is not morally neutral” (p. 155). The types

of ethical dilemmas that arise in research such as this include finding a balance between

scientific rigor and humanitarian concerns, as well as the potential differences concerning how

ethical behavior is defined across cultures (Birman, 2005). Complementing the study sample

with professionals who work with refugee populations also offered an additional lens on the

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learning experiences of highly educated Iraqi and Syrian refugees trying to integrate into

Luxembourg.

Methods for Data Collection

The methods for data collection in this study included: (1) semi-structured interviews

with (a) 20 highly educated Iraqis and Syrians and (b) 10 professionals working with adult

refugees, with embedded critical incident questions for both refugees and professionals; and (2) a

document review. Collecting data from diverse participants and settings contributes to

triangulation, which, in turn, contributes to the validity of the study (Maxwell, 2013).

Semi-structured Interviews

Kvale and Brinkmann (2009) posit that “the qualitative interview attempts to understand

the world from the subjects’ point of view, to unfold the meaning of their experiences, to

uncover their lived world prior to scientific explanations” (p. 1). Interviews generate a

considerable quantity of data, making it critical to design the interview protocol in a way that

ensures quality checks on the data collected. Building trust with participants is another concern

when conducting interviews to secure uninhibited and authentic expression of perspectives

(Marshall & Rossman, 2016).

Semi-structured interviews in particular are a way of “obtaining descriptions of the life

world of the interviewee in order to interpret the meaning of the described phenomena” (p. 3).

The aim is to get the participants’ (the emic perspective) and not the researcher’s (the etic

perspective) views (Marshall & Rossman, 2016, p. 150) on the phenomenon the study seeks to

understand. The principal data collection method used for the present study was semi-structured

interviews with 20 highly educated refugees, 8 Iraqi and 12 Syrian, living in Luxembourg since

2015, as well as with 10 professionals who worked with adult refugee populations in the country.

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Semi-structured interviews consist of open-ended questions organized in a logical sequence.

Although the same questions are addressed to each participant, the sequence of the questioning

may change (Richards & Morse, 2013) during the interview.

Critical Incident Questionnaire

Participants were invited to discuss a short Critical Incident Questionnaire (Appendices I

and J) during their interviews. According to Flanagan (1954), “the critical incident technique

consists of a set of procedures for collecting direct observations of human behavior in such a way

as to facilitate their potential usefulness in solving practical problems” (p. 1). The aim was to add

another layer in the data collection and to solicit further input that would more vividly reveal the

factors that lead to a successful economic integration (positive incidents) and the factors that

delay or impede refugees’ economic integration (negative incidents). Refugees were asked to

describe, reflect on, and assess their own positive and negative incidents. Professionals were

asked to share positive and negative examples from their interactions with adult refugees,

elaborating on the elements and perceived reasons for both the successful and the less successful

cases. This input served as a foundation for richer data (Appendices K and L).

Twenty Highly Educated Iraqis and Syrians

The interviews took place from June 2018 to July 2019 and were scheduled for

90 minutes each. Before the interview, participants received an informed consent and

participants’ rights form. This was presented, discussed, and signed before each interview

(Appendix C). In addition, participants were asked to complete a demographic inventory

(Appendix G). The Critical Incident Questionnaire (Appendix I) was discussed during the

interview. The interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed, and coded.

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Ten Professionals Working with Adult Refugees

For professional participants, semi-structured interviews were conducted between June

2018 and July 2019 and were scheduled for 60 minutes each. The interview protocol

(Appendix F) was founded on the four research questions guiding the study. Before the

interview, I reviewed the informed consent and participants’ rights form (Appendix D) with each

participant, and following its signature the interviews were launched, audio-recorded, and

ultimately transcribed. Participants also completed a demographic inventory (Appendix H). A

Critical Incident Questionnaire was discussed during the interviews (Appendix J).

Impact of Piloting

I conducted a pilot interview with an Iraqi medical doctor in March 2017 as part of Adult

Education Guided Intensive Study (AEGIS), a research methodology doctoral course at Teachers

College, Columbia University. Piloting was an invaluable experience that offered practice with

interviewing, both with respect to content and to the organization and flow of the process

(Marshall & Rossman, 2016). Some of the key themes that emerged included insistence on

protecting participants’ confidentiality, the importance to refugees of discussing past

professional experiences as a means of acknowledging their past life, and placing more

emotionally-laden or challenging questions toward the end of the interview once trust had been

established.

Document Review

A review of publicly available documents served to triangulate the data collected through

the two sets of interviews. A wealth of policy reports by national governments and international

organizations (e.g., UNHCR, OECD, EU, IOM) described the official goals of individual

countries and of the international community regarding refugees’ economic integration. By

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providing a complement to the lived experiences of refugees, the policy aims offered a fuller

understanding of how policies are enacted and then perceived by their target populations. In

addition, Luxembourg-based sources (e.g., local NGOs, adult learning institutions, and media)

provided information on ongoing activities regarding refugees. Appendix T summarizes the type

of documents reviewed and their location.

A summary of the data collection methods is captured in Table 6. The research questions

are matched to the interview questions and the literature review topics, together with the methods

of collecting the data.

Table 6. Data Collection Matrix (Interview Protocol for Highly Educated Iraqis and Syrians)

Lit Review Topics Research Questions Refugee Interview Questions Method Refugee integration; refugee economic integration; highly educated refugees

1. How do highly-educated people from Iraq and Syria perceive the interaction between refugee status and the construction of a new life in Luxembourg? a. How do skilled refugees describe the experience of the disruption of their previous reality and the construction of a new one in Luxembourg? b. How do participants perceive the experience of refugee economic integration in their new country of residence?

1.1 Tell me about yourself and your background. 1.2 Can you tell me about your life now in Luxembourg? 1.3 In what ways have your background, family, studies, profession, culture, or religion influenced who you are? 1.4 In what ways, if at all, do you feel different about yourself and the world compared to how you felt before arriving in Luxembourg? 1.5 What sense do you make of the differences (if any)? 1.6 If you had the chance to do things differently since you arrived in Luxembourg, what would you do? 1.7 After thinking about the critical incidents you identified, do you have any different interpretation you would like to share?

Interviews, Demographic Inventory, Document Review

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Table 6 (continued)

Lit Review Topics Research Questions Interview Questions Method Refugee integration; refugee economic integration; highly educated refugees

2. What are the skills and practices that participants perceive as necessary to achieve refugee economic integration? a. How do refugees acquire the knowledge, skills, and practices, which they perceive as necessary to their economic integration?

2.1 What do you think is important to know and to do in order to have a good life in Luxembourg? 2.2 What are some important skills to have? 2.3 How did you or can you acquire them?

Interviews, Document Review

Informal, Experiential & Transformative Learning Theories

3. What conditions do highly educated refugees identify as enablers and inhibitors to their economic integration?

3.1 What are some of the things that have been most helpful in building your new life in Luxembourg? 3.2 How would you describe the obstacles you have faced since your arrival in Luxembourg? 3.3 How could the governmental and other institutions you have been in touch with since your arrival better support you? 3.4 If we were to develop the ideal integration program, what would it look like?

Interviews, Document Review

Identity Theory; Muslim/Islamic Identity in Europe/West; Islamophobia

4. What are the reported perceptions of participants on the impact of identity in refugee economic integration? a. What is the impact of the refugees’ origins from Islamic countries have on their experiences and integration efforts?

4.1 What are the most important elements of your identity that define you as a person? 4.2 What, if any, is the role of religion in your life? 4.3 In what ways has your origin from a predominantly Muslim country influenced your integration in Luxembourg?

Interviews, Document Review

Methods for Data Analysis and Synthesis

“Data analysis is the process of making sense out of the data” and “the process used to

answer your research question(s)” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p. 202). The research questions of

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the study and the literature review served as the initial guidelines for data analysis (Marshall &

Rossman, 2016). Data analysis took place in parallel with data collection (Creswell, 2014;

Marshall & Rossman, 2016; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).

The analytic strategy of the study relied on the iteration of two principles. On one hand,

some theoretical propositions emerged from the literature that served as starting points for the

data analysis. On the other, an inductive approach yielded codes that emerged directly from the

data. Creswell (2014) suggested six steps as the foundation for moving along the data analysis

and, in parallel, cautioned that the process is neither linear nor hierarchical but rather

characterized by an interaction among them. These steps are: (a) organizing and preparing the

data for analysis; (b) reading through all the data; (c) coding the data; (d) generating descriptions

and themes; (e) interrelating themes and descriptions; and (f) interpreting their meaning.

After collection, the data were transcribed and sorted. This organization and preparation

supported the next step, which involved my full immersion into the data (Marshall & Rossman,

2016, p. 217). A thorough readthrough provided an overview of the information collected and

offered me the opportunity to reflect on its meaning. Coding the data followed and relied both on

theory-generated codes (deductive coding) and in-vivo codes (inductive coding) (Marshall &

Rossman, 2016). Deductive coding emerged from the literature review, and inductive coding

emerged from the actual data. As I immersed myself in the data, I remained “open to anything

possible at this point” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p. 204).

Initial Coding Scheme

The initial coding scheme was developed prior to the data collection. It emerged from the

literature review and my personal reflections on the themes, which led to the elaboration of a

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conceptual framework to guide this study (see Figure 3). Appendix P presents the initial coding

scheme.

Final Coding Scheme

After the interviews were transcribed and the data were organized, I started reading the

transcripts to identify emerging themes. A valuable tool for assisting in the organization of the

massive amounts of data and for mapping out the coding scheme of the study was the use of

computer-assisted qualitative data analysis software. I chose to proceed with Atlas.ti for an

efficient retrieval of codes. However, use of this software did not replace the work I needed to do

to generate and assign the actual codes. The comparison between the deductive and inductive

coding schemes was ongoing, leading to a detailed description of the participants’ context as

well as emerging themes. Themes were also described as categories, patterns, findings, or

answers to the research questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The final coding scheme

(Appendix L) emerged from multiple iterations and rereading of transcripts.

I organized the findings in comprehensive distribution tables, each one corresponding to

a research question. Each refugee table presented first the Iraqi and then the Syrian participants

in alphabetical order, while highlighting in gray the female participants. Each table included also

each participant’s age group, academic level, and academic field. These visual classifications

were helpful in capturing patterns more comprehensively. The data that emerged from the semi-

structured interviews with the ten professionals working with refugee populations were

organized in a similar fashion. Participants were listed in alphabetical order, and female

participants were highlighted in gray. Additional domains included age group and professional

domain. No further classifications were included in order to ensure the confidentiality of

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participants, especially given the country’s small size. Next, the narrative description of the

findings captured the interpretation of how the themes and descriptions related to one another.

The analysis had started already during the data collection phase by means of observing

and tracking emerging themes and patterns. In the analysis, synthesis, and interpretation phase,

the analysis was conducted in stages: within-case analysis and cross-case analysis (Merriam &

Tisdell, 2016). I started with each participant serving as a unit of analysis and studied each

individual case thoroughly, and once completed, I analyzed within each group (of the two

refugee ethnic groups and of professionals) followed by a cross-case analysis to compare themes

and identify variations. The interpretation of the findings revisited the literature, addressed the

lessons learned, and raised questions that emerged from the data and the analysis (Creswell,

2014). Figure 4 illustrates the process for data analysis, synthesis, and interpretation.

Figure 4. A Presentation of the Data Analysis Sequence

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Ethical Considerations

The study followed the highest ethical principles in order to safeguard participants’ rights

and to ensure minimal risk of harm. All instructions laid out by Teachers College’s Institutional

Review Board (IRB) were followed and presented the informed consent and participants’ rights

forms to all participants, which were signed prior to each single interview. Participants were

ensured of the voluntary nature of their participation and that they were free to withdraw from

the interview at any moment and for any reason. I underlined the protection of their

confidentiality by using pseudonyms. For those who did not provide a pseudonym, I used their

name’s initials. Given the small size of the country, the study did not elaborate on the profile and

context of each participant as an additional layer of protecting participants’ confidentiality.

Research concerning refugees in particular poses many ethical challenges (Mackenzie

et al., 2007). I was mindful of this and adhered strictly to all guidelines in ensuring the protection

of human subjects. First, I designed the study purposefully around the participants’ capacity to

communicate in English to avoid using a translator. The presence of a translator, even with the

necessary training, would jeopardize the trust of refugee participants toward the process and

could serve as a filter for both sides of the communication, rendering the interview less

authentic. Refugee participants were encouraged to take their time and express themselves as

freely as possible, knowing that they were not using their native language. With respect to the

refugee participants’ informed consent and participants’ rights forms, I presented in detail the

documents ahead of each interview and provided participants ample time to read and ask

questions or request clarifications before signing and launching the interviews.

In refugee research, Mackenzie et al. (2007) call for the provision of ‘reciprocal benefits’

(p. 317), specifically that

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research with refugees can only be justified if it is seen to entail an obligation to ensure that the research provides reciprocal benefits for those concerned, whether in the form of developing skills and capacities, improving health outcomes, improving the quality of humanitarian intervention, guiding policy, influencing governments or changing social attitudes. (Hynes 2003; Jacobsen and Landau 2003; Zwi et al. 2006, as cited in Mackenzie et al., p. 317)

Many participants expressed hope that their participation would voice their concerns and perhaps

contribute to improving some of the inhibitors they had faced for future refugee groups.

Issues of Trustworthiness

Qualitative studies need to illustrate the soundness of their design and ensure their

trustworthiness (Lincoln & Guba, 1986). Lincoln and Guba identified credibility, transferability,

dependability, and confirmability as the basic criteria to ensure the trustworthiness of qualitative

research. I applied several strategies to ensure the trustworthiness of the study. Triangulation was

used in order to corroborate findings from different sources, which included semi-structured

interviews from two distinct groups of participants (refugees and professionals) with embedded

critical incident questions and a document review. Extended time was spent with participants,

and data were collected to the point of reaching saturation. By providing rich and thick

descriptions of participants’ views, I believe that findings retain validity across different settings.

I also kept a research trail with notes on the various steps throughout the study. Discussions with

professional peers were helpful in mapping out the evolution of the study. Finally, an Ed.D.

graduate of the same doctoral program in Adult Education and Leadership peer-reviewed a

coded transcript against my final coding scheme, which was found to correspond fully to my

coding.

Limitations

I hope that the rich, descriptive data collected from individual interviews will deepen the

understanding of the learning experiences of highly educated Iraqis and Syrians who have been

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trying to integrate economically in Luxembourg since 2015. However, as suggested by Marshall

and Rossman (2016), “all proposed research projects have limitations” (p. 85).

1. The small sample size limits generalization of results across other refugee populations

in the country. The aim of choosing a qualitative study was to gain a better understanding of the

learning experiences of highly educated refugees in the country from their own lived

experiences. As such, this was the first study addressing in-depth these themes for skilled Iraqis

and Syrians.

2. The 2015 cohort of refugee populations in Europe was male-dominated, and the study

sample reflected this gender imbalance. I actively sought to balance the gender representation

and succeeded in recruiting four female participants (out of the 20 refugees) with diverse ethnic

and professional backgrounds, as well as differing marital and social statuses.

3. Refugee participants were limited by not sharing their narratives in their native

language. However, as the participants were chosen on the premise that they could communicate

in English, I excluded the use of a translator in order to improve participants’ confidentiality and

deepen their trust in both myself as a researcher and the study. Professional participants and I

also communicated in English, and although it was not a native language for the majority, it was

one of the languages used widely in the country’s professional environment.

4. Researcher bias is a threat to the validity of a study. Maxwell (2013) posited that it is

impossible to eliminate the researcher’s beliefs. By identifying my own assumptions, and by

probing participants for rich descriptions of their experiences, I have addressed this risk.

5. Self-reporting data may be skewed by biases. I was very intentional in building trust

with participants, especially refugee participants who might be skeptical or suspicious about

participating in an interview. One of the professional participants who worked with refugee

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groups highlighted that many refugees refuse to participate in studies because they do not

appreciate being studied, as it can make them feel inferior to others. Therefore, by building trust,

I sought to gather sincere and authentic data.

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Chapter 4: Findings

Introduction

The aim of this chapter is to present the major findings that have emerged from in-depth,

semi-structured interviews with 20 highly educated refugees in Luxembourg, 8 from Iraq and 12

from Syria, on their learning experiences while trying to integrate economically in the country,

as well as from interviews with 10 professionals who work with refugee populations in

Luxembourg. Excerpts from the interviews are included in the chapter in order to illustrate the

variety and depth of participants’ experiences.

Four main research questions led this study, questions that included several components

and sub-questions (see Chapter 1). In turn, four major findings emerged from this study, which

are complemented by sub-findings. The Final Coding Scheme (Appendices Q and R) guided the

organization of Table 8, which serves as an overview of the association between research

questions, findings, and sub-findings. Thereafter, the chapter is divided into four main sections,

each one presenting the findings for each research question for the refugee participants. The

findings for the professional participants are summarized at the end of each section. A synthesis

and analysis of the findings is presented in Chapter 5.

The first finding refers to the experiences of participants regarding the disruption of

their past lives, their overall perception of their new reality that illustrate their experiences of

trying to integrate economically in Luxembourg. The second finding summarizes all the

learning, including formal, informal, non-formal, learning from experience, and transformative

learning. It presents the participants’ perceptions of the knowledge, skills, and practices

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necessary to integrate economically, as well as the learning activities they have engaged in for

that purpose. In order to ensure clarity and consistency in the learning section, the second

finding includes the participants’ experiences of economic integration, which were also raised

in the first research question. They are repeated here because these experiences are associated

with Boud and Walker’s (1991) adult learning theory of learning from experience. The third

finding reports on the enablers, inhibitors, and coping mechanisms that participants identified

as necessary for successful economic integration. The last finding concludes with the perceived

impact on the economic integration experience of participants’ identities and, inversely, the

impact of economic integration on their identities, as well as the impact of religion in that

process. One of the sub-findings that emerged from the first research question highlighted the

impact of the refugee experience on participants’ identity. To ensure clarity and consistency

regarding identity themes, these findings are presented in the fourth finding, which addresses

the impact of identity in economic integration. This chapter presents the findings of refugee

participants as one group. In Chapter 5, there is a detailed analysis of the findings within and

across each group.

During the semi-structured interviews, critical incidents were used as an additional way

to collect rich data from participants. Participants were asked to share a highly positive and a

highly negative incident associated with refugees’ efforts to integrate economically in the

country. Participants were asked to disclose and reflect on a positive experience indicating that

refugee economic integration was feasible, and a negative experience illustrating that economic

integration would be difficult to achieve. The data that emerged from critical incidents are

presented in each of the findings in which they occurred. Appendix K summarizes the findings of

the refugees’ positive and negative critical incidents, followed by an interpretation of their

85

professional and personal impact, as well as their correlation to the overall findings (Table 7).

For professionals working with refugees, Appendix L summarizes the data emerging from

critical incidents.

Complementary to the narrative, this chapter includes occurrence tables, which offer a

visual description of the findings. These were helpful in gaining not only a visual overview but

also in facilitating the interpretation of the findings by identifying themes and patterns within and

across groups. A double line in each occurrence table separates Iraqis from Syrians, set in

alphabetical order. The gray rows refer to female participants. The occurrence tables for

professionals are organized in alphabetical order, highlighting in gray the female professionals.

Participants’ pseudonyms were presented in Chapter 3 (Tables 4 and 5).

Finding 1: Refugee Status and New Reality

Participants reported on the disruption of their previous life and their perceptions regarding their new lives.

This section summarizes the findings of the first research question, which focused on the

experiences of highly educated Iraqis and Syrians with regard to the disruption of their previous

life and their new reality in Luxembourg. The latter part of this section presents the findings

from the 10 professionals who participated in this study. Table 7 below provides a summary of

the Research Question #1 along the corresponding Findings, and Sub-Findings.

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Table 7. Summary of Research Question #1 Findings and Sub-Findings

Research Questions Findings Research Question #1: Iraq and Syria perceive the interaction between refugee status and the construction of a new life in Luxembourg? a. How do skilled refugees

describe the experience of the disruption of their previous reality and the construction of a new one in Luxembourg?

b. How do participants perceive the experience of refugee economic integration in their new country of residence?

Finding 1: Participants reported on the privileges they enjoyed in their pre-refugee lives as professionals, the impact of the wars, and their values, portraying their lives before arriving in Luxembourg. Their new reality was highlighted by a sense of gratitude towards Luxembourg, and for reaching safety, and a series of challenges including housing and family matters. 1A. Disruption of previous life a) Privileges in pre-refugee status (20 of 20 [100%]) • Professional (18 of 20 [90%]) • Student / migrant (4 of 20 [20%]) b) War impact (20 of 20 [100%]) • Forced to flee (13 of 20 [65%]) • On people, institutions, services (9 of 20 [45%]) • Horrors of war (8 of 20 [40%]) • Loss of status (7 of 20 [35%])

c) Values (18 of 20 [90%]) • Family (9 of 20 [45%]) • Learning (7 of 20 [35%]) • Industriousness (5 of 20 [25%]) • Service to others (5 of 20 [25%]) • Respect (4 of 20 [20%])

1B. Perceptions of new reality a) Gratitude (17 of 20 [85%]) b) Safety (8 of 20 [40%]) c) Challenges (11 of 20 [55%]) • Housing (8 of 20 [40%]) • Family (7 of 20 [35%])

Sub-Finding 1A: Disruption of Previous Life

The participants in this study indicated three themes when describing the experience of

the disruption of their previous life. The first theme was dedicated to a description of their

former life, where participants reported on their privileges prior to becoming refugees. The

second theme summarized the impact of war in their countries. The war has forced participants

to flee their countries, impacted people, institutions, and services, brought a lot of horrors of

death and suffering, and had an impact on their socioeconomic status. The last theme covered the

87

values that drove participants, which served as a compass in constructing a new life in

Luxembourg. Table 8 shows the occurrences of each of the three themes per participant.

Table 8. Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 1A (Disruption of Previous Life)

Ref

ugee

par

ticip

ant

Privileges in pre-refugee

status War impact Values

Prof

essi

onal

Stud

ent /

mig

rant

Forc

ed to

flee

Impa

ct o

n pe

ople

, in

stitu

tions

, and

se

rvic

es

Hor

rors

of w

ar

Los

s of s

tatu

s

Fam

ily

Lea

rnin

g

Indu

stri

ousn

ess

Serv

ice

to o

ther

s

Res

pect

Iraqi

s

Adil X X X

Basma X X X X X X X

Fadila X X X X X

Imad X X X X X X

Majid X X X

Rashid X X X X X X

Sani X X X X X

Tamid X X X X X X

Syria

ns

Akram X X X

Asif X X X X X X

Bahij X X X X X

Bashar X X X X X

Faysal X X X X

Gabir X X

Jabbar X X X X X

Kamil X X X

Khalid X X X X

Lamis X X X

Raheem X X X X X X

Samina X X X

(N=20) %

18 (90%)

4 (20%)

13 (65%)

9 (45%)

8 (40%)

7 (35%)

9 (45%)

7 (35%)

5 (25%)

5 (25%)

4 (20%)

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Privileges in Pre-refugee Status

The vast majority (18 of 20) of participants were established professionals, either in their

countries of origin (16 of 20) or as migrants in third countries (2 of 20). The remaining two were

recent university graduates before they left for Luxembourg.

Professional. Participants reported on the high standard of living they enjoyed prior to

the war and having meaningful and high-paying jobs as professionals.

Lamis, a female Syrian business graduate from a wealthy family, had excellent English

language skills, which were helpful in earning her a high position back in Damascus:

My English was very good. I speak English since I was 12, and I studied … also some of my university subjects were in English in business management, so when I started working, I was able to get a high position very fast and a very good salary considering the people who are freshly graduates and in my age.

Lamis was very active upon her arrival in Luxembourg, first by volunteering and ultimately by

setting up a non-governmental association. Although she secured different internships, she

struggled in many of them due to the absence of supportive mentoring relationships. Lamis was

soon forced to acknowledge that, because her university diploma was not recognized, local

academic qualifications were necessary for her entry into the job market. Although she was

initially resistant, she eventually returned to school as an undergraduate for the second time.

Imad, a young Iraqi telecom specialist, reported on his comfortable former living

conditions: “Sometimes I compare between, I live in a room here, it’s I think 13 meters square,

and in Iraq, I had my own house, which 350 meter square. So can you, just a big difference.”

Asif, a Syrian doctor, had a lot of responsibilities: “I had my own field hospital, and my

clinic, and my team, like, two ambulance, my two teams…..”

Adil, an Iraqi accountant, was earning a very good salary:

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For me, I am accounting and I work in this … they give me too much experience and my life it was very happy because I get in one month like $3,500, and I work another job I get sometime in one day $200, $300 [referring to US dollars]. My life it was good.

Student/Migrant. Two Syrian participants had been in Malaysia to pursue further

academic credentials prior to their decision not to return to their country of origin, then at war.

Bahij reported on the competitive conditions of the top Malay university he attended for

his bachelor’s degree in telecommunication engineering:

Yeah. But in my university, it was a Chinese university. It was a good, very good university, actually, in my field … UCSI university. And it was all English. Yes, everything was in English…. Yeah, so they are strict about their requirements to get in.

Gabir pursued a master’s degree in Malaysia prior to fleeing to Luxembourg: “My

bachelor’s, it was English literature. Then I moved to Malaysia, I lived there for five years. I

studied my master for applied linguistics.”

War Impact

All (20 of 20) participants reported on their experiences of the ongoing war in their

countries. The majority (13 of 20) indicated that they were forced to flee as a result of the war.

Close to half of the participants (9 of 20) referred to the impact of war on people, institutions,

and services. Some (8 of 20) participants reported on the horrors of war, and some (7 of 20)

referred to their loss of social and economic status.

Forced to Flee. Participants described their experience of being forced to leave their

countries due to war.

Tamid, a male Iraqi chemist, had left his job several years prior due to war-related risks

and became a successful business owner. However, there came a moment where he did not feel

safe any longer, even self-employed, and he was forced to leave the country. In Luxembourg, he

pursued a similar employment path and set up his own small business. His children attended a

local school and soon became operational in the local languages. Tamid relied on his children’s

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linguistic skills to communicate with local clients in French or German if his English was

insufficient. He was eager to share his experience in setting up a business and volunteered in

different settings to do so.

His primary concern for fleeing Iraq was to secure the safety of his family. He reported

on the threats he received against their lives:

Of course after they know who I am and what I’m working before, they give me two choice, either to kill you with your family or to leave the country. I preferred to leave the country and leave everything.

Faysal left Syria in order to escape the civil war:

I was a pharmacist in Syria also, and I came to Luxembourg in 2015 because what happened our country, Syria, is fighting its people. And I came here to Luxembourg, to Europe in total, to find the peace, a place we can live in peace, and to continue our life.

Impact on People, Institutions, and Services. The wars had an impact on people’s

behavior, on the functioning of various institutions, and on the quality of services provided to

citizens in participants’ countries of origin.

Sani reported on the deteriorating level of education in Iraq:

I remember some of my teacher which support me, or push me sometimes … not all, of course, because the learning system, it’s going down, step by step.

For Khalid, religion became a wedge to divide people that were previously living in

harmony before the war:

For example in Damascus they have many places, they are living there together and we don’t have problem, Sunni and Shia. It was very good society to live together. Mixed society I would say. Not anymore … the governments, they play under religions so that’s why they made us fighting each other.

Basma explained her perception of how the conditions in the Middle East have altered the

people:

Don’t think that the Orient people are not good, no, but their life, they don’t get anything easily, so they become like this. They don’t appreciate the time anymore. They don’t ... they have changed.

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Horrors of War. Various atrocities of war, including bombings, were also part of some

participants’ narratives.

Asif described some horrible images from his tenure as a clinic doctor:

When I came back, there is one little kid come to hospital, and he was several pieces. I see my closest friend, his head beside, and his legs and his arms. I’m sorry, it’s not films that I talk to you ... it’s not....

Raheem was relieved to have survived the bombings: “They bombard near my

laboratory, 50 meters near my…. And a miracle to survive. Also in my home, while they

bombard near me, is very difficult.”

Loss of Status. Tamid indicated that the differences between his lifestyle in Iraq and

Luxembourg were radical:

I’m having really high-quality life. When you have your own house, which is not house, you’re talking about really big house with gardens and garage and many cars and money and business and, and…. And even you have some people to do the work for the house, for my wife and cooking and, and—it’s totally different when you come here, you have to do everything yourself.

Values

All participants (20 of 20) referred to one or more sets of values as driving them in the

construction of a new life in Luxembourg. Half of them (10 of 20) indicated family and learning

were important domains. Industriousness, service to others, and respect were also significant

values and are presented with some illustrative quotes in Appendix U.

Family. Family was an important theme for participants, especially missing and feeling

responsible for those left behind.

Khalid, a Syrian business graduate and former business owner, pursued a small business

project in Luxembourg. He chose to partner with a local in order to fill gaps in his knowledge on

how to navigate the administration for setting up a business, like requesting a business permit,

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taking care of legal, insurance, and social security formalities. Simultaneously, his family

situation was a source of serious stress and he missed his family deeply:

So for me it was better with everything. Even, you can see your family at least everyday. That’s what you miss here. So for me you cannot compare living here with living in Syria.

Asif referred to his responsibility toward his elderly parents back in Syria: “For me, I

need to be helpful, at least for my parents who support me when I was child. Now I have to

support them when they are old.”

For Sani, family was a great influence in his life:

First, it’s my family, my big family, not my wife and child, but my mother and father. And, in our country, the family has a moral effect. It’s not father, mother, it’s uncles, aunt, all they have their effect, and also have their advice in life.

Learning. Some participants referred to the value of learning, and how it serves them in

their new circumstances.

Bashar reported on his ongoing efforts to keep learning, especially languages:

Actually, it’s not easy to overcome the disadvantages. I just need to ... I work all the time on my language. I mean, I’ve been learning, I would say, learning is something that never ends when it comes to, I’ll say to anything, but above all languages.

Imad noted his mother’s influence on his values around learning: “As my mom says, the

life is a school, and we are student. We cannot stop learning till the last day of our lives.” He also

reported on his internship experience, which, despite its unexpected end, still kept him vested in

the importance of learning:

The thing that makes me vested, I told them, “During the internship, did I trained and learnt well?” They told me, “Yes,” I told them, “Okay, that’s all what I wanted to know.” Any practical thing, I was good. For this thing, I don’t care. I can integrate, I can change this thing, because this thing can be changed. But if I cannot learn, this is the problem.

For Fadila, learning was a lifelong attitude: “I always see myself, I will be 80 years old

person, come and look because I will go to the courses or something.”

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Sub-Finding 1B: Perceptions of New Reality

The sub-findings of this section suggest that an overwhelming majority (19 of 20)

associated their new reality with feelings of gratitude and relief concerning safety. In addition,

their new reality in Luxembourg was associated with two major challenges, concerning housing

and family. In addition, the critical incident questions confirmed a set of findings that emerged

during the interviews. Specifically, they revealed that safety was a regular preoccupation,

followed by gratitude to the host country, and family challenges (Appendix K). Table 9 on the

following page illustrates the distribution of the findings pertaining to the participants’

perceptions of their new life in Luxembourg.

Gratitude

A large majority (17 of 20) of participants expressed their gratitude for the opportunity to

start a new life in Luxembourg. More specifically, participants reported an appreciation for the

support the country offered them as refugees.

For instance, Imad, a young male Iraqi, felt indebted to the local society:

I wanted to be, and I want to be, this person that the government and this country helped me to build my life, so I want to rid back this debt. I’m talking about everything, because they gave me the things that my country didn’t give me. They save the humanity, everything that I lost in my country, I found it here.

Imad was a young recent university graduate in the field of laser engineering who had

only one year of professional experience before fleeing to Luxembourg. He was eager to

improve his skill set in new technologies and find a job. He invested a lot of time in learning the

local languages, sought any internship opportunity available, and was a dedicated self-directed

learner in various digital programs. Imad was eager to find employment and although he was

disappointed by many rejections, he kept searching. He was mindful of how the war had

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Table 9. Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 1B (Perceptions of New Reality)

Ref

ugee

pa

rtic

ipan

t

Gra

titud

e

Safe

ty

Challenges

Hou

sing

Fam

ily

Ir

aqis

Adil X X X

Basma X

Fadila X X X X

Imad X X

Majid X

Rashid X X

Sani X X

Tamid X X

Syria

ns

Akram X X X

Asif X X

Bahij X X X X

Bashar X

Faysal X X

Gabir X X X

Jabbar X X

Kamil

Khalid X X

Lamis X X X

Raheem X

Samina X

(N=20) % 17 (85%) 9 (45%) 8 (40%) 7 (35%)

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devasted generations of people in Iraq and was grateful to Luxembourg for the opportunities it

granted.

Other participants appreciated some of the cultural values they encountered in

Luxembourg. Examples included freedom, respect, and tolerance of ethnic and religious

diversity. Jabbar, a Kurdish-minority Syrian, appreciated the freedom in the host country:

They respect the different, the aspect of trust between all these government and the citizen. They are not hundred percent freedom, but maybe one of the most freedom countries in the world. So this one is good positive.

Raheem, an older Iraqi doctor, highlighted his appreciation for religious tolerance in

Luxembourg:

Luxembourg, I think that is applicate Islam better than any country. Here is good Islam here. The nice people and nice government, everything is okay for me. This is why I dream in my life, to live in a good, respect country is good.

Finally, a few participants expressed their appreciation for this academic study, and a

hope that it can express their concerns, hopes, and grievances concerning their situation. Majid,

an Iraqi doctor reported:

Actually you motivated me, because maybe at the end, when you put all things together that’s a study. So you will find the match points when they can develop a program and they work on these points that they are mentioned together; so the people and even me maybe I can get more help.

Safety

Almost half (9 of 20) of participants reported that safety was an important factor in their

transition to a new life in Luxembourg. Some described their long and dangerous journeys to

reach safety, while others recognized the value of international law in securing their safety. Bahij

reported how international treaties saved lives: “If we didn’t have refugee treaty, we would be

still being killed in our countries.”

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Lamis stressed the importance of reaching safety:

Arriving into a place where you are considered as a refugee, that I didn’t understand what the meaning of the word, because I just knew that I arrived somewhere where it’s considered safe, and this is was important for me.

Challenges

More than half the participants (11 of 20) referred to challenges they encountered while

trying to build a new life under refugee status. This domain is further divided into housing and

family-related challenges.

Housing. Housing was a recurring theme of concern for many participants. Some

highlighted the difficulties of living in refugee accommodation centers (foyers in French) and the

challenge of trying to move out of these centers into private housing without a work contract,

which they could afford with the monthly financial assistance allowance provided by the

government.

Tamid referred to the challenge posed by the difficulty to move out of the refugee

accommodation centers:

And after I get my status, I finished the important part, this one. The second part, to found house. To found house in Luxembourg, it’s very difficult and even now many people, they are suffering because they cannot found house. You have to stay in the camp. The reason, when you are under the RMG,1 which is minimum guarantee [income], so and so to get, I mean, money from the government because you are not working, when you go to ask any agency for renting house, they say, “Sorry, you don’t have work. We will not give you a house.”… This is very important point and everybody, they facing this problem because many people, they still are in the camp but they cannot found house for this reason. You do not have [a job] contract, you cannot rent house.

1Revenue minimum garanti (RMG) was the guaranteed minimum income offered by the Luxembourg government, under certain criteria, to low-income individuals, including refugees. It was replaced on 1.1.2019 by the Revenue d’inclusion sociale (REVIS), a similar social inclusion income for individuals in the lower income brackets. https://guichet.public.lu/en/citoyens/travail-emploi/activite-professionnelle/mesures-insertion-professionnelle/revenu-inclusion-sociale-revis.html#bloub-6.

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Family. Parents of young children faced additional challenges while transitioning to a

new life. Basma reported on her pressing need to learn French quickly in order to help her

children in school:

And even for my children, I studied French because my son, immediately, let’s say, when he comes...he was 10, so they started class 2K [SP]. Immediately they started French to prepare him for lycée…. So he needs sometimes helps, and so I have to learn language. So I started to learn French first because it’s official language. When I received my first emails, formal things, I had to understand at least the minimum.

As the mother of an autistic child, Basma had to navigate an entirely new system in caring for

her son:

Yes. For me, there is some association now. I’m preparing all these papers for my son XYZ so that if I will find work, I will not ... because this thing takes time here to arrange. So that if I will find a partial time, yes, everything arranged for my son. Some association, some strangers who can come to sit at home. First, they will have to sit at your home, and you are not here. Second, he’s an autistic child. Even if he were not good with him, he will never speak.

Findings from Professionals

In addition to the 8 highly educated Iraqis and 12 Syrians, 10 professionals working in

public institutions, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and businesses on adult refugee

integration programs were interviewed. The purpose was to seek their perspective regarding the

economic integration of highly educated refugees from Iraq and Syria in Luxembourg.

Appendix F presents the interview protocol for professionals, which was informed by the

research questions of this study presented in Chapter 1.

During the interviews, professional participants were asked to discuss a highly positive

and a highly negative incident that would illustrate how refugees’ experiences of economic

integration unfolded. Appendix L provides an overview of the professionals’ positive and

negative incidents, followed by an interpretation, and how they connect to the interview findings.

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Professionals’ Finding #1: Temporal Perceptions

The first research question explored the refugees’ perceptions of the interaction between

their refugee status and the construction of a new life in Luxembourg. The themes that emerged

from the interviews with the ten professionals were summarized around the challenges that

refugees faced, the differences and similarities they saw between the experiences of Iraqi and

Syrian skilled refugees, and, to a lesser degree, the gratitude that refugees express about their

new situation. A summary of the professionals’ findings pertaining to the first research question

is presented in Table 10.

Table 10. Perceptions of Refugee Status and New Reality

Professional

Challenges Iraqi vs Syrian

Gratitude

Stru

ctur

al

Pers

onal

Iden

tity

Prof

essi

onal

Diff

eren

ces

Sim

ilarit

ies

Carl X X

Camila X X X X X

Danielle X X X X

Gabriella X X X X X

Josy X X X X

Michaela X X X X X X

Nadine X X X X X

Pierre X X X X X

Simone X X X X X

Zoe X X X X

(N=10) % → 10 (100%)

8 (80%)

6 (60%)

4 (40%)

8 (80%)

7 (70%)

2 (20%)

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Professionals’ Perceptions of Refugee Experience. The professionals perceived that the

challenges faced by highly educated Iraqis and Syrians were structural, personal, identity-based,

and professional. For example, structural challenges included the significant administrative

difficulties in applying for refugee status, problems securing accommodation outside the refugee

reception centers, and latent discrimination.

Zoe highlighted the multiple challenges faced by refugees:

But I think for anybody who suffered the journey, the process of leaving your family and everything behind, coming to a new country, not being fully integrated because you don’t fully speak the languages, and it’s difficult to integrate yourself into a community when you’re only speaking Arabic or maybe some French or some English, and then not to be able to use your skills, I think was difficult for people prior to coming here.

Carl referred to the discrimination that refugees may face:

So, the CV is the first picture that someone gets of you. And if you include a picture, and you’re wearing a headscarf, that might already be a reason for some employers to say, well, I didn’t want even to have an interview with that person.

The personal challenges were perceived to be primarily about letting go of their past,

which meant their previous socioeconomic status, the traumas they endured (e.g., in war, during

their journeys, upon arrival), and family separation. In parallel, the critical incident

questionnaires revealed a similar finding. More specifically, it illustrated how refugees’

preoccupation with family matters, especially those left back in Iraq or Syria, was another

challenge they needed to overcome. They also had to do with their lowered self-esteem, as well

as the compromises they had to make in their new lives. With respect to identity-based

challenges, many of the professionals believed that refugees experienced serious dystonia when

having to functionally start their lives from zero, as well as the need to acquire citizenship as a

way to ensure their security in the long run. Finally, only some highlighted the challenges that

these groups needed to overcome in order to access the local job market. References were made

100

to the need to learn new languages, the disparities in the work level between Middle Eastern and

Western countries, and the high job competition.

Disruption of Past Life. The next sub-question explored the disruption of the refugees’

previous lives and the construction of a new one in Luxembourg. There was not much insight

from professionals with regard to refugees’ disruptive experience of leaving their former lives.

Only a handful recognized the detrimental impact of war on the lives of these groups, and even

fewer highlighted the sense of loss they might feel concerning their past privileges.

Danielle highlighted the devastating impact of the wars:

About the war, the loss of their house, of their job, of ... some people of their whole family and the way to come here also, it’s difficult and especially to pass the sea, and so it’s very difficult, so it’s really traumatic. Yes. Sometimes, so it’s more traumatic the travel to come here than what they have already seen in their country.

Finding 2: (Learning: What Needs to be Learned and How Was It Learned): Knowledge, Skills, Practices, and Learning Activities

Participants reported two sets of knowledge, two sets of skills, and four sets of

practices required for achieving economic integration. They also reported five types of learning activities contributing to acquiring the knowledge, skills, and practices necessary for economic integration.

This section presents the findings that emerged from the second research question

pertaining to the knowledge, skills, and practices that highly educated Iraqi and Syrian

participants reported as necessary for economic integration. There is a presentation of the

learning activities participants engaged in to facilitate their economic integration. The findings

show that participants used formal, informal, and nonformal learning activities, as well as

learning from their experiences of economic integration, which was inquired for in the first

research question. The section concludes with the cases that illustrated signs of transformative

learning.

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Table 11 Summary of Research Question #2 Findings and Sub-Findings

Research Questions Findings Research Question #2: What are the skills and practices that participants perceive as necessary to achieve refugee economic integration? a. How do refugees

acquire the knowledge, skills, and practices they perceive as necessary to their economic integration?

Finding 2: Participants reported on the knowledge, skills, and practices necessary for economic integration. The most notable being: the need for relevant professional expertise and academic qualifications, local linguistic skills, as well as a sense of adaptability, constructive attitude, keep learning, and networking. They also identified five types of learning activities for economic integration. Notably, informal, formal, and non-formal learning. Their narratives on their experiences of economic integration, and specifically their reflections-on-experience align with Boud and Walker’s (1991) phase of learning from experience. Transformative learning was identified only on two cases. 2A. Knowledge (10 of 20 [50%]) • Professional expertise (6 of 20 [30%]) • Academic qualifications (5 of 20 [25%]) 2A. Skills (16 of 20 [80%]) • Linguistic skills (16 of 20 [80%]) • Digital skills (2 of 20 [10%])

2A. Practices (17 of 20 [85%]) a) Adaptability (13 of 20 [65%]) b) Constructive attitude (13 of 20 [65%]) c) Keep learning (12 of 20 [60%]) d) Networking (11 of 20 [55%]) e) Proactivity (9 of 20 [45%]) 2B. Learning activities a) Informally (15 of 20 [75%]) • Experiential (8 of 20 [40%]) • Self-directed learning (8 of 20 [40%]) b) Formally (14 of 20 [70%]) • Language courses (12 of 20 [60%]) • Higher education (2 of 20 [10%]) c) Non-Formally (8 of 20 [40%]) • Trainings/Workshops (8 of 20 [40%]) d) Learning from experience of economic integration (20 of 20 [100%]) • Experience (20 of 20 [100%])

- Professional preparation (11 of 20 [55%]) - Volunteer (11 of 20 [55%]) - Professional exposure (9 of 20 [45%]) - Job (8 of 20 [40%])

• Reflection-on-experience (20 of 20 [100%]) - Return to experience (20 of 20 [100%]) - Attending to feelings (15 of 20 [75%]) - Re-evaluation of experience (17 of 20 [85%])

e) Transformative learning (2 of 20 [10%]) • Disorienting dilemma (2 of 20 [10%]) • Critical thinking (2 of 20 [10%]) New role (2 of 20 [10%])

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Sub-Finding 2A: Knowledge, Skills, and Practices

During the interviews, participants were asked about the knowledge, skills, and practices

they perceived as necessary for achieving economic integration. Table 12 summarizes the

distribution of these findings in the data.

Table 12. Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 2A (Knowledge, Skills, and Practices)

Ref

ugee

p

artic

ipan

t Knowledge Skills Practices

Prof

essio

nal

expe

rtise

Aca

dem

ic

qual

ifica

tions

Ling

uist

ic

Dig

ital s

kills

Con

stru

ctiv

e at

titud

e

Kee

p le

arni

ng

Net

wor

king

Ada

ptab

ility

Proa

ctiv

ity

Iraq

is

Adil X X

Basma X X

Fadila X X X X X

Imad X X X

Majid X X X X X X

Rashid X X X X

Sani X X X X X

Tamid X X X X

Syria

ns

Akram X X X X X

Asif X X X X

Bahij X X X X X X X

Bashar X X X X X X

Faysal X X X X X

Gabir X X

Jabbar X X X

Kamil X X X X X

Khalid X X X

Lamis X X X X X

Raheem X X

Samina X X X X X X

(N=20) %

6 (30%)

5 (25%)

16 (80%)

2 (10%)

13 (65%)

12 (60%)

11 (55%)

10 (50%)

9 (45%)

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Knowledge

In identifying the knowledge necessary to achieve economic integration, participants

stressed the importance of illustrating their professional expertise, as well as highlighting their

academic qualifications.

Professional Expertise. Some participants (6 of 20) reported how important it was to

demonstrate appropriate professional experience in order to find employment. In their view,

professional experience that had been acquired in a European country was especially helpful. In

some fields, professional experience was perceived as more valuable even than academic

qualifications.

Bahij, a young Syrian male, was a recent telecommunications engineering graduate of a

Malaysian university. Soon after his arrival in Luxembourg, he entered a program and lived with

a local host family. This helped him, among other experiences, to learn Luxembourgish. He was

successful in finding an internship in a field close to his studies shortly after he finalized his

refugee status. Bahij was very critical of the Muslim faith and described himself as a

non-believer. He was very close to his family, and, although their absence was distressing, he

was determined to succeed in his new life. With respect to professional experience, his own

success in securing a good internship in information and communication technologies was a

testament to the importance of being able to prove one’s experience on the job as a substitute for

presenting specific academic qualifications:

So, same in IT. You might ... they don’t care if you studied that from where. Even is it a university? They don’t care. Like, now I am a communication engineer, my title, but I’m working IT. They ask me, “Did you learn that in university?” “No, but I know how to do it.” So, “show us.”

Akram, who has an MBA and worked as an executive at a successful company in Syria,

had not been successful in securing any professional opportunities in Luxembourg. He believed

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that professional experience in a European country would be an asset instead: “I think you have

to have an experience here in Europe at least, or Luxembourg especially.”

Academic Qualifications

Some participants (5 of 20) indicated that academic credentials were essential in

economic integration. They reported on their need to first obtain recognition for their credentials

in the host country (even if it would not necessarily translate into an appropriate job opportunity)

to simply possess evidence that they have training relevant to the local market. They also

recognized that the market favors credentials from a European country.

Adil, an Iraqi accountant, knew that the first necessary step was to obtain such

recognition: “I must first equal my diploma.”

Jabbar, a young biologist who changed fields by attending a local academy for the arts,

indicated that although qualifications are important, available jobs required credentials that

matched:

Second thing, that maybe to have some skills, education, because even here, the life is a little bit different. The kind of jobs, it’s a little bit more high, so it’s related with some kind of education you should take. Life is not that simple.

Skills

According to participants, the most valuable skill set they needed to possess in order to

enter the job market was linguistic skills, followed by digital skills.

Linguistic Skills. Luxembourg is a multilingual country with three official languages:

French, German, and Luxembourgish. With a large expatriate community and a vibrant financial

sector, English is also used very widely. A large majority (16 of 20) of participants reported on

the importance of appropriate language skills as a prerequisite for communicating in their new

environment and for achieving economic integration.

105

Sani, an Iraqi industrial designer and father of three children, had 15 years of professional

experience in electrical and mechanical positions before his arrival in Luxembourg. During his

preparation to enter the local job market, he participated in a project aimed at refugee economic

integration and found employment in his field of expertise: air-conditioning installation. He

spoke Arabic and English and learned some French upon his arrival to Luxembourg. Although

he got a job, he still reported that language was the most important concern for him:

The most important problem it’s the language…. I don’t speak French very well, so I cannot discuss. I can make a note maybe, but in English I can. So, I used English and used Arabic, and when it’s need a simple French, I can, but when it’s detail I call my chef [supervisor].

Bashar, an English teacher back in Syria, decided to change fields and turn to the

performing arts, which he enjoyed prior to this forced displacement. He indicated that he got

engaged in learning two of the country’s languages:

And I learned French here and so I can communicate in French fairly enough. Not very fluent I would say like, can’t write an essay in French, but I can communicate. And I’m learning Luxembourgish now in a good level, I would say.

Digital Skills. Finally, some participants (2 of 20) indicated that digital skills were also

important in order to integrate into the local job market.

Samina, an accountant from Syria, reported that in her past professional environment the

use of technology was marginal. As she was successful in finding an internship in Luxembourg

in her domain, she recognized that digital skills were important: “Job market? If you want to

integrate in job market here, I could say languages, and to have computer science, computer

technology.”

Basma, a high school English teacher from Iraq, recognized her need to improve her

digital skills also:

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So I don’t deal with IT skills. I know, yes, how to use a computer, but sometimes no, and I am not specialist. This is what I’m ... my next plan. I really start this period to study something about IT skills.

Practices

This section presents the findings around the practices that participants identified as

essential to economic integration in Luxembourg. The large majority of participants (17 of 20)

indicated one or more practices as necessary to job integration. These practices included

adaptability, demonstrating a constructive attitude, continual learning, networking, and

proactivity. In addition, the critical incidents reiterated some of these findings, and specifically

the positive impact of maintaining a constructive attitude, followed by the value of adaptability

(see detailed description in Appendix K).

Adaptability. Half of the participants (10 of 20) indicated that adaptability was helpful

for economic integration. More specifically, adaptability meant demonstrating an open mind,

recognizing that all jobs could offer something valuable, exhibiting a willingness to down skill,

and using new technologies to extend one’s network.

Rashid, an Iraqi physics teacher with over 20 years of experience, was willing to do any

kind of job that would enable him to become active and independent. Seeking refuge in

Luxembourg was not the first time migrating out of his country of origin; he had lived as a

migrant in another Arabic-speaking country where he was unable to practice his profession and

had turned to any type of work in order to survive. According to his narrative, his past

experience as a migrant in a foreign country had provided him the foundation to adapt quickly

and successfully to his new conditions. At the time of the interview, he was employed and was

active in civic engagements in support of other migrants. Rashid emphasized the value of an

open mind as an enabler of success: “For that, that is just work. Just open your mind and you can

do everything.”

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Bahij reported on the value of integrating into the new environment and practicing

extroversion:

You need to integrate, you need to meet people, you need to show yourself to the market so hopefully you will get…. But if you’re just at your home, on your laptop, searching for jobs, you might not be so lucky.

Constructive Attitude. The majority of participants (13 of 20) indicated that a

constructive, positive attitude was an important practice for economic integration. Participants

offered suggestions regarding specific attitudes, which could propel people toward the right

direction of economic integration. Examples of a constructive attitude included self-confidence,

professionalism, focus, patience and nonjudgment, positive energy, as well as grit, empathy,

persistence, and determination. Illustrative quotes from participants’ constructive attitudes are

provided in Appendix U.

Keep Learning. Participants suggested it was important to keep learning (12 of 20).

Learning from past experiences, learning from others, or learning new things (e.g., new

languages, professional trainings) were cited as examples of enablers for job market integration.

Bahij advised staying on top of developments in one’s field:

And keep improving themselves in their profession. Whatever they used to do in order at least to stay up to date when they are linguistically capable of investing in that profession.

Networking. More than half of the participants (11 of 20) indicated that networking was

an important practice for job integration. Building one’s own network and seeking out assistance

from locals, including host families, were examples of this theme.

Imad reported that, thanks to his network, he obtained an internship, received assistance

with practicing his French skills, and it served also as a reference for socializing:

Some of the people, they were helpful…. In every community, there is the good and the bad people. Fortunately, I met the good people in every way. Just like I told you about my network, he gave me an internship. The people who taught me the French, the people

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who I practice the French and the Luxembourgish with, friends, whenever I feel, I don’t know, out of community, I call them and we go to some coffee, and do it.

Proactivity. Being proactive was identified as helpful by nearly half (9 of 20) of the

participants. In particular, being active, seeking information, and meeting people were examples

of a proactive approach toward economic integration.

Samina was a young female accountant from Syria. She took every occasion to expand

her network, chose to live with a host family, and pursued all opportunities to learn and work on

her skill set. She highlighted the benefits of living with a host family to learn the local languages

and in having a support system to provide guidance and mentoring. Although she was successful

in finding full-time employment in a junior position in her field of expertise, she recalled that her

adaptation to her new conditions in Luxembourg was not without setbacks. For Samina, being

proactive meant attending any event aimed at supporting refugee integration:

Yes, you have to go to occasions. If there is a café de langue, or integration occasions, festival de migration, all this open house. There is a program from Harrico, I did it. Yes, all of the integration programs.

Faysal, a Syrian pharmacist, reported being proactive on different levels:

Active, yes. Like, to find these any things, small things find a way to find work. Yeah, well I told you, every day, I do a lot of things when I arrived to Luxembourg. Every day, we go out and we do something, and meet people, work, voluntary work, anything, just to understand the situation here.

Sub-Finding 2B. Learning Activities

This section summarizes the findings of the learning activities that highly educated Iraqis

and Syrians engaged in to acquire the skills they deemed necessary to integrate economically in

Luxembourg. All participants (20 of 20) exercised one or more learning activity, which included

learning formally (70%), informally (70%), and non-formally (40%). Learning from experience

emerged as a key finding from the first research question when soliciting participants’

perceptions of their experience with economic integration (see Table 13). Finally, two

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participants shared experiences associated with transformative learning. Table 13 on the

following page illustrates distribution of informal, formal, non-formal, as well as transformative

learning activities per participant.

Informally

Most (15 of 20) participants referred to examples of informal learning. The prevailing

mode of informal learning was self-directed learning (40%), followed by experiential learning

(35%).

Experiential. Some participants relied on past experiences in order to acquire the skills

and practices necessary for their economic integration. Examples of experiential learning

included internships in Luxembourg, previous jobs in their home countries, international student

or migrant experiences, and living in multicultural societies back home.

Faysal indicated that a compelling factor in business success is innovation. Therefore, he

decided to use his experience as a pharmacist to introduce some key elements to his restaurant

enterprise:

Like business to continue to success exactly, first thing under the law. And second thing is to be unique, must add something special in the business, yes. Like restaurant, we make nice food, very fresh food. Like I use my experience like pharmacist here, you know, I got some about hygiene, about healthy food, healthy key area. So many things, yeah.

Gabir completed his undergraduate studies in Syria and then pursued his graduate diploma

in Malaysia. He reported the value of his previous learning experience as an international

student:

That was because in the bachelor I just in Syria, the university is local a little bit. I didn’t mix up with a lot of people, international people. Just Syrian people. Yeah. But when I traveled, that’s another experience. That’s oversea. Yeah. I rarely find somebody who’s Syrian, all my friends are from India, Pakistan, Malaysia. They are Australian, Iranian, and many other international. Yeah, so it was ... that was much interesting and much useful, let me say.

110

Table 13. Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 2B (Learning Activities)

Refugee participant

Formally Informally Non-formally Transformative Learning

Language

courses Higher

education Self-directed

learning Experiential Trainings / Workshops

Disorienting dilemma

Critical thinking New role

Iraq

is

Adil X Basma X X X Fadila X X X X X X Imad X X X Majid X Rashid X Sani X Tamid X X

Syria

ns

Akram X X Asif X Bahij X X X Bashar X X Faysal X X Gabir X X Jabbar X X Kamil X X Khalid X Lamis X X X Raheem X X Samina X X X X

(N=20) % 12 (60%) 2 (10%) 8 (40%) 8 (40%) 8 (40%) 2 (10%) 2 (10%) 2 (10%)

111

Self-Directed. Some participants decided to take control of their own learning. They set

their own learning goals, whether to learn a language, to turn a hobby into gainful employment,

or simply to identify the best way forward using the internet and social media.

Akram, a Syrian male with an MBA, was a successful accountant in a large company in

Syria. Since his arrival in Luxembourg, he had no employment opportunities. Instead, he

invested time in learning French and pursuing professional training. Akram shared his struggle

with mental health concerns, the impact of his refugee experience on his physical appearance,

and guilt about his family back in Syria who had not escaped as he had. Regarding his learning,

he reported depending on himself to learn what is necessary to succeed in his new country of

residence:

For example sometimes I search by Facebook for example. Yes. I depended on myself too to find [what is needed to learn].... Because as I told you at that time, I was very motivated. I would like to have a good level in my new life, because I already had before. In my country I had everything at that time.

Basma was not happy with the formal language courses she was attending and chose

instead to learn at home at a much faster pace: “Six months. No, I can do it.... I studied at home

A1 and A2, I think, in four months alone.”

Formally

Most (14 of 20) participants reported that they learned formally the skills and practices

necessary for economic integration. Their learning activities at formal credentialing institutions

included language courses (12 of 20) or other academic qualifications at higher education

institutions (2 of 20).

Language Courses. Refugees in Luxembourg receive vouchers they can use at a local

institution to learn one or more languages of the country. When referring to their learning

experiences at the language centers, participants often criticized the courses they attended.

112

Basma, a female Iraqi secondary school English teacher and mother of three children,

was a hard worker all her life and was eager to find employment in Luxembourg. She was very

meticulous in following her local language courses and in seeking training opportunities but was

struggling with demanding childcare responsibilities. Basma was prepared to reorient herself to a

different profession based on the belief that her English language skills were insufficient to teach

in Luxembourg. She was very critical of the local language training and was confident that

Arabic-speaking teachers, like herself, could work closely with local teachers to improve the

design and delivery of language programs to Arabic-speaking adults. Basma reported

dissatisfaction with the quality of the various language courses she attended:

At the beginning, the first course, at XYZ. It’s a school in Centre-Ville. It’s not for the Arabic-knowing people, no. It’s for those who are ... have a similar languages. Let’s say Portuguese, Español. They have the main language, Latin language. So they improve quickly. But for us, it was ... no, it’s so far to be.... I learned words, little words, and that’s it. And even not that good of pronunciation. So I thought, no, it’s not good … and then in XYZ, oh, it was horrible.

Higher Education. A couple of participants chose to return to higher education and

acquire credentials from the local state university and a private college even though they had

academic credentials from Syria.

Jabbar, a young biologist from Syria, faced an arduous journey to arrive in Luxembourg.

Once he settled in and received his paperwork, he was able to reunite with his wife. He came

from an affluent and highly educated family; learning and critical thinking were driving forces in

his life. Jabbar was very critical of his compatriots and of the Muslim faith and identified as a

non-believer. He reported on his decision to change fields from biology and move to the arts,

which were important to him long before his arrival in Luxembourg. In order to requalify

himself, he chose to pursue a diploma in arts at a private academy in his new host country:

And I get education in Syria, I’m a biologist. But I worked with many kind of jobs.... But the most important one is the art. So, when I arrived Luxembourg, I saw that the

113

system in the Europe, all, they give high value for an art, and after I saw this the global system around the world, I found if you are artist, it’s much better [not] to be a scientist. Because a scientist, always you are will be in the shadow, but when you are an artist, you are more ... more, like, liberated.

For Lamis, it was not an easy decision to go back to school. Back home in Syria, she had

enjoyed a senior position thanks to her business management degree and her strong English

skills. But after a series of internships in Luxembourg, she decided to apply for another

bachelor’s degree in her same field:

When I am back to university, I’m still waiting for an answer. And I know it’s gonna be very difficult time because I’m not gonna be allowed to work, and it will take a lot of my…. So, priority, university, and then to have a job that at least, it can be enough for my cost for the things that I need to spend on.

Non-Formal

Some participants (8 of 20) indicated that specific trainings or workshops were the way to

acquire the skills and practices necessary to integrate in the local job market. These trainings or

workshops were organized mostly by local organizations, which are not degree-conferring

institutions. The learning domains that participants chose included language acquisition or

practice, professional development, and refugees’ economic or overall integration.

Trainings/Workshops. Participants attended trainings and workshops offered by lifelong

learning organizations, professional chambers, non-governmental organizations working with

migrant and refugee populations, or those targeting the development of specific skills, such as IT

or intercultural understanding.

Samina pursued training in accounting, which was her professional field of experience:

“It’s for accountability, it’s for accounting.”

Kamil reported gaining experience at his job from training in intercultural understanding,

which was designed and offered by his supervisor:

114

Because the owner, the shareholder of our company, his name XYZ. So, he made courses in culture ... how to say, culture exchanging experience, and understanding the others.... So, he focus on the differences between us, because every country has a culture, the independent, all type of ... how to say, of thinking.

Learning from the Experience of Economic Integration

This section presents the findings on how participants learned from their economic

integration experiences. All participants identified one or more of the following themes by their

experience: volunteering, professional preparation, professional exposure, and a job experience.

All participants also gave examples of actions, which follow Boud and Walker’s (1991) phase of

learning from experience, namely, reflection-on-experience: return to experience, attending to

feelings, and re-evaluation of experience. Table 14 on the following page summarizes the

findings per participant per theme.

Experience

All (20 of 20) participants reported their experience of trying to integrate economically in

their new country of residence. The key topics that emerged in this section included

volunteering, activities geared toward professional preparation, examples of professional

exposure, and participants who held jobs.

Professional Preparation. Several participants reported on their professional preparation

activities. These included reskilling projects, homologation activities, or various professional

trainings.

Gabir, a Syrian linguist with a master’s degree, was at ease being a new migrant in

Luxembourg following his experience as a foreign graduate student in Malaysia. However,

although he was enthusiastic about finding employment, he was frustrated with the challenges he

was facing trying to enter the local job market. His impression was that training programs were

targeting mainly French-speaking candidates with previous professional experience. As he

115

Table 14. Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 2C (Learning from the Experience of Economic Integration)

R

efug

ee p

artic

ipan

t Experience Reflection-on-Experience

Pr

ofes

siona

l pr

epar

atio

n

Vol

unte

er

Prof

essio

nal

expo

sure

Job

Ret

urn

to

expe

rien

ce

Att

endi

ng to

fe

elin

gs

Re-

eval

uatio

n of

ex

peri

ence

Iraq

is

Adil X X X X

Basma X X X X X X

Fadila X X X X X

Imad X X X X X

Majid X X X X X

Rashid X X X X X

Sani X X X

Tamid X X X X X

Syria

ns

Akram X X X X X

Asif X X X X

Bahij X X

Bashar X X X X X X

Faysal X X X X X X

Gabir X X X X

Jabbar X X

Kamil X X X X

Khalid X X X X X

Lamis X X X X X X

Raheem X X X

Samina X X X X X X

(N=20)

% 11

(55%) 11

(55%) 9

(45%) 8

(40%) 20

(100%) 15

(75%) 17

(85%)

116

lacked both, he decided to discontinue his efforts and concentrate on learning French. Gabir

shared his unsuccessful efforts to requalify in hope of getting a job:

I search, I find a course for coding, to develop softwares that develop websites…. So then after that, you are, like, qualified to start your job immediately. So I applied, then I was refused…. Yeah. Then I applied again, but this time I didn’t just apply like normal. I go to Hamm, and to somebody, he’s Luxembourgish, he make a project to help immigrants to work…. I told him this is very important for me. The percentage to work after doing this course is 80% and above. Then he called and he make his connection. He told me sorry, because you applied ... they need 15, and 70 people applied, and they took 15 people who has already background about technology and softwares, and development of software. So I am not accepted. So after that, I go to logistic, I went to logistic path.

Fadila, an Iraqi teacher and mother of three, reported on her various learning efforts:

being the first refugee to take a class at the local university to improve her English, taking

intensive courses to learn French, and her latest endeavor of getting qualified to work in

insurance: “The first, I start with the university. I was the first refugee to go to the university.…

Yeah. I said, ‘Okay, at least I can improve my English.’”

Volunteer. More than half the participants indicated volunteering as an activity to

occupy themselves, to be useful to others, or in preparation for their job hunt. They would often

volunteer until their request for asylum had been processed.

For Majid, volunteering was a way to create a network:

And there was an event because in my case for example, the Red Cross I offered my help for them as a volunteer. So I told them if you ... because I can speak English and there are families maybe or person they don’t speak English that well and I can be a translator for you. I don’t like to stay just like that and wait without doing nothing. They appreciated that and there was an event and they nominated me for that and they invited me to this event. So it’s about the welcome and lots of love. And it was if I’m not wrong five days after I arrived to Luxembourg. And through this event I knew several people. Those people again they introduced me to other people.

For Rashid, it was important to continue volunteering even after he found a job: “For that

even with this organization I work as a volunteer. I don’t want any kind of payment. Now,

because I told them I have a salary and I work for that. I just want to come to help.”

117

Professional Exposure. Participants shared their experiences as interns in various

professional fields, either in their fields of expertise or in another.

Bashar, a Syrian English teacher, reported on his professional experience in the

performing arts:

I went to London with a director and she’s the biggest theatre director in Luxembourg. And she was directing theater show co-produced with London and I was her assistant. And nobody asked me where I come from. Nobody cared where I come from. I was just the director’s assistant in a London theater. I felt like everyone else. I didn’t feel like an outsider.

Lamis indicated several professional opportunities she got involved in:

We had an information event about it for a today, and we met a lot of people who were interested in the idea and how it works. I met my first employer. I worked for him also as a freelance but in marketing manager to promote his startup. I worked for him for six months.

Job. Close to half (8 of 20) of participants were employed in full- or part-time jobs. Half

of these were in sectors related to their professional background.

Majid, an Iraqi doctor, was happy to find an administrative position in a field where he

could use his past experience and skills:

So they offered the job for me and for me that time I checked I was happy because yeah, I’m not a medical doctor but still I’m exploiting my experience as a medical doctor and in the pharmaceutical companies in this kind of job.

Khalid, a Syrian business graduate and owner of a small business, explained how he

turned to the restaurant business:

So the party was in Dudelange and it’s her neighbors before. And we made the food for them and they were very happy with the food and they asked us for another time to make a food for them and the dessert, they liked the baklava so much. And it started like this and after this another friend for them because we put a post in Facebook, if you want to have Arabic food or something like you have friends. And we were giving the money, the money to the women who were working with us. And after that we were thinking about opening a restaurant and having this woman to work with us. So we started looking for a place and it took many times more than five months to find this place. Yes.

118

Faysal, a Syrian pharmacist, reported difficulties getting his diploma recognized, his stint

as a pharmacy assistant in Luxembourg, and his decision to open up a restaurant instead of

continuing with pharmacy:

But here in Luxembourg, it’s so difficult to make, like, the curriculum in your diploma, and must have like a pharmacist, university in Luxembourg. But in Luxembourg you won’t have pharmacist university. I work at pharmacy like assistance. Also, when I arrived to Luxembourg, I will tell you the story. I start cook for some local family here in Luxembourg. I met some family here in Luxembourg, and this family give me like small kitchen in a private home, and I start cooking…. All people like my food and asked me to open a restaurant, yes.

Reflection-on-Experience

According to Boud and Walker (1991), there are three phases of the reflection-on-

experience type of learning: return to experience, attending to feelings, and a re-evaluation of

experience. All (20 of 20) participants referred to one or more phases of reflection-on-

experience. Twenty participants returned to a particular experience associated with their

economic integration, 15 participants attended to feelings linked to this experience, and 17

reevaluated their experience.

Return to Experience. Participants recalled their experience of trying to get a job or an

internship.

Akram was refused any opportunity to gain professional experience, even without request

for compensation:

Second one I think you have to have an experience here in Europe at least, or Luxembourg especially. Yes. But I don’t know how could I take this experience if nobody accept even for free, like just to have like internship for free. To do anything for free and they didn’t accept

Basma felt under-supported in caring for her special-needs child, which made it difficult

to focus on studying a language or landing a job:

And I don’t have any person here. You know, a family, grandfather, grandmother, you know? The maison relais [after-school care] it’s afternoon, so in the summer there

119

are two months [of holidays]. Every six weeks, we have one week at least, or two weeks sometimes. So, my husband’s working full-time, so ... and I have a special case. So this is what prevents me, really, to be serious, serious student. If I will get a yes ... I’m a person that when I say yes, I am punctual. So if I’m going to be a job, and then it’s congé scolaire [school holidays], what shall I do?

Bahij described in detail the positive experience of the internship he obtained in his field:

He liked my thesis, and he called me and asked me that there will be interview. So first interview, had it with the head of department and the HR. Second interview, he, the data scientist, he called me and discussed my thesis for, like, half an hour. Third interview was technical, I came to the company and he explained to me what he wanted to do, the system that I will fully do by my own, but when I need help I can ask him. It was a good project. Needs coding and a bit of the telecommunication skills, so it was a good fit for me because I already studied, in Syria, computer diploma, some programming and telecommunication, and that was mix of both. So I was very happy about the opportunity. I got the job in November, started working, and today, February, I delivered the whole project now.

Attending to Feelings. Participants offered examples of attending to their feelings

around specific experiences in their economic integration efforts.

Bashar expressed anger and resentment for some of the trainings that he was

recommended to attend:

Even the XYZ institution has a brilliant activity to teach refugees ... literacy in phones, how to use phones and tablets. And the government paid them to do so. And I received emails from another XYZ institution like, “If you want to participate in a literacy course to teach you how to use cell phone, just send an email.” And I was like, “Oh my god.” I don’t know…. What I’m I supposed to send in that email? Sometimes I can say like, “I wish I had a virus, I can send in that email that kind of destroy all the computers and just all the tablets they’re going to use to teach refugees how to use tablets.” Like what?

Majid indicated his resentment toward those who benefit from the system without trying

as hard as he believed he had:

Some people who are not trying, they are getting too much help from the government in a level that they will be more comfortable in their life financially and everything from someone who is trying and working.

Re-evaluation of Experience. Boud and Walker (1991) developed four themes to

illustrate re-evaluation:

120

1) association-relating of new information to that which is already known; 2) integration-seeking relationships among the information; 3) validation-determining the authenticity of the ideas and feelings which have resulted; and 4) appropriation-making knowledge one’s own. (p. 20)

Sixteen participants gave examples of association, two of integration, and three of appropriation.

No participant reported on an example of validation.

Khalid made an association between his current and his past business. Back home In

Syria, he was solely responsible for his business, whereas opening up a restaurant in

Luxembourg meant that he had to work with others to make it happen:

If I would be back, let’s be back six months ago, I will not open a restaurant. I would open, I would start working with something just depends on me, not with other people because you cannot depend on anyone here.

Sani associated his current job experience with his past, concluding that there are

discrepancies in the employment practices between the two countries:

Yes. There’s different standards here in Luxembourg, or in Europe, of course, than Middle East. So, in our places, sometimes we don’t care about it, about the standards. Here we have to make it. We have to stubborn on it. There in our countries, we haven’t limit time to go. Here we have eight hours maximum to work as an employee. No, there we work until the work’s finished. So, there is difficult, and also there it’s too hot. In my domain, I have to work in hot places and in hot time lot of time. So, there we don’t have it. And, here in my domain, in the same domain, I see there’s different companies which support to make one option. So, we have one company in my domain, of course, to make hole in the wall, and that company to make wiring in the place. In my country, I must make it all.

Lamis integrated her new experiences in the local job market to her past professional

experiences and concluded that she needed to change her approach by giving herself more time

to adapt:

I know it’s still difficult. I still have a frustration about some issues in here. I really felt bad in the beginning when my certificate wasn’t recognized and when I tried to resend it again to really look into it, I waited for another nine months and it was also not recognized. Sometimes I feel like I waste a lot of time not doing much of an effort on things, and especially French because I cut French for almost a year. But I realized that I just need to give myself time.

121

Imad reported on a racist encounter during a job interview in his field. His experience

with racism became part of his new belief system that this sector is not good for him. Therefore,

he chose to change fields:

And that’s it. That was the point that I just forget the laser and went to app development. Yeah … but it was very deeply racist, because he talked about my religion, and that’s fanaticism. I told you why you’re asking about my religion.

Transformative Learning

Two female participants, one Iraqi and one Syrian, shared a series of experiences that are

associated with transformative learning. Notably, they encountered disorienting dilemmas, they

engaged in critical thinking, and they took a series of actions leading them to adopt new roles in

their lives.

Samina, a young accountant from Syria, had a comfortable life and a job back home. At

times, she relied on her family and did not need to struggle for much. Being forced to flee her

country and build her life from scratch became a disorienting dilemma. She reflected critically

on her character and abilities and made a conscious choice to cultivate more ambition.

That’s life. You know, when you travel, you learn a lot. When you feel that you are the only person who take care of yourself, you try to do the best you can do. For me, when I was in Syria, actually, I was relying to my family. I said, okay, I have my nice job, I have my everything, but I have to do work. Why? I have to work more. But here, because I have nothing, I feel now I’m more independent. I have even open minded more. I feel that my ambitions it’s better. And sometimes, I thank the war that I changed my character. Okay, it was bad, but I changed this experience to be better.

She was critical of herself and did not hesitate to self-examine: “You know, in Syria, I just

graduated and just had to work immediately, so it was easy. I was a lazy person, so I knew all the

excuses.”

Samina reported her appreciation of the learning culture in her new home and how she

felt proud of her own achievements. She believed that founding a new life in Luxembourg

revealed her true self:

122

I love this experience that I have done it here in Luxembourg, because I discover something it was within myself. I thought always I am a lazy person and I don’t want to do anything. But everything is changed. Now I’m really willing to, every day, to achieve something that it was just in my dream.

Fadila, an Iraqi teacher, mother of three young children, and wife of a lawyer, described

how she had been transformed into a new person. She referred to her upbringing and how

women were taken care of by male members of the family. She also indicated that her husband

had a very difficult time overcoming the dramatic change in his socioeconomic status, which led

her to a take on a leadership role in managing the family’s affairs. She secured daycare for her

younger child, participated in various trainings, and tried unsuccessfully to get a job as a teacher.

Ultimately, she succeeded in getting accepted into a training program qualifying her to work in

the insurance field. She noted feeling like a new woman.

And suddenly, I’m alone. But there is, I told you, in this seat, there is another woman just ... exactly, came out from inside. There is another woman, and I like this woman. I like this new woman, totally.

Professionals’ Finding #2: Learning and Learning Activities

This section presents the findings that emerged from the second research question around

the knowledge, skills, and practices that professionals perceived as necessary for refugee

economic integration. In addition, it highlights the non-formal, formal, and informal learning

activities that professionals perceived refugees engaged in to facilitate their economic

integration. In addition, it reports on the learning that emerged for refugees from their overall

economic integration experience, as it was solicited in the first research question. Table 15

presents the professionals’ perceptions on the knowledge, skills, and practices necessary for

refugee economic integration.

123

Table 15. Professionals’ Perceptions on Necessary Knowledge, Skills, and Practices for Refugee Economic Integration

Professional

Knowledge Skills Practices

Prof

essio

nal

cred

entia

ls

Ling

uisti

c

Soft

Dig

ital

Ada

ptab

ility

Net

wor

k

Proa

ctiv

ity

Cons

truct

ive

attit

ude

Vol

unte

er

Carl x x x x x Camila x x x x Danielle x Gabriella x x x x Josy x x x Michaela x x x Nadine x x x x x x Pierre x x x x Simone x x x x x x Zoe x x x x x x

(N=10) → 8

(80%) 6

(60%) 5

(50%) 2

(20%) 7

(70%) 6

(60%) 3

(30%) 3

(30%) 1

(10%)

Knowledge, Skills, and Practices

In terms of knowledge and skills, professionals emphasized the relevant professional

qualifications, meaning both work experience and academic credentials, which were ranked

much lower by refugee participants. Professionals also highlighted the necessity of appropriate

linguistic skills, which was the top priority among refugees. Soft skills were not highlighted by

refugees, whereas a number of professionals noted their importance. Finally, digital skills were

equally regarded by the two groups.

Furthermore, professionals recognized a number of practices as critical for refugee

economic integration, which were also shared by the participating Iraqis and Syrians.

Adaptability was the most sought-after practice that benefits refugees, followed by networking,

proactivity, and maintaining a constructive attitude (e.g., motivation, self-awareness, optimism).

124

Refugees also added the importance of lifelong learning, which was not identified by

professionals. Although many refugees had engaged in volunteering activities upon their arrival

to Luxembourg, they did not see it as a necessary practice that would lead them to job

opportunities. For professionals, volunteering was perceived as more of a way to keep busy, stay

active, and give back to the local community for its hospitality. Professionals, on the other hand,

valued the opportunities that could be offered by volunteering.

How Did Learning Occur?

Professionals reported the learning activities that they perceive highly educated refugees

engage in to acquire the knowledge, skills, and practices necessary to economic integration.

Non-formal, formal, and informal learning activities were identified by professionals as the key

learning activities. Table 16 summarizes the professionals’ perceptions on refugees’ learning in

the service of economic integration.

Table 16. Professionals’ Perceptions on Refugee Learning Toward Economic Integration

Professional Learning Activities

Non-formally Formally Informally Carl X Camila X x Danielle Gabriella X x Josy X Michaela x Nadine x Pierre x x Simone x x Zoe x x x (N=10) → 7 (70%) 5 (50%) 3 (30%)

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Learning non-formally was the most commonly perceived type of learning among

professionals. Integration workshops, job market information sessions, interview preparation and

soft skill trainings, and entrepreneurship trainings were the key non-formal activities that

addressed refugee needs according to these professionals. However, the emphasis on non-formal

learning stood in sharp contrast to refugees’ perception that informal learning was paramount to

their economic integration, leaving non-formal activities by far at the end of their rankings.

Half of the participants reported that refugees also learned formally, which referred

largely to the language trainings offered by the formally recognized language center. A small

group of professionals referred to informal ways of learning: refugees learning on the job,

observing others, or even practicing their language skills with their networks.

Learning from the Experience of Economic Integration

The section sheds light on the experience of refugee economic integration. The

professionals shared their insights on how they perceived the refugees’ experience, and their

reflections as well as their perceptions of attending to the refugees’ feelings. A summary of these

findings is presented in Table 17 on the following page.

The experiences of economic integration of highly educated Iraqis and Syrians was

echoed by professionals in fields of refugee integration. Structural impediments to their

professional preparation such as diploma recognition, field-specific restrictions to job entry,

expectations of international qualifications, and the precariousness of the restaurant industry

were the most frequently reported. Another significant concept was that of forced

entrepreneurship, wherein highly skilled refugees are often left with few choices for employment

and are forced to spontaneously establish their own businesses. More often than not, this means

opening a restaurant, which is notoriously difficult. Similar to refugees themselves, professionals

126

Table 17. Professionals’ Perceptions on the Refugee Economic Integration Experience

Prof

essi

onal

Experience Reflections

Attending to feelings

Re-evaluation

Stru

ctur

al

impe

dim

ents

Prof

essi

onal

ex

posu

re

Vol

unte

er

Stru

ctur

al

Tim

e

Inte

grat

ion

Atti

tude

s

Carl X X X X X

Camila X X X X

Danielle X X

Gabriella X X X

Josy X X X X X

Michaela X X X

Nadine X X

Pierre X X X X

Simone X X X

Zoe X X X X

(N=10) % 7 (70%)

3 (30%)

1 (10%)

5 (50%)

5 (50%)

3 (30%)

2 (20%)

8 (80%)

1 (10%)

reported on the importance of acquiring professional experience in the local job market, either

via internships or job opportunities with lower skill requirements. Only one professional

discussed the involvement of refugees in volunteering, compared with over half of the refugees

themselves.

Reflections

Professionals’ reflections were categorized as structural, temporal, integration-based, and

attitude-driven. Half of the professionals reflected on structural issues that influence the

economic integration of refugees. Examples included the government’s choice of prioritizing

127

social welfare instead of facilitating refugees’ internships, the role of media in proliferating

stereotypes of refugees, and the opportunities (and uphill battle) for refugee entrepreneurship.

However, the most noteworthy reflection offered by professionals on the experience of

refugee economic integration had to do with the realization that they need, and they should be

granted, time. This means needing time until they receive their formal refugee status, which will

grant them the right to seek employment formally; time to prepare for the new job market; time

to process and mourn the past; and time to learn the habits of a new land. In contrast, time was

also seen as essential for the host community to adapt and build tolerance to these new migrant

groups.

Feelings

Professionals appeared mindful that the refugee experience of economic integration is

emotionally taxing. A summary of these feelings can be seen in Table 18, presenting first the

negative feelings followed by the positive ones. These proposed refugee feelings were associated

with the refugees’ circumstances, including the systemic challenges they faced, as well as to the

experiences of professionals themselves in working with refugee populations.

Negative refugee feelings were more commonly identified by professionals both for the

refugees’ personal circumstances and around the systemic shortcomings that exacerbate the

emotional distress. Hopelessness, anger, fear, traumatization, and disappointment were some of

the most notable feelings. Positive feelings were also highlighted, but to a much smaller extent.

These positive feelings included hope, happiness for having a job, and motivation. Finally, it is

worth noting that a small number of professionals referred to their own feelings about working

with these refugee groups. They included anger for the refugees’ circumstances, as well as an

occasional frustration in their own job role, which does not garner much recognition.

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Table 18. Professionals’ Perceptions on Refugees’ Feelings on Economic Integration Experience

Feeling Refugees’ Circumstances System Professionals’

Experience

Neg

ativ

e

from hopeful to hopeless Danielle

angry with difficulties faced by refugees Gabriella Danielle

frustration

long wait for refugee status, not finding housing, not finding a job, Pierre, Simone, Nadine, Gabriella

Not receiving many thanks, Pierre

hate being termed ‘refugees’ Nadine

angry at being treated differently from other migrants, as incompetent

Nadine

resentment for being taken advantage of Nadine

traumatized Carl, Josy

Fearful

when are not eligible to refer to social worker anymore after finding a job

disappointed Gabriella

Posi

tive hopeful Nadine

happy to have a job Nadine

motivated (at first) Gabriella

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Finding 3: Enablers and Inhibitors

Participants reported on the facilitating role of internships and professional exposure in the new country, local institutions, supporting regulations, a redesigned social assistance scheme, intensive languages trainings, refugee involvements, and the small country size as enablers to economic integration. They also reported linguistic, structural, professional, as well as social, cultural, and religious inhibitors. Four types of coping were also raised.

The third research question sought to identify enablers and inhibitors to participants’

economic integration in Luxembourg, as well as their coping mechanisms to overcome adverse

experiences.

Sub-Finding 3A: Enablers of Economic Integration

This section discusses findings identified as enablers by participants. Enablers were

coded around eight themes: institutions, targeted projects, professional exposure, regulations,

redesigned social assistance, trainings, refugee involvement, and small country size. Table 20

illustrates the frequency and the distribution of enablers in the interviews.

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Table 19. Summary of Research Question #3 Findings and Sub-Findings

Research Questions Findings Research Question #3: What conditions do highly educated refugees identify as enablers and inhibitors to their economic integration?

Finding 3: Participants reported eight themes as enablers to economic integration, notably the facilitative role of institutions, targeted projects, and professional exposure. They also reported a series of linguistic, structural, as well as social, cultural, and religious inhibitors. Four types of coping were also reported. 3A. Enablers a) Institutions (7 of 20 [35%]) b) Internship-targeted project (7 of 20 [35%]) c) Professional exposure (6 of 20 [30%]) d) Regulations (5 of 20 [25%]) e) Reimagined social assistance (4 of 20 [20%]) f) Intensive language trainings (4 of 20 [20%]) g) Refugee involvement (3 of 20 [15%]) h) Small country size (2 of 20 [10%]) 3B. Inhibitors a) Linguistic (18 of 20 [90%]) • Multilingualism (14 of 20 [70%]) • Learning (9 of 20 [45%]) • Quality of courses (7 of 20 [35%]) • Comparative disadvantage (2 of 20 [10%]) • Learning conditions (1 of 20 [5%]) b) Structural (19 of 20 [95%]) • Competitive job market/skills gap (10 of 20 [50%]) • Institutional failings/long wait (10 of 20 [50%]) • Restrictive regulations (9 of 20 [45%]) • Aversive impact of social welfare (4 of 20 [20%]) c) Social, cultural, and religious • Stereotyping (7 of 20 [35%]) • Culture (4 of 20 [20%]) • Religion (3 of 20 [15%]) 3C. Coping (14 of 20 [70%]) a) Meaning-making (9 of 20 [45%]) b) Problem-solving (6 of 20 [30%]) c) Emotion-focused (5 of 25%]) d) Religious (2 of 20 [10%])

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Table 20. Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 3A Enablers

Ref

ugee

pa

rtic

ipan

t

Inst

itutio

ns

Inte

rnsh

ip-

targ

eted

pro

ject

Prof

essio

nal

expo

sure

Reg

ulat

ions

Red

esig

ned

soci

al a

ssist

ance

Trai

ning

s

Ref

ugee

in

volv

emen

t

Smal

l cou

ntry

siz

e

Iraq

is

Adil X X X X

Basma X X

Fadila X X

Imad X X X

Majid X X X

Rashid X X

Sani X

Tamid X X

Syria

ns

Akram X X X

Asif X X

Bahij

Bashar X X

Faysal X

Gabir

Jabbar X X

Kamil X X X

Khalid

Lamis X X X X

Raheem X

Samina X

(N=20) % 7

(35%) 7

(35%) 6

(30%) 5

(25%) 4

(20%) 4

(20%) 3

(15%) 2

(10%)

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Institutions

Seven participants reported the positive impact of their interaction with specific

institutions as enablers for economic integration. The work of particular NGOs and government

institutions was highlighted by some participants.

Tamid reported on the valuable financial assistance he received from an institution in

order to set up his own business:

This organization, they can give you the loan with easy, which is more high interest, a higher rate for interest, but easy because they’ll not ask you to have contract and so, and so, and so but they’ll give you limited amount which is, let’s say, 15,000 EUR [around $18,000] as a maximum. If you accept it, you can take it this one and divide it with the high interest and you can get it to start your business.

Adil, an Iraqi accountant, faced several personal challenges, including grieving the death

of his wife, housing insecurity, and religious concerns. He was eager to work, but his lack of

language skills, combined with the difficulty in finding any type of manual labor, led him to

invest in language acquisition first. However, he regarded some of the local institutions as

helpful in this process, specifically, the social assistance offered by the state through the

individual social workers:

But for me I prefer the social worker. This is very good office to find job for us, the social worker. For me if I see any friend from Iraq, Syria, I just advise him, “Hey, go to the social worker. You will find job.”

Internship-Targeted Project

Seven participants referred to one particular project, which targeted skilled refugee

professionals, as an enabler to economic integration. More specifically, the project was designed

to prepare qualified candidates for the job market through workshops, trainings, and internship

placements.

Akram indicated that this project helped him obtain an internship:

133

Yes, I was with them in program XYZ just for total ... to help us to integrate with the Luxembourgish community, I mean. So they helped me to have an internship with XYZ. So, I had that internship in 2017 in August, I think. I remember that I started in August, it was for six weeks. I help them to ... they want to make like V Pay [payments performed by banking card] for the refugee, and I was responsible about that.

Professional Exposure

Some participants (6 of 20) proposed that further professional exposure would be

beneficial to refugees to facilitate their economic integration. Specifically, they suggested

extending the average length of internships and offering job opportunities in sectors where

language requirements can be more relaxed (e.g., food service and hospitality industry,

construction). Professionals further recommended that companies offer more free internships.

Adil was willing to do any job outside his field of professional expertise. He echoed the

recommendation that more opportunities for employment be offered in fields that require fewer

language skills:

Okay, about the government here in Luxembourg, I think they must looking to the people they don’t have language. They must to bring these people in the work they don’t need to use language, you know, in the commune [city/village]. They have too much, the commune and the restaurants, some hotels, in hospital, yes.

Bashar, a Syrian English literature graduate with experience in teaching and translation,

decided to change his professional orientation and turned to the performing arts. Although he

was aware that it was a difficult domain in which to make a living, he pursued any opportunity to

get involved even on a voluntary basis. He was critical of the condescending behavior of some

toward refugees and was also critical of religion, identifying as a non-believer. With regard to

the importance of professional exposure for refugees, he referred to a project that was successful

in connecting refugees with the local market by offering internships. He recommended

expanding the scale of this project:

XYZ tried like to prepare those people to the local work market. Try to find internships and connect them to people that might integrate their experiences with the

134

needs of the local market. So that’s what was needed, we needed more of that. Because XYZ’s projects alone was not enough and wasn’t even ... I mean, not in number and not at the level of seriousness in it. It wasn’t enough at all.

Regulations

Five participants indicated that specific regulations would be helpful in their quest to find

employment. For example, participants recommended introducing incentives to companies in

hiring refugees, as well as the need to improve the homologation process and introduce tests to

prove professional experience.

Akram referred to a former regulation through which the government offered financial

incentives to companies to hire young graduates:

They help with 40% in the salary, the people under 30 I think. If you are under 30, the XYZ or the government, I don’t know, will pay 40% from your salary. And that will motivate the company to accept you without experience.

Redesigned Social Assistance

Some participants (4 of 20) referred to the possibility of social assistance acting as an

enabler to economic integration, but in a redesigned way. Examples included offering incentives

to those who try to get out of social welfare programs, involving the state in rent payments for

refugee accommodations, and introducing consequences for refugees who are not making

sufficient efforts to find employment, including language-learning efforts.

Majid, an Iraqi doctor, started volunteering soon after his arrival in Luxembourg in order

to enlarge his professional network. He was very thorough in seeking ways to validate his

academic qualifications, continue his training, and practice medicine in Luxembourg. However,

as he realized that it would be nearly impossible to do so, he sought employment elsewhere.

Once he was successful in finding employment, he got out of social welfare. However, low-

paying jobs and Luxembourg’s high living costs were troubling to many refugees, leaving some

135

questioning the financial benefits of employment over social welfare. Majid argued that

redesigned social assistance might motivate people to seek employment:

I feel the government, they can do more in the sense of motivating people, in the sense of actually making incentives for the person who are trying rather than giving only just help, help, financial and things because they say that those people, they cannot do and the other people. There’s a dis-balance in that. So if you want to motivate people, you have to apply this and this and this. So please consider it, please, because I see that these things that you’re doing currently, they are not pushing people in the right direction.

Tamid described the major challenge that refugees face in finding private accommodation

without a job contract. Given that the state provides a monthly allowance to many refugees as

social welfare, he suggested that the government could withhold rent from refugees’ monthly

allowance to directly pay homeowners or landlords who are hesitant to accept refugees as renters

of private accommodation:

They told you, “Okay, you rent house in €500. I cut it from what I give you, €500, and I rent it for you and I will be guarantee for you. You pay it every month.” In this case, the agency, they accepted because the government, you are guaranteed. Here in Luxembourg, no, you don’t have like this. This is very important point and everybody, they facing this problem because many people, they still are in the [refugee] camp but they cannot found house for this reason. You do not have contract, you cannot rent house.

Intensive Language Trainings

Some participants (4 of 20) highlighted the value of gaining minimal competency in at

least one of the country’s languages as quickly as possible. Specifically, these participants

highlighted the importance of making widely accessible intensive language training courses.

Gabir referred to his positive experience with an intensive course: “Yeah, that was the

best because it’s intensive. It’s three hours a day for four days a week.” Bashar echoed these

sentiments:

But it was like the greatest thing an organization did what I saw that. Summer class, very intensive class, 8 hours per day of French and I was there for 40 days. And then that was great. That’s what people need. They have their profession. They have their experience and they want to work in their professions, they want to use this experience. So the only barrier is the language, you have to break the language barrier. You can’t

136

bring someone who’s 45-years-old and doctor and say, “Okay, dear doctor, you need to learn French. Now you have ... let’s see. You need to have B2 [level] in French. So we have a course, two hours per day, three hours per week. That will take you only two years.”

Refugee Involvement

A few participants (3 of 20) referred to the roles that refugees could have in the process

of helping fellow refugees integrate economically. Basma, a secondary school English teacher,

expressed a wish to see Arabic-speaking professionals work side-by-side with local teachers to

help them deliver training programs to less-skilled Arabic-speaking refugees:

Which is maybe... it’s not easy to arrange. But second time, maybe they can arrange for those who had high educated level, Arabic to make some programs to improve those who are not highly educated Arabic-speaking.

In contrast, Imad emphasized personal responsibility for his actions and did not suggest

that inefficient policies were a barrier to his economic integration. “Yeah. I don’t think in that

way, why? Because if I think about that way, I’m giving myself excuses. Yeah, the government

doesn’t help me. So I have to sit.”

Sub-Finding 3B: Inhibitors of Economic Integration

This section presents the findings on the inhibitors that participants encountered.

According to participants’ experiences, the inhibitors are organized around four themes:

Linguistic, Structural, as well as Social Stereotyping, Cultural Factors, and Religious Factors.

Table 21 summarizes the abovementioned inhibitors, and the frequency of their appearance in

the data.

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Table 21. Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 3B Inhibitors

Ref

ugee

pa

rtic

ipan

t Linguistic Structural

Soci

al

ster

eoty

ping

Cul

tura

l

Rel

igio

us

Mul

tilin

gual

ism

Lea

rnin

g

Qua

lity

of

cour

ses

Com

para

tive

disa

dvan

tage

Lea

rnin

g co

nditi

ons

Com

petit

ive

job

mar

ket/

Skill

s gap

Inst

itutio

nal

faili

ngs /

Lon

g w

ait i

n as

ylum

Res

tric

tive

regu

latio

ns

Ave

rsiv

e im

pact

of

soci

al w

elfa

re

Iraqi

s

Adil X X X X Basma X X X X X Fadila X X X X Imad X X X Majid X X X X X X Rashid X Sani X X X X Tamid X X X X X

Syria

ns

Akram X X X Asif X X X X Bahij X X X X X X Bashar X Faysal X X X Gabir X X X X X Jabbar X X X X Kamil X X X X X X Khalid X X X X Lamis X X X X X Raheem X X X X Samina X X X

(N=20) % 14

(70%) 9

(45%) 7

(35%) 2

(10%) 1

(5%) 10

(50%) 10

(50%) 9

(45%) 4

(20%) 7

(35%) 4

(20%) 3

(15%)

138

Linguistic

The overwhelming majority of the participants (19 of 20) reported a series of linguistic

factors as an inhibitor to their economic integration in the country. Specifically, they described as

inhibitors the country’s multilingualism, the difficulty of learning new languages, the education

methods of the country’s language institutions, the lack of language skills as a barrier to entry,

the quality of the language courses, the unequal competition they faced compared to locals with

language skills, and their learning conditions.

Multilingualism. The multilingual environment of Luxembourg was cited as the most

frequent inhibitor to the economic integration of participants (14 of 20). Many refugees’ lack of

language skills served as a barrier to entry in the local job market.

For Akram, the country’s number of official languages, including the need for English

language skills, was a problem.

Yes, 100% first to speak too many languages, a big problem here, because you have to speak English, French, Luxembourgish, German. But this is the first thing.

Jabbar described the different language choice that one needs to make according to

different professional fields:

For example, if you would like to work something simple, French. If you would like to go to the bank, it would be more English. For agricultural, it would be German. You would like to work something more familiar in Luxembourg-ish community, you should take Luxembourg, learn Luxembourg language.

Kamil compared Luxembourg and other European countries to make his point on the

challenge of multilingualism:

Because there [in Germany], there is one culture, there’s one language, and there is the market bigger. You can find what you need. Here, no. Here there is five language, six, seven? I don’t know. It’s open.

In order to succeed in his small business, Tamid used his children’s multiple language

skills:

139

But sometimes when I find customers come to me, he speak just French, my son, he can help me because he communicate with him and he close the deal and finalize everything. If I found some customer he speak just Deutsch [German] because here, you know, these are three languages which is official language when the customer, he speak with you Deutsch, just Deutsch, you have two solutions, either to found it somebody to help you or you lose the customer and I’m not ready to lose. My daughter, she can help me in Deutsch because she speak Deutsch.

Gabir tried to get into training courses in order to reskill himself and seek employment

opportunities in a new domain. He reported that he was not allowed to follow the training, as his

lack of language skills would make it hard for him to compete with the experienced professionals

of the field:

Second, the language is problem. When I told them that I wanted to study financial ... not financial, of course of accountability so I can start, they told me do you know how long is it, the list that we have with accountants that have long experience, but we don’t find job for them because they have just one or two languages? Like for example, Spanish and English. Italian and English, at least.

Learning. Nine participants in the study cited their difficulty to learn a new language or

learn several languages simultaneously as an inhibitor to their economic integration.

For Raheem, it was especially challenging to learn French in middle to advanced age:

The first step is must to practice French. French, after this age, no absorption. My mind not absorb good. Now I feel somehow tired. I cannot study two hours continuously. I study half an hour now, and make a small rest for the half an hour.

Quality of Courses. Almost half of the participants referred to their perceived poor

quality of the language courses as an inhibitor. Specifically, they identified a series of learning

methods that impeded their efforts to learn one or more languages required for their job

integration. They also believed that they would benefit from intensive language courses instead

so they could expedite the job search process.

Fadila indicated that the quality of language courses offered was not optimal for learning:

They have a lot of languages, but they don’t have good courses.… You spend like, I don’t know, four months or five months, I don’t know, just to be in one level. I want a course to help me to learn, really, the language, you know?

140

Basma, an Iraqi English teacher, referred to her difficulty with teaching methodology,

which depends on the Latin alphabet:

It’s not for the Arabic-knowing people, no. It’s for those who are ... have a similar language [background]. Let’s say Portuguese, Español. They have the main language, Latin language. So they improve quickly. But for us, it was ... no, it’s so far to be.... I learned words, little words, and that’s it. And even not that good of pronunciation. So I thought, no, it’s not good.

For Fadila, the rhythm of progressing through the different language levels was too slow:

“And in French, I started with A1.1. It took a lot of time.” The same was true for Gabir: “No, it’s

one course in XYZ, but I didn’t like it, it’s very slow.” Samina commented on the

disproportionate amount of time needed to study languages: “So why you should study for three

years languages?”

Comparative Disadvantage. Participants pointed out that they faced unequal

employment competition with the local population, most of whom are fluent in four languages,

as well as with native English speakers.

Sani pointed out the disadvantages she faced when competing with multilingual locals:

When I see the Luxembourgish peoples, I see I want to be just like them. But, I think it’s very hard to be in this level, because here in Luxembourg the peoples learn the language from the childhood, and they learn it … they don’t know they are learn several language in school, where adult it’s difficult to learn.

Gabir, however, commented that his English language skills were not enough, as he

would always come up short when compared with native English speakers:

When I’m a teacher, when I applied as a teacher of English, then they put that condition that has to be a native speaker. Okay, that’s right. They’re right. I mean, I cannot blame them, this is the situation.

Learning Conditions. The living conditions of one participant were also an impediment

to studying languages. Gabir reported: “Yeah, before that I was living in a camp, and that was,

like, semi-impossible to study, really, and learn the language as I planned.”

141

Structural

A large majority (18 of 20) of participants reported on a set of inhibitors to their

economic integration stemming from the way the Luxembourg state and economy are structured.

Specifically, they referred to the highly competitive local job market, their gap in the required

skills, a series of institutional failings, a number of restrictive regulations, and the adverse effects

of social assistance.

Skills Gap/Competitive Job Market. Half of the participants highlighted examples

indicating that the gap in their skillsets, combined with the highly competitive local job market,

hindered their job search efforts. Some recognized a gap in the professional practices between

their home and their new host country. Sani reported on the flexibility he felt he had in his

profession back home compared with the strict adherence to rules in his new environment:

Also, they get used to use and respect the standard here. We don’t get to use it. And when I face something it’s difficult, in my country I can change the way. Here I cannot, because the way it’s one of the standards.

Others echoed these experiences. Samina recognized the challenge of getting a job: “And

I would say the difficult is finding a job and finding a house.” For Gabir, the competition was

fierce: “A lot of competition. Wherever I applied, all the people who come more experienced

than me, more languages than me. So I put myself in their shoes.” Faysal founded a pop-up

restaurant, a sort of a social project due to the difficulty of getting another job: “Because our

story, I start this project it’s like social project to find work, because it’s so difficult to find work

in Luxembourg.”

Some participants indicated that the lack of professional experience for young graduates,

in addition to little to no experience in European countries or in an internationally recognized

company, inhibited efforts to get a job.

142

Imad, a young university graduate, reported on the lack of professional experience, which

prevented him from integrating into the local job market:

I think the thing is with the experience, because most of the companies are looking for people with experience at least one, two, three years, and I don’t have experience.

For Akram, one challenge was to prove his professional experience even as he was

working for a large local enterprise:

My company, it was big company but was not very famous international company. So you have to be Syrian to know this company is good, they have work, good offer. But here when I go to a company and when the company sees that they have to pay for me or my salary, they will say the Arabian, he has experience here, more beneficial for us.

Akram also referred to the challenge of acquiring the work experience that is required in his host

country when it is difficult to even get an unpaid internship:

Second one I think you have to have an experience here in Europe at least, or Luxembourg especially. Yes. But I don’t know how could I take this experience if nobody accept even for free, like just to have like internship for free. To do anything for free and they didn’t accept.

Institutional Failings/Long Waiting in Asylum. Half of the participants reported on a

series of perceived institutional shortcomings. These included burdensome administrative tasks,

the inflexibility of formalities leading to further delays, as well as their negative experience with

some of the institutions aimed at assisting refugee integration. Furthermore, the lengthy process

for reviewing their asylum application was cited as an additional inhibitor to their economic

integration.

Lamis described the extensive bureaucracy she navigated as counterproductive:

You are still a little bit lost between all the government bureaucracy and all of the things that you need to work on, and all the paperwork, and what you need to care about, about the government help about your rent, about your studies, about this, about this. So, you have a lot of regulations that you don’t even know that you need.

But sometimes you feel down because people around you, not all people they like to study, or they like to do something, and because the longtime that you don’t have your paper, you are stressed.

143

Restrictive Regulations. Close to half of the participants shared their perceptions on

how restrictive regulations hindered their economic integration. Those with a background in the

medical field shared their experience with the country’s restrictive regulations concerning the

recognition of their medical credentials. Others referred to the fact that they cannot seek

employment as asylum seekers, which can create a waiting period of several months. Some

referred to the priority given to EU recruits rather than third-country nationals. Further examples

were cited of job protectionism in some closed professions.

Majid, who was also a practicing physician in Iraq, reported on the regulation that

changed recently that limits the recognition of international medical diplomas:

In fact, in October 2016, the XYZ … actually, they are the one who said that we will not do homologation of diploma for any medical diploma coming from outside the European Union.

Faysal, a Syrian pharmacist, came from a family of successful pharmacists and

pharmaceutical entrepreneurs. In Luxembourg, he was confronted with the fact that he would not

be able to pursue his profession. Soon after, he decided to launch his own business as a means to

provide for his family and to secure a reasonable standard of living. With regard to the restrictive

Luxembourg regulations, he reported that the failure to recognize his degrees led him to work as

a pharmacy assistant for a short period, which was not a well-paying position:

But here in Luxembourg, it’s so difficult to make, like, the curriculum in your diploma, and must have like a pharmacist, university in Luxembourg. But in Luxembourg you won’t have pharmacist university. I work at pharmacy like assistance.

Imad referred to the difficulty of idle time during the waiting period around his refugee

status:

Even with you, if you have nothing to do, you will feel boring. Even the work, it’s difficult, it’s killing, but at least you spent time. In our situation, we do nothing. That kills, and that makes us tired more than working. Because sometimes I sleep till 11 a.m., sometimes I wake up at six, go walk, sometimes. Because, you know, the routine is very difficult.

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Tamid described the priority that is given to EU citizens on employment opportunities.

Still you are under international political protection which is not really nationality European and this means the priority for the people who speak the language fluent and then they have Union passport, citizenship. You are in the second.

Adverse Impact of Social Assistance. Some participants claimed that social welfare

pays close to minimum wage salaries, leaving some with little incentive to look for jobs. Others

have found ways to manipulate social welfare by continually relying on its benefits.

Majid came to realize that the net benefit from earning a basic salary through work is

very small compared to the social welfare that refugees receive. Hence, he argued, the incentive

to seek employment is reduced:

There’s a government assistance…. So two example, two families, same situation coming from the same country. So three children, three children. This person is working with … and his diploma is qualified, so he’s taking like any other person. This person is not working and depending on the subvention. At the end, the total, this person who is not working is getting 250 euros more than the person who is working. So there’s definitely something wrong with the system.

Rashid similarly reported:

You know how they get the families paid? The salaries they get it from the government. Monthly, 5,000, 6,000 Euro [around $6,000-7,000]. Why he work for what if you have three children?

Social, Cultural, and Religious Factors

Seven participants indicated social, cultural, and religious factors as impediments to their

economic integration. Negative stereotyping was the most common theme raised by participants,

followed by cultural issues, while few raised religious issues.

Social. Participants cited the negative stereotype of Arabs being associated with terrorism

as a hindrance to their employment. In their interviews, they acknowledged the fear that

Westerners may experience when encountering Middle Easterners, but lamented the false,

xenophobic, and harmful nature of these ideas. This failed to recognize the inequalities they

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faced as new migrants who were forced to flee, compared to economic migrants who consciously

prepared their arrival to Luxembourg to seek employment opportunities.

Basma understood the fear as well and emphasized that refugees are people with families

fleeing war, and not terrorists:

And maybe there are some fears. And I don’t blame people here to be frightened because of the, you know, terrorist and everybody blaming Arabs, but they are not the people that are here. The terrorists always ... maybe they act strange, I’m sure. They are not normal people who have families, who just want to escape from war and who came to live in peace.

Fadila referred to the role of the international media in creating a negative image of

Iraqis, an image that ignores the country’s history and cultural legacy: “Because the media don’t

give the truth … it’s really unfair. I know it’s maybe in Iraq, there is a lot of dying, a lot ... but

you know, Iraq, there is an old, old civilization. It’s amazing.”

Kamil reported the way the system is organized, wherein refugee and non-refugee job

seekers are all in the same pool, which fails to account for the challenges the former face:

First, there is no difference between refugee and not refugee.… This, first problem, because we are not the same. We have more challenge than the others, and we need more work to give same work, first.

Cultural. Some participants identified an erroneous understanding of other cultures as an

inhibitor to economic integration.

Kamil, a Syrian engineer, was successful in finding professional employment in

Luxembourg in a high-paying position in a field related to his qualifications and experience. In

addition, he was supported by a supervisor who celebrated cultural diversity. Nevertheless, in his

interactions with colleagues, he found that people were underinformed about his country and

culture. Their reading up on his culture, he argued, would facilitate a better understanding of

what Syrians stand for:

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So this is problem. And they don’t read too much about Syria. If they do, like what we do, like we read about Japanese, Chinese to understand them. If the others read about Syria, they will understand where we came from. So then it will be easier.

Bahij referred to a wider notion of culture. He reported on the challenge to adjust to an

overall different way of living:

Yeah, we talked about language, and that’s number one challenge. Second challenge is that ... yeah, that’s the second challenge, is that you have your way of life, you have your way of what makes you happy, and then you have now to readjust it to fit your new environment, your new society. And that could be very tricky. For someone who came ... for example, here I see friendships, concepts are so different from where I am from.

Religious. In closing, some participants brought up religious issues as inhibitors to their

economic integration.

Basma indicated that although she was not denied a job offer for wearing a hijab, she

believes it is an impediment for economic integration. She also cited the example of a friend who

was forced to remove her head scarf in order to get a job:

There’s another obstacle. It’s here, being with hijab. People always say, “You will never get a job with hijab. It’s not allowed.” And we cannot take off hijab. This is one of the obstacles also. I never faced a person that accept me to work and they say without hijab. No, I didn’t.

Fadila also believed that it was probably her headscarf that prevented her from getting a

job at a daycare center:

I finished this one, and after I did start with the Sunflower Crèche.… Yes. I loved. That I loved, I loved a lot. But I think because it’s in hijab.... I don’t know. I didn’t get a job, also, with them.

Sub-Finding 3C: Coping

This final section presents the findings on the coping mechanisms that participants used

to overcome challenges in their new setting. Coping was a theme that emerged from most

interviews (14 of 20) when participants were asked how they overcome the difficulties they

encountered in their efforts to integrate economically in Luxembourg. According to participants’

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experiences, their coping mechanisms are summarized around four strategies: meaning-making,

problem-solving, emotion-focused, and religious. Table 22 illustrates the frequency of these

coping approaches and their distribution in the data.

Table 22. Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 3C (Coping)

Refugee participant

Meaning making

Problem solving

Emotion focused Religious

Iraqi

s

Adil

Basma X

Fadila X X

Imad X X

Majid X X

Rashid X X

Sani

Tamid X

Syria

ns

Akram

Asif X

Bahij X X

Bashar X

Faysal

Gabir X

Jabbar X

Kamil X X

Khalid

Lamis

Raheem X

Samina X X X (N=20) % 9 (45%) 6 (30%) 5 (25%) 2 (10%)

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Meaning-making

Park and Folkman (1997) describe the coping strategy of meaning-making, wherein the

focus shifts from the stressor to what is important based on a person’s values, beliefs, and goals.

Asif drew on his optimism, recognized that he had faced death, and focused on getting to

work as a doctor again, which was the most important thing for him:

So I was almost dead. That’s why ... because I had optimistic, I’m here now. I eat chocolate, and I drink coffee. So, I hope that in this atmosphere, when I will be with different doctors in this medical course, I will find some chance, I hope.

Problem-solving

Folkman and Lazarus (1980) posit that “taking direct action” (p. 229) is an example of a

problem-solving coping strategy. Kamil reported that his way of dealing with his current

circumstances is to keep trying to get a job:

I am still living in war, the war doesn’t finish. And my life here, and the challenge here that I have, it’s part of war. So in the war, there’s victims and there’s winners. I am victim, but ... now, but I would like to be, to win. So it’s part of my war now. If I don’t do that, I will lose. So there’s no way I will go to home and wait the RMG [social welfare], or wait the help from government. That’s not logic. I should work, I have experience.

Emotion-focused

According to Folkman and Moskowitz (2004), reaching out for emotional encouragement

is an example of emotion-focused coping. Imad reported that seeking emotional support from

family was his way of dealing with challenges:

I call them [parents] every day, by the way.… I always take their advices and big power from them, because they are very powerful people. Whenever I feel a bit disappointed, or just like, you know, the person cannot, especially me, I’m rushing to find a job, because I find this time it’s just wasting time without doing anything. So I call them and I tell them, “I’m doing my best, what should I do?” “Change your CV, do that, do that.” They give me advices, and encouraging me, “Don’t give up, it’s matter of time. They didn’t find you.” So I refill my power again.

149

Religious

A few participants shared their belief in God as a support system to address the

challenges they faced. For Gabir, it was not only a belief in God that helped him navigate his

new life, but also an acceptance of destiny:

But in the psychological level, just believe in that’s what will happen. Because it will happen, you have just to face it. It’s just a kind of believing in God. Yeah, that’s it. Yeah. So, believing in God, for me, support me a lot. Yeah. What will happen will happen, and we will just continue. Yeah I accept it.

Professionals’ Finding #3: Enablers, Inhibitors, and Coping

The third research question aimed to identify the enablers and inhibitors to refugees’

economic integration. It also revealed their coping mechanisms. Professionals were asked to

share their perceptions of these factors. Table 23 summarizes the enablers to refugee economic

integration as identified by professionals.

Table 23. Economic Integration Enablers Identified by Professionals

Professional Market relevance

Refugee involvement Internships Mental health

support To researcher

Carl x

Camila x X

Danielle

Gabriella x x

Josy

Michaela

Nadine x x x

Pierre x x

Simone x x

Zoe

(N=10) % → 6 (60%) 3 (30%) 2 (20%) 1 (10%) 1 (10%)

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Enablers

Professionals’ perceptions of key enablers to refugee economic integration were grouped

around those concerning their professional profile. The most significant set of enablers had to do

with the specific qualifications that refugees demonstrate. For example, professionals suggested

that qualifications related to high-demand jobs in Luxembourg, like finance and information

technology, would be especially helpful. They also needed, ideally, to demonstrate European-

acquired academic qualifications, while also having followed refugee-targeted trainings in the

host country. The need for language skills was also raised, but with a focus on English skills

rather than other common local languages. Furthermore, specific projects targeting refugees’

economic integration were cited as helpful, as were internships.

Inhibitors

Professionals identified three sets of inhibitors to refugee economic integration. Table 24

on the following page presents these inhibitors. The perceived impediments were categorized

around linguistic, structural, cultural/religious, and personal themes. Specifically, Luxembourg’s

multilingualism, the length of language training, and the difficulty in apprehending French,

German, and Luxembourgish across settings were the main linguistic barriers to refugees’

integration into the job market.

In turn, several structural factors inhibited refugees’ route to economic integration. Most

importantly, a series of restrictive regulations were restraining their access to the job market.

These regulations included those giving priority for jobs to EU citizens, sector-specific

limitations (as in medicine), significant language requirements that grossly limit the candidate

pool, and protectionism of several jobs in the crafts sector. Further barriers include burdensome

administration for employers to hire refugees under schemes such as the Temporary Occupation

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Table 24. Economic Integration Inhibitors Identified by Professionals

Professional

Linguistic Structural

Culture / Religion

Personal

Mul

tilin

gual

ism

Len

gth

of st

udie

s

Lea

rnin

g

Res

tric

tive

regu

latio

ns

Lim

ited

acce

ss to

hig

her

educ

atio

n

Gap

/ D

iffer

ence

s in

prof

essi

onal

skill

s &

prac

tices

, aca

dem

ic

cred

entia

ls

Hig

hly

com

petit

ive

job

mar

ket

Hou

sing

Soci

al a

ssis

tanc

e

Dis

crim

inat

ion

Tra

uma

Infle

xibi

lity

Carl X X X X X X X X

Camila X X X X X

Danielle

Gabriella X X X X X X

Josy X X X X

Michaela X X X X X X X

Nadine X X X

Pierre X X X X

Simone X X X

Zoe X X X

(N=10) → 6 (60%)

3 (30%)

2 (20%)

7 (70%)

5 (50%)

5 (50%)

4 (40%)

3 (30%)

3 (30%)

1 (10%)

4 (40%)

1 (10%)

1 (10%)

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Authorization (AOT), or the insistence in some fields that applicants provide original academic

or employment certificates, which refugees have often left behind when fleeing their countries of

origin. Furthermore, professionals recognized that refugees faced limitations in pursuing local

higher education credentials both due to financial constraints and a lack of adult learning

programs. The differences both in professional skills and practices, as well as in academic

qualifications between East and West, were cited often as something that refugees were forced to

bridge on their own, which left them perpetually disadvantaged when taken in tandem with all

other barriers. Finally, the difficulty in securing private housing, as well as lengthy stays in

refugee accommodation centers, was also identified as an obstacle to securing and maintaining

employment.

Lastly, the traumatizing experiences of war and perilous journeys to safety were

impacting refugees’ mental health negatively. For some refugees, this expressed itself through an

inflexible attitude—refusing to adapt to their new environments, for example, or futile attempts

to regain lost professional and social status.

Coping

Professionals working with highly educated Iraqis and Syrians reported the coping

mechanisms they perceived these refugees turned to into order to deal with the adversity of their

economic integration experience. Table 25 summarizes these coping mechanisms.

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Table 25. Professionals’ Perceptions on Refugees’ Coping

Professional For refugees

For professionals Problem-

solving Emotion-focused

Meaning-making

Carl

Camila X

Danielle

Gabriella x x

Josy

Michaela

Nadine x

Pierre

Simone x x x

Zoe x x

(N=10) % → 4 (40%) 2 (20%) 1 (10%) 2 (20%)

Professionals’ appreciation of how refugees coped with integration adversities was

focused primarily on a perceived problem-solving approach, aimed at taking direct action to

address one’s hardship, followed by emotion-focused and meaning-making approaches. This

stands in contrast to how refugees viewed the same issues. For them, coping was primarily

driven by a meaning-making approach, followed by problem-solving, leaving emotion-focused

coping at the lower end of the spectrum. Further, each group identified one theme as separate

from the others. For professionals, it was an inference from their own coping mechanisms, thus

bringing to the table their own experiences with refugee integration. Only a handful of refugees

reported calling on their faith in order to cope with the challenges of their new lives.

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Finding 4: Impact of Identity and Religion

Participants reported the impact of identity in their economic integration, as well as how their experiences affected their identity. They also reported the impact of religion in their economic integration.

This final section presents the findings that emerged from the fourth research question

pertaining to the impact of identity and religion on the economic integration in Luxembourg of

highly skilled professionals from Iraq and Syria. The section also discusses the impact of their

economic integration experience on their identity as it emerged from the first research question.

Sub-Finding 4A: Identity Impact

Impact of Identity

The findings suggested that the majority (13 of 20) reported the impact of identity in their

economic integration. The two types of identity that emerged from the interviews were, first, that

of a parent or a spouse, and second, a professional identity. Table 27 illustrates the distribution of

the findings for each participant. In cases where the impact was positive, it is illustrated with a

plus sign, and accordingly with a minus sign in cases of negative impact.

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Table 26. Summary of Research Question #4 Findings and Sub-Findings

Research Questions Findings

Research Question #4: impact of identity in refugee economic integration? a. What is the impact of the

refugees’ origins from Islamic countries have on their experiences and integration efforts?

FINDING 4: Participants reported on the impact of identity, and religion in economic integration. Aiming at a new nationality, grappling with the refugee identity, and being driven by the responsibility of a parent/spouse were the key identity themes. The role of religion was mostly positive, although considerable criticism was also raised. Originating from an Islamic country was equally identified strongly as impactful and not. 4A. Identity impact a) Impact on identity (14 of 20 [70%]) • New nationality (5 of 20 [25%]) • Refugee (5 of 20 [25%]) • Being no one/zero (4 of 20 [20%]) • Ethnic/Religious (4 of 20 [20%]) • New self (4 of 20 [20%]) • Gender (3 of 20 [15%])

b) Impact of identity (12 of 20 [60%])

• Parent/family (8 of 20 [40%]) • Professional (5 of 20 [25%])

4B. Religion Impact a) Originating from Islamic country • No impact (8 of 20 [40%]) • Impact (7 of 20 [35%])

- Negative (6 of 7 [85%]) - Positive (1 of 7 [14%])

b) Role of religion • Role (14 of 20 [70%])

- Positive (11 of 20 [55%]) - Negative (2 of 20 [10%]) - Neutral (2 of 20 [10%])

• No role (3 of 20 [15%]) • Reflections (15 of 20 [75%]) - Criticism (12 of 20 [60%]) - Religious tolerance (5 of 20 [25%]) - Support mechanism (4 of 20 [20%]) - Religious bias (3 of 20 [15%])

156

Table 27. Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 4A Identity Impact

Refugee

participant Parent / Family Professional

Iraq

is

Adil

Basma X (-)

Fadila X (+)

Imad

Majid

Rashid

Sani X (+)

Tamid X (+)

Syria

ns

Akram X (-)

Asif X (-)

Bahij X (+)

Bashar X (-)

Faysal X (+) X (+)

Gabir X (+)

Jabbar X (+)

Kamil

Khalid

Lamis

Raheem X (-)

Samina

(N=20) % 8 (40%) 5 (25%)

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Parent/Family. Eight participants indicated that caring for their family as a parent or as a

spouse influenced their economic integration efforts.

Faysal, a Syrian pharmacist, described his decision to open a restaurant as way to offer

employment to his wife, who would otherwise not have had a chance to work:

Yeah, it is difficult to find job in Luxembourg. Also, when I take decision to open this restaurant, also first to help my wife, because she cannot work, and to help other people. It’s like social project. Because she now work with me, and other people work with me, it’s like to give chance to other people to … because it’s really difficult to find work in Luxembourg.

Akram, as the head of his household both here and back home, reported his sense of

responsibility (and anxiety) around providing for his family:

My family here and my family in Syria because now I got married, you know? And my family, my father and mother, and I have two sisters also in Syria. And you know, the economic there is very, very, very... in difficult situation, so they need financial support. So I have to also to find a job to help them.

Fadila, a teacher and mother of three small children, described her efforts to learn French,

find an internship, train for a new job, and take care of her family, especially as her lawyer

husband had been greatly impacted by their drastic change in quality of life.

Professional. Five participants cited examples where their professional identity had an

impact on their economic integration.

Asif, a Syrian doctor, was defined by his profession and disclosed his embarrassment at

no longer being able to practice. In Syria, he was on the frontlines of the war and provided

medical care to a significant portion of the local population. For him, it was inconceivable to

accept any other job. Therefore, he carried on for years in his effort to get qualified to practice

medicine:

I’m far away from all my field. So that’s why I don’t use now Facebook, because I don’t ... anyway, they want to hurt myself. And I feel shy, what should I put in my profile? Up ‘til now, I’m nothing. All my doctors, like, how are you, doctor? How are

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you doctor, all my friends. But when I see, when I look at mirror, I’m not doctor. Here, I’m nothing. Really painful, you know? Nobody feel that ... I am doctor.

Impact on Identity

A majority (13 of 20) of participants reported on the impact of their new reality on their

identity. Participants expressed their perceptions concerning their plans to acquire a new

nationality, their newly acquired identity as a refugee, their feeling of invisibility, their ethnic or

religious identity, their perception of forming a new self, and issues of gender. In addition, the

critical incidents exposed examples where participants have experienced a positive recognition

as individuals from the system. This finding complements the feeling of invisibility that many

participants have raised during their interviews.

New Nationality. Luxembourg offers residents the possibility to acquire national

citizenship under certain conditions. Citizenship of a European Union country offers, among

others, the freedom to move freely within the European bloc of 27 countries. Several participants

reported on their intention to acquire Luxembourgish nationality. For Kamil, local citizenship

was a safety guarantee: “Yes, for me it’s more ... because I am refugee at the end. I have personal

plan to get nationality. If I don’t get the nationality, I will not be safe.”

Refugee. Refugee is a legal term to recognize individuals who have received international

protection by a foreign country, as a result of persecution in their own country. Lamis reported

on her ignorance about the term: “Arriving into a place where you are considered as a refugee,

that I didn’t understand what the meaning of the word.” She also reported her perception that

others do not see her for who she really is:

I’m somewhere where I’m controlled and ruled somehow, by my status, because people are not looking at me as I am, as Lamis, they’re looking me as my political status that I had it three years ago. But I am Lamis since 30 years ago.

159

For Samina, acquiring refugee status meant the beginning of her existence in the host

country: “Sometimes, you know, it depends on the situation when you are really feel, ‘Oh, when

I will get my papers so I can start my life?’”

Faysal shared that he would never have imagined he would become a refugee: “I am like

refugee here.... I don’t think never in my life to be refugee, to leave my country.”

Invisibility. Some participants reported their feeling of having no identity as refugees in

a foreign country. Bahij felt that, arriving as an asylum seeker, he is nothing: “When you come

and say I want international protection, you’re zero, you start building up.”

Lamis described her feelings in a similar way, as though she had been deprived of her

personality:

Because I felt like okay, I don’t have paper, which means I’m no one…. Technically, I was a number. I wasn’t a name. Even when I go to a ministry or to go somewhere, I give a file number. I don’t give my name first. So, this was also for me, it was destroying my confidence in how I see the work.

Ethnic/Religious. A few participants indicated that constructing a new life in

Luxembourg was influenced by their ethnic or religious identity. Jabbar, a member of a Kurdish

minority in Syria, reported on feeling respected and no longer needing to hide his ethnic

background:

So it’s very multicultural. They respect the different, that I found the difficult learn with this one, the different, especially in my case for many reasons, and in my country. One reason that, for example I’m from another ethnic, not the general ... the majority. I’m not the majority, because the majority is Arabic.

Majid referred to being stereotyped into a Muslim identity when interacting socially in

his new environment:

I don’t drink alcohol because I don’t like it. It’s not related to religion or ... but when I say no, please they say, “Sorry, we forgot that you are Muslim.” But it’s not because of that.

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New Self. For two female participants, the experience of being forced to start a new life

in a foreign country had a transformational impact on their identity.

Fadila shared her experience of taking over all responsibilities from her husband, an Iraqi

lawyer, and having to learn new languages of the host country:

What I should do now for my husband? You know, he’s Arabic man. He don’t have this mind, “Okay, I take care…. Yeah, after lawyer, I be to you a babysitter.” And he go, “No, no, no, no, no.”… Yeah, I managed to take care of everything. Yeah, and after that, when the health start to be okay, okay, another job we start. Now, learning the language. It was very difficult.

For Samina constructing a new life brought out a new self:

I feel proud of myself. Because I should say something, in Syria I have all my family, all my knowledge, so my life was easy. So it’s easy to get a job because I knew a lot of people around me they could hire me. But here it’s my experience, it’s my success.

Gender. Some participants reported on their gender perceptions concerning their

spouses’ role in their new lives. For Raheem, it is difficult for mothers to find the time to study

for a new language: “But my wife, because she’s working in the house and the children, making

food, making etcetera, not have enough time to study. But I will teach her. I try.”

Asif expressed similar concerns about the time constraints that mothers experience when

seeking to study:

My wife, she tried to work. She is a psychologist, she could have recognized here, but she has no right to work. Why? Because she has to do a master. And to do master ... she has bachelor. To do master, she has to study, to have level of French language. And as mom for four children, she is not able.

Sub-Finding 4B: Impact of Religion

Originating from Islamic Country

The impact of originating from a Muslim country is discussed in this section. Less than

half (8 of 20) of the participants described no impact on their economic integration stemming

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from their origins from an Islamic country. Seven participants perceived an impact, mostly

negative, of their origins. Table 28 illustrates the distribution rates for each participant.

Table 28. Summary of Data for Sub-Finding 4B (Originating from Islamic Country)

Refugee

participant No impact Impact

Iraq

is

Adil X

Basma X

Fadila X (-)

Imad X

Majid X (-)

Rashid X

Sani X

Tamid X (-)

Syria

ns

Akram

Asif X (-)

Bahij

Bashar X (+)

Faysal

Gabir X (-)

Jabbar X

Kamil

Khalid X

Lamis X

Raheem

Samina X (-)

(N=20) % 8 (40%) 7 (35%)

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No Impact. Eight participants indicated that originating from a Muslim country did not

influence their economic integration.

Lamis reported no impact on her efforts to integrate economically due to her origins in an

Islamic country, but recognized that she was not exhibiting any clear signs of her religion, like

wearing a head scarf:

For me personally, it doesn’t because I’m, like I said, I don’t practice it that much so technically, no one will ask me why you don’t drink, because I don’t. No one will tell me, “Why you are wearing hijabi?” because I don’t.

Jabbar believed that it was due to the tolerance of locals and their perceived capacity to

not express their emotions:

But the good thing in European community around the world, even if they have something inside, they feel, for example, being scared or whatever, they try to hide it. This one is good. Because they use it, they use it to accept the other, so it’s become something natural for them, to be in different cases with different people, with same emotion.

Impact. Seven participants reported the impact of their origin from a Muslim country to

their economic integration in Luxembourg.

Samina noted that her origin from a Muslim country did not impact her economic

integration efforts. However, at her future professional encounters, she chose to remove her head

scarf in order to avoid others associating her directly to her Islamic faith instead of seeing her

beyond the religious lens:

To be honest, I was with a scarf. I’m Muslim. Nobody resist me here, or asked me to take off a hijab. But for me as a person, I feel comfortable without it, because I don’t like people to treat me just because of my religion. I like them to see me like the others, and talk to me just because of myself, my character, my personality, not because what I am from or what, you know? Because if you see the scarf you say, it’s religious. She’s strict, we cannot talk to her. Some people they have this prejudice, yes. So I felt comfortable without it, but nobody treat me different, no.

Asif reported on his wife’s experience with wearing the full-coverage dress, the abaya. In

order to seek employment, she was asked to remove it.

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She said, “Yes. Because you are in this dress, you can’t work in Luxembourg.”… And she said yes, because of that. When you change your dress, afterwards we can talk.

Role of Religion

Concurrently, participants were asked about the role of religion in their lives. The

majority (14 of 20) reported that religion played a role in their lives, three of them indicated that

religion played no role in their lives, and the remaining three participants chose not to address

the role of religion. Furthermore, a large majority (18 of 20) of participants offered their

reflections on religion more broadly.

Role. Participants indicated that religion served as a support mechanism or as a roadmap

leading their actions. Imad reported on his religious beliefs as a set of values that serve as

guidance on how to interact with others.

I have to be Muslim, and I have to have the ethics of Muslim, and I don’t care for what the people act. But I have to be the real person that my religion says, which I saw it in many European people. Peace, mercy, helpful, smile people. That’s what my religion says.

For Basma, it was critical to keep wearing her hijab, indicating that it would not prevent

her from doing her job in a professional setting:

But for me, or for many other women, it’s something that I can never do it. If they will say, “We accept you, and you have to take off hijab,” I will refuse work. This is the point that ... it’s not that I’m not able to mediate. No, it doesn’t. Because I can do this work with hijab or without hijab if I ... I will not make different. I’m not imposing my ideas. I’m doing, for example, official work. I will do this papers and that’s it. What’s the difference it’s with hijab or without hijab?

Rashid, Gabir, Fadila, and Samina indicated that they are believers or identified

themselves as religious people. Akram suggested a more intermittent approach, where he would

occasionally visit a mosque to pray. For Sani and Majid, religion was part of their upbringing,

something bestowed upon them at birth. For Lamis, Raheem, and Khalid, practicing moderate

Islam was the way to connect to their faith.

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No Role. Some participants reported themselves as non-believers and saw religion

playing no role in their lives.

For Bashar there was no role for religion in his life, and he identified himself as nihilist:

Yeah, I mean, define religion being skeptical ... or not skeptical, I mean just like being ... I want to atheist, I would say nihilist. I don’t believe that anything intelligent exists, not even men. So, yeah, there’s nothing intelligent enough that exists. So, I won’t give the credit in anything that is happening to anyone else other than evolution.

Bahij reported that he does not believe in or practice his religion anymore:

I’m not one of those who just said I’m an ex-Muslim now, or like, I’m an atheist, and I’m done. No. I am ... I left it, I don’t practice it anymore, and I don’t believe in it, to be honest.

Reflections. The large majority (16 of 20) of participants shared one or more reflection

on the role of religion. Twelve participants expressed some form of criticism of the way the

Islamic faith is being practiced by Muslims or interpreted by others. Five participants referred to

lived examples of religious tolerance, while another four identified religion as a support system.

Three participants reported experiences of religious bias.

Criticism. Participants criticized and questioned not only other Muslims, but also some of

the practices or values of their faith. Some participants condemned extremist behavior, which,

according to them, misrepresents Islam by engaging in terrorism. Others criticized their

perception that Islam does not favor questioning or critique.

Raheem, a Syrian microbiologist, had suffered several physical and psychological

traumas during his youth at the hands of an authoritarian regime. Fleeing to Luxembourg was a

relief for him, especially the discovery of a country that treats its citizens with respect and

dignity. His advanced age and sustained traumas, combined with the impossibility of becoming

qualified to practice his profession, led him to concentrate on learning one of the local languages.

With respect to religion, he was critical of extremism, believing it a destructive force:

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The role of religion is good, but not extremist. I hate, hate, hate very much, the extremists. The extremists, ISIS and other sisters are destroyed. They are destroying our countries. I think that Islam is good religion, but not extremist. You can have or take a moderate and good idea from this.

Imad described his rational approach of referring to religious sources as a guide:

The sources exist, which is the Quran. And it’s translated to many languages. I cannot accuse anybody and I cannot accuse any person that he is good or bad, and anything, unless I go to the source and read it.

Kamil indicated that he does not accept all aspects of his religion without reflection:

So I take the positive and I follow to improve my life and the life of the others. If I see something, for me I see negative, or I don’t like too much, so I keep it to myself or I don’t do it. So I’m not 100% who is follow the religion, I’m not.

Sani reported his belief that religious leaders were corrupt: “In my country, this

institution, it’s very corrupted. So, when we, in our background, see an religion man, the first

thing I expect is a liar.”

Religious Tolerance. Religious tolerance emerged as a value of Islam that was supported

by some participants.

Samina indicated that respecting the beliefs of others was important:

Yes, I’m a religious person. I have my relation with my God, but I feel when you are a religious person, really correctly, you love the people, all the religions around you. All my friends they are different. And the family I was living and they consider me as a kids for them, and they are different tradition, and they respect my religion.

Rashid referred to his respect of other religions: “You know, I respect all kinds of

religions. And in my life, yes because I believe, you know, I believe in God. But I don’t use it

against anyone.”

Support System. Some participants indicated that their faith served as a support system to

help them overcome challenges.

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Fadila, when reporting on the perilous journey by boat from Turkey to Greece with her

three children and husband, recognized that her faith helped her survive the terror of that

experience:

And inside me, I know it’s overreaction, but really, inside me, I feel like that God saved us. Because I was praying and I really ... in this time, I believed in Him. Saved all the ship, because I prayed for ... yeah, I don’t know, I have this inside. I never say that. That’s the first time.

Religious Bias. Participants experienced situations in which their faith was associated

with certain behaviors, including extremism.

Tamid referred to his son’s experience of being associated with extremism due to his

faith:

My son, in the school, they told him, “You are Muslim, you are terrorist.” And this point, really, when he come to me, he feel shy because his name is Ali and he’s a Muslim.

Lamis refused to serve as a representative of the Islamic faith:

So, there are certain stuff that where you are compared to, you know? Like, why did you do this? You’re not supposed to do it because you are Muslim. You just need to explain that they don’t understand Islam. And in the same time, I cannot represent it for you. You cannot consider of me as the one who is showing you what Islam is. I’m a person of my own, I have my own rights and wrongs. If you wanna know more about it, just see it up from the treatment of others we have a lot of values and teachings in the Koran itself, and it’s amazing. But I cannot tell you that I’m following them all, because I’m not.

Professionals’ Finding #4: Impact of Identity and Religion

Identity Impact

The impact of identity in economic integration was discussed by professional

participants. Appendix V summarizes the impact of identity to refugee economic integration as

perceived by the ten professional interviewees. This overview presents whether the impact was

positive or negative and describes the rationale offered by the professionals.

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By far the most common reference was to gender, followed by cultural and religious

identities. The key message that emerged was that women were falling behind in economic

integration due to traditional patriarchal models keeping them at home to serve as the main

caregivers of the family. Nevertheless, many of them were highly educated and demonstrated

great potential in becoming more active professionally.

In the same identity question, refugees more frequently addressed the impact of

parenthood on their decision-making, as many choices were made with the explicit goal of

benefiting their families, even at personal cost. All female participants had been employed prior

to their arrival in Luxembourg and were keen to become professionally active again. One

mother, however, was facing additional constraints compared to other mothers, as she was

struggling to reconcile her employment wishes with the supplementary care required for her

special-needs child.

Role of Religion

Professionals described the role that religion might have in the economic integration

experience of refugees and offered some reflections on this theme. Table 29 on the following

page presents the professionals’ views on the role of religion, if any, and their reflections.

Half of the professionals believed that religion had a role in the economic integration of

highly educated Iraqis and Syrians, while the other half did not. The role was viewed as negative,

particularly as an inhibitor to accessing employment opportunities. Examples cited included

obstacles to working in the food service industry (where alcohol is served) or for women who

decline to remove their traditional hijab when interacting with clients. The differential treatment

of Christians and Muslims from these countries was also identified, wherein the former were

perceived as facing less discrimination than the latter in the host country.

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Table 29. Role of Religion Professional Role No role Reflections

Carl Inhibitor to work in restaurant sector x (-) x

Camila x

Informing refugees European rules ‘right to privacy,’ to protect them from discussions regarding their faith

Danielle

Easier for Christians coming from these countries, rather than Muslim (bias/ discrimination)

x (-)

Gabriella x

Josy x

Michaela x Perceiving more cultural issues than religious

Nadine Impact depending on company x (-)

Primarily differences in Luxembourg’s behavior: urban (more liberal) vs rural (more conservative)

Pierre Examples where insisting on hijab, and Ramadan prayers

x (-)

Simone

Zoe Inhibitor to work in restaurant sector x (-)

(N=10) → 5 (50%) 5 (50%) 3 (30%)

Islamic Country of Origin

Finally, the impact of the refugees’ origin from an Islamic country was discussed by

professional participants. Table 30 summarizes their perceptions on this theme.

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Table 30. Impact of Islamic Country Origin Professional Impact No impact

Carl x

Camila x

Danielle

Gabriella Luxembourg has no experience with Arab migrants; stereotyping x (-) x

Josy

Michaela not all refugees are Muslims, Christians seem more open to Western ways

x (-)

Nadine

Pierre suspicion by compatriots for refugee project coordinator x (-)

Simone examples of racist bias/stereotyping, preference by volunteers towards Christian Arabs

x (-)

Zoe

(N=10) → 4 (40%) 3 (30%)

Professionals, like refugees, were split on whether there was an impact on integration for

refugees originating from Islamic countries. Similar to the role of religion, few recognized an

impact. Among professional participants, the issue of local volunteers’ preferential treatment of

Christians when compared to Muslims was raised, as well as the country’s limited experience

with migrants from the Middle East. For refugees that endorsed an impact, it was a negative one,

most often pertaining to stereotypes related to their Muslim background.

Summary of the Findings

The purpose of this chapter was to present the findings of this research. The findings

emerged from each of the four research questions, which were presented in Chapter 1. The

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learning experiences of 20 highly educated Iraqi and Syrian refugees during their economic

integration process in Luxembourg emerged from semi-structured interviews in addition to 10

professionals working with adult refugee populations. Typically, presentation of the findings that

emerge from interviews takes place through a selection of quotes from participants (Kvale &

Brinkmann, 2009).

There were two major findings from the first research question. The first finding

pertained to the disruption of participants’ previous lives, specifically the loss of past privileges

they enjoyed, the impact of war, and the values that drive their actions. The second finding

pertained to their perceptions of their new reality in Luxembourg. Among the most notable here

was their gratitude toward the country, followed by their sense of safety and their major

challenges of settling.

The second research question generated two major findings. The first finding identified

the knowledge, skills, and practices necessary to achieve economic integration. At the top of the

list were relevant professional expertise and academic qualifications, linguistic skills,

adaptability, and a constructive attitude. The second finding described the learning activities for

economic integration that were preferred by skilled refugees, with informal learning, particularly

learning from experience, the most common.

The facilitators and inhibitors to economic integration, as well as coping strategies, were

discussed in the findings emerging from the third research question. The facilitative roles of

national and local institutions and timely professional exposure to the local job market were

clear, as were sets of linguistic and structural as well as social, cultural, and religious inhibitors.

Meaning-making coping strategies were the most frequently cited by refugees.

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Finally, the fourth research question revealed the impact of identity and religion in the

economic integration process of skilled Iraqis and Syrians. The most notable impact of the

economic integration experience on identity was on seeking the local nationality, and the

discovery of what it means to be a refugee on a day-to-day basis. Refugees’ responsibilities as

providers for their families drove their economic integration efforts. The impact of religion was

ambiguous: while there was no predominant role identified by refugees, this stood in contrast to

findings from professionals, who assumed a more direct role of refugees’ faith and faith culture

in their integration efforts.

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Chapter 5: Analysis, Synthesis, Conclusions, and Recommendations

The aim of this chapter was twofold. The first aim was to discuss, interpret, and

synthesize the findings of this study. Four analytical themes were used to explore the meaning of

each finding and to elucidate patterns and connections across cases. In parallel, I made

associations to what is already known by highlighting how the analysis corroborates, extends, or

diverges from existing literature. Furthermore, I revisited the assumptions laid out in Chapter 1,

while also identifying the contributions of the study to the literature. The second purpose was to

draw conclusions, which informed the recommendations made in this study. At the end of the

chapter, there is a summary of my reflections on the experience of this research.

Discussion, Interpretation, and Synthesis

The four analytical themes that were used to interpret the findings are aligned with the

research questions that are presented in Chapter 1, but also to the presentation of the findings in

Chapter 4. These analytical themes are:

(1) Temporal experiences

(2) Learning

(3) Enablers, inhibitors, and coping

(4) Impact of identity and religion

Analytic Theme 1: Temporal Experiences

Life Before Luxembourg

The majority of participants enjoyed privileged socioeconomic status in their home

countries before war disrupted that pattern. Being highly educated and typically living in urban

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settings meant that, across ethnic groups, age groups, gender, and academic qualifications,

participants were in a position to shoulder the financial burden of seeking refuge outside the

borders of their countries (most notably in Europe), unlike the overwhelming majority of

refugees who remain internally displaced or seek refuge in a neighboring country (UNHCR,

2018a).

These relatively privileged refugees witnessed an all-new reality unfold for them,

especially around the transition from financial independence to dependence on a social safety net

(Kikulwe et al., 2021). Nevertheless, the lived experiences of war, personal loss, and trauma

influenced participants’ perspectives, shifting priority from any number of higher-level concerns

to their immediate safety and well-being, and demanded considerable adaptability in their

professional lives. Syrians and Iraqis alike, men and women of all ages and backgrounds, were

generally willing to seek employment below their skill level or to seek local academic

qualifications, both similar to and different from those they had already attained. All of them,

however, tried first to explore the opportunities to practice their own profession. Young Syrians

were more successful in securing internships, even if they did not lead to long-term employment.

On the other hand, half of the Iraqis found jobs, half of which were below their skill level and the

other half of which were similar to their previous professional domains. The latter were in sales

or manual labor, where they could apply their past work experiences. For those willing to

downskill, it was of vital importance to be active and employed as soon as possible. One Syrian

participant persistently sought to become qualified to continue practicing medicine. “The loss of

professional identity and the social status, respect, and financial independence that accompanied

it was acutely felt” (Morrice, 2013, p. 266). This participant experienced war as a frontline

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doctor. The severity, length, and impact of his lived experiences, along with his worldview,

might have rendered it difficult to be defined by any role besides physician.

The impact of war and the refugee experience on participants’ mental health received

limited attention both by refugee and professional participants. One Syrian male participant

referred to the weight of the refugee experience on his mental well-being and overall health. He

showed me his former identification card to illustrate the consequences of his prolonged

psychological distress on his physical health. One Iraqi mother offered rich descriptions of her

life-threatening journey to Luxembourg and the emotional distress and constant panic she

experienced during her first year as a refugee. According to her, caring for her children and

filling in for her husband’s likely depressive symptoms were her drivers to carry on. This case, in

particular, served as a vivid example of the resilience of women, especially their capacity to

adapt and succeed in their economic integration effort. The only participant from either the

refugee or the professional group to highlight the need for psychological support for refugee

populations was one professional. This participant worked on a project that received government

funding to offer mental health support to asylum seekers. However, this project only received

short-term funding, and its operations were forced to cease. The importance of addressing

refugees’ mental health is certain to grow as researchers learn more about the pre- and post-

migration experiences and their likely long-term impacts on psychological well-being (Kartal

et al., 2018).

First Steps in Luxembourg

A recurring theme emerging from the study is that sufficient time was essential for

several phases in the refugees’ economic integration process, but also for professionals working

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with them. Additionally, the entire system required time to adapt (i.e., administrations,

employers, civil society, communities).

The lengthiest administrative formality that participants needed to overcome was the

process to apply for and receive international protection, leading to formal recognition of one’s

refugee status. This wait time was a considerable challenge, as not all asylum seekers were

guaranteed refugee status. Iraqis were faced with longer waiting periods compared to Syrians, as

the latter were almost guaranteed refugee status within a few months. These hurdles served as

additional stressors for Iraqis, who perceived that they were not equally or sufficiently supported.

Many participants from both ethnic groups, even when controlling for age, gender, and

academic qualifications, considered the waiting period for the processing of refugee applications

wasted time. During this period, asylum seekers lived in refugee accommodation centers

(foyers). The only formal activity they could engage in was to learn languages or volunteer. All

participants followed language courses from an early stage, and the majority (mostly Iraqis)

volunteered as a way to keep busy, feel useful, or create a personal network. They were not

legally allowed to access the job market or pursue formal academic qualifications during this

phase. The only exception was having a role as a visiting student in some courses at the national

university. Fadila was happy to have been the first refugee to attend one such class.

Only under very special circumstances were asylum seekers with pending applications

allowed to pursue an Application for a Temporary Occupation Authorization1 (AOT). However,

the administrative procedure to do this was extremely burdensome for employers and job

applicants alike.

AOT applications and renewals may be rejected for reasons connected with the situation, changes to or the organisation of the employment market, in particular with

1https://adem.public.lu/en/employeurs/recruter/Recruter_BPI_DPI/Recruter_DPI.html

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regard to priority given to employing citizens of EU Member States or countries treated as such (Norway, Liechtenstein, Iceland and Switzerland) and third-country nationals with lawful residence who are receiving unemployment benefits. 2

Therefore, only a handful of these authorizations have been granted since 2015.

The waiting time for processing an asylum application proved to be a stressful period and

a lost opportunity for exploring the job market. Prolonged waiting periods negatively influenced

economic integration by means of delays (Hainmueller et al., 2016; Hvidtfeldt et al., 2018).

Additional challenges that participants faced in setting up their lives in Luxembourg were

housing and family reunification matters. For the former, asylum seekers were first offered

accommodation in refugee reception centers. These were a range of different centers that served

these populations at different stages following their arrival and were situated in different parts of

the country. Many were living in these accommodation centers for years, as they needed to

receive their official refugee status before they could obtain stable housing. However, most of

them could not afford private accommodation, which was very expensive in Luxembourg to

begin with, and landlords were not keen on renting property to refugees. Therefore, the entire

integration process fell behind for many of them (Bolzoni et al., 2015). Married participants with

children, however, were able to find affordable private housing through social assistance

programs at the time of their interview for this study.

Family reunification was another concern among participants. The emotionally-charged

process of bringing their spouses and children to Luxembourg, coupled with the administrative

formalities, was overwhelming for many. This experience was described by a couple of Syrian

male participants. Iraqi families with children had typically traveled together; for some single

Iraqi men, different family issues arose, such as their children’s integration or fears related to the

2https://guichet.public.lu/en/citoyens/immigration/cas-specifiques/protection-internationale/autorisation-occupation-temporaire.html

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safety and well-being of their extended family. All these concerns pointed to the role of family in

refugee integration (Olwig, 2011). Naturally, until accommodation and family challenges were

sufficiently addressed, it was difficult for refugees to focus on preparing for the job market.

Therefore, more time was needed for these matters.

As refugees navigated through a number of administrative formalities and emotionally

taxing challenges in settling in their new country of residence, preparing for accessing the job

market often ended up on a back burner. However, as highly educated Iraqis and Syrians brought

a wealth of past human and social capital, there might be reconsiderations as to how to best use

their transition-into-residency time. Offering opportunities for critical learning and/or

employment preparation could serve those who are ready to do so and make better use of this

relatively idle time.

Analytic Theme 2: Learning

The section analyzes the findings of the second research question, which sought to

highlight what was perceived as important to learn in order to achieve economic integration and

how that learning occurred. More specifically, a deeper interpretation follows as to the

knowledge, skills, and practices that highly educated refugees, and professionals working with

refugees, perceived as conducive to integrating into the job market, as well as the various

learning activities they engaged in during that process.

Knowledge, Skills, and Practices

Overall, highly skilled refugees from Iraq and Syria assigned less importance to the

professional knowledge they should exhibit compared to the (almost universal) belief that

linguistic skills were the key to achieving economic integration. Only a very small number of

Iraqi and Syrian males recognized the value of having relevant professional expertise. Half of

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these had local jobs at the time of their interview, which were similar to jobs they had performed

back home. The need for academic qualifications relevant to the local market was almost entirely

ignored by Iraqis and embraced by only a handful of Syrians. In contrast, professionals in the

field of adult refugee integration were almost unanimous about the importance of bringing in

relevant academic qualifications.

This divergence on the importance of professional expertise and credentials led to tension

between refugees’ aspirations and what the local job market was seeking in its applicants. The

problem on the side of the refugees was that often they did not have proof of their credentials

with them and needed time to obtain these documents, if they were accessible at all. Further,

many faced difficulties having these credentials recognized and validated by local authorities.

This group included doctors and a pharmacist (who by law could not have their degrees

recognized in Luxembourg) in addition to management and accounting graduates. Therefore, in

most cases, there were no formal credentials to submit to potential employers. However, when

refugees viewed linguistic skills as the only way to make it into the job market, it appeared as if

they were ignoring their lack of recognizable academic qualifications. Becoming operational in

any of the three local languages would be a vital first step in also addressing their missing

credentials. On the other hand, the insistence on academic qualification documents for this

population, even knowing that what refugees do possess may not be recognized or valued in the

job market, perpetuated this block. Anderson and Guo (2009) recognized this stalemate,

concluding that although “certain forms of knowledge are legitimized as valid, the learning and

work experience of immigrants has often been viewed as inferior” (p. 436).

The importance of language skills was raised by the majority of professionals, compared

to the overwhelming majority of refugees. Refugees who served as teachers in their home

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countries intended to become fluent in all three local languages, but not the rest of the

participants. Bearing in mind that academic qualifications were emphasized by professionals,

combined with the fact that many of the refugees who were employed at the time of the

interview could also demonstrate their past professional experience, may suggest that these

language barriers could be overcome in the job market. In fact, the above-mentioned group of

refugees who were employed in roles similar to their previous jobs had not become fluent in any

of the local languages; they all spoke some English and were around a beginner’s level in

French. Consequently, it appears that refugees’ language hurdles could be overcome by having

relevant academic qualifications and professional experience. However, findings showed that

this typically meant qualifications earned in the West.

One last set of skills that emerged from professionals, but was entirely unaccounted for

by refugees, was the value of exhibiting soft skills. This referred to the sets of behaviors that are

expected in the West during the job-hunting phase: the preparation of CVs and cover letters, the

research associated with applying to different jobs, interview preparation and follow-up, and so

on. Many professionals referred to the refugees’ lack of exposure to the ‘formal ways’ of

functioning in Western job markets compared to perceived ‘informal ways’ of Iraq and Syria.

Once more, this view assumed that these brown-skinned refugees had a ‘deficit’ they needed to

attend to and assumed that experience with soft skills might overcome systemic bias against

non-Western qualifications, let alone people. As long as the knowledge and skills refugees

brought were viewed as inferior to those acquired in the West, these barriers were likely to

persist, even if they changed shape.

In terms of the practices perceived as necessary for economic integration, the majority of

Syrians (compared to half of Iraqis) believed that adaptability was an important practice for their

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economic integration. Alongside a constructive attitude, this practice was the most frequently

cited, including among professionals. By emphasizing the need to adapt, professionals perceived

that they were being pragmatic about refugees’ chances to enter the job market. However, they

were implying that refugees needed to illustrate their openness and capacity to adapt in order to

integrate, which is viewed by some as a ‘deficit approach’ (Morrice, 2019). Refugees’

employment outcomes, and their choices about what to focus on in order to prepare for

employment, indicated that refugees understood the limited choices they were facing. In other

words, their positive approach to adapt translated into a willingness to become underemployed

and not to practice their past profession, however elite it may have been (Verwiebe et al., 2019).

Their attitude contradicted the view raised by some professionals that refugees insisted on

unrealistic employment opportunities.

Timing was also important, as most participants were interviewed more than three years

after their arrival in Luxembourg. As a result, their thinking had changed over time: of all

refugee participants, only one Syrian doctor resisted underemployment and persisted in trying to

find ways to practice medicine again. He had served as a doctor on the front lines of war back

home, and the intensity of his experiences, along with his strong identification with his

professional identity, was influential. Therefore, the context of each person’s life experiences

mattered greatly.

The second practice that was recognized as essential across national, age, and gender

groups—as well as by professionals—was networking. The exception to this was the group of

Iraqi men between the ages of 45 and 54. These participants were successful in finding

employment locally in a position in which they had previous professional experience.

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In addition to improving professional opportunities, the benefits of networking extended

to offering individuals a social safety net, a sense of belonging, and recognition as an individual

in a strange foreign environment (Verwiebe et al., 2019). This created what Winnicott (1960)

identified as a holding environment: a safety and trust milieu that has the capacity to propel

individuals to achievement. The most powerful of these networking experiences were those of

two young Syrians, one male and one female, who were hosted by local families. They learned to

speak Luxembourgish, found meaningful professional opportunities, and exhibited an overall

sense of well-being and confidence about their futures. An illuminating documentary (Grand H,

2018) highlighted the joys of welcoming refugees for host families, though these arrangements

may not be a suitable situation for all refugees (Ran & Join-Lambert, 2020).

Proactivity was another practice that refugee participants and professionals identified as

important for economic integration, although it was rated significantly higher by refugees.

Proactivity meant that refugees were not passively waiting for situations to change, but were

intentional in seeking out ways to identify and prepare for employment opportunities. The

proactivity expressed by refugee participants contradicts the frequent argument that refugees

were comfortable with welfare benefits and had no need to seek employment or achieve financial

independence. The low importance assigned to proactivity by professionals, in contrast with the

high importance assigned to adaptability and networking, suggests that only underemployment

would be refugees’ most realistic chance to improve their employment outcomes.

The last practice commonly raised by refugees and professionals alike was having a

constructive attitude. This was the most highly regarded practice by refugees (along with

adaptability). A series of constructive qualities like grit, empathy, self-confidence, respect, and

persistence was frequently employed by refugees to reach their integration goals. Some reported

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having a constructive attitude as part of their personality structure, while others found that their

circumstances led them to adopt this attitude. Similar to proactivity, professionals gave only

minimal importance to this practice. Therefore, refugees’ inclination toward constructive

attitudes may have been underexploited at integration programs or in mentoring occasions within

professional settings.

Learning

This section analyzes the findings pertaining to the ways in which highly educated Iraqis

and Syrians learned what they perceived as necessary to their economic integration. What

follows is an interpretation and a synthesis of the meaning of refugees’ engagement in formal,

informal, and non-formal learning activities, as well as the impact of learning from experience,

and of transformative learning experiences.

Overall, refugees had assigned an important role to learning in their lives. Specifically,

Iraqi males and females of all ages, slightly more when compared to Syrians, gave high

importance to ongoing learning as a useful practice. In contrast, professionals did not give much

importance to learning as a useful practice for economic integration except when they referred to

the importance of acquiring sufficient language skills. Professionals’ underemphasis on this

practice may underrepresent refugees’ ability to learn across contexts, including non-formal

learning related to professional development, formal learning through requalification or

up-skilling, and informal learning though social interactions in the workplace.

Formally. Non-formally. Informally. The majority of highly educated Iraqis and

Syrians across gender, age, and academic background engaged in formal learning, notably by

pursuing new language qualifications at the National Language Institute (Institute National des

Langues, INL), which serves as the national center for language training for adults and also as a

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formal examination and certification center. Their language-learning experiences were not

positive for the most part and are explained in more detail in the following section. Equally

important, a small number of young Syrians, but no Iraqis, chose to pursue local academic

qualifications, either in a new academic field or in one similar to their previous career. Only half

of the professionals recognized the value of formal learning of languages; they also concurred

that the current system was not accommodating to refugees’ needs. However, professionals did

not account for any intention or possibility for refugees to pursue local academic qualifications in

higher education. Professionals’ possible failure to point refugees to adult degree programs could

be viewed as either a lack of awareness on the part of these professionals or an indication that

these programs are regarded as irrelevant to the refugees’ context. More refugees might turn to

acquiring local academic credentials if there was a more systematic presentation of what is

available, especially when bearing in mind that these programs tend to lead to better employment

outcomes. Therefore, it is important for professionals who are often in the first line of contact

with refugee populations to have clarity on these formal learning options for adult learners.

Formal learning may be one way to mitigate the risks of employment marginalization by

offering opportunities for those needing to requalify to acquire local academic credentials,

knowing that the latter tends to improve employment outcomes (Bloch, 2008). These programs

should target adults who are looking to re-skill or up-skill so as to access the local job market

rapidly. They need to be elaborated in collaboration with the various sectors of the economy to

address real and emerging market needs, combined with the country’s current priorities.

Combining rigorous academic foundations with a robust applied element that integrates job

experience would benefit not only refugees but other adult groups in need of re-skilling and

up-skilling.

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Professionals believed that most of the learning for refugee groups occurred non-formally

in the various workshops and trainings organized by the state that aimed at adult refugee

integration. However, this research found that highly educated Iraqis and Syrians valued

non-formal learning almost two times less than professionals. Although all refugees attended at

least the obligatory workshops that were required by the state (i.e., Parcours d’intêgration

accompagné, PIA),3 it appeared that non-formal learning programs alone could not prepare

refugees for the local job market. This sharp contrast between the perceptions of refugees and the

professionals who work with them calls into question the investments allocated in the design,

preparation, and delivery of integration programs. Additionally, professionals may have been

biased in their views, as many of them were involved in designing or delivering such programs.

Furthermore, refugees were typically willing to follow professional development courses

in their fields or to gain a specialization for new graduates, but these were primarily designed for

fluent French speakers. Professionals pointed to learning the language first and then pursuing

other trainings. However, even if they had learned the language to a sufficient degree, many

professional development trainings gave priority to more experienced professionals, which

meant again that these refugees may not have been given an equal chance at success.

Informal learning was also a domain where refugees and professionals had diverging

views. Although the majority of both Iraqis and Syrians across gender, age, and academic

background reported their preferred informal ways of learning, less than half of professionals

discussed this topic. Only the professional who came from the business world highlighted the

value of learning on the job, a point largely raised by refugees whose personal experiences

clearly influenced their responses. In parallel, professionals did not identify the role of

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self-directed learning as a means for refugees to pursue their learning objectives, which nearly

half of refugees across groups recognized in their narratives.

Overall, refugees and professionals did not appear to be on the same page regarding the

learning activities that might facilitate economic integration. The professionals’ assigned

importance to non-formal (job preparation workshops, largely) and formal (language only)

learning implied a tendency toward getting refugees ready for any low-skilled job. The two

groups had a similar perception about formal learning, but only to the fact that learning one or

more of the languages formally was a suboptimal option. In contrast, they did not concur at all

on the pursuit of formal academic qualifications. Professionals believed that most learning for

refugees occurred non-formally, which may explain why they did not tap into the possibilities

that requalification through local academic credentials could offer. For refugees, non-formal

learning was far less useful to their economic integration, which is what the integration

ecosystem was designed to offer and what the majority of professionals were representing. The

only exception was the targeted program offered by one NGO that prepared refugees for the job

market by including, among other things, an internship in its curriculum. Finally, a divergence of

opinions was also identified for the value of informal learning, which refugees valued more than

twice as much as the professionals working with them. By overlooking the impact of local

internships, past professional experiences, and self-directed learning, professionals were not fully

understanding the range of ways in which refugees could learn to integrate economically. Colley

et al. (2003) argued that although learning is often categorized as ‘formal,’ ‘informal,’ or ‘non-

formal,’ there are not always clear boundaries separating these. A more accurate view might be

to see learning though ‘formal’ and ‘informal’ attributes in any learning:

All forms of learning have the potential to be either emancipatory or oppressive. This depends partly upon the balance and interrelationships between attributes of in/formality.

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However, the wider contexts in which that learning takes place are crucial in determining its emancipatory potential. (p. viii)

Therefore, a better apprehension of the fluidity and interconnectedness of all forms of learning,

as well an intentional approach to avoid oppressive effects of learning experiences, would serve

well the economic integration of refugee groups.

Transformative Learning. Mezirow (2000a) posits that transforming learning is

the process by which we transform our taken-for-granted frames of reference (meaning perspectives, habits of mind, mind-sets) to make them more inclusive, discriminating, open, emotionally capable of change, and reflective so that they may generate beliefs and opinions that will prove more true or justified to guide action. (p. 8)

During the interviews, only two female participants reported experiences that were suggestive of

transformative learning. Fadila, an Iraqi teacher and mother of three, and Samina, a single Syrian

accountant, experienced a shift in their habits of mind in terms of both the social norms they

were accustomed to as well as their self-perception. These shifts in their perspective are termed

as ‘sociolinguistic’ and ‘psychological’ by Mezirow (2000a, p. 83). They reported instances that

followed Mezirow’s (1991) ten phases of perspective transformation including, in particular, a

disorienting dilemma, self-examination, engaging in critical thinking, exploration of new roles,

acquiring knowledge, and emerging as a new self.

After leaving their countries behind, and having to construct new lives in a foreign land

under precarious circumstances, changes in their consciousness took place. While both had relied

on male figures in their families to take care of them back home, in Luxembourg they instead

took the lead to construct their new lives. Both made conscious decisions to explore new roles

for themselves, to acquire the knowledge necessary to do so, to question their assumptions and

be critical of their values, and in the end, to emerge as new selves.

According to their narratives, the roles of highly educated women in Iraq and Syria were

impacted by a profoundly patriarchal structure, and although they pursued professional careers,

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they were guided by social norms of what was perceived as acceptable or safe for them as

women. Finding themselves in a new environment, where women were more active

professionally and freer to make their own choices, appeared to create conditions for some of

them to pursue more active roles in the construction of their lives. Therefore, the professional

trajectories of highly educated women may follow different paths, influenced additionally by

their personal circumstances, the absence or presence of a supportive environment, and their

sense of personal agency.

Transformative learning theory is sometimes criticized for not taking context into

consideration (Merriam et al., 2007). The lack of attention to sociocultural contexts specifically

may explain the very limited number of participants reporting transformative learning

experiences. Furthermore, I did not exhaustively seek transformative learning in participants’

narratives, but instead opted to attend to the two instances in which they were generated

naturally.

Learning from Experience. All participants were eager to share their various

experiences on their way to integrate into the local economy, including volunteering, job market

preparation, professional experiences in Luxembourg, and through their new jobs. These findings

led this researcher to the conclusion that the majority of refugee participants learned to integrate

economically from their experiences.

Experience. Volunteering can create a first set of links with the host society (Kikulwe

et al., 2021), and it was one of the first experiences refugees shared in their narratives. It was

more common among Iraqi participants, and certainly important for females of both ethnic

groups. Iraqis’ prolonged exposure to wars might explain their tendency to offer their services to

those in need, as well as among females from either country, whose gender roles are commonly

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associated with caregiving. Very few professionals recognized the refugees’ involvement in

volunteering actions or the value of these experiences in keeping refugees occupied during the

long wait for their refugee status. The choice to volunteer illustrated participants’ eagerness to

become active as soon as possible and to put to good use their skills and experiences. For many,

it was a form of service to others and to their new community, where the value of helping others

was attributed to their religious beliefs and reciprocating the help they had themselves received.

Nevertheless, although there was a lot to be gained by volunteering, refugees’ employment

results showed, similar to other research (Wilson-Forsberg & Sethi, 2015), that volunteering did

not have a positive impact on their prospects. Therefore, there may be value in rethinking

volunteering schemes so as to produce employment opportunities and other benefits.

Measures for preparing their professional portfolios in order to seek employment

opportunities were important for the majority of refugees, especially Syrians and female

participants. The latter shows that females of both ethnic backgrounds, either married with

children or with no dependents, were dedicated to improving their professional profile.

Professionals did not account for this part of the refugee experience, concentrating instead on the

impediments that the latter face in entering the job market. Their understanding of how much

effort refugees spend in preparing for the job market seemed to be implicit.

Almost half of the participants, especially Syrians, younger participants, and females,

assigned significant importance to the different experiences they acquired though professional

exposure, be it through internships, traineeships, or small-scale projects. For Iraqi females, these

experiences were more difficult to attain due partly to their childcare responsibilities and to the

longer waits they faced being granted refugee status. Once more, only a small group of

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professionals accounted for the value of professional experiences that refugees might have been

exposed to.

Lastly, close to half of Iraqis and Syrians had found employment and shared their

experiences with me. Slightly more Iraqis compared to Syrians, and a slightly higher percentage

of males than females, were employed at the time of the interview. The average time to find

employment was about two years after their arrival in Luxembourg. Half of them chose to accept

jobs below their skill level, most of which were within the food service industry. This finding

supports existing literature (Betts et al., 2017; Buber-Ennser et al., 2016) that skilled refugees

from Iraq and Syria arriving in Europe in the 2015 cohort were likely to become underemployed

in their host country. Two of them secured jobs that were similar to what they were doing back

home, one of whom chose self-employment. However, both of these Iraqi males had past jobs in

technical fields and in sales, which had no direct link to their academic qualifications. The

extended warfare in their countries had led them to these choices, which were nonetheless

financially lucrative. Therefore, past professional experience in such fields led to positive

employment outcomes, even as both of them had no significant knowledge of local languages.

Simultaneously, two young Syrians, a male project manager and a female accountant, got jobs in

fields relevant to their past qualifications. For the female, the positive impact of living with a

local host family was instrumental to her success (Ran & Join-Lambert, 2020), especially when

combined with her personal determination and agency. For the male, the success was similarly

determined by an open and supporting employer who valued diversity and had introduced

employee trainings in multicultural understanding. In addition, the male’s ability to prove his

past experience on the job led him from a short-term contract to a full-time position in the firm.

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In part, refugees’ willingness to adapt to the new environment and accept

underemployment provided a foundation for employment success. Nevertheless, the frequent

choice of working in food service was highly precarious, and both restaurants opened by

refugees had failed even before the COVID-19 pandemic had a devastating impact on that

industry.

In addition, professionals did not project a clear understanding of the refugees’ trajectory

in preparing for employment or their first such experiences, be it actual jobs, internships, or

volunteering. This mismatch may have created a blind spot for those working with refugee

populations.

Reflection-on-Experience. In the narratives, highly educated Iraqis and Syrians reflected

on the experiences associated with their efforts to integrate economically in Luxembourg. More

specifically, they returned to their experiences, they attended to their feelings, and they

re-evaluated their experiences to varying degrees. These reflections were consistent with what

Boud and Walker (1991) identified as the three stages to reflection-on-experience. All 20 Iraqis

and Syrians gave rich descriptions of events from their experiences with trainings, in interactions

with administrative bodies and civil society, in their jobs or internships, or in volunteering.

Furthermore, the majority of refugees attended to the feelings (Appendix N – Refugee Feelings)

that emerged through these experiences, as noted by Boud and Walker (1991). The clear

exception was Iraqi and Syrian men in the older age groups. The negative feelings of frustration,

such as hurt pride, embarrassment, resentment, sadness, loneliness, and stress, surpassed the

positive emotions, which illustrated the uphill nature of succeeding in a new country for this

group. The positive feelings showcased the pride, restored self-confidence, and joy of being

employed and a contributing member in the community. Finally, the majority of refugees re-

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evaluated their experiences through one or more stages of association, integration, validation, or

appropriation, similarly to what Boud and Walker (1991) described in their reflection-on-

experience model.

The majority of the participants re-evaluated their experience through association, which

meant they linked their current experiences to their past experiences. The most common

association that refugees made with their experiences was to their past jobs, which led them to

realize that they lacked the skills needed in the new job markets or that they needed to adapt their

expectations and employment plans. The second aspect of re-evaluation was integration, where

participants made connections and interpretations between their new experiences and past

learning. Only two participants, a Syrian female, and an Iraqi male, shared experiences along

these lines, and they were pertaining to a realization that their approaches to their new conditions

were ineffective and that they needed to change course. The third piece of re-evaluating

experiences, validation, which had to do with the testing of new learning, was not reported by

any participant. Lastly, appropriation, which refers to the notion of making new knowledge part

of one’s own repertoire, was raised by some participants. A Syrian female exemplified this piece

by overcoming her resistance and deciding to become a university student again as a way to

increase chances for good employment.

The refugee experience is an intense learning experience in itself (Morrice, 2013).

Although refugees reported on various learning activities, formal, non-formal, informal,

transformative, and experiential, not all of it was positive, nor did it always lead to better

employment outcomes or growth. Negative learning was also part of the refugee experience

(Morrice, 2013). This was associated with the realization that their new refugee identity was

associated with a negative stigma, that their past academic and professional experiences were not

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valued as equal in their new country, and that they had to acquire a new identity that would,

perhaps, increase their chances of integrating economically in Luxembourg.

This analytic theme also revealed differences in perspectives of professionals from

refugees, for example in the academic qualifications or learning activities that are important to

the economic integration trajectory. The positionality of professionals serves as a more goal-

oriented perspective, especially those from government institutions or working on limited-

duration economic integration projects. However, their extensive interaction with new migrants

may also help explain their urgency to align them to the reality of the local job market and the

process of economic integration sooner rather than later.

Analytic Theme 3: Enablers, Inhibitors, and Coping Mechanisms

The findings of the third research question identified the conditions that highly educated

Iraqis and Syrians perceived as enablers and inhibitors to their economic integration in

Luxembourg, as well as their coping mechanisms. This section will analyze these findings

through the following lenses: (a) impactful national strategies, (b) linguistic policies,

(c) addressing discrimination, and (d) nurturing understanding.

Impactful National Strategies

Almost all refugee participants were particularly vocal in expressing their overall

gratitude to Luxembourg. Specifically, with regard to their economic integration, many

recognized the supportive role of government institutions, as well civil society, which is a very

well-developed sector in the country. Women and younger Iraqis were keen to highlight the

positive impact of specific programs that aimed at preparing them to access the local job market,

in contrast with younger Syrians, who were more vocal on the impact of favorable laws and

regulations. As refugees turned to the employment ecosystem for support and preparation for

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employment, the professionals working with these populations were placing higher importance

on the need to have profiles relevant to the local job market, assuming that these were solely the

refugees’ responsibility to acquire. However, the critical incidents raised by professionals

illustrated that the sought-after profile of being fluent in English, with academic and professional

qualifications acquired in the West, corresponded to an extremely small fraction of these groups.

Along the same lines, successful examples, in professionals’ view, involved refugees accepting

jobs below their skill level. Therefore, small-scale targeted projects preparing refugees for the

job market were regarded as successful. However, once the funding of these projects was

depleted, they ceased to exist. These projects, offering concrete training in job preparation, and

most importantly facilitating access to internships, would benefit many more if they were

financially sustained and rolled out on a larger scale.

Providing a framework to facilitate equal and fair access to the job market for refugees,

specifically starting with internships, would be enormously helpful to qualified refugees in

launching their careers. More specifically, offering financial incentives to industries for hiring

refugees might motivate the private sector to contemplate a more diverse pool of candidates and

would offer refugees much-needed professional experience. As considerable learning for refugee

participants occurs informally, internships would serve as an effective tool to speed up their

economic integration. In the long run, the policies that restrict refugees’ access to the job market

have a negative effect on their employment outcomes (Marbach et al., 2018), resulting in higher

welfare benefit costs and lost social and tax contributions for the state.

Refugees’ exclusion from regulated professions such as medicine, pharmacy, and

teaching, but also various crafts (Verwiebe et al., 2019), was a reality for all participants in these

domains. At the same time, participants faced additional hurdles, as the employment landscape

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gave priority to European Union citizen applicants4 and restricted access not only to regulated

professions but also in fields such as accounting and management. Job applicants with refugee

backgrounds in the latter fields almost always fell short when compared to European candidates.

Their non-Western origins and qualifications translated into poor employment outcomes (Annen,

2019). The systemic preference for Western academic and professional qualifications, combined

with language barriers, rendered refugees’ candidacies second-tier. This structural discrimination

could not be overcome by refugees without an institutional reflection on race and labor market

discrimination (Bloch, 2008).

Luxembourg, with its rare multilingual legacy, has put multiculturalism at the core of its

identity. However, embracing multiculturalism is not synonymous to denouncing discrimination.

Professional participants in this study from public administration often highlighted how the

policies adapted for refugees put them on equal footing with other foreign residents, and that the

responsibility was up to them to take up the opportunities offered. In contrast, an employment

landscape that prioritizes EU nationals and illustrates better outcomes for Western-acquired

qualifications signifies institutional racism. Restricted access to regulated domains erects further

systemic barriers to refugees’ access to the job market by creating unequal opportunities

compared to other groups (e.g., EU nationals), whose qualifications are typically easily

recognized and whose native language is sometimes the same as one of the country’s official

three. Creating a framework that results in unequal opportunities and employment outcomes for

certain groups, however well-intentioned it may be, does not translate to fair access. The Office

of the Fairness Commissioner (OFC) in the Province of Ontario, Canada identified this in its

2013 report specifically when addressing access to regulated professions: “Fair access goes

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beyond improving registration practices. It requires looking at fairness in new ways: the goal is

not just treating all people the same, but ensuring substantive equality with regard to key

outcomes” (p. 6).

Luxembourg has a long history of welcoming migrant groups. However, the majority of

these incoming populations have mainly been from other EU countries. The EU framework of a

free movement of people, services, and capital alleviates many of the tensions arising from

integrating these European nationals. Further, the country has had limited exposure to new and

more racially diverse migrant groups originating from the Middle East and North Africa, unlike

neighboring countries France, Belgium, and Germany with long colonial legacies. This might

explain the institutional unpreparedness in addressing racism associated with these new groups

of refugees, in particular what Berman and Paradies (2010) flagged as “indirect racism being

equal treatment that results in unequal opportunity” (p. 228). In the meantime, the state showed

reasonable reflexes in this field, and following a motion adapted in the national parliament in

July 2020, the Ministry of Integration commissioned a study (Luxembourg Ministère de la

Famille, de l’Intégration et à la Grande Région, 2021) on the phenomena of racism and

discrimination in Luxembourg. The results are expected at the end of 2021 and are intended to

inform the government’s strategy for the fight against racism. Previously, in 2006, the country

established the Center for Equal Treatment (CET)5 with the aim of closely monitoring

discrimination in Luxembourg. The current policy initiative will be important to monitor,

especially when keeping in mind the risk of multiculturalism being perceived as synonymous

with anti-racism:

Multicultural policies that seek to address disadvantage run the risk of alienating the targets of racism by reinforcing binary notions of identity, blaming ethnoracial minorities

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for their lack of knowledge of dominant culture, and discouraging targets of racism from taking recourse against racism. While such policies focus almost exclusively on ethnoracial minorities, combating racism requires mainstream changes both at an individual level and at an institutional/structural level. (Berman & Paradies, 2010, p. 228)

Female refugee participants illustrated high interest to participate in targeted programs

for economic integration. In parallel, they faced limitations to accessing learning and

employment opportunities due to childcare responsibilities. Although there was an efficient

childcare system in place, there was insufficient flexibility to accommodate demands on a rolling

basis, generating friction and distress for mothers wishing to enter the world of work.

Furthermore, families with children who were in need of special education faced additional

hurdles in navigating administrative and language barriers. Therefore, women face higher risks

of being excluded from learning and employment opportunities. In the end, it was mostly the

personal agency of the two Iraqi mothers that served them well in progressing toward their

learning and employment goals. Gender policies need to reflect on whether marginalized groups

like female refugees have a fair chance for economic integration.

One of the key government measures in support of families with low incomes, including

refugee families, was the so-called social inclusion income (Revenue d’inclusion sociale -

REVIS).6 These welfare benefits were key in supporting individuals and families during the

initial period of refugee resettlement. As most participants looking to move out of this system

become financially independent, a number of them believed that the current social system was

not incentivizing individuals to seek employment, learn the languages, and become active

members of the community. Much criticism came from Iraqi males of all ages who had secured

employment in Luxembourg, albeit not in their original professional fields. Many argued that

because refugees were most commonly accessing low-paying jobs, it was often not financially

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beneficial to choose employment over welfare benefits (Verwiebe et al., 2019). On the other

hand, by integrating refugees into the European labor markets, there is also a positive financial

contribution employed refugees could be making in local economies (McKinsey Global Institute,

2016). However, this is not a discussion that is on the political agenda regarding refugee

integration.

Iraqi males offered recommendations on ways to rethink welfare benefits. They ranged

from harsh measures to stop social welfare if someone refused a job offer of any kind to linking

it to one’s progress in learning the local languages. One participant referred to the difficulty of

securing private accommodation and moving out of the refugee accommodation centers. As

landlords hesitated to rent their properties to refugees with no job contracts, Tamid suggested

that part of the welfare benefits received from the state should go directly to rent payments,

without ever reaching the refugee. This way welfare benefits could facilitate their integration into

local communities, outside of refugee accommodation centers. Some reflected critically on the

system, wondering whether these policies were intentionally ineffective. Pierre, a professional

working for years with refugees, speculated that the government’s decision to offer welfare

benefits was chosen as the most financially beneficial choice, and not one that would ensure the

economic integration of these populations in the long run. However, although inclusive

employment policies integrating refugees in the labor market could generate more revenue in

terms of taxes, social security contributions, and consumer consumption even outweighing a

country’s spending in social welfare (Karakas, 2015), it is not the current line of argument for

European countries.

This led to the role of refugees in providing input on the design and delivery of refugee-

targeted policies and programs. A female Iraqi English teacher suggested that Arab-speaking

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teachers could work together with local language instructors to better design effective language

courses for Arab speakers at the national level. On the other hand, an Iraqi doctor who was

successful in finding lower-skilled employment was ready to share concrete ideas with decision-

makers about providing incentives to those who make an active effort to integrate into the job

market. Combined with the above-mentioned suggestions regarding welfare benefits, these

examples illustrate that refugees were reflecting on their situation and were ready to step up and

provide concrete feedback on their economic integration process. It also illustrated the absence

of any existing mechanism known to refugees that would seek to consult with them about their

needs. Finding ways to systematically include them in consultation process though open calls,

their ethnic local communities, and supportive NGOs would democratize the integration process

and provide valuable feedback from the recipients’ lens.

A number of NGO professionals also raised the importance of listening to refugees’ input

in order to better understand their needs, but not those working in administration. Nadine, for

example, witnessed the effectiveness of passing on information to Arab-speaking refugees by

other Arab speakers and/or by using humor and anecdotal pieces. A combination of approaches

might make the learning process more efficient and less stressful. This approach would

simultaneously prize refugees’ input and offer a direct look into their needs.

Linguistic Policies

The critical importance that highly educated Iraqis and Syrians learn at least one of the

official languages of Luxembourg cannot be overestimated. However, linguistic factors,

especially multilingualism, were identified by almost all refugees and the majority of

professionals as inhibitors to economic integration. Refugees demonstrating a positive attitude

toward learning overall, and language in particular, were faced with structural challenges

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limiting their success to learn one of the local languages in an efficient and timely manner.

Therefore, language learning could be more effective and speed up refugee integration by

combining formal learning in a classroom setting with informal learning through employment

and social interactions (Adamuti-Trache, 2013).

First, the rare multilingual character of the country (Ehrhart & Fehlen, 2011) made it

difficult to focus on any one language. It was noted by refugees that learning a new language was

a major challenge to overcome. Refugees were often faced with learning more than one of the

country’s languages as a way to secure economic integration. However, I argue that focusing

only on French, assuming that refugees already have some competency in English, would be a

much more efficient strategy. The public administration, with which refugees need to interact

regularly, as well as civil society and considerable parts of the economy are Francophone.

Focusing on becoming rapidly operational in French would facilitate refugees’ economic

integration by providing additional confidence to invest in further language learning. All

participants with children expressed their gratitude for their access to a multilingual school

environment and were conscious of the advantages ahead of them academically and

professionally. They were optimistic that the next generation would be better integrated

socioeconomically.

Although the language training offer in Luxembourg was regarded as generous, it was not

tailored toward refugees’ urgency to become operational as quickly as possible. As a result, the

need for intensive language courses was highlighted. All participants who had attended an

intensive language training reported high levels of satisfaction about their progress and were

gaining an essential skill for accessing the local job market faster. Intensive language classes

could significantly reduce the waiting time until these populations become equipped to access

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the job market (Auer, 2018). Also, rethinking the instruction of language courses for non-Latin

speakers, given the vast differences between Latin and Arabic alphabets, would be helpful. This

could ameliorate the learning disparities for Arab-speaking populations in Luxembourg.

Nurturing Understanding

The majority of refugee participants described the ways in which they cope with the

adversity of their economic integration efforts. Folkman and Moskowitz (2004) referred to

coping “as the thoughts and behaviors used to manage the internal and external demands of

situations that are appraised as stressful” (p. 745). Folkman and Lazarus (1980) were among the

first to introduce the notions of problem-focused and emotion-focused coping. The former

pertains to “the management or alteration of the person-environment relationship that is the

source of stress” and the latter to “the regulation of stressful emotions” (p. 223). In turn, Park and

Folkman (1997) refer to meaning-making as a strategy for coping, through the interaction of

global meaning and situational meaning. Religious coping also enters the coping nomenclature,

notably with Pargament’s (1997) work. Raiya and Pargament (2007) posit that “religious coping

methods can be defined as ways of understanding and dealing with negative life events that are

related to the sacred” (p. 743).

Meaning-making, problem-solving, emotion-focused, and religious coping approaches

emerged from the data in both the refugee and professional groups. Iraqis and Syrians alike, as

well as men and women of all academic backgrounds, followed mostly a meaning-making

approach to coping with their challenges. However, the professionals working with them in

integration programs had an entirely different view of things, as they hardly recognized the

importance of meaning-making in refugees’ coping. Instead, they perceived that problem-solving

was the most common coping reflex for highly educated refugees. In contrast, young

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participants, especially Syrians, had a preference for planning their courses of action and

following through, linked to a problem-solving approach, when it came to dealing with their

integration struggles. Keeping in mind that they had more chances compared to Iraqis to be

granted refugee status, they illustrated their inclination to rationalize things and keep on their

course. The need for emotional support was more prominent among Iraqi men and women alike.

Having endured long wars over the last several decades, compared to the much shorter wars of

Syrians, might explain their tendency toward emotion-focused coping. A very small number of

Syrian participants turned to their faith as a way to cope with their challenges of economic

integration. Although a larger number recognized a positive role of religion in their lives, it was

perceived more as an influencer to their value system, rather than a way to cope with adversity.

This contradicts the perceived role of religiosity for Muslim refugee populations.

The divergence of views on refugees’ coping mechanisms may reflect a lack of

understanding by civil society and administrative bodies on the ways in which these groups

handle adversity. An accurate understanding might render more authentic and nondiscriminatory

personal interactions and successful integration outcomes. Similarly, a small number of

professionals described their need for support in overcoming the challenges of their demanding

working environments. The large number of refugees seeking asylum in Luxembourg, along with

the diversity of their backgrounds, was overwhelming to local authorities, who were not

accustomed to them.

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Analytic Theme 4: Impact of Identity and Religion

Identity Impact

The overall experience of becoming a refugee had an impact on the majority of Iraqis’

and Syrians’ identities, although more so for Syrians. Professionals also picked up on identity

challenges.

As Morrice (2013) stressed, “The [refugee learning] process is more about identity

deconstruction and involves learning who and what they are not” (p. 267). The newly imposed

refugee identity and acquiring local citizenship to secure their safety, as well as a sense of their

lost past identity, were prevailing in their narratives. Most frequently, the refugees expressed

resentment of the negative connotation that came with the legal term ‘refugee.’ Instead, they felt

that, like other expatriates in the country, they should be viewed through the lens of their

personal qualities and professional qualifications rather than their legal status. The image of the

poor, illiterate Muslim refugee was insulting to them. Instead, they aspired to eventually become

part of local communities and the workforce, and not be seen as a financial burden to the state.

However, it was true that highly educated Iraqis and Syrians were the minority of the total

number of their compatriots arriving in Luxembourg. One professional called them the ‘elite,’

which was understandable in that the journey to Europe was quite expensive and that within their

countries the highly educated represent a small percentage of the population. Looking closer into

Josy’s view, it appeared that the state was already doing plenty for this small fraction of the

overall wave of refugees, the highly educated. As a result, I wonder that if the narratives of

highly educated refugees allude to unemployment, underemployment, and other hardships, how

must it look for the thousands coming from less privileged backgrounds?

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Furthermore, professionals raised a number of differences and commonalities between

the two ethnic groups, which might serve as useful context for others working on integration

projects with these populations. The main perceived difference between the two was an

impression that Syrians tended to integrate better and that they were more connected to each

other, in addition to being more highly motivated. Iraqis, on the other hand, seemed to be more

suspicious of others, including fellow Iraqis, and were perceived as less motivated to start their

new lives. The far longer engagement of Iraq in warfare compared to Syria was identified as the

foundation of these differences. On the other hand, their perceived commonalities included both

groups being proud people, accounting for a clear rural/urban divide, and a propensity toward

self-employment.

Turning to the impact of identity in refugees’ economic integration, close to half of the

refugee participants described a drive toward financial stability based on the need to safeguard

and care for their families. Therefore, their identity as parents or heads of household was a strong

determinant (Ghadi et al., 2019). The only other identity that emerged as influential in economic

integration was professional identity. For those who had practiced medicine in their home

countries and had concluded that becoming doctors in Luxembourg was almost impossible, their

past professional identity served as a stressor that they could not overcome. One gave up trying

entirely, due also to his older age and fragile health, while the second spent years trying to find

paths for recognition of his qualifications in a different country. On the contrary, some

participants viewed their professional identity as a positive force, inspiring and encouraging

them to pursue alternative paths for employment.

The perception of professionals regarding the role of identity in economic integration was

by far focused on gender identity. By contrast, only a very small number of Syrians addressed

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any gender identity points in the discussion of economic integration. The majority of

professionals believed that females had a harder time integrating economically when compared

to males. A number of professionals referred to the few motivated and liberal examples they had

of females and how they demonstrated great potential, which could materialize faster with

appropriate empowerment. It was also recognized that the number of female refugees arriving in

the country was smaller than that of males, which might also explain their smaller representation

in the job market. Several examples were raised of experiences with female refugees who

seemed more bound to traditional domestic roles and were not encouraged by their environments

to seek employment. This was true in a specific entrepreneurial venture that initially aimed at

offering employment to female refugees and did not succeed in attracting that target group.

Nevertheless, as one professional highlighted, the choice for a female to enter (or not enter) the

job market was multidimensional and a testament to the different choices families with small

children make, not necessarily to a patriarchal view that women should stay home.

I believe that it was a matter of time for female participants until they successfully

navigated the system to explore their full options. They all illustrated a strong drive and

determination to succeed, and they did not seem bound by beliefs that restrain them to caregiving

roles, hence avoiding seeking professional employment. They were meticulous in following

targeted integration programs, as well as formal and non-formal trainings—even if the ones with

children had additional childcare hurdles or family circumstances to overcome. Therefore, it

appears that female refugees illustrated greater integration potential than what the professionals

believed.

In closing, different identity roles may facilitate or may hinder economic integration. The

negative impact was higher for those closely associated with their professional identity in a field

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for which they could not hope for positive employment outcomes. However, some refugees took

a positive outlook on their past professional identity by using it to inform their future choices.

Women, in particular, demonstrated a great potential for economic integration. The one clear

impact on Iraqis’ and Syrians’ identity was associated with learning, which led them to discover

that refugee identity came with a negative connotation and that much of what they knew needed

adjustment in order to integrate economically. The stigma associated with a refugee identity is

often raised (Wehrle et al., 2018), but not much has been done to address it. By using

interchangeably the terms ‘refugee’ and ‘new migrant,’ this study aims to place these groups

under a more positive light.

Role of Religion

Islam was the only declared faith among refugee participants (Appendix G—

Demographic Inventory). The majority of refugee participants highlighted a positive role of

religion in their lives, with Iraqis and all women showing a higher preference compared to

Syrians. Half of the participants recognized a positive role of their faith serving as a compass for

their overall value system, but also as a positive force of spirituality and faith. Values that were

raised included the importance of family, learning, a hard-working ethic, service to others, and

respect, which were partly influenced by their interpretation of their faith’s teachings. Very few

assigned a negative role of religion in their lives; for example, that their refusal to remove the

hijab might influence their job options, or that one’s decision to convert to another faith was the

reason to flee their country. For some, it was a neutral force. A few young Syrian males were

very explicit in denouncing religion altogether. At the same time, Iraqis were more critical of

their religion compared to Syrians, but it was only some Syrians across age and gender who

viewed their religion as a support mechanism. The criticism was mainly on the misinterpretation

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of Islam that leads to extremism, which they denounced, and also the corruption that they

perceived was often associated with any form of power. On the other hand, the professionals

who recognized a role for religion in the lives of refugees highlighted only a negative one,

mainly that of an inhibitor to their integration. They also referred to the discrimination they had

witnessed against Muslims by volunteers who expressed preference in assisting Christian refugee

groups from Iraq and Syria instead.

The role of religion in the lives of refugees who adhered to Islam was not different from

the spiritual influence of other faiths. Participants’ reflections on critiquing various aspects of

their faith, their self-reported religious tolerance, and its role as a support mechanism accounted

for experiences similar to believers across denominations. However, the professionals working

with refugee populations assigned mostly a negative role for refugees’ religion, namely, the

Islamic faith. Specifically, it was mostly viewed as an inhibitor for integration if refugees were

perceived as making their beliefs too visible (Lindemann & Stolz, 2018). Their argument was

that Luxembourg was a secular state and that religion fell into the private realm, and that it

should thus not be visible to the public. However, the fact that no professional recognized

refugees’ faith as a spiritual outlet led to this researcher’s belief that a lack of awareness about

Islam, and some Islamophobia, might explain this divergence. This definition was offered by the

Runnymede Trust Commission (1997):

[Islamophobia is an] unfounded hostility towards Islam. It refers also to the practical consequences of such hostility in unfair discrimination against Muslim individuals and communities, and exclusion of Muslims from mainstream political and social affairs. (p. 4)

Finally, in considering whether there was an impact in refugees’ integration originating

from Islamic countries, less than half of refugees and professionals alike estimated that there was

a negative impact. Similarly, a small number in both groups identified no impact in refugees’

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integration due to their Muslim origins. The lack of strong indications on either a clearly tolerant

or discriminatory environment signals that, although many had some discriminatory experiences

to share, these were neither frequent nor extreme. Some refugees highlighted their experiences

with multiculturalism and an exposure to different faiths when compared to living in their home

countries. They referred to the cultural, linguistic, and religious diversity in their communities

and were surprised by the ignorance of locals on these matters. Fadila, for example, a female

Iraqi teacher, had taken on a volunteer task of making presentations about her country to local

schools, following the initiatives of local teachers, so as to communicate her country’s cultural

richness.

These points led me to conclude that there was a lack of overall knowledge and exposure

to Middle Eastern populations, apart from a folkloric approach to regional cooking. Increasing

the frequency and intensity of interactions with these populations may nurture deeper

understanding and even appreciation for these refugees’ lives. However, other European

countries with lengthier contacts with Muslim populations have shown poor economic

integration results and a need to account for Muslims’ employment gaps (Adida et al., 2010,

Connor & Koenig, 2015). Therefore, Luxembourg’s policymakers may need to reflect on ways

to avoid following a similar trend in the long run.

Refugee integration measures in Germany introduced in 2015 by the Asylum Procedures

Acceleration Act,7 such as integration and targeted language courses, appear to have a positive

impact and facilitate refugees’ socio-economic integration (Kosyakova & Sirries, 2017). Also,

research projects a decrease in Germany’s fiscal costs in the long run associated with an increase

7 Asylverfahrensbeschleunigungsgesetz [Act on the Acceleration of Asylum Procedures] (Oct. 20, 2015), BUNDESGESETZBLATT (BGBl.) [Federal Law Gazette] I at 1722. Retrieved at: https://www.bgbl.de/xaver/bgbl/start.xav?startbk=Bundesanzeiger_BGBl&jumpTo=bgbl115s1722.pdf#__bgbl__%2F%2F*%5B%40attr_id%3D%27bgbl115s1722.pdf%27%5D__1640257710626

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in investment related to refugee integration actions (Bach et al., 2017). As right-wing populist

parties across Europe have used Islamophobia as a means to garner electoral support (Kaya &

Tecmen, 2019), the success of refugee integration may mitigate extremist sentiments across the

board.

Assumptions Revisited

In Chapter 1, I highlighted five assumptions that transverse this study. The following

section reevaluates these assumptions subsequent to the findings and their interpretation in

Chapters 4 and 5, respectively.

Assumption One

Refugees in Luxembourg benefit from policies and programs inspired by the principles

set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (United Nations General Assembly, 1948)

in support of their dignity and right to work. The assumption is reinforced by a series of

measures that facilitate the welcoming, the support, and the integration of refugee populations.

The overall culture and political tone of the country, compared to other European countries, are

positive toward these efforts, and this is recognized by refugees. However, the structural

inhibitors, complemented by the poor employment outcomes of highly educated Iraqis and

Syrians, illustrate that their economic integration is progressing at a slow pace (see Finding 2 in

Chapter 4).

Assumption Two

Europe’s growing economic inequalities and the rise of Islamophobia in public opinion

render the economic integration of new refugee populations from Iraq and Syria more

challenging. The Luxembourg integration ecosystem is supported by government funding, which

goes to institutions and non-governmental organizations for the design and delivery of programs,

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but also to guarantee an income to households with very low or no income (see Finding 3 in

Chapter 4, and Analytic Category 3 in Chapter 5). Therefore, although new migrants receive

support, their economic integration is inhibited by linguistic and structural factors, among others.

With regard to Islamophobia, I was surprised by the small number of professionals pointing to

discrimination and cultural or religious inhibitors to economic integration (see Finding 3 in

Chapter 4), while for any reference to new migrants’ religion, the same group viewed it only as

an inhibitor. Along similar lines, some professionals recognized that Christian Arabs were

receiving preferential treatment by volunteers compared to Muslim Arabs. For new migrants,

religion had a role to play, but it was not dominating their narratives. They criticized various

aspects of religion, including radicalism that leads to violence (see Finding 4 in Chapter 4). The

above elements, combined with a study commissioned by the Luxembourg government

regarding discrimination and racism in the country (see Analytic Category 3 in Chapter 5), lead

me to believe that there is hesitation in more openly addressing religious biases.

Assumption Three

Participants will share their experiences candidly. It was clear that the refugee identity

carries a negative connotation, and there was wide preference among Iraqis and Syrians in

viewing themselves as other migrant groups. I felt a sense of holding back on one occasion.

Examples of individuals having lived life-threatening experiences back home were such cases or

others who had been in the Luxembourg media spotlight. It was noted also that courtesy,

hospitality, and giving back to the community were important for many (see Finding 1 in

Chapter 4). I was surprised how willing the new migrants were to share their narratives, and how

they were keen to participate in a study that would shed light on their experiences (see Finding 3

in Chapter 4).

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Assumption Four

Highly educated refugees will enjoy better chances to economic integration and to

speaking reflectively on their experiences. Participants offered their reflections quite frequently.

However, several recognized that their depth and refinement were not optimal compared to the

way they would have expressed themselves in their native language. Furthermore, highly

educated refugees were at ease to navigate the administration of settling in, although recognizing

its complexity. Nevertheless, their poor employment outcomes illustrate that their human capital

(see Finding 2 in Chapter 4) was not sufficient to support a timely economic integration.

Assumption Five

Adult learning theories, learning from experience and transformative learning, will

contribute to understanding the learning strategies of highly educated refugees in their efforts to

integrate economically. Learning from experience was indeed illuminating in the lived

experiences of new migrants. However, although transformative learning was much less

identified as a learning path to economic integration, it is also a process that takes time to evolve.

I did not anticipate that non-formal learning activities, which are the backbone of the refugee

integration approach, would be the least impactful to new migrants, and that professionals would

not account for the importance of informal learning (see Finding 2 in Chapter 4).

Contributions to the Literature

This research has made three contributions to the existing literature.

First, this research strengthened De Vroome and Van Tubergen’s (2010) factors that

facilitated or inhibited refugee economic integration in the Netherlands. Similar to their findings,

local academic qualifications, professional experience, and linguistic skills, as well as social

connections (especially to the local population), were instrumental in paving the way to

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economic integration. In this study, however, completion of integration courses and mental

health issues did not receive the same attention. Instead, the non-formal learning that was the

most impactful was associated with providing professional exposure to new migrants in the form

of internships. Mental health was raised only on a few occasions as a concern. However, the

plethora of negative feelings highlighted by participants pointed to the excessive psychological

weight they carried, which was not receiving attention by them nor by local institutions.

Relatedly, Piętka-Nykaza (2015) identified a set of strategies adopted by skilled refugees in the

United Kingdom: some coming to a realization of their need to requalify, others compromising

on their professional aspirations, others yet feeling ambivalent about their future, and a few

finally giving up their professional goals. This research revealed similar group formations, with

the most prevalent being those adapting to their new circumstances and accepting employment

below their academic qualifications and professional experience.

Second, this study revealed two cases of female new migrants who experienced

transformative learning as they navigated their new lives and learned how to integrate

economically. Mezirow (1978b) referred in his earlier writings to the type of learning in which

“we learn to become critically aware of the cultural and psychological assumptions that have

influenced the way we see ourselves and our relationships and the way we pattern our lives”

(p. 101), which he defined as meaning perspectives. The two participants became critically aware

that their meaning perspectives were not sufficient to address their sets of challenges and new,

post-migration reality, which in turn created the conditions for a transformation to occur. The

small number of transformative learning occurrences might be explained by the small number of

female participants. Furthermore, in comparison to male participants, females reported that,

although they were professionally active in Iraq and Syria, they were bound by a patriarchal

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culture from which they detached after settling in Luxembourg. Therefore, the post-migration

experiences of male new migrants might have been less conducive to a critical reflection of their

meaning perspectives. Similar to Morrice’s (2012) findings, this study revealed cases of

“perspective transformation, change, and adaptation” (p. 266). However, the findings indicated

that the majority of refugees found that adaptability was a necessary practice for their economic

integration (see Table 12), which meant that they had to accept that much of their past learning

and professional experiences would not be used in their new context. This supplements the view

of Morrice that there is a negative side to transformative learning and that refugees need “to

‘unlearn’ and let go of much of who and what they were” (p. 267).

Finally, Adida et al. (2010) identified that Muslims faced labor market discrimination in

France. The findings of this research indicated that highly educated Iraqis and Syrians obtained

poor employment outcomes (see Table 13). In addition, professionals working with refugee

populations assigned only a negative role to refugees’ religion, especially if there were visible

signs of their faith (see Table 28) impacting their economic integration, and recognized

discrimination toward Muslim Arabs when compared to Christian Arabs. Furthermore, Connor

and Koenig (2015) recognized the challenge of differentiating the impact between ethnic and

religious background, but other studies illustrated a ‘Muslim penalty’ in the U.K. labor market

(Heath & Martin, 2013, p. 1005). Although race and country of origin are some of the factors

that differentiate Muslims, and this study had a limited focus on ethnicity, there were signs

pointing to labor market discrimination for Muslims in Luxembourg.

Conclusions

I have drawn four conclusions from the findings of this research. The first concerns the

transitioning of new migrants from their pre-migration past to their post-migration present. The

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second conclusion is dedicated to learning associated with economic integration. The facilitators

and impediments to economic integration are highlighted in the third conclusion. The last

conclusion addresses identity and religion.

Conclusion One: Transitioning from Pre- to Post-migration

The major finding of the first research question was that highly educated Iraqis and

Syrians enjoyed a meaningful professional status prior to the uprooting wars in their countries,

and they were grateful to Luxembourg for the safety and support to restart their lives. The wars

in Iraq and Syria had a devastating impact on participants, but driven by their values, they

navigated housing and family challenges before diving into their economic integration efforts.

Initial experiences were diverse and associated with mostly negative feelings.

I conclude that highly educated Iraqis and Syrians exist in several parallel milieus of a

privileged past, disrupted by displacing wars, and an ambiguous present associated with

conflicting feelings.

Conclusion Two: Learning Toward Economic Integration

The major finding of the second research question was that linguistic skills, suitable

academic qualifications, and adaptability count toward economic integration. Highly educated

Iraqis and Syrians valued learning and learned mostly informally, from their economic

integration experiences. Their narratives on their experiences of economic integration, and

specifically their reflections-on-experience, aligned with Boud and Walker’s (1991) phase of

learning from experience. Transformative learning and the pursuit of formal local academic

qualifications were identified only in two separate sets of cases.

I conclude that although highly educated Iraqis and Syrians recognized the importance of

local linguistic skills, they are not acquiring them efficiently and in a timely fashion.

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Furthermore, there was divergence of approaches on two fronts: first, regarding the value and

acquisition of relevant academic qualifications, and second, on the learning methods toward

economic integration, where the existing non-formal learning ecosystem did not account for the

informal learning that new migrants relied on predominantly.

Conclusion Three: Facilitators of and Impediments to Economic Integration

The major finding of the third research question identified that skilled Iraqis and Syrians

felt supported by local institutions, targeted projects, and a timely exposure to the local job

market but by no clear margin. In contrast, multilingualism, the competitive local job market,

restrictive administrative and regulatory formalities, and stereotyping slowed down their efforts

to integrate economically, while keeping a perspective to their integration adversity enabled

them to cope.

I conclude that targeted projects and professional exposure have the greatest potential of

facilitating the economic integration of skilled Iraqis and Syrians. However, Luxembourg’s

multilingualism and strong economy serve as hurdles to new migrants, which become

insurmountable combined with a set of restrictive, ‘equal-for-all’ but rather unfair regulations

and practices.

Conclusion Four: Identity and Religion

The major findings of the fourth research question highlighted the negative impact of the

refugee experience on the identity of skilled Iraqis and Syrians, which was not shared by

professionals, and the contesting role of religion. Highly educated Iraqis and Syrians were

confronted with the stigma and invisibility associated with their refugee status. Furthermore,

religion was a moderate, positive factor for some, and indifferent for others. For professionals,

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concerning identity the focus was primarily on gender, whereas religion was associated with

strict observances, which were in turn viewed as an impediment on integration.

I conclude that identity and religion are two themes where there is little shared

understanding between new migrants and professionals.

Recommendations

The section below presents the recommendations I draw from the findings of the present

research. The recommendations concern highly educated new migrants, new migrant integration

program development practitioners, policymakers, and future research.

Recommendations for Highly Educated New Migrants

Recognize the Need for Time

Participants identified a number of issues, which concur that economic integration for

new migrants is a long-term, non-linear, and iterative process. Hence, in order to better equip

themselves, new migrants might benefit from recognizing their need for sufficient time. I use the

metaphor of a marathon to visualize the journey that awaits new migrants en route to economic

integration.

Eighteen participants recognized that their pre-migration privileges were disrupted by

their forced uprooting, whereas all participants reported on the impact of war in several aspects

of their lives. Fifteen participants expressed a tapestry of negative feelings, and one professional

referred to the importance of refugee psychological support. Both issues combined demonstrate

that the refugee experience takes a toll on mental health, which is not sufficiently addressed,

neither by new migrants nor institutionally. Fourteen participants reported an impact of

economic integration on their identity. Ten participants viewed the long wait for receiving the

refugee status, and other institutional failings, as slowing down their economic integration.

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Eleven participants highlighted the challenges they faced with housing and family matters. In

essence, all these themes take time to address and overcome. Six professionals cited that new

migrants need time to navigate their new reality, prepare for the job market, and find

employment.

Prioritize Intensive French Language Training

New migrants may benefit by making a strategic choice as to their local language

acquisition priorities, so as to navigate the multilingual nature of Luxembourg, and to facilitate

their economic integration. That choice might be investing time and effort in pursuing intensive

French language training. After mastering one of the administrative languages, there will be

opportunities and incentives to learn Luxembourgish (perhaps German as well—the third

national language).

Sixteen new migrants and six professionals highlighted that linguistic skills are by far the

most important talent to nurture. Fourteen Iraqis and Syrians, and six professionals, recognized

that Luxembourg’s multilingualism inhibits the economic integration of new migrants. Three

professionals recognized the lengthy duration of language trainings as a hindering factor,

whereas four new migrants praised the benefits of intensive language trainings. Five new

migrants highlighted their plans to acquire Luxembourgish nationality, where one of the

prerequisites is a good level of Luxembourgish.

Pursue Any Type of and Means to Gain Professional Exposure

Exposure to the local job market by means of internships, project-based work, and

employment adds value to a CV but most importantly serves as learning opportunities, which in

turn facilitate economic integration. Usually this means that new migrants need to adapt their

expectations to the local market demands and often make a choice between accepting

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opportunities below their past professional experience or face longer periods of inactivity. In

addition, the actual job search (in terms of CV or interview preparation) is valuable experience to

acquire early on.

Seven new migrants highlighted the value of targeted projects, preparing them for the job

market, by facilitating internship opportunities. Six new migrants referred to the importance of

professional exposure and professional expertise. Six professionals highlighted the value of

having qualifications that are relevant to the demands of the local market. Eleven new migrants

referred to their experiences as volunteers, and one professional recognized volunteering as a

useful practice. Seven new migrants expressed positive feelings associated with their

contentment and pride in working, and in volunteering. Similar positive feelings of contentment,

hope, and motivation of new migrants were also recognized by two professionals, and an

additional one witnessing the benefit to the morale of new migrants working. With regard to

adaptability, thirteen new migrants reported that it was a practice that facilitated their economic

integration, and seven professionals held similar views.

Reflect on Opportunities for Acquiring Formal European Academic Qualifications

As formal academic qualifications acquired in the West are recognized easily and are

well regarded in the local market, combined with the delays, and restrictions that new migrants

encounter with the recognition of their past academic qualifications, identifying suitable

programs to complement their existing knowledge will only expedite their economic integration

in the medium and long run.

Eight professionals mentioned the importance of appropriate and Westerly-acquired

qualifications, similarly to five new migrants. Out of the eight new migrants who were employed

at the time of the interview, only half were working in fields similar to their past, and only two

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held positions that required a university diploma. Becoming a full-time student would mean that

new migrants may need to forego their welfare rights. In parallel, four new migrants underlined

the aversive impact of welfare as an inhibitor to their economic integration.

Recommendations for New Migrant Program Development Practitioners

Consider Synergies for Rolling out Large-scale Targeted Economic Integration Projects

Projects preparing new migrants for the job market (including CV and interview

preparation), and including internships as part of their program, facilitate new migrants’

exposure to the local job market, which is critical to economic integration. As many

organizations and institutions are charged with delivering integration programs, there is value in

considering synergies in order to maximize impact and minimize overlaps.

The same findings that supported the recommendation to new migrants for pursuing

professional exposure apply here. In addition, seven skilled Iraqis and Syrians highlighted the

supporting role of various institutions to their economic integration.

Assess the Efficacy of Language and Integration Programs for Equipping New Migrants for Employment

On the one hand, local language skills are fundamental to economic integration. Although

the cost for language courses is subsidized, the existing programs appear to be failing new

migrants in terms of their lengthy duration and an inadaptability to non-Latin language speakers.

On the other hand, contrary to professionals’ beliefs, new migrants learn less by the non-formal

integration programs. Therefore, there is value in assessing how new migrants learn best and

adjust the delivered programs accordingly.

Regarding language programs, most of the findings that supported the recommendation to

new migrants in prioritizing intensive language courses in French are also suitable here.

Furthermore, three skilled Iraqis and Syrians referred to the role that new migrants can play in

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the design and delivery of integration programs. Therefore, there is value in consulting with them

for the assessment and eventual redesign of language programs for these groups. In addition,

there may be a need to assess whether the instruction of language courses is effective for

speakers of non-Latin languages. With regard to the efficacy of integration programs, the

findings showed that, although seven professionals believed that new migrants learned by

non-formal learning activities, the majority of the latter reported learning informally, and

specifically through their economic integration experiences.

Consider Creating Spaces for Reflecting on Stereotypes and Discrimination

Issues like identity, religion, and culture lead to stereotyping and discrimination. The

references to discrimination, and the divergence of views on identity and religion between new

migrants and professionals, point to the need for raising awareness, discussing, and reflecting on

these themes. The aim would be to first learn about others in both directions, avoid creating

otherness, and eventually identify universal points of interconnectedness. Therefore, a

community-wide effort may address these issues encouraging reflections from all parties.

Findings from new migrants showed that close to half of them felt that social, cultural,

and religious factors were inhibiting their economic integration.

Recommendations for Policy

Assess Fairness of Existing Employment Framework for New Migrants

Findings of this research showed that an extremely small number of skilled Iraqis and

Syrians were employed at their skill level, and the majority were employed in precarious sectors.

The sooner they become financially independent, the sooner the social assistance programs can

be geared to other targets, and the sooner they will be contributing with their taxed income to the

formal economy. Prolonged employment outcome inequalities have a cost both on the country’s

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economic performance and social cohesion. The foreseen Luxembourg report on the assessment

of discrimination and racism in the country, launched in 2020, may inform these policies.

Reflect on an Inclusive, Fair, and Diverse Adult Education Strategy

New migrants, similarly to other social groups, will benefit from fair access to re-skilling

and up-skilling programs that equip them to integrate economically in a speedy and sustainable

way. The priorities of the economy are constantly evolving, and there is a pressing need to

requalify parts of the working force. Co-designing with industry and academia accelerated

university degree programs for adult learners will benefit not only new migrants, but also other

parts of the working force who need to requalify or advance their knowledge level. In addition,

educational programs concerning Islam will bring value not only at the school and university

levels in educating new generations, but also at work and community settings to which more

conservative adults have access.

Incentivize the Job Market to Offer Timely Professional Exposure to Groups from Diverse Backgrounds

Offering financial incentives to companies for internships, for implementing mentoring

programs, and for cultivating equity, diversity, and inclusive job practices may have a positive

impact both on the workplace and on the societal level. Such measures require an investment in

resources, which employers may be willing to undertake if they receive some support, while

witnessing the advantages of good organizational practices to the performance of their company.

Recommendations for Future Research

Conduct a Study with a Larger Number of Female New Migrants

This research accounted for a small number of skilled Iraqi and Syrian females. There

may be value in gathering data from a larger number of female new migrants to better understand

their learning experiences of economic integration.

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Conduct a Study with Highly Educated New Migrants from Other Geographical Regions

This study focused on skilled Iraqis and Syrians, as they were two of the most populous

groups seeking refuge in Luxembourg in 2015. Other ethnic groups of new migrants continue to

apply for international protection. Therefore, there may be value in understanding the learning

experiences of other groups and how they perform in their economic integration efforts.

Conduct a Longitudinal Study on Employment Outcomes of New Migrants

There may be value in tracking how new migrants performed in the longer run in order to

gain a better understanding on the efficiency of existing measures and policies. A comparison

with other low-income groups, and a comparison against the overall population, will assist in

drawing valuable conclusions.

Reflection

I am ever grateful to the 20 Iraqis and Syrians, as well as to the 10 professionals working

with new migrant groups, for their participation in this research. They opened their hearts,

sharing their thoughts, feelings, and aspirations. Their stories, efforts, successes, and failures

have carried me through this long doctoral journey. My hope is that I have been fair to their

narratives and that this study may contribute not only to raising their voice, but eventually

granting them a seat at the decision-making table. I intend to work with them to share the results

of my study to those who may benefit from accessing these recommendations. One professional

viewed this skilled group as ‘elite,’ compared to the thousands of others seeking refuge in

Luxembourg. Being confronted with the challenges and obstacles that the ‘elite’ shared in this

research makes me wonder about the trajectories of those with lower skill levels. There is no

doubt that pain, suffering, and despair are common to the migration experience. It was deeply

disappointing to witness two entrepreneurship endeavors initiated by participants that were not

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successful. However, the migration experience is also associated with hope, perseverance, and

accomplishment. I have felt great joy witnessing the accomplishments of two female participants

after their interviews: one graduating from the local university and gaining employment, and

another one finding employment who has since been successful in retaining the position.

The discovery of, and the practice I have gained in, the art and science of research have

altered my ways of being. Testing my assumptions and those of others, reflecting critically,

asking open-ended questions, identifying patterns, and sorting out meaning and importance have

added a different lens by which I view and interact with the world around me. Diving into an

infinite wealth of research across themes and disciplines offered me a glimpse of how

researchers contribute to answering real-world problems. I am convinced of the great value in

sharing research findings with wider audiences, with a special emphasis outside the academic

milieu. Policymakers, practitioners, and the general public are much in need of the insights,

hope, and understanding that can emerge from research.

Working on a dissertation topic that is important to me has served as an invaluable source

of motivation, dedication, and perseverance. The lengthy course and the high demands of

navigating each step of my doctoral program had an immense impact on my personal life,

requiring me to create and safeguard the necessary space for it alongside my professional and

family life. It made me focus on what was important, and although it has taken me away from

my loved ones for great stretches of time, it has made me rethink the value of human interaction

in terms of quality rather than frequency. I feel that this undertaking will have a lasting impact on

me.

Looking ahead, I am enthusiastic and curious to undertake research on other projects by

choosing topics that are dear to my heart, as well as stimulating intellectually. Of equal

223

importance is to work on them together with people that I trust, admire, and respect, as I have

here.

Γηράσκω δ’ αεί πολλά διδασκόμενος. Σόλων

224

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Appendix A: Email Invitation to Participate in Interview (Refugee Participant)

Dear Mr/Ms_____________, My name is Anne Marie Vesdrevanis and I have been a doctoral student at Teachers College, Columbia University in New York since 2015. I also hold a full-time job as the external affairs coordinator at the University of Luxembourg’s Faculty of Law, Economics and Finance since 2010. I am now ready to begin my dissertation. I am conducting research on highly-educated refugees from Iraq and Syria who arrived in Luxembourg since 2015 and are trying to integrate economically. I would like to interview you for my study if you are interested. The purpose of my study is to understand the learning experiences of highly-educated refugees from Iraq and Syria in their economic integration efforts, explore the conditions and skills that help or delay those efforts, and understand the role of identity in the process. If you agree to participate you would need to commit to an approximately 120 minutes (maximum), in-person interview in a public or private space of convenience. I am proposing that we meet two times (2 x 60 minutes). The first time I will explain more about my study, and review with you some forms I would like you to complete. The second time, during the interview you would be asked questions about your experiences in Luxembourg. An example of a question to be asked is: “If you had the chance to do things differently since you arrived in Luxembourg what would you do?” Your identity will be kept confidential and I will be the one conducting the interview. Also, the identity of your possible or potential employer will be kept confidential. The results of the study will be used in a dissertation to be submitted in connection with the completion of my doctorate degree in adult education. After I receive your reply, I will send you a consent form and additional information about the study. In turn, we would need to schedule a date/time for our two meetings. Thank you so much for considering my request. Sincerely, Anne Marie Vesdrevanis

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Appendix B: Email Invitation to Participate in Interview (Professional Participant)

Dear Mr/Ms_____________, My name is Anne Marie Vesdrevanis and I have been a doctoral student at Teachers College, Columbia University in New York since 2015. I also hold a full-time job as the external affairs coordinator at the University of Luxembourg’s Faculty of Law, Economics and Finance since 2010. I am now ready to begin my dissertation. I am conducting research on highly-educated refugees from Iraq and Syria who arrived in Luxembourg since 2015 and are trying to integrate economically. I would like to interview you for my study if you are interested. The purpose of my study is to understand the learning experiences of highly-educated refugees from Iraq and Syria in their economic integration efforts, explore the conditions and skills that help or delay those efforts, and understand the role of identity in the process. If you agree to participate you would need to commit to an approximately 90 minutes (maximum), in-person interview in a public or private space of convenience. During the interview you would be asked questions about your experiences in Luxembourg. An example of a question to be asked is: “From your professional engagement with refugees, how would you describe the experiences of highly-educated refugees from Iraq and Syria who have arrived in Luxembourg since 2015?” Your identity will be kept confidential and I will be the one conducting the interview. Also, the identity of your employer will be kept confidential. The results of the study will be used in a dissertation to be submitted in connection with the completion of my doctorate degree in adult education. After I receive your reply, I will send you a consent form and additional information about the study. In turn, we would need to schedule a date/time for the interview. Thank you so much for considering my request. Sincerely, Anne Marie Vesdrevanis

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Appendix C: Informed Consent and Participant’s Rights Form (Refugee Participants)

Teachers College, Columbia University 525 West 120th Street New York NY 10027 T: +1 212 678 3000

INFORMED CONSENT

Protocol Title: Understanding the Learning Experiences of Highly-Educated Refugees from Iraq and Syria en route to Economic Integration in Luxembourg

Principal Investigator: Anne Marie Vesdrevanis, Doctoral Student, Department of

Organizational Leadership, Teachers College, Columbia University, T: +352 661395562, E: amv2168@tc.columbia.edu

Introduction: You are being invited to participate in this research study called “Understanding the Learning Experiences of Highly-Educated Refugees from Iraq and Syria en route to Economic Integration in Luxembourg.” You may qualify to take part in this research study because you are fluent in English; are from Iraq or Syria; have completed at least three years of higher education and have received a university degree; you have arrived in Luxembourg from 2015 onwards; and you have received international protection status. Approximately 30 people will participate in this study and it will take approximately 120 minutes to complete. Audio recording is part of this study. If you do not want to be audio recorded, you cannot participate in this study. Why is this study being done? The study is being done to understand how highly-educated refugees learn to integrate economically in Luxembourg, to explore the enabling and inhibiting factors to their integration, and the impact of their identity in the process. What will I be asked to do if I agree to take part in this study? If you decide to participate, you will be interviewed on two occasions for 60 minutes each by the principal investigator. During the interview you will be asked to discuss your experience in integrating professionally in Luxembourg. This interview will be audio-recorded for transcription purposes only. After the audio-recording is written down (transcribed) the audio-recording will be deleted.

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You will also be asked to complete a critical incident questionnaire and a demographic survey. An example of a question asked in the critical incident survey would be: “Think back to a time, since you arrived in Luxembourg and were trying to get a job, when something positive happened and you thought to yourself: Yes, this is it, I will make it here. Will you please elaborate on this?” You will be given a pseudonym in order to keep your identity confidential. All of these procedures will be done at a public or private space of convenience, at a time that is convenient to you. What possible risks or discomforts can I expect from taking part in this study? This is a minimal risk study, which means the harms or discomforts that you may experience are not greater than you would ordinarily encounter in daily life while taking routine physical or psychological examinations or tests. However, there are some risks to consider. You might feel anxiety by sharing with a stranger some of your life or discussing things you have not talked about before. However, you do not have to answer any questions or divulge anything you don’t want to talk about. You can stop participating in the study at any time without penalty. The principal investigator is taking precautions to keep your information confidential and prevent anyone from discovering or guessing your identity, such as using a pseudonym instead of your name and keeping all information on a password protected computer and locked in a file drawer. What possible benefits can I expect from taking part in this study? There is no direct benefit to you for participating in this study. Will I be paid for being in this study? For your participation in this study, will receive a 20EUR card to a major shopping center. There are no costs to you for taking part in this study. When is this study over? Can I leave the study before it ends? The study is over when you have completed the interview. However, you can leave the study at any time even if you haven’t finished. You will still receive the 20EUR card compensation. Protection of your confidentiality: The investigator will keep all written materials locked in a desk drawer in a locked office. Any electronic or digital information (including audio recordings) will be stored on a computer that is password protected. What is on the audio-recording will be written down and the audio-recording will then be destroyed. There will be no record matching your real name with your pseudonym. For quality assurance, members of the Teachers College Office of Sponsored Programs may review the data collected from you as part of this study. Otherwise, all information obtained from your participation in this study will be held strictly confidential and will be disclosed only with your permission or as required by U.S. or State or Luxembourg law.

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How will the results be used? The results of this study will be published in journals and presented at academic conferences. Your name or any identifying information about you will not be published. This study is being conducted as part of the doctoral dissertation of the principal investigator. Audio recording is part of this research study. You can choose whether to give permission to be recorded. If you decide that you don’t wish to be audio recorded you will not be able to participate in this research study. __I give my consent to be recorded __________________________________________

Signature _I do not consent to be recorded ____________________________________________

Signature OPTIONAL CONSENT FOR FUTURE CONTACT The investigator may wish to contact you in the future. Please initial the appropriate statements to indicate whether or not you give permission for future contact. I give permission to be contacted in the future for information relating to this study:

Yes ________________________ No_______________________ Initial Initial

Who can answer my questions about this study? If you have any questions about taking part in this research study, you should contact the principal investigator, Anne Marie Vesdrevanis, at T:+352 661-399562 or email: amv2168@tc.columbia.edu. You can also contact the faculty advisor, Dr Jeanne Bitterman at T:+1 212-678-3701. If you have questions or concerns about your rights as a research subject, you should contact the Institutional Review Board (IRB) (the human research ethics committee) at T: +1 212-678-4105 or email IRB@tc.edu. Or you can write to the IRB at Teachers College, Columbia University, 525 W. 120th Street, New York, NY 1002. The IRB is the committee that oversees human research protection for Teachers College, Columbia University.

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PARTICIPANT’S RIGHTS

• I have read and discussed the informed consent with the researcher. I have had ample opportunity to ask questions about the purposes, procedures, risks and benefits regarding this research study.

• I understand that my participation is voluntary. I may refuse to participate or withdraw participation at any time without penalty.

• The researcher may withdraw me from the research at his or her professional discretion.

• If, during the course of the study, significant new information that has been developed becomes available which may relate to my willingness to continue my participation, the investigator will provide this information to me.

• Any information derived from the research study that personally identifies me will not be voluntarily released or disclosed without my separate consent, except as specifically required by law.

• Your data will not be used in further research studies. • I should receive a copy of the Informed Consent document.

My signature means that I agree to participate in this study: Print name: _____________________________________________________________ Date: ______________________ Signature: ______________________________________________________________

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Appendix D: Informed Consent and Participant’s Rights Form (Professional Participants)

Teachers College, Columbia University 525 West 120th Street New York NY 10027 T: +1 212 678 3000

Protocol Title: Understanding the Learning Experiences of Highly-Educated Refugees from Iraq

and Syria en route to Economic Integration in Luxembourg

Principal Investigator: Anne Marie Vesdrevanis, Doctoral Student, Department of Organizational Leadership, Teachers College, Columbia University, T: +352 661395562,

E: amv2168@tc.columbia.edu Introduction: You are being invited to participate in this research study called “Understanding the Learning Experiences of Highly-Educated Refugees from Iraq and Syria en route to Economic Integration in Luxembourg.” You may qualify to take part in this research study because you are fluent in English, and work for an organization or an institution that designs and/or implements policies and/or programs for refugee populations. Approximately 30 people will participate in this study and it will take approximately 90 minutes to complete. Audio recording is part of this study. If you do not want to be audio recorded, you cannot participate in this study. Why is this study being done? The study is being done to understand how highly-educated refugees learn to integrate economically in Luxembourg, to explore the enabling and inhibiting factors to their integration, and the impact of their identity in the process. What will I be asked to do if I agree to take part in this study? If you decide to participate, you will be interviewed by the principal investigator. During the interview you will be asked to discuss your experience in working with adult refugees who are trying to integrate professionally in Luxembourg. This interview will be audio-recorded for transcription purposes only. After the audio-recording is written down (transcribed) the audio-recording will be deleted. You will also be asked to complete a critical incident questionnaire and a demographic survey. An example of a question asked in the critical incident survey would be: “Think back to a time, since you started working with adult refugees, when something positive happened and you

247

thought to yourself: Yes, this is it, this person will manage to integrate. Will you please elaborate on this?” You will be given a pseudonym in order to keep your identity confidential. All of these procedures will be done at a public or private space of convenience, at a time that is convenient to you. What possible risks or discomforts can I expect from taking part in this study? This is a minimal risk study, which means the harms or discomforts that you may experience are not greater than you would ordinarily encounter in daily life while taking routine physical or psychological examinations or tests. However, there are some risks to consider. You might feel anxiety by sharing with a stranger some of your life or discussing things you have not talked about before. However, you do not have to answer any questions or divulge anything you don’t want to talk about. You can stop participating in the study at any time without penalty. The principal investigator is taking precautions to keep your information confidential and prevent anyone from discovering or guessing your identity, such as using a pseudonym instead of your name and keeping all information on a password protected computer and locked in a file drawer. What possible benefits can I expect from taking part in this study? There is no direct benefit to you for participating in this study. Will I be paid for being in this study? You will not be paid to participate. There are no costs to you for taking part in this study. When is this study over? Can I leave the study before it ends? The study is over when you have completed the interview. However, you can leave the study at any time even if you haven’t finished. Protection of your confidentiality: The investigator will keep all written materials locked in a desk drawer in a locked office. Any electronic or digital information (including audio recordings) will be stored on a computer that is password protected. What is on the audio-recording will be written down and the audio-recording will then be destroyed. There will be no record matching your real name with your pseudonym. For quality assurance, members of the Teachers College Office of Sponsored Programs may review the data collected from you as part of this study. Otherwise, all information obtained from your participation in this study will be held strictly confidential and will be disclosed only with your permission or as required by U.S. or State or Luxembourg law. How will the results be used? The results of this study will be published in journals and presented at academic conferences. Your name or any identifying information about you will not be published. This study is being conducted as part of the doctoral dissertation of the principal investigator.

248

Audio recording is part of this research study. You can choose whether to give permission to be recorded. If you decide that you don’t wish to be audio recorded you will not be able to participate in this research study. __I give my consent to be recorded _________________________________________

Signature _I do not consent to be recorded ___________________________________________

Signature OPTIONAL CONSENT FOR FUTURE CONTACT The investigator may wish to contact you in the future. Please initial the appropriate statements to indicate whether or not you give permission for future contact. I give permission to be contacted in the future for information relating to this study:

Yes ________________________ No_______________________ Initial Initial

Who can answer my questions about this study? If you have any questions about taking part in this research study, you should contact the principal investigator, Anne Marie Vesdrevanis, at T:+352 661-399562 or email: amv2168@tc.columbia.edu. You can also contact the faculty advisor, Dr Jeanne Bitterman at T:+1 212-678-3701. If you have questions or concerns about your rights as a research subject, you should contact the Institutional Review Board (IRB) (the human research ethics committee) at T: +1 212-678-4105 or email IRB@tc.edu. Or you can write to the IRB at Teachers College, Columbia University, 525 W. 120th Street, New York, NY 1002. The IRB is the committee that oversees human research protection for Teachers College, Columbia University. PARTICIPANT’S RIGHTS

• I have read and discussed the informed consent with the researcher. I have had ample opportunity to ask questions about the purposes, procedures, risks and benefits regarding this research study.

• I understand that my participation is voluntary. I may refuse to participate or withdraw participation at any time without penalty.

• The researcher may withdraw me from the research at his or her professional discretion.

• If, during the course of the study, significant new information that has been developed becomes available which may relate to my willingness to continue my participation, the investigator will provide this information to me.

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• Any information derived from the research study that personally identifies me will not be voluntarily released or disclosed without my separate consent, except as specifically required by law.

• Your data will not be used in further research studies. • I should receive a copy of the Informed Consent document.

My signature means that I agree to participate in this study: Print name: _____________________________________________________________ Date: ______________________ Signature:_______________________________________________________________

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Appendix E: Interview Protocol for Refugee Participants

Research Questions Interview Questions

RQ1: How do highly-educated people from Iraq and Syria perceive the interaction between their refugee status and the construction of a new life in Luxembourg?

1.1 Tell me about yourself and your background. 1.2 Can you tell me about your life now in Luxembourg? 1.3 In what ways has your background, family, studies,

profession, culture or religion have influenced who you are? 1.4 In what ways, if at all, do you feel different about yourself and

the world, compared to how you felt before arriving in Luxembourg?

1.5 What sense do you make of the differences (if any)? 1.6 If you had the chance to do things differently since you

arrived in Luxembourg what would you do? 1.7 Discussion of Critical Incident questions using as prompt

Appendix I 1.8 After thinking about the critical incidents you identified do

you have any different interpretation you would like to share?

RQ2: What are the skills and practices that participants perceive as necessary to achieve economic integration?

2.1 What do you think is important to know and to do in order to have a good life in Luxembourg?

2.2 What are some important skills to have? 2.3 How did you or can you acquire them?

RQ3: What conditions do highly-educated refugees identify as enablers and inhibitors to their economic integration?

3.1 What are some of the things that have been most helpful in building your new life in Luxembourg?

3.2 How would you describe the obstacles you have faced since your arrival in Luxembourg?

3.3 How could the governmental and other institutions you have been in touch with since your arrival better support you?

3.4 If we were to develop the ideal integration program, what would it look like?

RQ4: What are the reported perceptions on how participants’ identity impacts their economic integration?

4.1 What are the most important elements of your identity that define you as a person?

4.2 What, if any, is the role of religion in your life? 4.3 In what ways has your origin from a predominantly Muslim

country influenced your integration in Luxembourg? Final Questions: What else do you think would be helpful for the

researcher to know about your experiences, and perceptions about this overall topic?

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Appendix F: Interview Protocol for Professionals Working with Refugees

Research Questions Interview Questions

RQ1: How do highly-educated people from Iraq and Syria perceive the interaction between their refugee status and the construction of a new life in Luxembourg?

1.1 From your professional engagement with refugees, how would you describe the experiences of highly-educated refugees from Iraq and Syria who have arrived in Luxembourg since 2015?

1.2 Are there any difference and to what do you attribute these? 1.3 Discussion of Critical Incident Questionnaire using as prompt

Appendix J.

RQ2: What are the skills and practices that participants perceive as necessary to achieve economic integration?

2.1 What do you think is important for these individuals to know and to do in order to have a good life in Luxembourg?

2.2 What are some important skills to have? 2.3 How can they acquire them?

RQ3: What conditions do highly-educated refugees identify as enablers and inhibitors to their economic integration?

3.1 What are some of the things that have helped the economic integration of highly-educated refugees?

3.2 How would you describe the obstacles they face since their arrival in Luxembourg?

3.3 How could the governmental and other institutions they are in touch with better support them?

3.4 If we were to develop the ideal integration program for highly-educated refugees what would it look like?

RQ4: What are the reported perceptions on how participants’ identity impacts their economic integration?

4.1 In which ways, if at all, does identity have an impact on refugees’ integration?

4.2 How would you describe the role of religion in the life of highly educated refugees?

4.3 In what ways has the origin of these people from predominantly Muslim countries influences their integration in Luxembourg?

Final Questions: What else do you think would be helpful for the

researcher to know about your experiences, and perceptions about this overall topic?

252

Appendix G: Demographic Inventory for Refugees

Part

icip

ant

(N-2

0)

Gen

der

Age

gro

up

Mar

ital S

tatu

s

Aca

dem

ic le

vel

Aca

dem

ic fi

eld

Subj

ect

Uni

vers

ity

Ling

uist

ic S

kills

Prof

essi

onal

Ex

pert

ise

Yea

rs o

f Pr

ofes

sion

al

Expe

rien

ce

Cur

rent

Em

ploy

men

t St

atus

Cur

rent

Job

Ti

tle

Rel

igio

n

Iraq

i

Adil M 25-34 Widow Bachelor’s Social Sciences Accounting

Mustansiriyah University,

Baghdad, Iraq

AR, EN, FR

Accountant 4 years Not Employed n/a Christian

Basma F 35-44 Married-

three children

Bachelor’s Humanities

English Teacher AR,

EN

Secondary English Teacher

Not Employed n/a

Fadila F 25-34 Married-

three children

Bachelor’s Humanities

English Teacher

Diwaniyah, Teacher Training Institute,

Diwaniyah, Iraq

AR, EN, FR, LU

Secondary English Teacher

7 years Not Employed n/a Muslim

Imad M 25-34 Single Bachelor’s STEM

Laser & optoelectroni

cs engineering

Al-Nahrain University,

Bagdad, Iraq

AR, KU, EN, FR, LU

Telecoms, Web

Development 1 year Not

Employed n/a Muslim

Majid M 25-34 Single Master’s Health Sciences Medicine

University of Bagdad,

Bagdad, Iraq

AR, EN, FR, LU

Medical Doctor 3 years Employed

full time Administrat

or Muslim

253

Parti

cipa

nt

(N-2

0)

Gen

der

Age

gro

up

Mar

ital

Stat

us

Aca

dem

ic

leve

l

Aca

dem

ic

field

Subj

ect

Uni

vers

ity

Ling

uist

ic

Skill

s

Prof

essi

onal

Ex

perti

se

Yea

rs o

f Pr

ofes

sion

al

Expe

rienc

e

Curr

ent

Empl

oym

ent

Stat

us

Curr

ent J

ob

Title

Relig

ion

Rashid R 55-64 Unidentified Bachelor’s STEM Physics AR, EN

Secondary Physics Teacher

20 years Employed part time Cook

Sani M 45-54 Married-

three children

Bachelor’s STEM Industrial Design

University of Bagdad,

Bagdad, Iraq

AR, EN

Electrical and Mechanical 15 years Employed

full time Electric

Assistant Muslim

Tamid M 45-54 Married-two children Bachelor’s STEM Chemistry

University of Basrah,

Basrah, Iraq

AR, EN, LU

Chemistry, Car Dealer

8 years Chemistry,

10 years Car Dealer

Self-Employed Car Dealer Muslim

Syri

an

Akram M 35-44 Married Master’s Social Sciences

Business Administratio

n

Tishreen University,

Latakia, Syria

AR, EN, FR, TR

Accountant 5 years Not Employed n/a Muslim

Asif M 35-44 Married-

four children

Bachelor’s Health Sciences

Geenral Medicine

Zaporizhzhia State Medical

University, Zaporizhzhia,

Ukraine

AR, RU, EN, DE

Physician

3 years Physician,

3 years Manageria

l

Not Employed n/a Muslim

Bahij M 25-34 Single Bachelor’s STEM Telecom Engineering

UCSI University, Malaysia

AR, EN IT 5 months Intern Developer n/a

Bashar M 25-34 Single Bachelor’s Humanities English Literature

Damascus University, Damascus,

Syria

AR, EN, FR, LU

Teaching / Translation 5 years Not

Employed n/a n/a

254

Pa

rtici

pant

(N

-20)

Gen

der

Age

gro

up

Mar

ital

Stat

us

Aca

dem

ic

leve

l

Aca

dem

ic

field

Subj

ect

Uni

vers

ity

Ling

uist

ic

Skill

s

Prof

essi

onal

Ex

perti

se

Yea

rs o

f Pr

ofes

sion

al

Expe

rienc

e

Curr

ent

Empl

oym

ent

Stat

us

Curr

ent J

ob

Title

Relig

ion

Faysal M 35-44 Married - one child Master’s Health

Sciences Pharmacy Kharkiv

University, Ukraine

AR, EN, FR

Pharmacist 6 years Self employed

Restaurant owner Muslim

Gabir M 25-34 Married - two children Master’s Humanities Applied

Linguistics

Universiti Putra

Malaysia, Selangor, Malaysia

AR, EN, FR, LU

Teacher 1,5 years Not employed n/a Muslim

Jabbar M 25-34 Married Bachelor’s Life Sciences Biology

University of Al-Furat, Deir ez-Zor, Syria

KU, AR, EN, FR

Biology, Art 7 years

Art, 1 year Biology

Not employed

Freelance Artist,

Student n/a

Kamil M 25-34 Single Bachelor’s STEM Engineering

Damascus University, Damascus,

Syria

AR, EN, LU

Project Management 3 years Employed

full time Lead

Engineer Muslim

Khalid M 25-34 Separated - one child Bachelor’s Social

Sciences

Economics & Business Studies

Damascus University, Damascus,

Syria

AR, EN, FR

Hotel Management,

Small Business Owner

13 years Employed full time

Restaurant Manager Muslim

Lamis F 25-34 Single Bachelor’s Social Sciences

Business Management

Damascus University, Damascus,

Syria

AR, EN,

ES, IT, FR

Management, Translation ,

Events 9 years

Not employed

(local university

student applicant)

Translator, International Facilitator (volunteer)

Muslim Sunni

Raheem M 55-64 Married -

three children

Master’s Health Sciences Microbiology

Aleppo University,

Aleppo, Syria

AR, EN, FR, TR

Medical Laboratory

Doctor 7 years Not

employed n/a Muslim

255

Pa

rtici

pant

(N

-20)

Gen

der

Age

gro

up

Mar

ital

Stat

us

Aca

dem

ic

leve

l

Aca

dem

ic

field

Subj

ect

Uni

vers

ity

Ling

uist

ic

Skill

s

Prof

essi

onal

Ex

perti

se

Yea

rs o

f Pr

ofes

sion

al

Expe

rienc

e

Curr

ent

Empl

oym

ent

Stat

us

Curr

ent J

ob

Title

Relig

ion

Samina F 25-34 Single Bachelor’s Social Sciences Accounting

Damascus University, Damascus,

Syria

AR, EN, FR, LU

Accountant 6,5 years Employed full time

Assistant Accountant

and Assistant to

Office Manager

Muslim

256

Appendix H: Demographic Inventory for Professionals

Prof

essi

onal

(N=1

0)

Age

gro

up

Gen

der

Eth

nici

ty

Aca

dem

ic le

vel

Aca

dem

ic fi

eld

Uni

vers

ity

Lin

guis

tic sk

ills

Prof

essi

onal

Fie

ld

Yea

rs o

f pro

fess

iona

l ex

peri

ence

with

ref

ugee

po

pula

tions

Cur

rent

job

title

Carl 23-34 M LU PhD Classics / Rhetoric

University of Oxford, Uk

FR, EN, DE, LU

Government Institution 3 years Head of Project

Camila 35-44 F PT Bachelor’s Social Work Instituto Superior

Miguel Torga, Coimbra, Portugal

PT, FR, EN NGO (established) 10 years Social Worker

Danielle 55-64 F BE Master’s General Practitioner

UCL, Brussels, Belgium FR, EN NGO

(project-based) 15 years Psychotherapist

Gabriella 25-34 F LU Bachelor’s Social Work Brussels, Belgium FR, PT, LU, EN

NGO (established) 3 years Social Worker

Josy 55+64 M LU Master’s Political Science Hamburg, Germany

FR, EN, DE, LU

Government Institution 10 years Director

Michaela 35-44 F BE/LU Master’s Communication and Information

University of Leuven, Leuven,

Belgium

DE, FR, ES, LU, EN, NL

NGO (project-based) 3 years Director of

NGO

Nadine F IQ Master’s AR, FR, EN NGO (established) 3 years Communication

Coordinator

257

Prof

essi

onal

(N=1

0)

Age

gro

up

Gen

der

Eth

nici

ty

Aca

dem

ic le

vel

Aca

dem

ic fi

eld

Uni

vers

ity

Lin

guis

tic sk

ills

Prof

essi

onal

Fie

ld

Yea

rs o

f pro

fess

iona

l ex

peri

ence

with

ref

ugee

po

pula

tions

Cur

rent

job

title

Pierre 35-44 M LU Master’s Applied Sociology

ULB, Brussels, Belgium

FR, LU, EN, DE

NGO (established) 7 years Head of Project

Simone 25-34 F CA/FR PhD Law University of Luxembourg

FR, EN, DE, LU

NGO (project-based)

3-4 years volunteer,

1 year profession

ally

Lawyer

Zoe 45-54 F UK Master’s European Policy Studies

University of Bristol, UK

FR, EN, DE, LU Entrepreneur 5 years

Restaurant Owner and Manager

258

Appendix I: Critical Incident Questionnaire for Refugees

1. Think back to a time, since you arrived in Luxembourg and were trying to get a job, when something

positive happened and you thought to yourself: “Yes, this is it, I will make it”

a) Who was involved (no names/include title), where were you, when was it, and what happened? b) What about this event made it significant? c) How did this event made you feel? d) Has there been any change since then on how you view this event?

2. Think back to a time, since you arrived in Luxembourg and were trying to get a job, when something

negative happened and you thought to yourself: “No, this is impossible, I will never make it”

a) Who was involved (no names/include title), where were you, when was it, and what happened? b) What about this event made it significant? c) How did this event made you feel? d) Has there been any change since then on how you view this event?

259

Appendix J: Critical Incident Questionnaire for Professionals

1. Think back to a time, since you started working with adult refugees, when something positive happened and you thought to yourself: Yes, this is it, this person will manage to integrate.

a) Who was involved (no names/include title), where were you, when was it, and what happened? b) What about this event made it significant? c) How did this event made you feel? d) Has there been any change since then on how you view this event?

2. Think back to a time, since you started working with adult refugees, when something negative happened and you thought to yourself: No, this is impossible, this person will never manage to integrate.

a) Who was involved (no names/include title), where were you, when was it, and what happened? b) What about this event made it significant? c) How did this event made you feel? d) Has there been any change since then on how you view this event?

260

Appendix K: Critical Incident Findings for Refugees

Refugee participant

Positive impacts Negative impacts

Positive Critical

Incident

Professional impact // Link to

Findings Personal impact // Link to Findings

Negative critical incident

Professional impact // Link to

Findings Personal impact // Link to Findings

Iraq

is

Adil

Reaching a safe destination. Receiving refugee status. Being registered for employment counseling.

→

Content for reaching a good destination. Being recognized as an individual by the system. Hopeful to find employment // Link to Findings: 1Bb) Safety 4Aa) Impact on identity: Be recognized as a person vs being no one 2Cb) Constructive attitude

Death of wife in Iraq while in Luxembourg. Difficulties encountered

with administration during job hunt

→

Challenges to find employment // Link to Findings: 3Bb) Institutional failings

Encountering personal grief // Link to Findings: 1Bc) Family challenges

Basma

Fadila

Instances where she felt unwelcomed

→

Used these instances as a motivator to move ahead // Link to Findings: 2Cb) Constructive

attitude

Imad Choosing to always have a positive outlook.

→ Being driven by his positive approach //

261

Refugee participant

Positive impacts Negative impacts

Positive Critical

Incident

Professional impact // Link to

Findings Personal impact // Link to Findings

Negative critical incident

Professional impact // Link to

Findings Personal impact // Link to Findings

Link to Findings: 2Cb) Constructive attitude

Majid Rashid Sani

Tamid Realizing family is finally safe →

Importance of safety Link to Findings: 1Bb) Safety

Syria

ns

Akram

Asif Recognition of high school diploma →

Signalling the beginning for professional reinstatement // Link to Findings: 3Ad) Enabling regulations

Administrative hurdles and regulatory barriers to recognition of medical diploma

→

Almost impossible to recognize academic qualifications // Link to Findings: 3Bb) Restrictive regulations

Bahij

Bashar

The experience of working as an assistant to a local, accomplished director

→

Feeling like everyone else, not an outsider // Link to Findings: 4Aa) Impact on identity: Be recognized as a person vs being no one

262

Refugee participant

Positive impacts Negative impacts

Positive Critical

Incident

Professional impact // Link to

Findings Personal impact // Link to Findings

Negative critical incident

Professional impact // Link to

Findings Personal impact // Link to Findings

Faysal

Although a pharmacist, set plan to open up own restaurant

→

Seeking employment outside field of expertise // Link to Findings: 2Ca) Adaptability

Gabir

Jabbar

Realizing that in the mulitcultural environment of Luxembourg he is respected. Being greeted by the Grand Duke and the Grand Duchess of the country.

→

Feeling respected as a minority -- Feeling recognized, sense of belonging // Link to Findings: 4Aa) Impact on identity: Be recognized as a person vs being no one

Kamil Successful completion of first work project

→

Sense of professional accomplishment // Link to Findings: 3Ac) Enabling role of professional exposure

Difficulty to learn French →

Difficulty to perform at job, dependent on others to assist with language (administrative formalities, etc.)

Difficulty to communicate // Link to Findings: 3Ba) Linguistic inhibitor

Khalid

263

Refugee participant

Positive impacts Negative impacts

Positive Critical

Incident

Professional impact // Link to

Findings Personal impact // Link to Findings

Negative critical incident

Professional impact // Link to

Findings Personal impact // Link to Findings

Lamis

Following first trip abroad after receiving her refugee status, participant came to miss Luxembourg. Came to appreciate all the support she has received during this short trip abroad.

→

Feeling comfortable and safe to call host country home // Link to Findings: 1Ba-b) Gratitude-Safety

Raheem

Samina

Job rejections. Being reminded all she lacks

→

Challenges to find employment // Link to Findings: 3Bb) Inhibiting impact of skills gap

264

Appendix L: Critical Incident Findings for Professionals

Positive impacts Negative impacts

Professional Positive Critical Incident Professional impact //

Link to Findings

Personal impact //Link to Findings

Negative critical incident

Professional impact // Link to

Findings

Personal impact// Link to

Findings

Carl

Succesful examples of highly-skilled refugees, with excellent English skills, academic credentials, and professional expertise acquired in the West, who have integrated in the local job market

→

Value of English skills, academic qualifications and professional expertise acquired in the West // Link to Professionals’ Findings: 3A) Enabler / market relevance

Camila

Succesful example of highly-skilled refugee who was active, volunteered, and found job, but needed time

→

Value of proactivity, volunteering. Finding a job takes time // Link to Professionals’ Findings: 2A) Practices 2B) Reflections on experience

Example of being consumed by concerns of family back home

→

Family concerns, especially for those left behind, make it more difficult to concentrate on finding a job Link to Professionals’ Findings: 1B) Personal challenges

265

Positive impacts Negative impacts

Professional Positive Critical Incident Professional impact //

Link to Findings

Personal impact //Link to Findings

Negative critical incident

Professional impact // Link to

Findings

Personal impact// Link to

Findings

Danielle

Encountered a dentist and a radiologist exhibiting a constructive attitude and determination to integrate professionally

→

Value of determination // Link to Professionals’ Findings: 2A) Practices

Gabriella

Succesful example of highly-skilled refugee who learned local language, was very active, stayed with a local, and built a support network, who found employment

→

Value of showing adaptability and proactivity. Learning local language, and support network Link to Professionals’ Findings: 2A) Practices (constructive attitude & network) 2A) Skills / linguistic

Example of insisting in own professional field

→

Lack of adaptability will make it more difficult to find a job Link to Professionals’ Findings: 3B) Personal inhibitor/ inflexibility

Michaela

Succesful example of highly-skilled refugee who insisted until opened his own small business

→

Value of insistence Link to Professionals’ Findings: 2A) Practices

Examples of failed business choices

→

Importance of sound preparation, and seeking professional advice for entrepreneurship Link to Professionals’ Findings:

266

Positive impacts Negative impacts

Professional Positive Critical Incident Professional impact //

Link to Findings

Personal impact //Link to Findings

Negative critical incident

Professional impact // Link to

Findings

Personal impact// Link to

Findings 3B) Structural inhibitor/ competitive job market 3A) Enabler / market relevance

Nadine

Examples of highly-skilled refugees being open to accept any type of job

→

Adaptability increases chances of economic integration Link to Professionals’ Findings: 2A) Practices

Example of insisting in own professional field

→

Lack of adaptability will make it more difficult to find a job Link to Professionals’ Findings: 3B) Personal inhibitor/ inflexibility

Simone

Example of educated refugees who decided to pursue further academic credentials at local university

→

Adaptability increases chances of economic integration Link to Professionals’ Findings: 2A) Practices

Example of highly-skilled, and employed refugee exhibiting gender violence

→

Gender violence and stereotypes Link to Professionals’ Findings: 4A) Impact of identity in integration/gender

Zoe Witnessing postive change to refugees after being employed

→ Employment benefits the morale

267

Appendix M: Excerpt of Coded Interview Transcript

Researcher: This is to discuss a little bit, of trying to remember of a positive thing that happened to you, and you refer to yourself, “This is it. I’m gonna make it in this country.” So, who was involved, what happened exactly, if you would like to describe the events, and how did it make you feel.

Lamis: Arriving into a place where you are considered as a refugee, that I didn’t

understand what the meaning of the word,(ONID2R – Impact on Identity / Refugee) because I just knew that I arrived somewhere where it’s considered safe, and this is was important for me. PER2SAF – Perceptions of new reality / Safety

Technically, I was a number. I wasn’t a name. Even when I go to a ministry or to go somewhere, I give a file number. I don’t give my name first. ONID3Z – Impact on Identity / Being no one

Researcher: How would you describe your jour job search back in Syria? Lamis: If I have English, then all doors are open. Researcher: Really? Lamis: Even if it’s a little bit of English. My English was very good. I speak English

since I was 12, and I studied…also some of my university subjects were in English in business management, so when I started working I was able to get a high position very fast and a very good salary considering the people who are freshly graduates and in my age. DIS1LBL1P – Privileges in Life Before Luxembourg / Professional

Researcher: Since that happened, do you see things differently then? Lamis: Yes. Yes, definitely. I know it’s still difficult. I still have frustrations about some

issues in here. I really felt bad in the beginning when my certificate wasn’t recognized and when I tried to resend it again to really look into it, I waited for another nine months and it was also not recognized.INH2S3RR – Inhibitors / Structural / Restrictive Regulations

The place is great. There is no other place like... whatever you compare it. I know it’s not the perfect country, it doesn’t have the most beautiful views, or it’s not

268

very rich in culture or whatever it is, but in every country you have the advantages and disadvantages of living somewhere. And for long-term living and for settling down and re-establishing yourself, somehow, I don’t think there is better place than here. I love it. I really do. Now, every time I travel anywhere to go to the coast or wherever, it’s just for me, I miss going back. I just can’t wait to come back. It’s very nice when I arrive to the station or to the airport and like, “Oh, it’s home back again.” PER1GRA – Perceptions of New Reality / Gratitude

Researcher: Right. I see. So, then the way that even government institutions have been

organizing things since your arrival, could they have done a better job to support you, you think? We’re you missing something somewhere in the process?

Lamis: The thing is that the individual initiatives and what governments are doing is

really, really good, considering of course, other countries. PER1GRA – Perceptions of New Reality / Gratitude But for me as a person, even if you are attending information sessions, even if you are in a working environment but you still know who you are and what you are. This mentality it’s still there. You need to be somewhere where you are given the same chances and you are treated the same, like anybody else. Don’t be afraid to say that, “Oh, this is the refugee. You are vulnerable, that we need to be nicer to them.” INH3SCR1S – Inhibitors / Stereotyping

Researcher: How about some of the skills? What do you think is necessary to know terms of

skills in being able to integrate? Lamis: I think it’s mostly the language here, then language, then language, then language,

because it’s always a problem. SKI1LIN – Skills / Linguistic

I’m someone who’s against personal benefits, like I don’t become friends with someone just because I have certain benefits with them. I focus more on appreciating them as people and about enjoying time of friendship. If they have something that they can give me, I wait for their offer. I don’t ask. I realize that most of the people who are able to have jobs here or to be somewhere were benefiting from their own contacts, from their own network, or they were just blessed to have people who support that. PRA4N – Practices / Networking

Lamis: But in XYZ [an internship] I was able to learn something. I had someone who as

guiding me, telling me I needed to look for this and search for that, and this means this, and this abbreviation means this. This report will help you. If you didn’t understand something in something or some expressions, ask me.

But in ABC [another internship], I wasn’t able even to have a meeting with the supervisor and sit and ask her about what word event to means. Because they were very fast, they didn’t have time, and they were like, “Okay, I want to hear about you. How do you feel? Are you happy?” Well, how can you ask me if I’m happy, I cannot even have time to know what my task is?

269

I just feel lost. And when I said this, they were like, “Yeah, it’s normal in your situation. You don’t know the language. You come from a different environment. It’s normal, just give yourself time.” Okay, I’m giving myself time on the personal aspect, but I am here for three months. There is no time. I need to gain as much information as possible. With time, I feel like I’m just waste energy, you know? There is no point of me being here. I started to be irresponsible. I leave after five or six hours maximum.

Researcher: After that experience [above-mentioned quote on internships], did that give you

something to do things differently in another internship or in another work environment?

Lamis: Not to be naïve. Not to trust people a lot, and not to trust that everyone can help

you. Because sometimes you think that...it’s in our mentality that if I am in the surrounding, if I need something, people would help. But try to assume the worst and work according to it. LIN2EXP – Informal Learning / Experiential

Researcher: The fact that you come from a country that is a predominately Muslim, has that

affected you in your integration? Lamis: For me personally, it doesn’t because I’m, like I said, I don’t practice it that much

so technically, no one will ask me why you don’t drink, because I don’t. No one will tell me, “Why you are wearing hijabi?” because I don’t.OIC1NI – Origin of Islamic Country / No impact But for some people when I heard the opposite. People were like, “If you are Muslim, why you are drinking?”

270

Appendix N: List of Refugee Feelings

Feeling Own circumstances System Internships Welfare

Neg

ativ

e

Hurt pride Lamis Insecure about own

choices Lamis

Resentment toward, discontent with those taking

advantage of refugees Lamis, Fadila

Angry with, resentful of stereotyping Lamis, Kamil

Hating time spent at internship, frustration,

scared of bad experience Lamis Imad

Hurt pride, resentment, feeling uncomfortable

accepting social welfare Adil, Bashar,

Imad

Resentment for being understimated Bashar

From hopeful to hopeless Asif Sorry cannot practice

medicine Asif

Embarassed for lost identity Asif Being kicked around like a

ball' Asif

Feeling abandoned from system when finding a job

soon after receiving refugee status

Majid

Resentment for those not making an effort and

benefiting from system Majid, Tamid

Restless for not working Basma Missing family Basma

Loneliness Khalid

271

Feeling Own circumstances System Internships Welfare

Neg

ativ

e

Stress, feeling down while waiting for refugee status at

camp Samina

Discriminated against other migrant groups Akram

Not in a psycholigical estate to study again, want

to work Gabir

Surprised with lack of understanding from migrant

social worker Gabir

Posi

tive

Good to be expressing onesself Bashar

Happy to work in field close to medicine, even if cannot practice medicine

Majid

Happy to learn Basma Happy to work with people Khalid Pride of own achivements

in Luxembourg Samina, Tamid,

Kamil

Feeling useful in helping others in need of advice,

creating a community Tamid

Joy for being accepted in demanding requalification

training Fadila

272

Appendix O: Initial Coding Scheme

1. Refugees’ Experience of Economic Integration EXP1 EXP2 EXP3

2. How Refugees Learn to Integrate Informally

INFORM1 INFORM2 INFORM3

Formally FORM1 FORM2 FORM3

3. What are the Necessary Skills and Practices for Integration Skills

SKILL1 SKILL2 SKILL3

Practice PRACT1 - Confidence PRACT2 – Pro-activeness PRACT3

4. Influencing Factors to Refugees’ Economic Integration Enablers ENABL1 – Language skills of local labor market ENABL2 – Education credentials of host country ENABL3 – Social relationships Inhibitors INHIB1 – Prolonged inactivity in welcome centers INHIB2 – Mental health issues INHIB3 – Racism/discrimination

273

5. Refugees’ Perceptions of Muslim Identity to Economic Integration

MUSLID1 MUSLID2 MUSLID3

274

Appendix P: Final Coding Scheme for Refugees

Disruption of previous life Privileges in pre-refugee status Professional DIS1LBL1P Student / migrant DIS1LBL2S War Impact Forced to flee DIS2WI1F People, institutions, and services DIS2WI2P Horrors of war DIS2WI3H Loss of status DIS2WI4L Values Family DIS3VA1F Learning DIS3VA2L Industriousness DIS3VA3I Service to others DIS3VA4S Respect DIS3VA5R Perceptions of new reality Gratitude PER1GRA Safety PER2SAF Challenges Housing PER3CH1H Family PER3CH2F Knowledge, Skills, and Practices Knowledge Professional exposure KNO1PE Academic qualifications KNO2AC Skills Linguistic SKI1LIN Digital SKI2DIG Practices Adaptability PRA1AD Constructive attitude PRA2CA Keep learning PRA3KL Networking PRA4N Proactivity PRA5P

275

Learning Formally Language courses LFR1LC Higher education LFR2HE Informally Self-directed learning LIN1SDL Experiential LIN2EXP Non-formally Trainings/workshops LNF1TW Learning from Experience Experience Professional preparation LEX1PP Volunteer LEX2V Professional exposure LEX3PE Job (Employment -better?) LEX4J Reflection-on-Experience Return to experience LROE1RE Attending to feelings LROE2AF Re-evaluation of experience LROE3RE Transformative Learning Disorienting dilemma TL1DD Critical thinking TL2CT New role TL3NR Enablers Institutions ENB1I Targeted projects ENB2TP Professional exposure ENB3PE Regulations ENB4R Redesigned social assistance ENB5RSA Intensive language trainings ENB6ILT Refugee involvement ENB7RI Small country size ENB8SCS Inhibitors Linguistic Multilingualism INH1L1M Learning INH1L2L Quality of courses INH1L3QC Comparative disadvantage INH1L4CD Structural Competitive job market / Skills gap INH2S1CJM-SG Institutional failings INH2S2IF

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Restrictive regulations INH2S3RR Aversive impact of welfare INH2S4AIW Social, Cultural, and Religious Social INH3SCR1S Cultural INH3SCR2C Religious INH3SCR3R Coping Meaning-making COP1MM Problem-solving COP2PS Emotion-focused COP3EF Religious COP4R Identity Impact Impact on identity New nationality ONID1N Refugee ONID2R Being no one / Start from zero ONID3Z Ethnic/Religious ONID4E New self ONID5NS Gender ONID6G Impact of identity Parent / Family OFID1P-F Professional OFID2PR Religion Impact Origin of Islamic Country No impact OIC1NI Positive impact OIC2I-POS Negative impact OIC2I-NEG Role of Religion Positive role ROL1POS Negative role ROL2NEG Neutral role ROL3NEU No role ROL4NON Reflections Criticism ROL5REF1C Religious tolerance ROL5REF2RT Support mechanism ROL5REF3SM Religious bias ROL5REF4RB

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Appendix Q: Final Coding Scheme for Professionals

Disruption of previous life Privileges in pre-refugee status DIS1LBL War Impact DIS2WI Values DIS3VA

Perceptions of new reality Challenges Structural PER1CH1S Personal PER1CH2P Iraqi vs Syrian Differences PER2IvS1D Commonalities PER2IvS2C Gratitude PER3GRA

Knowledge, Skills, and Practices Knowledge Academic qualifications KNO1AC Skills Linguistic SKI1LIN Soft SKI2SOF Digital SKI3DIG Practices Adaptability PRA1AD Constructive attitude PRA2CA Networking PRA3N Proactivity PRA4P Volunteer PRA4V Learning Non-formally LRN1NF Formally LRN2FOR Informally LRN3INF Experience Structural impediments LRN4EX1S Professional exposure LRN4EX2P Volunteer LRN4EX3V Reflections Structural LRN4RF1S Time LRN4RF2T

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Integration LRN4RF3I Attitudes LRN4RF4A Attending to Feelings LRN4AF Re-evaluation LRN4RE

Enablers Market relevance ENB1MR Refugee involvement ENB2RI Internships ENB3IN Mental health support ENB4MH To researcher ENB5TR

Inhibitors Linguistic Multilingualism INH1L1M Length of studies INH1L2LS Learning INH1L3LRN Structural Restrictive regulations INH2S1RR Limited access to higher education INH2S2LAHE Gap/Differences prof. skills & practices INH2S3GDPSP Competitive job market INH3S4CJM Housing INH3S5H Social welfare INH3S6SW Discrimination INH3S7D Cultural, and Religious INH4CR Personal Trauma INH5P1TR Inflexibility INH5P2IN

Coping Refugees Problem-solving COP1R1PS Emotion-focused COP1R2EF Meaning-making COP1R3MM Professionals COP2PR

Identity Impact Gender OFID1G Cultural OFID2C Religious OFID3R Social OFID4S

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Religion Impact Origin of Islamic Country Impact OIC1IMP No impact OIC1NIMP Role of Religion Negative role ROL1NEG No role ROL2NOR Reflections ROL3REF

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Appendix R: Definition of Terms

Asylum—The granting of protection by a state in its territory to individuals from another state

who are fleeing persecution or serious danger. Asylum encompasses a variety of

elements, including non-refoulment, permission to remain in the territory of the asylum

country, and humane standards of treatment (UNHCR, n.d).

Asylum Seeker—Any person who has applied for international protection as a refugee and is

awaiting the determination of their status (UNHCR, n.d).

Forced Migration—A migratory movement in which an element of coercion exists, including

threats to life and livelihood, whether arising from natural or man-made causes (e.g.,

movements of refugees and internally displaced persons as well as people displaced by

natural or environmental disasters, chemical or nuclear disasters, famine, or development

projects) (International Organization for Migration [IOM], n.d.).

Highly educated person—Individuals falling into ISCED (see definition for ISCED below)

groups 5-6 have tertiary education degrees or have completed at least the first stage of

tertiary education (OECD/European Union, 2015, p. 341).

International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED)—The reference classification for

organizing education programs and related qualifications by education levels and fields.

ISCED is a product of international agreement and adopted formally by the General

Conference of UNESCO member states (UNESCO Institute for Statistics, 2012, p. 6).

International Protection—All actions aimed at ensuring the equal access to and enjoyment of the

rights of women, men, girls, and boys of concern to UNHCR, in accordance with the

relevant bodies of law (including international humanitarian, human rights, and refugee

law) (UNHCR, n.d.).

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Islamophobia—Dislike of or prejudice against Islam or Muslims, especially as a political force

(Islamophobia, n.d.).

Low-educated person—People falling into ISCED groups 0-2 are described as having no or low

education or having no more than a lower-secondary level of education (OECD/European

Union, 2015, p. 342).

Migrant—Any person who is moving or has moved across an international border or within a

state away from his/her habitual place of residence, regardless of (a) the person’s legal

status; (b) whether the movement is voluntary or involuntary; (c) what the causes for the

movement are; or (d) what the length of the stay is (IOM, n.d.).

Migration—The movement of a person or a group of persons, either across an international

border or within a state. It is a population movement encompassing any kind of

movement of people, whatever its length, composition, and causes; it includes migration

of refugees, displaced persons, economic migrants, and persons moving for other

purposes, including family reunification (IOM, n.d.).

Refugee—A refugee is any person who:

owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his [or her] nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail him [or her] self of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his [or her] former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it. (Article 1A (2) of the 1951 Convention, UNHCR, 2017, Global Report, Glossary, p. 207).

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Appendix S: Document Review/Analysis Sources

Location of Documents

Names of local NGOs are being withheld to avoid traceability to professional participants

1. Websites of local NGOs active in refugee integration

2. Delano--stories on refugees

3. Luxemburger Wort--stories on refugees

4. Websites of adult learning institutions referring to refugee-targeted actions

5. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

6. European Union

7. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development

8. International Organisation for Migration

Type of Documents

1. News items

2. Activity Reports

3. Brochures

4. Other publications

5. Calendar of events

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Appendix T: Additional Quotes – Finding 1A – Disruption of Previous Life (Values)

Industriousness Participants referred to their strong work ethic. Raheem He reported both on his and his compatriots’ work ethic, but also how he

applied it in learning a new language: We are hardworking, always hardworking. All the people, the majority of the people…Study in my house good. I’m hardworking.

Basma She referred to her long teaching hours back home: So I have ... for example, I teach the whole day time. I move from class to class. We have six, seven, sometimes eight classes, the age of 18, high school.

Service to others

Being useful to others and giving back to the community were important for some participants.

Tamid Referred to his volunteering efforts in helping other newcomers set up their own businesses in Luxembourg:

Now I’m here free for you. I’ll not charge you nothing. Ask me what you want and I guide you. Ask me what you want, I can help you. It’s just helping as a human being. I want to help the people because I didn’t found nobody help me before three years and I don’t want them to suffer what I suffering before.…

Asif As a doctor, he was dedicated to help anyone in need, including rebels during the war, even if it came at a high cost:

So anyone ask my help, I have to help. They ask me, they arrest me, these, like, police all the time, to, like ... they talk to me a lot, and they scare me. If I help anyone, if I do anything for rebels, I will be arrested. Not just me, and my family.

Respect Especially toward others, was discussed by some participants. Rashid Respect called for reciprocity at the level of the community and the

individual:

You must respect the society you are part of it. You must. And I told them, if the same people come to our country you let them do something or they will respect the same. What you want from them to respect your culture, to respect your religion but you don’t want to respect theirs. We must accept each other. If you want to be part or to be useful for the society you must also open that.

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Kamil He reported on the importance of respect as it stems from his faith:

There is some people, if they don’t agree with you, they don’t respect you. No, in Islam, everyone, he has the right in how he think, how he see the world, how he see the creator, there is creator or no creator. Believe, don’t believe, we agree in case, we don’t agree in case, I should respect you in any kind of opinions that you have.

Additional Quotes – Finding 1B – Perceptions of New Reality

Gratitude Participants expressed their gratitude to Luxembourg.

Sani Some of the participants with small children reported their gratitude for the opportunities the country offers to them, particularly for academic and professional advancement. As Sani pointed out: So, for my side, I think, of course, it’s hard, but I think it’s good, at least for the next generation.

Fadila Other participants expressed gratitude for securing private housing for their families and moving out of the refugee accommodation centers. As Fadila put it:

It’s literally amazing. And when I saw the house, I thought, “Right, right, I can’t believe I will live in it, and my children.” All our life, it start to change.

Faysal Gratitude for his very life was expressed by Faysal: I’m lucky I still alive. What happened to me? I go out Syria, and I still lucky I’m alive.

Fadila Fadila also reported receiving great medical care for her entire family, following a long and perilous journey with her three children and her husband:

All the doctors with me, they were amazing, yeah. They were really, really amazing. I never forget, Dr. XYZ, he was wonderful. Because you know, he saw me, I was exhausted. “I’m finished,” you know? With the baby, he’s really ... I should not sleep. I should take care of all of them. I’m the only one staying not sick.

Challenges Participants reported on the housing and family challenges they faced in settling to Luxembourg, which were in turn were impacting their economic integration efforts

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Family Gabir Gabir highlighted the long wait for his family to be reunited:

Yeah, and it take one year and half to bring my family.

Akram Financial concerns for his family back home were a significant challenge for Akram:

And my family, my father and mother, and I have two sisters also in Syria. And you know, the economic there is very, very, very ... in difficult situation, so they need financial support. So I have to also to find a job to help them.