Carrying out a social autopsy of deaths of persons who are homeless
Transcript of Carrying out a social autopsy of deaths of persons who are homeless
Carrying out a social autopsy of deaths of persons who are homeless
Manal Guirguis-Younger a,*, Vivien Runnels b, Tim Aubry b, Jeff Turnbull c
a Faculty of Human Sciences, Saint Paul University, 223 Main Street, Ottawa, Ont., Canada K1S 1C4b University of Ottawa, Ottawa, Ont., Canada
c Department of Medicine, Faculty of Medicine, The Ottawa Hospital, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, Ont., Canada
Abstract
Social autopsy methodology has been useful in uncovering patterns leading to untimely deaths in many different contexts. Although patterns of
early deaths have often been detected among individuals who are homeless, social autopsies are particularly difficult to carry out in this
population. This paper provides a template for carrying out a social autopsy of persons who died while homeless. The logistical, ethical, and
methodological challenges associated with implementing this methodology are discussed with suggested responses. In addition, this article aims
to provide procedures and lessons learned for researchers embarking on this type of work. The described procedures are based on an investigation
intended to develop a social autopsy methodology to investigate early mortality among homeless persons.
q 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Homelessness; Mortality; Social Autopsy
A social autopsy is an in-depth investigation of a multitude
of psychosocial circumstances surrounding deaths occurring in
a particular group of people. Typically, social autopsies are
organized around a particular theory of prevention and/or
evaluation. Such investigations may be designed to evaluate
the positive or negative impact of new programs and policies
on mortality patterns. In addition, a social investigation of
mortality can focus on how mortality rates are affected by a
time-limited event, such as a heat wave (Klinenberg, 1999;
2002), an epidemic (Ward & Fox, 1977), and/or a given set of
social and demographic characteristics in a population such as
age or sex (Aguilar et al., 1998; Crane, 1994). Internationally,
some forms of the social autopsy method have been used in
developing countries with incomplete civil registration and
sparse formal medical care (Chandramohan, Maude, Rodri-
gues, & Hayes, 1994). In essence, the social autopsy
methodology is used to examine the contribution of social,
personal, health, and environmental variables to unusual
mortality rates. From a program evaluation standpoint, social
autopsies can be considered a type of needs assessment
intended to identify factors that can be addressed through
health and social programs and policies.
0149-7189/$ - see front matter q 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.evalprogplan.2005.11.001
* Corresponding author. Tel.: C1 613 236 1393x2390.
E-mail address: [email protected] (M. Guirguis-Younger).
Deaths among homeless individuals have long been a source
of concern among researchers and the wider community.
Studies on deaths of individuals who are homeless have found
the rate of mortality is 2–10 times higher than the general
population (Barrow, Herman, Cordova, & Struening, 1999;
Hanzlick & Parrish, 1993; Hibbs et al., 1994; Hwang, 2000;
Hwang, Orav, O’Connell, Lebow, & Brennan, 1997; Kasprow
& Rosenheck, 2000; Kushner, 1998; Shaw, Dorling, & Davey
Smith, 1999). There is a general recognition that homelessness
has a significant role to play in this pattern of untimely deaths.
Many researchers have come to realize that homelessness is
more than simply the absence of housing, but rather it is a life
situation that has an impact on all aspects of an individual’s
life, especially health (Diblasio & Belcher, 1993; Dunn, 2000;
Gelberg, Gallagher, Andersen, & Koegel, 1997; Hwang, 2001;
Wright, 1990).
While there is a body of literature that investigates mortality
among homeless persons, such research has, for the most part,
maintained a focus on health problems and lack of access to
health services, and the extent of service utilization (e.g.
Hwang, 2000; Hwang et al., 1997; Kleinman et al., 1996) as
contributors to death. Notwithstanding the importance of this
work, many of the fundamental questions concerning the role
of social aspects of homelessness in high mortality are left
unanswered (Grenier, 1996).
Part of the explanation for the scarcity of this type of
research within this population is that designing and executing
a social investigation on mortality among urban homeless
people is extremely challenging, with many ethical and
Evaluation and Program Planning 29 (2006) 44–54
www.elsevier.com/locate/evalprogplan
M. Guirguis-Younger et al. / Evaluation and Program Planning 29 (2006) 44–54 45
logistical difficulties. Some of the barriers are related to
obtaining consent and respecting privacy (Bayoumi & Hwang,
2002), the ‘secretive and elusive nature’ of street life (Crane,
1993, 1994), difficulties encountered in accessing health and
social services records (Hanzlick & Parrish, 1993), the
transience and mobility of homeless individuals, the lack of
systematic data regarding housing and health at the time of
death (Grenier, 1996), and unknown personal and familial
history. Though some features of this methodology exist in
social autopsy studies conducted in developing countries,
especially around infant deaths (e.g. Aguilar et al., 1998), it has
been rarely used in difficult-to-investigate populations, such as
persons who are homeless (Bayoumi & Hwang, 2002; Crane,
1994).
To truly understand how homelessness contributes to
untimely deaths, investigators must consider a broad set of
individual, environmental, economic, and social factors.
While, at one level, homelessness is a universal phenomenon,
the experience of persons who are homeless is tied to
geographical and regional realities (Hwang, 2000). For
example, the nature and accessibility of services and resources
available to homeless persons, social policies related to
housing, and even weather patterns, are all factors that may
contribute to rates of mortality among the homeless in a given
location.
The intention of this article is to describe a methodology for
investigating the deaths of persons who are homeless, and
constructing a guide for researchers embarking on similar
work. Essentially, our purpose is to make available the lessons
learned during the process of completing a social autopsy study
with persons who are homeless. This methodology was
developed based on an investigation undertaken in Ottawa,
Ontario, Canada. The study was completed over a period of 1
year. The first 6 months were devoted to developing the
methodology and preparing the groundwork for implementing
it in the community. Once developed, the study was piloted to
examine the workability of the design and to correct
methodological problems that were encountered. Deaths
among homeless persons were studied over a period
from summer to winter to capture three seasons including
the potential impact of winter temperatures on individuals
exposed to the elements. Twenty-five deaths of homeless
persons were identified and examined during the time of the
investigation. The original goals of the study were to broadly
investigate the impact of homelessness on health and early
mortality. In particular, we were interested in the long- and
short-term social, health and developmental contributors to
homelessness and death (Guirguis-Younger, Runnels, &
Aubry, 2003).
Though earlier findings indicate that there are differences in
mortality patterns identified in different cities (Hwang, 2000),
the methodology presented here is not tied to local context and
can be applied in other communities. In fact, the purpose of this
paper is to provide researchers with a methodology that can be
applied elsewhere, and that can address a wide range of
research questions.
1. Preparation for the study
1.1. Entering the community as a researcher
In laying the groundwork for this type of study, it is essential
to develop a network of community partners. The first phase is
to identify community organizations that provide services to
homeless individuals and to identify the nature of the services.
Community organizations that serve the homeless have a
wealth of information related to factors and issues associated
with homelessness. Some of this information is systematically
compiled and some is informal knowledge acquired, for
example, through direct contact with persons who are
homeless. For this reason, researchers must become familiar
with the community of service providers and develop an
understanding of the nature of frontline work in order to access
pertinent information. Service providers include volunteers,
health care professionals (public health care nurses, doctors,
and clinic employees), social workers, ministers, and outreach
workers. Involvement in the community may entail taking part
in important public forums, such as community conferences,
inter-organization meetings, and public meetings that concern
the issue of homelessness. Researchers must take the time to
establish a visible presence in the community and gain
knowledge and trust through this visibility and participation.
After their presence has been established in the community,
researchers can begin to explain to various stakeholders the
relevance of the work, as it is important to convey at the outset
the value of this type of research for assisting individuals who
are homeless. Various communication strategies can be
utilized to improve community understanding of the role of
research and the potential for finding frontline solutions.
Researchers must be prepared to develop relationships based
on exchange, and one way of demonstrating an exchange of
benefits to the community is to ensure wide dissemination of
information and demonstrate transparency of intent. For
example, research findings in general and their implications
can be made accessible to the public to increase awareness and
to service providers to inform practice. New knowledge that
may have an impact on policy should be presented to the
appropriate government agencies, along with recommen-
dations for feasible solutions and future directions.
Communities vary in terms of the variables affecting
homelessness, such as community size, natural and built
environment, housing, social services, and social policies. It is
important for researchers to understand the significant issues
that have an impact on homelessness in a given community. To
carry out effective research that involves marginalized
individuals, investigators should be prepared to immerse
themselves in the community to become aware of the
challenges facing service providers in a given locale.
There are many research questions that can be addressed
without community involvement. However, a social autopsy
involving a vulnerable population with little documented
information is less likely to succeed without strong support
from the sector of organizations working with this population.
One of the reasons for this is that homeless persons are part of
M. Guirguis-Younger et al. / Evaluation and Program Planning 29 (2006) 44–5446
complex formal and informal networks, which are difficult to
navigate without familiarity. The feasibility of the work is
determined by the success of entering these networks. For
example, tracking the nature and extent of service use of
transient and elusive individuals is extremely difficult,
especially with little formal documentation. Some information
is virtually inaccessible except through the anecdotal reports of
family, friends, and service providers, all of whom are fiercely
intent on protecting the dignity and privacy of the vulnerable
individual. It is imperative that the research is acceptable in the
community with regards to certain issues, such as ensuring
the highest degree of protection of the dignity and privacy
of the deceased individual and his/her family, and demonstrat-
ing the value of the investigation (i.e. its potential to inform
interventions that improve health and social status and/or
contribute to eliminating homelessness).
In our study, we identified more than 40 organizations
involved in providing services to individuals who are home-
less. Heads of organizations were contacted by mail, with
information about various aspects of the study, and were
followed up with a telephone call. The purpose of this contact
was to encourage comments and/or questions regarding all
aspects of the work and to encourage a process of good faith.
Whether organizations chose to participate or not, it was
important that the study and its methods be well understood.
Further, by formally making information about the study
available, organizations were in a better position to determine
the potential extent and nature of their participation. Such
information was crucial to understanding the scope of
community participation, and from the researchers’ perspec-
tive, to determine the limits of the study.
1.2. Defining the research questions
Defining the research questions before embarking on a
social autopsy investigation is crucial. Clarifying the purpose
of a social autopsy study greatly facilitates the choice of tools,
duration of the study, participants, and the kind of data sought.
Some of the questions may be related to the demographic
profile of those who die while homeless, whereas others are
broader questions that relate to immediate causes, as well as
long-term factors contributing to homelessness and untimely
deaths. Further, questions can also be related to efficacy of
specific programs and the search for specific preventive
strategies that would potentially reduce mortality rates within
the homeless population. Based on the research questions,
investigators can then identify sources of information and
assess the accessibility and utility of data to the study. This
process is facilitated by an open dialogue with stakeholders in
the community.
We presented our initial research questions and method-
ology at various local community meetings on homelessness
attended by personnel of health and social service agencies.
The meetings were frequently concerned with issues of service
delivery to people who are homeless, and housing issues. The
purpose of our participation in these meetings was to encourage
community input into developing and refining pertinent
research questions. Furthermore, our participation in these
meetings allowed us to gather information that would be
helpful in developing the methodology. Our research questions
were informed by both the current literature on homelessness
as well as by input from community stakeholders (e.g. one of
our research questions developed around a community interest
in understanding the early contributors of homelessness in
those persons who died). The active involvement of the
community ensured collaboration and support, as well as
helping to develop and sustain the practical relevance of the
study. In view of our strong partnership with the community,
our research can be defined as community-based and includes
elements of participatory research approaches (Reason &
Bradbury, 2001). However, it is important to note that while
wide community consultation was used, the execution of the
study did not involve their direct participation.
2. Required resources
2.1. Community Advisory Committee
Collaboration with community stakeholders is an essential
element in many research and evaluation contexts, especially
when working with marginalized populations. For this reason,
it is advisable that researchers create mechanisms whereby
input from the community can be obtained. Specifically, a
Community Advisory Committee with broad representation is
such a mechanism. The mandate of this committee is to assist
with the definition of research questions, to provide feedback
on the feasibility of methodology, identify data sources, and
facilitate communication between the research team and
community stakeholders throughout the study. In addition to
integrating the stakeholders into the research process, this
mechanism for input is a concrete recognition and acknowl-
edgement of the expertise and knowledge that service
providers possess around issues of homelessness.
A Community Advisory Committee was convened in the
early stages of the research process. Members of the committee
were invited based on their knowledge and experience in a
variety of areas connected with homelessness. Members
included public health nurses, addiction and outreach workers,
ministers, physicians, and social workers providing specialized
services to ethnic groups and First Nations. Meetings of the
committee were scheduled on a regular basis to discuss
methodology, access to information, special cultural and
spiritual issues associated with the research, and ethical
considerations.
2.2. Other resources
There are multiple sources of information that can be
incorporated in an in-depth investigation of deaths of homeless
persons. Some of these are available in the public domain (i.e.
newspaper articles, e-mail distribution lists, and websites). In
some cases, information is also potentially available from
hospital records, coroners’ reports, and police records;
M. Guirguis-Younger et al. / Evaluation and Program Planning 29 (2006) 44–54 47
however, many of these are difficult to access without family or
guardian consent.
We collected data from interviews with individuals who had
a relationship with the deceased (service providers, outreach
workers, family, and friends); from the public domain (e.g.
newspapers, websites dedicated to issues of homelessness), and
from direct observations (e.g. attending the memorial services,
community forums, and meetings of service providers). In
some cases, we were able to study health records. Although, for
many cases, we were able to obtain sufficient data from a
variety of sources that could contribute to answers for research
questions, for some it was difficult to access some data sources
due to time constraints (e.g. police records). Utilizing various
sources of information to study a phenomenon in real time and
within its true context (Robson, 1993; Yin, 2003), we were able
to construct a portrait of the lives and deaths of individuals who
are homeless and found that patterns could be identified by
examining common occurrences across cases.
3. Participants
3.1. Identification of deaths
Generally, a social autopsy study is focused on deaths
occurring in a particular group of people. Although deaths are
documented in the public domain, such as through registries of
deaths, in the case of those who have died and were homeless
these records are not readily identifiable. Therefore, we
identified various possible sources by which cases of death
could be identified such as coroners’ reports, hospital and
social service records, and finally through the informal reports
of service providers working in shelters and outreach services.
Each of these sources is associated with certain challenges and
limitations. For this reason, whenever possible, combining
information from all sources is recommended and provides the
strongest argument based on converging information. On the
other hand, some of these may require procedures specific to
these organizations. For example, access to hospital records or
coroners’ reports requires an ethics review process conducted
by these organizations, in addition to an ethics review process
required in the case of university based research. This presents
a problem for time-limited studies, making this data source
more appropriate for long-term investigations. Access to
formal hospital, social service, and police records usually
require a release from a next-of-kin, which is difficult to obtain
in the case of many homeless persons. Deaths can also be
identified by making a request for information to service
providers and agencies working with persons who are
homeless. Also, it is desirable to consistently monitor
announcements on various websites and list-serves, local
newspapers, and shelters. However, even using information
from all four sources (coroners’ reports, heath and social
service records, reports of service providers, and public
announcements) may fail to identify cases due to certain
limitations. Coroners’ reports and hospital records typically do
not specify the housing status of individuals, and therefore, it is
difficult to isolate homeless deaths per se. Data regarding
deaths collected from informal sources (e.g. service agencies,
public announcements) may be largely dependent on the nature
and extent of contact the homeless individual may have had
with the service. It may be possible to miss cases if the
individual was not receiving services or died in a different
location.
We relied heavily on information from service providers to
identify the deaths of homeless persons. This made laying the
groundwork and developing relationships with service provi-
ders in the community all the more important. Some
organizations posted announcements of deaths on the Internet,
and others sent information directly to the research team.
Further, we monitored the newspapers and local news for
deaths of persons who may have been homeless and pursued
additional information about these cases. Notwithstanding
these efforts, it remains possible that some deaths occurring
during the study period were missed. However, the mortality
rate observed by our study over a period of 6 months (NZ25)
was consistent with local observations from previous years.
This correspondence between mortality rates does not
guarantee an exhaustive sample, but it does suggest a close
approximation.
4. Ethical challenges
There are three levels of participants that should be
acknowledged in a social autopsy study. First, the posthumous
investigation of an individual’s life, in essence, renders him or
her a participant in a study, and therefore, deceased persons can
be construed as first-level participants. In the case of this social
autopsy, first-level participants have not consented to their
inclusion in the study. There is other evidence of ‘consent’ that
can be obtained even though the person is deceased; for
example, agreement to participate obtained from next-of-kin,
and indications that the deceased individual would have agreed
to participate. For the purposes of this study, any indication that
the deceased individual may have objected to being a part of
the study would have been taken as a criterion for exclusion.
This may be considered an overly prudent position, but in the
context of our work we found that this approach was
necessitated by the dominant values of the community agencies
working with people who are homeless. The second level of
participation involves those of organizations that have been in
contact with the deceased individual and that may, therefore,
possess pertinent information in their records. The third level
of participation is of a more personal nature: informants who
were connected with the deceased in various capacities such as
families, friends, service providers, volunteers, etc. There are
ethical and logistical challenges involved in engaging persons
at each level of participation.
4.1. Deceased persons who are homeless
Homelessness places individuals in extremely vulnerable
and marginalized circumstances. During their lives, homeless
persons typically experience poverty, ill health, and multiple
barriers to accessing financial, legal, and social support, as well
M. Guirguis-Younger et al. / Evaluation and Program Planning 29 (2006) 44–5448
as social stigma. In our study, we found that many informants
(including service providers) continued to view deceased
individuals as remaining at risk of further marginalization, and
therefore, there was a desire to protect their privacy and
dignity. In this way, the perception of risk to deceased persons
came from the informants and formed part of the context for
their participation. A social autopsy study involves an in-depth
focus on the life of those being studied and researchers must
take extra care not to violate the privacy of persons who may
have had difficult experiences up to the time of their death.
There are multiple steps that must be taken in order to protect
deceased individuals studied in a social autopsy study. These
include addressing issues related to consent, involvement of
family, and confidentiality.
4.2. Issues related to consent
4.2.1. Participation of organizations
The bulk of knowledge about the lives of homeless persons
is likely to reside with those who are in frequent contact with
them (e.g. outreach and health workers). In some cases, a great
volume of information may be obtained through interviewing
service providers. Frequently, however, service providers are
bound by ethical restrictions from divulging information
regarding clients. These regulations may be dictated by their
particular organization, and in some cases, by professional
regulations and Codes of Ethics regarding privileged relation-
ships. Before service providers are asked to participate,
researchers must familiarize themselves with these regulations
and Codes of Ethics. Some of these regulations may also be
dictates of law. However, certain provision may be made for
information release for the purposes of research and these
should be reviewed carefully and communicated clearly to
potential participants who are service providers and to their
home organizations. Participating organizations need confir-
mation from the researchers that allowing their staff of service
providers to take part is not in violation of professional Codes
of Ethics. Such information would be available in acts
regulating the release of information for research. Where
local laws (e.g. provincial or state law) are not clear, it might be
necessary to consult federal laws, schedules, and guidelines.
All named limitations and statutes must be presented to
Research Ethics Boards from which researchers require
approval, and should be shared with service providers. In the
case of our study, we requested information from service
providers about their clients (i.e. the deceased persons) based
on a provision in the Ontario Freedom of Information and
Protection of Privacy Act (Revised Statutes of Ontario, 1990)
for releasing otherwise restricted information for the purposes
of research. Researchers are required to demonstrate that all
information received is treated ethically, and that confidenti-
ality of participants is protected. Although the relationship
between client and service provider is privileged, researchers
are permitted to make a request for such information.
Regulated professionals (e.g. physicians, nurses, social
workers, psychologists) may assess the study and its
methodology and choose to release the information when
satisfied that sufficient precautions have been taken to protect
their client(s). Laws governing privileged relationships and the
obligation to disclose may differ across states, provinces, or
countries, and must be consulted carefully. In most jurisdic-
tions, laws regarding accessing personal and medical infor-
mation are relaxed after the individual’s death. However,
researchers must familiarize themselves with these issues and
adapt the study design accordingly. This would facilitate access
to information through participating organizations and their
staff.
4.2.2. Family participation and wishes of the deceased
Obtaining informed consent from research participants is a
cornerstone of conducting ethical research. The issue of
consent is a challenge for any social autopsy investigation, as
clearly, consent cannot be obtained directly from first level
participants, i.e. deceased persons. Typically, in posthumous
studies, consent is obtained from the next-of-kin, who gives
permission for participation on behalf of the deceased
individual. In many such studies, the next-of-kin can be
readily identified and contacted. In contrast, homelessness is
characterized by social isolation and lack of connection with
family (Crane, 1994; Layton, 2000). In many cases, the
families are difficult or impossible to locate, and there are many
ethical considerations related to making contact with families.
Nevertheless, information provided by families and others
familiar with the earlier history of the deceased is extremely
valuable and may shed light on the circumstances contributing
to later homelessness. For this reason, obtaining the perspec-
tive of families is extremely important and should not be
abandoned a priori by investigators, but rather approached with
caution.
Occasionally, making contact with the family of the
deceased may not be appropriate. For example, it is not
appropriate to contact families who have made it clear that they
are not interested in being involved in the life of the deceased
person, and/or where there is a documented history of familial
sexual, physical, or emotional abuse. In addition, if, during his
or her life an individual expressed wishes indicating that he or
she did not want contact with family members, this becomes a
sufficient reason to refrain from initiating such contact. This
particular restriction was established in our study to address the
concerns of those who knew the deceased, and in order to
respect the boundaries and personal privacy of vulnerable
individuals. Another important issue to consider is the family’s
knowledge of the social circumstances of the deceased. For
example, researchers are advised to refrain from contacting
relatives or friends whom service providers suggest do not
know that the individual was homeless or that he or she
participated in street life. The reason for this is that researchers
may find themselves in the awkward position of serving as
conduits of information about the affairs of the deceased to his
or her family and friends. This has many ethical implications,
including violation of privacy, causing harm to those who may
be grieved by the disclosures, and divulging confidential
information provided by other sources (e.g. service providers).
M. Guirguis-Younger et al. / Evaluation and Program Planning 29 (2006) 44–54 49
As a way of avoiding the possible pitfalls of contacting
families directly, it may be more suitable to approach some
families with the help of frontline workers (e.g. outreach
workers, hospice workers), some of whom may have
established strong relationships with one or more family
members in the context of caring for the deceased individual.
Based on their involvement with the deceased, service
providers are usually in a good position to advise researchers
regarding the appropriateness of inviting family participation.
In cases where it is appropriate, information about the
investigation and an invitation to participate are then delivered
or mailed to family members by service providers. Services
providers could deliver a sealed package that included
information about the study and self-addressed, stamped
reply envelopes to families or friends. This way, the onus is
not on the frontline workers to obtain consent for participation
from families. The process ensures that the families are not
under pressure to take part in the research and can easily
indicate their refusal to participate by not returning the consent
form included in the invitation package. In addition, the service
providers are not placed in the awkward position where they
could be perceived as advocating for participation, and are also
unaware to whether the information was returned.
4.3. Issues related to confidentiality
In line with ethical guidelines for conducting research, the
identity of the deceased individuals must be kept confidential
by researchers. As well, researchers must ensure that no
organizations or individuals are to be identified as the source of
any particular data to ensure total confidence in the research
and confidentiality of all disclosures. These are common
measures exercised to ensure ethical research. However, within
this general framework, there are several unique issues to be
considered.
4.3.1. Confidentiality of the deceased individual
In the case of qualitative research such as social autopsy
studies, where each case is studied in depth, the task of
preserving confidentiality is more challenging. This is
especially true in the community of service providers where
the description of a case in its entirety or in part, and even in the
absence of a name, could lead to the identification of the
individual. For this reason, although identifying information
must be used to carry out analyses, individual cases should not
be presented in the community or in scientific publications.
Researchers who prefer to present entire cases should use
alternative methods, such as the reconstructed case scenario
(Papadopoulos, Scanlon, & Lees, 2002) to avoid compromising
confidentiality. Most research questions can be answered by
studying the patterns and factors presented in the study of many
individuals. Qualitative methods of data collection and
analyses when done with multiple individuals can provide an
in-depth understanding of patterns, themes, and potential
relationships among complex variables (Robson, 1993; Yin,
2003).
4.3.2. Confidentiality of participating organizations and their
employees
In accordance with a general policy of protecting sources,
researchers should protect the identity of organizations that
choose to participate in a social autopsy, as well as of those
who decline participation. The release of such information
might affect a given organization’s standing in the community.
This applies equally to individuals within organizations. For
example, once an organization has agreed to participate,
individual service providers with that organization remain free
to participate or decline. The decision of any given service
provider should not be communicated to his or her
organization, other organizations, or other service providers.
This allows the individual service providers to make a decision
that will not affect his or her employment or status in the
workplace or in the community of service providers and
individuals who are homeless.
5. Research team
Data collection is a very sensitive part of the social autopsy
research process of the investigation. It is essential that
interviewers and those handling the data understand the full
ramifications of doing research involving vulnerable people. A
team format is recommended because it can encourage
exchange of experiences, ideas, and concerns, as well as create
an atmosphere of support. All members of the team must be
familiar with the study tools and protocol, including procedures
to protect informants’ confidentiality and anonymity, as well as
ethical issues concerning data collection. The study rationale
and full methodology should be made clear to all those
involved in data collection during a formal training program
for the field team.
5.1. Competencies
It is important that interviewers involved in social autopsy
studies have certain competencies. In particular, it is preferable
that they possess strong interpersonal and communication
skills, have had previous experience with individuals who are
homeless, and good knowledge of applied social research
methods. Individuals who are part of the field team should be
made explicitly aware that many of the matters discussed in the
interviews may be sad, and in some cases shocking in nature.
For this reason, interviewers should possess enough skills to
manage their own emotional reactions as well as possible stress
reactions from others. Interviewers must have the skills to
conduct the interview in a respectful and empathic way,
especially when addressing grieving families, vulnerable
persons, and service providers, all of whom may be
experiencing grief related to death.
5.2. Feedback
Feedback from interviewers can inform a developing
methodology and improve many aspects of the study. This
can be accomplished through regular team meetings, at which
M. Guirguis-Younger et al. / Evaluation and Program Planning 29 (2006) 44–5450
researchers and interviewers discuss issues encountered in the
field and troubleshoot any problems. This process ensures the
on-going communication between the researchers and those
who are in direct contact with informants.
5.3. Exclusion criteria for the interviewers
It is also important to recognize that certain individuals, by
virtue of their position in the community, may not be
appropriate as interviewers. Individuals who are currently
employed as health and social service providers with people
who are homeless should not serve as interviewers, because of
dual role with those individuals being interviewed. For
example, an individual who is homeless and receiving services
may be reluctant to provide criticisms of these services to a
service provider. In general, people who are collecting the
information should not have an interest or a direct role in
services provided to or by informants, or have decision-making
power regarding the quality, quantity, or nature of service
provision.
5.4. Manual/practical guides
It is suggested that a training manual be developed for
interviewers. Such a manual can serve as a reference document
and would contain information about recruitment, consent
procedures, safety issues, and a list of contacts in case of an
emergency. Some other valuable elements that can be
incorporated into the manual include documentation regarding
organizations providing care for those who are homeless,
multicultural funeral practices, interviewing methods, and
counselling services in the community.
5.5. Training and support
Our field team consisted of three interviewers with
experience in both the delivery of social services and research.
All interviewers had previous experience interacting with
individuals who are homeless and were actively working on
other research projects in the area of homelessness. The team
consisted of graduate students in clinical and community
psychology and persons trained in social services and
associated practices. The training session involved a full day,
during which the team was given an initial presentation
outlining the goals and the methodology of the study. A
substantial portion of the workshop was devoted to familiariz-
ing the team with the instruments. The discussion and exercises
related to the use of the study tools proved quite helpful in
terms of developing the skills required for proper use.
Interviewers were also trained to assess exclusionary criteria
for informant participation, such as cognitive capacity, level of
distress, and environmental safety. A presentation and
discussion of sensitive issues surrounding death and home-
lessness, such as the individual’s rights to confidentiality and
anonymity, and the ethical boundaries of research, were also
included in the training.
Throughout the study, interviewers were provided with
support and necessary resources to help them manage the
demanding nature of the interviews. For example, while
interviews were being conducted, a resource person (usually
the principal investigator) was ‘on-call’ to answer urgent
questions that might arise. Interviewers were encouraged to
ensure easy access to a telephone during the interview.
Interviewers were provided with a list of services available
for homeless persons (e.g. shelters, grief counselling, and
medical needs) in case direct requests for services were made
by persons being interviewed. If requests were made,
interviewers provided the individual with information on
how to access resources or referred them to persons who
could follow up. Researchers should be prepared to discuss
problems, questions, comments, and observations reported by
the interview team, and in some instances make modifications
based on these discussions. For example, if interviewers found
that certain wording of a question caused confusion, alternative
wording for future interviews should be considered. Similar to
developing methodology in other studies, the input of
interviewers in improving the methodology is important during
the pilot phase of the study.
6. Instruments
Due to the sensitivity of social autopsies and the vulnerable
nature of the population being studied, it is important that the
interview questions be based not only on the needs of the study
and the current literature, but also integrate input from
personnel in community agencies serving this population.
When gathering sensitive information on deceased homeless
individuals. The use of semi-structured or open-ended interviews
with family, friends, or service providers is preferred. The
reason for this is that informants are more likely to want to
provide a complete story about the deceased individual, rather
than answer a series of questions. A semi-structured format
ensures the coverage of research questions, but allows
informants the freedom to provide rich and detailed infor-
mation in a natural conversational style.
Depending on who is being interviewed (e.g. families,
service providers) several versions of the interview guide
should be designed. When interviewing families, it may be that
the interviewer is provided with a history of the individual’s
homelessness (e.g. how it started and when, what were the
initial markers, developmental history), whereas friends are
more likely to provide recent information regarding the
deceased individual’s life (e.g. street involvements, function-
ing, activities, events leading to the time of his or her death,
attitudes, wishes, etc.). While the instruments should be
designed to answer specific research questions, they should
be flexible enough to allow the collection of extensive data
about broad aspects of the individual’s life. Appendix A
contains sample questions extracted from a tool designed to
gather information regarding an individual’s developmental
history and Appendix B contains a list of potential areas of
interest for looking at the lives of individuals who have lived
M. Guirguis-Younger et al. / Evaluation and Program Planning 29 (2006) 44–54 51
and died homeless. These are examples of tools and areas
covered in interviews in our study.
7. Possible limitations of the social autopsy methodology
Working with persons who are homeless, their families, and
their friends is a complex task. There are many challenges that
face this type of inquiry, both logistical and conceptual. This
complexity can present difficulties with study design and data
collection, and can obscure interpretation. Some of these
challenges will be discussed here.
First, definitions of homelessness are pivotal in terms of
developing research questions and ultimately, analysing and
interpreting the data. Some definitions of homelessness
inadvertently exclude individuals, such as those who are
using a series of temporary arrangements with friends and
family. Other definitions exclude those who were homeless and
are now housed, but who otherwise remain dependent on a
system of services targeted toward homeless persons; in other
words, individuals with a history of homelessness and at risk of
becoming homeless. These issues extend more broadly than
social autopsy work and affect many aspects of research on
homelessness. However, it is necessary to consider the impact
of such definitions when interpreting the findings of death
investigations in this particular population.
Second, though the social autopsy methodology can be used
in various contexts, it is imperative that interpretations of the
data are mindful of the regional context of the study. Resulting
data and patterns may vary by economic, ethnic, and political
realities of countries, regions, or cities. This is particularly
pertinent for researchers attempting to conduct a social autopsy
in rural areas where informal networks may be more significant
(e.g. churches) and access to sources of data may not be readily
available through formal channels (e.g. service agencies). The
nature of data collected from formal versus informal sources is
quite different. For example, information gathered from formal
service agencies such as hospitals or shelters tend to reflect
demographic status (e.g. age of death, gender, service use
patterns, and extent of contact with shelters), whereas data
collected from informal sources tend to focus on familiar
individuals and their stories. Both types of data are important,
but answer different research questions and have inherent
strengths and limitations: formal sources provide an overall
picture of the face of homelessness and death, and informal
sources provide the depth and context needed to interpret these
patterns.
Third, there are certain aspects of homelessness that may
skew data collection and restrict data sources available to
investigators. When conducting a social autopsy on individuals
who are homeless, the respondents may disproportionately be
persons who were involved in a service provision capacity with
the deceased individual. This may be because people who are
homeless generally have few close personal relationships.
Researchers should be aware that the resulting data might
therefore be skewed toward a problem-oriented view of the
homeless individual. Homelessness is a social construct with
many broad facets, some of which may not have been
uncovered.
Family and friends are often difficult to locate. Information
about the deceased’s personal history is highly valuable, but
rarely available. In many ways, qualitative analyses uniquely
allow investigators to arrive at conclusions from the in-depth
study of a few cases. However, there may be an inherent bias in
cases where the families were available versus cases without
family involvement: that is, cases where families were not
involved may represent a more isolated group of homeless
individuals, with little information about personal history.
Inevitably, there will be gaps in the final data. There are
many barriers that make it difficult to collect complete case
profiles. For example, some individuals who died homeless
may have no known family, and therefore, no one to comment
on their personal history. In such cases, it is difficult to explore
the circumstances that may have brought them to home-
lessness. Similarly, some of their friends may have also died
homeless, or if alive may not consent to an interview. This
would curtail obtaining information about some deceased
individuals’ activities and their lives on the street; a unique
perspective that can only be given by few persons.
Essentially, the social autopsy methodology strives to
provide a complete portrait of a person: his or her life and
death. Realistically, researchers can anticipate incomplete data
in some cases. However, this methodology allows researchers
to build profiles of the target population, contributing to the
understanding of the relationship between the circumstances of
someone’s life and his or her death.
8. Knowledge transfer
Researchers have an obligation to engage in multiple levels
of knowledge dissemination that can be translated into
preventive strategies and social action. Some of the avenues
for distribution are academic venues, government and service
agencies, charitable and independent organizations involved
with this population, policy makers, service providers,
families, and through the powerful tools of the media and the
Internet. The knowledge dissemination phase of the research is
extremely important, and is best executed in a planned fashion
to ensure maximum utility of the findings. In addition to
impacting preventive and treatment strategies, researchers
should also consider increasing public awareness about
homelessness an important goal of their work.
9. Concluding remarks
The face of homelessness is constantly changing, mani-
fested in changes in the demographic composition of the
homeless population, patterns of service use, and mortality
rates. Homelessness has been described as a ‘fluid social
problem’ (Fitzgerald, Shelley, & Dail, 2001). From a research
perspective, the study of homelessness and death also requires
multiple and flexible methodologies. In order to gain a better
understanding of the nature of homelessness, its causes and
consequences, and its evolution, multiple approaches are
M. Guirguis-Younger et al. / Evaluation and Program Planning 29 (2006) 44–5452
needed. For example, the social autopsy method as a technique
allows for an in-depth look at individual stories of home-
lessness that can be conducted as case studies. In addition,
social autopsies can also be designed to look at macro-level
variables, such as the relationship between individual variables
such as age, gender, and/or ethnicity to national trends of
homelessness and mortality; or the relationship between
service infrastructures and mortality. When combined with
work done on long-term contributors to homelessness (e.g.
panel studies), social autopsies can be a powerful tool for
interpreting patterns of homelessness and untimely death.
The success of this type of research depends on the
preparedness and capacity of researchers to respond to the
arising logistical challenges and ethical controversies. For
these reasons, this discussion sought to provide researchers
with tools and procedures to meet the challenge of conducting
this type of research, and also to provide guidance and a frame
of reference for a social autopsy methodology. Continued
research in the area of homelessness is an essential step to
increase social awareness, inform intervention, augment
service capacity, and build preventive programs.
Acknowledgements
This study was funded by the City of Ottawa through the
federal Supporting Community Partnerships Initiative of
Human Resources Development Canada. We are indebted to
the support of many organizations, including the City of
Ottawa Public Health and Long-Term Care, Alliance to End
Homelessness, City of Ottawa Homelessness Initiative Team,
Institute of Population Health, and Inner City Health Project.
Appendix A
Some samples extracted from tools designed to gather
information regarding an individual’s developmental history.
A.1. Interview with field worker/volunteer/public health
nurse/other service provider
(Introduction) This interview is more of a conversation
about the life and death of - - - - -. We would like to learn
everything that you can recall about this person’s life.How long have you known - - - - - to be on the street
(without secure housing)?
Can you describe the person’s housing circumstances (in the
last 3 months, do you know where - - - - - slept and what type
of housing?
And what were the person’s housing experiences?
Was there ever any successful housing of which you are
aware?
Are you aware of any circumstances around how - - - - -
became homeless?
A.1.1. Daily challenges
Were you aware if - - - - - faced any particular challenges in
his/her day-to-day living?
† Can you describe what you know about this challenge?
† Do you think the challenge had an impact on his/her daily
living?
† Do you think that challenges impacted on his/her social
life?
† How do think this challenge affected his/her access to
services?
† Do you know how - - - - - coped with this challenge?
† Do you know if he/she used assistive devices?
† Were you aware if - - - - - asked assistance from others? For
personal care, attendant care? Who?
A.1.2. Events prior to death
Were there any changes that you noticed in - - - - -’s life in
the period prior to his/her death?
Were there any changes that you noticed in - - - - - (person)
in the period prior to his/her death?
Do you think that this death was preventable?
Do you think that there were any immediate or long-term
measures that could have been taken to prevent - - - - -’s death?
If yes, what were those measures?
A.1.3. Comments and closure
How did - - - - - perceive his/her homelessness?
What helped him/her cope when the times were tough?
Do you have an impression of what - - - - -’s vision and
wishes for his/her future? What they hoped for?
Was there anything else that we have not asked you that you
feel is important for us to know about this person?
A.2. Interview with family member
(Introduction) I am going to start by asking you, is there
anything you would like to tell me right away? We would like
you to feel free to tell us - - - - -’s story. You can start at the
beginning or anywhere you like. We might have some
questions for you at the end.
Tell me about - - - - -’s childhood or earlier years
† What were - - - - -’s likes and dislikes, hobbies, favourite
music, favourite sports
† Did they have a good childhood?
† Any disruptive or odd behaviour?
† General health?
† Any disability?
† Have friends, play with other kids? What was that like—
describe games?
† Felt about school?
† Felt about family? Got along with siblings or others his/her
own age?
† Did - - - - - live in the same place for most of his/her earlier
years?
† Contact with law?
† Was - - - - - ever away from home for an extended period of
time, e.g. Child welfare system, foster care, detention,
and/or long hospitalisation?
M. Guirguis-Younger et al. / Evaluation and Program Planning 29 (2006) 44–54 53
† Was there ever any extended separation from parents or
brothers and sisters?
What do you think were the events that led - - - - -to be
without a home and live on the street?
† Any contact with him/her?
† Nature of contact? Length?
† Do you think there was a pattern to - - - - -behaviour or
something about the that led to them being homeless?
How do you want us to best remember - - - - -? Is there
anything that we did not ask you that you feel is important for
us to know?
A.3. Interview with friends/acquaintances/peers
We would like to learn more about - - - - -’s life.
† Relationships with others?
† Spirituality? Spiritual advisor, e.g. pastor, elder?
† Participate in social events/social activities? Team sports?
† Have closer friends: one or two special people?
† Have someone they could trust?
† Get along with others?
† Romantic involvement?
† Family relations any contact with family?
† Relationship with field workers, doctors, shelter staff?
† Contact with the law/socially disruptive behaviour?
† Education?
† Work/career? Work relationships
† Family life, children, partner?
Do you have an impression of what - - - - -’s vision and
wishes for his/her future? What he/she hoped for? What is your
best memory of - - - - -?
Appendix B
Important aspects of an individual’s life affected by
homelessness
B.1. Daily activities
† Housing/shelter
† Daily challenges
† Daily living: basic needs shelter accommodation and
housing experiences
† Income
B.2. Social participation
† Friends, social supports
† Ability to get along with others
† Cultural groups
B.3. Health
† Physical and mental health status and care
† Substance use and addictions
† High risk behaviours
B.4. Early experiences
† Family background and family influences
† Early attachments and significant others
† Contact with the law
† Separations from family (e.g. foster care, detention,
hospitalisations)
B.5. Spirituality
† Religious and spiritual themes
† Practices
† Contact with religious leaders/institutions
B.6. Personal profile
† Personal characteristics: personality, style, self-perceptions
† Perceptions of homelessness
† Visions/hopes for the future
B.7. Work and education
† Education
† Work and vocational activities skills
B.8. Significant life events
† Possible significant events leading to homelessness
† Events prior to death changes in the individual, in their life,
service provision issues etc.
References
Aguilar, A. M., Alvarado, R., Cordero, D., Kelly, P., Zamora, A., & Salgado, R.
(1998). Mortality survey in Bolivia: The final report. BASICS (Announce-
ment posted on the World Wide Web). From the World Wide Web: http://
www.basics.org/publications/pubs/pathways/me2.htm.
Barrow, S. M., Herman, D. B., Cordova, P., & Struening, E. L. (1999).
Mortality among homeless shelter residents in New York City. American
Journal of Public Health, 89, 529–534.
Bayoumi, A. M., & Hwang, S. W. (2002). Methodological, practical, and
ethical challenges to inner-city health research. Journal of Urban Health,
79, 35–42.
Chandramohan, D., Maude, G. H., Rodrigues, L. S., & Hayes, R. J. (1994).
Verbal autopsies for adult deaths: Issues in their development and
validation. International Journal of Epidemiology, 23, 213–222.
M. Guirguis-Younger et al. / Evaluation and Program Planning 29 (2006) 44–5454
Crane, M. (1993). Elderly homeless people sleeping on the streets in inner
London: An exploratory study. London: Age Concern Institute of
Gerontology, King’s College.
Crane, M. (1994). Elderly homeless people: Elusive subjects and slippery
concepts. Ageing and Society, 14, 631–640.
Diblasio, F. A., & Belcher, J. R. (1993). Social work outreach to homeless
people and the need to address issues of self-esteem. Health and Social
Work, 18, 281–287.
Dunn, J. R. (2000). Housing and health inequalities: Review and prospects for
research. Housing Studies, 15, 341–366.
Fitzgerald, S. T., Shelley, M. C., & Dail, P. W. (2001). Research on
homelessness: Sources and implications of uncertainty. American
Behavioral Scientist, 45, 121–148.
Gelberg, L., Gallagher, T. C., Andersen, R. M., & Koegel, P. (1997).
Competing priorities as a barrier to medical care among homeless
adults in Los Angeles. American Journal of Public Health, 87, 217–
220.
Grenier, P. (1996). Still dying for a home: An update of crisis’ 1992
investigation into the links between homelessness, health and mortality.
London: Crisis.
Guirguis-Younger, M., Runnels, V., & Aubry, T. (2003). The study of deaths of
persons who are homeless in Ottawa—A social and health investigation.
From http://socialscience.uottawa.ca/crsc/pdf/reportVol1_2004.pdf
Hanzlick, R., & Parrish, R. G. (1993). Death among the homeless in Fulton
County, GA, 1988–90. Public Health Reports, 108, 488–491.
Hibbs, J. R., Benner, L., Klugman, L., Spencer, R., Macchia, I., Mellinger,
A. K., et al. (1994). Mortality in a cohort of homeless adults in Philadelphia.
The New England Journal of Medicine, 331, 304–309.
Hwang, S. W. (2000). Mortality among men using homeless shelters in
Toronto, Ontario. Journal of the American Medical Association, 283,
2152–2157.
Hwang, S. W. (2001). Homelessness and health. Canadian Medical
Association Journal, 164, 229–233.
Hwang, S. W., Orav, E. J., O’Connell, J. J., Lebow, J. M., & Brennan, T. A.
(1997). Causes of death in homeless adults in Boston. Annals of Internal
Medicine, 126, 625–628.
Kasprow, W. J., & Rosenheck, R. (2000). Mortality among homeless and
nonhomeless mentally ill veterans. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease,
188, 141–147.
Kleinman, L. C., Freeman, H., Perlman, J., & Gelberg, L. (1996).
Homing in on the homeless: Assessing the physical health of homeless
adults in Los Angeles County using an original method to obtain
physical examination data in a survey. Health Services Research, 31,
533–549.
Klinenberg, E. (1999). Denaturalizing disaster: A social autopsy of the 1995
Chicago heat wave. Theory and Society, 28, 239–295.
Klinenberg, E. (2002). A social autopsy of disaster in Chicago: Heat wave.
Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press.
Kushner, C. (1998). Better access, better care: A research paper on health
services and homelessness in Toronto. Toronto: Toronto Mayor’s Home-
lessness Action Task Force.
Layton, J. (2000). Homelessness: The making and unmaking of a crisis.
Toronto: Penguin.
Papadopoulos, I., Scanlon, K., & Lees, S. (2002). Reporting and validating
research findings through reconstructed stories. Disability and Society, 17,
269–281.
Reason, P., & Bradbury, H. (Eds.). (2001). Handbook of action research:
Participatory inquiry and practice. London: Sage.
Revised Statutes of Ontario (1990). Freedom of Information and Protection of
Privacy Act. Ch F. 31, part II, s. 21. e.
Robson, C. (1993). Real world research: A resource for social scientists and
practitioner–researchers (2nd ed.). Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.
Shaw, M., Dorling, D., & Davey Smith, G. (1999). Social exclusion. In M.
Shaw, D. Dorling, & G. Davey Smith (Eds.), The widening gap: Health
inequalities and policy in Britain. Bristol: The Policy Press.
Ward, J. A., & Fox, J. (1977). A suicide epidemic on an Indian reserve.
Canadian Psychiatric Association Journal, 22, 423–426.
Wright, J. D. (1990). Poor people, poor health: The health status of the
homeless. Journal of Social Issues, 46, 49–64.
Yin, R. K. (2003). Case study research: Design and methods (3rd ed.).
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.