STUDIA AEGYPTIACA XVIII

Proceedings of the Fourth Central European Conference

of Young Egyptologists

31 August - 2 September 2006, Budapest

Edited by Kata Endreffy and Andras Gulyas

Series Editor: Tamas A. Bacs

Bw br} /;m f- The Place Where His Majesty Dwells Some Remarks about the Localisation

of Royal Palace, Residence and Central Administration in Late Period Egypt*

CLAUSJURMAN University of Birmingham - University of Vienna

Introduction

While many Egyptian texts conforming to the decorum of royal ideology1 make ample reference to sanctuaries or other holy places the pharaoh pays homage to, his interactions within the sphere of mortals is less often framed by topographically explicit terms (if one excludes the narratives focusing on foreign campaigns during the New Kingdom).2 It almost appears as if this apparent lack of interest on the part of the ancients has found its equivalent in modem Egyptology in the preponderance of archaeological studies dealing exclusively with temples and tombs. Only gradually do investigations on the more 'secular' spaces crucial to ancient Egyptian communities, e.g., palatial structures, gain more importance in the scholarly discourse. 3 It is perhaps this very dearth of knowledge that has given rise to many speculations about the precise nature and organisational structure of the Egyptian state over the centuries, especially regarding the factual localisation of a presumed 'central administration' .4

Thus, for the Old Kingdom R. Stadelmann has argued that the settlements associated with the royal mortuary complexes functioned also as official residences of

* This paper concerns one aspect of a PhD study carried out at the Universities of Vienna and Birmingham. I am especially indebted to Dr. Anthony Leahy from the Institute of Archaeology and Antiquity of the University of Birmingham for his many helpful suggestions.

1 On 'decorum' in an Egyptological context, see Baines 1990 20. 2 See, e.g., O'Connor 1995 265. On the role of religious and foreign toponyms in 181h Dynasty royal

texts, cf., e.g., Beylage 2002 Vol. 2 passim, esp. 571-588, 757-758. 3 On the archaeology of Egyptian settlements and palatial structures in particular, see, for example,

Bietak 1996; Bietak 2005; Lacovara 1997; most recently Jeffreys 2006 with bibliography; see also the forthcoming proceedings of the international conference 'Cities and Urbanism in Ancient Egypt', held in Vienna, 22-26 November 2006.

4 E.g., Helck 1958 1-9; Helck 1984 246-247; Van den Boom 1988 18-21.

172 Claus Jurman

the ruler. 5 The kings of the 12th Dynasty are generally considered as having resided in Jt}-t3.wj near el-Lisht,6 while the pharaohs of the 18th Dynasty predating the Amama heresy are predominantly regarded as 'The ban'. 7 However, at least from the later part of this dynasty onwards a number of sources unequivocally bear evidence of a repeated geographical shift of power that involved places such as Thebes, Akhetaten, Memphis, and Piramesse/Qantir. 8 The Memphite court accounts of the Rollin Papyri from the early reign of Seti I reveal certain organisational patterns that are reminiscent of an 'itinerant court', e.g., the existence of a number of '(royal) quartermasters' (3_tw.w) at different sites, or repeated relocating of the royal household within a relatively short period oftime.9 On the whole, this important yet sometimes rather neglected source is not completely congruent with concepts of a thoroughly centralised state governed from a single 'capital city'. It should therefore figure as a warning against applying to Egypt political models based more upon modem notions than on the ancient evidence itself. 10 One has to admit, however, that sources such as the Rollin Papyri or the court accounts of Papyrus Boulaq 18 from the late Middle Kingdom 11 are rather exceptional in their contents. While evidence hinting at the concrete location of the royal residence is scarce throughout Egyptian history, mentions of a conventionalised 'palace setting' abound in royal and private inscriptions. 12

In the Late Period as in earlier times many royal texts and literary tales present the palace as a venue of pre-eminent political and ideological importance that staged the king's activities when not campaigning or attending to his duties as chief priest. 13

5 Stadelmann 1984 9-14; Stadelmann 1996 225-226; more sceptical: Martin 2000 101, n. 10. 6 Cf. Helck 1958 3; Helck 1980 211; Simpson 1963 58; but see Beckerath 1964 29-31; Martin 2000

101, n. 10. 7 This classification may have been partly influenced by the accounts of Manetho, who assigned

topographical labels to the Egyptian dynasties. If these are of relevance at all, however, they apply to the presumed origin of a dynastic family, not to its capital city (thus, the 12th Dynasty rulers are characterised as 'Theban' as well). Summarising the communis opinio about the role ofThebes as a New Kingdom capital, but at the same time acknowledging the importance of Memphis already in the early 18th Dynasty: Van den Boom 1988 21; see also Kmchten 1981 148, 153, 157; Dijk 1993 190-193.

8 O'Connor 1982 21-22; Lacovara 1997; Gardiner 1905 8-9,47-48 (Piramesse as 'capital'). On the recent finding of a fragmentary cuneiform tablet at Qantir/Piramesse indicating the existence of a royal office for foreign affairs in the city, see Pusch- Jakob 2003. Amama and Piramesse are also explicitly labelled as 'capitals' and described as centres of the whole country including administration in Fritz 1998, esp. 121 and Herold 1998 129.

9 Spiegelberg 1896 Vol. 14,5 5-56; Vol. 2, e.g., Plate 9 (pBN 209 rt.); see also Kemp 20062 289. 3tw is read by W. Spiegelberg still as w'rtjw. For the title and its scope of meanings, see Wild 1971 118-121.

10 On approaches towards the ancient Egyptian state conforming to the terminology of modem political sciences, see Kootz 2006.

11 Cf. Scharff 1922; Quirke 1990 17-24. 12 For the Old Kingdom, see, e.g., Goelet 1982; Goelet 1992; for the Middle Kingdom: Parkinson 2002

157-158, 167; for the New Kingdom: Beylage 2002 Vol. 2 passim; for the Third Intermediate Period: Jansen-Winkeln 1985 Vol. 2 317-319; for the Late Period: Bl6baum 2006 32-35.

13 Cf. Bl6baum 2006 32-35.

Bw hr} f:zm=f- The Place Where His Majesty Dwells 173

At the royal residence decisions are made, advisors consulted, audiences granted, or rewards handed out to meritorious officials. 14 Also many private inscriptions mention the palace and convey the officials' close relationship with the pharaoh and the court through lengthy titularies. 15 It is a well-known fact that especially during the Saite16

Period a huge repertoire of courtly titles which seems to have been partly resuscitated from the Old and Middle Kingdoms features on the monuments of the elite. 17

The sources, however, are conspicuously silent about the precise nature of terms such as 'f:z, pr pr-'3, pr nswt, or stp-s3, and very seldom is their geographical location hinted at. The same applies to the term bnw, which is commonly translated by Egyptologists as 'residence' or even as 'capital city' without specifying to what extent our modem notions of a national capital are applicable to the ancient Egyptian state of the 1st millennium BC. 18 In most monumental inscriptions the royal residence emerges as a prototypical image of royal authority that was defined above all by the presence of the king and could therefore be readily circumscribed by expressions such as bw br} l:zm=f, 'the place where His Majesty dwells'.

The Dream Stela of Tanutamani provides an example of this usage:

( ... ) wnn rsj.w J:zr !Jdj ml:ztj.w l:zr !Jntj r bw br} J:zm=f br j!J.t nb.t nfr(.t) n(.t) t3-sm'.w gfl.w nb(.w) n(.w) t3-ml:zw r s}:ztp jb n l:zm=f ( ... )19

' ( ... ) And the Southerners used to travel northwards and the Northerners southwards to the place, where His Majesty dwelled, bringing all good things of the South, all provisions of the North in order to satisfy His Majesty( ... ).'

In other words, the residence is where the king happens to be. 20 In this particular case it refers to Memphis at the intersection of Lower and Upper Egypt.

Of course, one can question whether it is of any relevance for us today to track down the specific dwelling place of an ancient Egyptian ruler at a given time while at the same time not even being able to present a reliable account of his major foreign and domestic policies. In dealing with issues of 26th Dynasty political history it becomes clear, however, that information about the whereabouts of the king and his

14 Cf., e.g., Papyrus Rylands IX, col. X, 1-7: Vittmann 1998 Vol. 1 42-43; Vol. 2 450-451; see also Quack 2005 20; Loprieno 1998 17-24.

15 Cf., e.g., Pressl 1998 27-28. 16 In this article the term 'Saite' shall be used as a chronological indicator, i.e., synonymously with '26th

Dynasty'. Where the word denotes rather a topographical quality, it will be indicated by using italics. 17 Jelinkova 1958 79-125, esp. 79-80; Nagy 1973 57; Brunner 1970 154; Brunner 1975 392-393;

Perdu 1998 175. 18 On the problem of classification and terminology, see Helck 1984 246-24 7; Martin 2000 101; Dijk­

Eaton-Krauss 1986 35, n. 7; Gundlach 2004 25, 34. 19 Cited after Breyer 2003 212. 20 See also Martin 2000 1 01.

174 Cl a us Jurman

chief officials may provide an important aid in understanding the governmental practices as well as the very nature and ideology of Saite kingship. Sources owing their existence to conscious political decisions can only be put into perspective if we assess where contemporary (central) authority resided.21

Methodologies

For the purposes of my study I tried to device methods that would allow to approach or trace the topographical and institutional 'realities' of palace-related terminology during the Saite Period.

Possibilities

First of all it seemed advisable to establish which organisational schemes the Saite rulers could have adopted in principle, taking into account parallels in Egyptian history and other ancient cultures. As major possibilities emerge:

1. One principal residence (with the possibility of repeated relocation and existence of additional royal palaces i 2

2. Two or more principal residences in which the king would dwell altemately23

3. Each king building his own principal palace/residence, conforming to practices adopted, e.g., in the Neoassyrian Empire24

4. Itinerant court that would constantly travel up and down the country25

5. Combination of the options enumerated above

21 This issue is especially relevant to the question of the deployment of troops and the foreign policy in general. Also the civil war between Apries and Amasis can only be understood if one manages to shed more light on the respective dwelling places of the opponents during the consecutive stages of the conflict. See Leahy 1988.

22 Tell el-Amarna is quite often held to represent such a single-site centre. However, one should note that J. v. Dijk and G. T. Martin consider Akhetaten to have functioned only as 'religious capital', while the administration would have remained at Memphis during the Amarna Period. Dijk 1993 190-193; Martin 2000 119-120; see also Gundlach 2004 33; on the successive relocations of capital cities in ancient China, see Gem et 19962 151, 698.

23 In his article aboutltj-t5.wj, W. K. Simpson shortly pondered whether a multiplicity of residences in ancient Egypt was conceivable (Simpson 1963 58).

24 Cf. Lumsden 2001 33-51, esp. 33-37. 25 Cf. the N apatan and Meroitic state for which L. T orok has coined the term 'ambulatory kingship'.

Torok 1992-1994 111-126; Torok 1997 230-234, esp. 233. H. Ricke evokes a political configuration typical of the early medieval Holy Roman Empire when characterising the palatial structures associated with the New Kingdom Mansions of Millions of Years as 'Pfalzen'. Ricke 1944 69. The term is also employed in Dreyer- Kaiser 1980 56. An itinerant court is thought to have been a common feature of many ancient societies. B. Trigger offers some parallels, notably the early Shang Dynasty in China and the Kingdom ofthe Inca. Trigger 2003 109, 133. The smsw ljr ofthe Egyptian Early Dynastic kings has been interpreted in a similar way. Cf. Beckerath 1956 6; Wilkinson 1999 220-221.

Bw brj ftm=f- The Place Where His Majesty Dwells 175

At any event, one has to allow for changes over time as the 26th Dynasty does certainly not represent a monolithic era. Its very transformation from a political entity to be classified as 'Libyan chiefdom' in the Western Delta to a unified and more or less centralised monarchy renders such an approach unfeasible.26

Architecture

Secondly, it was my aim to probe the possibilities of integrating the textual and the archaeological source material in order to circumvent certain shortcomings inherent in specific types of sources. In this regard the so-called Palace of Apries site at Memphis, Kom Tuman, provides an interesting point of departure for the residence question, since it constitutes the only major palatial structure known from that time. Being of massive proportions even now in its ruinous state ofpreservation,27 its mere existence poses the question to which extent the Saite Dynasty was tied politically and ideologically to Memphis, the traditional centre of the Egyptian Kingdom. Petrie labelled the structure 'Palace of Apries' on account of the column drums and architrave inscriptions featuring the cartouches of this ruler. In his publications he also speaks of the 'Fort' or the 'palace fortress', implying that the raison d'etre of the structure lay in its military functionality no less than in its role as a stately architectural monument housing the monarch and his entourage.28 Unfortunately, the state of research does not permit at the moment to give a comprehensive assessment of the structure in regard to its original layout, its building history, or its original and potentially subsequent functions. While it unquestionably meets some of the criteria one would regard as essential for a true Egyptian palace (e.g., an appropriate architectural 'language' conveying the power of the primary occupant, enough space for housing the living quarters of a king or a person of comparable authority and his/her entourage, architectural features ensuring reasonable protection of the occupants),29 with others one is left at a loss. Thus, so far no kitchen facilities appropriate to a royal residence, 30 or lavatories have been identified. 31 The scant

26 On the origins and development of the Saite monarchy, see Perdu 2002a. 27 Cf. Petrie 1909a; Petrie 1909b; Kemp 1977. 28 Petrie 1909a 4. In Egyptology the terminology referring to 'palatial' structures is sometimes used

rather unsystematically and inconsistently. In an attempt to cope with the apparent functional diversity of 'palatial' structures encountered in the written and archaeological record, scholars have often adopted makeshift classifications and resorted to a variety of compound labels such as 'governmental palace', 'palace residence', 'state palace', 'palace city', 'city palace', etc. Especially problematic about such classifications is that they often presuppose a dichotomy between 'residential palaces' and ones of solely 'ritual/cultic' nature. Cf. Stadelmann 1996 contra Endruweit 2006; also O'Connor 1995 264-265, 292-293; Assmann 1972.

29 For some of these criteria, cf. also Arnold 1982 644-645; Lacovara 1997 24. 30 Though Petrie identified a room beside the so-called Old Broadway as kitchen (Petrie 1909b 2), the

remnants of hearths may in fact belong to a much later occupation. On kitchen facilities with respect to Egyptian palaces, see Endruweit 2006 157-158.

31 Many facilities could have been located on an upper floor. Cf. Petrie 1909b 4; Kaiser 1986 134 with n. 72.

176 Claus Jurman

remains of brick architecture provide no unequivocal evidence of reasonably sized storage spaces or bureaus suitable for administrative purposes either (at least not as far as the Saite Period is concerned32), but such features may originally have been present. 33 Moreover, current archaeological fieldwork undertaken by the Russian Academy of Sciences under the supervision of A. Krol could reveal contemporary structures to the east of the palace mound (still within the precinct Petrie termed 'The Camp'34) which may have provided enough space not only to house the necessary installations of a fully fledged royal palatial complex, but even some offices and official residences one would associate with a governmental city.35 Taking further into account the possibility of an upper floor (or floors), chances are high that during the Saite Period the 'Palace of Apries' complex fulfilled functions not confined to the spheres of ceremony and cultic practices.

Textual material

Of the few surviving textual sources that hint at the location of the royal residence even fewer can be utilised in a context-oriented analysis adopted in this paper. The approach might appear to some rather positivistic, purpose-driven and teleological since it makes use of sources primarily to obtain specific bits of information about an abstract or more tangible entity which the Egyptologist considers part of ancient 'reality' (e.g., a palace, an office, an administrative bureau). On the other hand, context-oriented analysis always acknowledges the fact that no ancient (textual) source conveys the sought-after information directly or without limitations. Accordingly, before questioning the primary sources according to one's research interests, one has to consider in which way pre-formed patterns, source-immanent filters and ideological conventions exert a distorting effect on the information one is seeking. Besides the reliability of the source and the 'author's horizon' (e.g.: Could he have known a palace from within? Could he have taken part in a royal audience?) one also has to take into account potential political, social, or geographical bias which

32 The bilingual wooden labels with Aramaic and demotic inscriptions as well as the numerous Near Eastern arrow heads and pieces of scale armour found within and outside the palace by Petrie strongly suggest that the building was used as an administrative centre during the Persian occupation. It also provides an ideal 'candidate' for the seat of the sntj, mentioned in Papyrus Rylands IX as residing in Memphis under Darius I (see below, n. 60; also Vittmann 1998 Vol. 2 296-298).

33 Their existence, however, is no necessary pre-condition for applying the term 'palace' to the building. In this paper 'palace' is understood to designate a single building of monumental size or a cluster of buildings closely associated with each other that has been designed to serve as a dwelling place for the king, an important member of the royal family, or any other person of comparable power and administrative authority. Housing the central administration is not necessarily an essential component of an Egyptian palace. However, some sort of specific venue where the king could meet with his advisory board and high officials would most likely have formed part of almost any structure sheltering the royal household for more than a day.

34 Petrie 1909a 3-4; Petrie 1909b 1. 35 On the Russian mission, see, for the time being, Krol2003. I thank Alexej Krol for his kind support

during my visit of the site.

Bw brj /:lm=f- The Place Where His Majesty Dwells 177

may have led to venue-specific redactions or 'actualisations'. An inscription of 261h

Dynasty date, for example, which mentions the royal palace may have been composed by scribes at the (or at one of the) primary royal residence( s ), but the gods referred to or depicted on the individual stela vers:ions36 were often chosen in accordance with the original placement of the monuments.37 It is the tracing of incidental background information outside the scope of authorial intent that seems to offer the most promising results when approaching the residence question in the Late Period. Finally, one should not forget that even a conspicuous 'negative correspondence' 38 between textual sources and the ancient 'reality' as represented in the archaeological record or envisaged by the Egyptologist has the potential to enrich our knowledge of Ancient Egyptian culture. 39

Royal monuments and administrative documents

The difficulties involved in 'extracting' topographically relevant information from royal monuments may be demonstrated by a stela of Psamtek I from the so-called Dahshur Desert Road (Cairo SR 241). 40 Though not of the same type as six other stelae set up under the king at regular intervals along the northern edge of the Desert Road,41 it seems very likely that the stela's raison d'etre is similarly connected with military activity along the route in early Saite times.42 After the usual introduction the narrative begins with the king travelling to a specific locality whose name is lost in a

lacuna. The next column starts with taken as part of a toponym or at least as a topographical reference, since the text goes on wn fzm=f ssp 3.t nfr.t jm, 'His Majesty was spending a pleasant time there'.

H. Goedicke restored the toponym as W ~! ~ ( 0 r =!;:'V ) =, fzw.t nswt bjtj

36 I refrain from employing the word 'copies', since in the case of royal stelae showing an identical or nearly identical text the monuments were not copies of one another, but most likely depended on a master text written on papyrus.

37 A good example of this practice is offered by the Shellal and the Kamak stelae ofPsamtek II, which commemorate his Nubian campaign. Both bear an essentially identical text, but the lunettes and the royal epithets differ according to the divinities venerated at the respective sites. Cf. Der Manuelian 1994 361-363; see also Blobaum2006 22 withn. 159, and most recently el-Enany 2005 103-107.

38 For this term, see Andren 1998 153-177, esp. 171-175. 39 In this sense it is interesting to note that the architectural grandeur and splendour of Egyptian palaces

as it can be inferred from the surviving archaeological remains hardly ever features in Egyptian texts.

40 Goedicke 1962 26-49; Der Manuelian 1994 323-332; Perdu 2002b 30-35. 41 For these, see Basta 1968 57-63; Perdu 1986 27-30; Perdu 2002b 42-53. 42 The evidence for a military camp in the environs of the road is slight at best. Nonetheless, P.-M.

Chevereau adopts the view that a garrison was deployed in this sector of the Western Desert out of strategic considerations. Chevereau 1985 317.

178 Claus Jurman

~/:ttp-jb-R?). m5'-brw and concluded from the reference to Amenemhat I that Psamtek I had been visiting a structure in the environs of el-Lisht. P. Der Manuelian, on the other hand, pointed to the fact that the available space in the lacuna demanded a lengthier restoration to which the royal name would be connected by an indirect construction. 43 Given the present state of our knowledge, it is impossible to say whether the toponym refers to a palatial building, another kind of architectural entity (e.g., fortifications), a whole settlement, or simply a rural area once related to the Middle Kingdom ruler.44 Later in the text (though dated to an earlier regnal year), we hear of officials (smr.w) informing the king about an emanating Libyan threat. A Memphite context is hinted at in column 6, with the reference to a decree issued by Pt/:t rsj jnb=f Column 8 most probably describes how the pharaoh summons his armies to embark on a campaign against the rebellious Libyan tribes. Among the listed personnel we hear of tsj nb n ms' nb n hnw ('every commander of every military unit of the residence') which, if taken literally, implies that the hnw was associated with a substantial military presence. On the other hand, ms' does not necessarily relate to a troop contingent on the scale of an army, as common translations of the term often suggest.45

On the whole, it is evident that the text features specific topographical indications and associates king, court, and army with the main form of the Memphite god Ptah and the hnw. Nevertheless, one must allow for the possibility that passages now lost originally indicated a change of scenery or that a master text underwent local adaptations,46 consequently reducing the value of references to hnw.47

While the Saqqara stela ofPsamtek I highlights a possible Memphite connection of the early Saite court, Amasis' Elephantine Stela (Cairo temp. reg. 13/6/24/148),

43 Goedicke 1962 36-37; Der Manuelian 1994 328, n. 129. 44 One may suppose that the name derived from a nearby royal domain, in which case the connection

with el-Lisht is far from being the only option. If, on the other hand, the place referred to was indeed a palace named after Amenemhat I, then the situation would resemble Tutankhamun's and Seti's stay at the Memphite Pr (!}-bpr-k5-R~, i.e., a palatial structure going back to the time ofThutmosis I (cf. Helck 1958 8, 97; Spiegelberg 1896 35-36). A link between the Memphite region and a king S/:ztp-jb-K' is also attested by the Saite high priest of Ptah bearing the basilophorous name ('nb-Sf:ztp-jb-K' (cf. De Meulenaere 1974). Finally, Sf:ztp-jb-R(' could also refer to the Tanite kinglet Pedubastis (II), whose prenomen Sf:ztp-jb-n-R(' is occasionally spelled without the <n>. Cf. Habachi 1966 69-74; Montet 1966 Plate 30, n. 235.

45 Ms(' seems to be rather vaguely defined both in terms of quality and quantity. It can denote a single soldier and at least by the 3rd century BC also a group of people in general. Cf., e.g., Zauzich 1993 Papyrus Berlin P. 13537, rt. 29, p. 2. Consequently, the purport of the titlejmj-r) ms('was hardly that of a modern general. Cf. the jmj-r) ms(' Psamtekauineith in pRylands IX, col. XIX, 13, who was in charge of armed units in the Heracleopolitan nome that seem to have fulfilled functions of a police force (Vittmann 1998 Vol. 2 553-554; see also Chauveau 2000 104).

46 See above, n. 3 7. 47 Cf. the unspecified usage of phrases such asjst f:zm=fm ('f:z=fin texts conforming to the king's novel

scheme. Cf. Spalinger 1982 31-33, 104-107; Klug 2002 84, 1. 3 (Assuan stela ofThutmosis II). 48 Daressy 1900 1-9; Edel 1978 13-20; Leahy 1988 189-199; see also Der Manuelian 1994 Plate

11-12.

Bw l;rj l:zm=f- The Place Where His Majesty Dwells 179

relating in opaque phraseology some decisive events resulting in the sole rule of the king, stresses his ties with the ancestral centre of the Saite family, the city or nome of Sais. In column 2, referring to regnal year 4, one reads

~ ~ 1\ ~ /VV'A/'AA w 1 r ® /VV'A/'AA B ~ ~ ~ ~ ~<:::> ~ :s::= <=> <=> ~ , wnn ftm=f m 'ft=f

Njt(j) ftr n4 sbr n t5 r 4r=f, 'His Majesty was in his Saite palace49 considering the state of affairs of the entire country. ' 50

Could this phrase be considered a proof that at least under Amasis the country was indeed governed from the dynasty's name-giving city, as has been taken for granted by many Egyptologists? That the situation may not have been so simple is suggested by other sources.

According to Herodotus (II, 154, 3) and Diodorus (I, 65, 1 f.), Amasis redeployed the Greek mercenaries previously stationed by Psamtek I at key Eastern Delta sites to Memphis sometime during his reign. Though a presence of foreign mercenaries at Memphis surely precedes Amasis' reign, 51 this account has generally been regarded as indication that Amasis transferred the government from Sais to Memphis and made the latter city his permanent residence. 52 Yet it was Amasis who ostensibly demonstrated his affiliation with the dynastic Saite goddess Neith by permanently incorporating the filiation s5-Nj.t into his cartouche. 53 While the testimony of the Greeks alone would not be sufficient to justify the conclusion cited above, additional Egyptian sources exist that either directly or indirectly testify to Memphis' status as principal royal residence, at least in the later reign of Amasis.

Such information is provided, e.g., by the still unpublished demotic administrative Papyrus BM 10710 which contains records of a royal harbour or shipyard at Memphis in regnal year 41.54 In nearly each of the daily entries reference is made to the pharaoh (most likely to be identified with Amasis) as either being

49 The qualifying nisba adjective alone can be taken as an indication that the palace referred to was one among others.

50 The stela has not been appropriately published so far. In the reading of this passage I follow Posener 1934 148.

51 There is sufficient archaeological evidence to prove the presence of a sizeable Carian community at Memphis well before the reign of Amasis. See most recently Vittmann 2003 155-176 with references. One can further question whether Herodotus' account of the origin of the Greek and Carian communities at Memphis is trustworthy at all, given its apparent aetiological nature. It is partly contradicted by a passage in the Stratagems of Polyaenus (2nd century AD), where the deployment of Carians at Memphis is attributed to Psamtek (I) (VII, 3: Krentz- Wheeler 1994 626). While this late account has perhaps not more historical value than that ofHerodotus, it nevertheless reflects the inconsistent way in which the history of a non-Egyptian Memphite community was conveyed to outsiders or (mis-)represented by them.

52 E.g., Lloyd 1988 137-138, 180-181. Cf. also Kienitz 1953 53 with n. 6. 53 In Amasis' case the choice ofN eith is clearly not site-specific since the epithet s5-Nj.t occurs in every

part of the country. Only very rarely is the goddess exchanged with another deity, e.g., Ptah, in the case of a quartzite block from Memphis (but there not within the cartouche). Petrie 1910 Plate 29, no. 4.

54 See Glanville 1934-1935 140-141; Cruz-Uribe 2003 26.

180 Claus Jurman

present at the site (in the majority of cases) or absent. 55 Also very informative in this respect is the private naophorous statue of a certain Wahibremen (Cairo 27 /11/58/8). 56 In a biographical inscription on the naos dated to year 39 of Amasis the dedicant relates how he was sent by the king to Sais in order to supervise restoration work there. Irrespective of the statement's degree of faithfulness, it seems relatively safe to conclude that the author conceived Amasis as not being usually present at the site then. 57

Another source of pre-eminent importance for the residence question is the demotic Papyrus Rylands IX, the so-called Petition ofPediese, which most probably represents a documentary text or at least one that aims very convincingly at passing for such. 58 From this papyrus we can not only infer that Memphis was the location of Amasis' palace and the royal court at least from the 15th year onwards (cf. col. XIX, 1-1 0), it also informs us that chief officials of the central administration such as the jmj-r) rw .t and the jmj-r) 3/.z.t had their official residences there. 59 These incidentally conveyed pieces of information retain their relevance even if Pediese's accounts of his earlier family history might cross the border between fact and fiction more than once.

Seen from this perspective, one is perhaps entitled to label the structure on Kom Tuman as legitimately 'Palace of Amasis' as 'Palace of Apries', its original occupant, at least to judge by the cartouches found on the architectural remains. This continuity would not come as a surprise since the bilingual demotic and Aramaic labels, and the Persian seal impressions found by Petrie within the palace attest that it continued to function as the seat of government well into the First Persian Occupation.60 Its political significance may even have extended to the Ptolemaic Period. 61

55 I am indebted to M. Maree and R. B. Parkinson of the British Museum for having given me access to the papyrus, as well as to E. Cruz-Uribe for his informative personal comments on some issues of the document.

56 Bresciani 1967. 57 There exists one further stone monument, a fragmentary royal stela from Mit Rahineh (Cairo JE

37494), which might indicate Amasis' presence at Memphis. It is dated to his 29th year. Cf. Der Manuelian 1994 381-385, doe. 8.

58 On the genre discussions concerning this text, see Vittmann 1998 Vol. 1 IX-XIV; Chauveau 2000 100; Griffith 1909 25, 60-61; Quack2005162-166; Depauw 1997102; Wessetzky 1977 499-502.

59 For these officials, cf. Buongarzone 1995 45-63; Vittmann 1998 Vol. 2 654-660; Yoyotte 1989 75. 60 Petrie characterised this lot as the 'sweepings of an office' he assumed to have originally been

located upon the palatial platform (Petrie et al. 1910 41-42). This evidence corresponds well with what is known from Papyrus Rylands IX. Therein Pediese describes one of the highest Persian officials in Egypt, the sntj, as a resident of Memphis (col. III, 4). Cf. Yoyotte 1989; Vittmann 1998 Vol. 2 331.

61 Cf. Thompson 1988 16. A bowl found in the detritus filling of the so-called Fosse carries the cartouche of the 301h Dynasty ruler Teos. Petrie 1909b 12, Plate 14.

Bw l)rj /:tm=f- The Place Where His Majesty Dwells

Relations between royal residence and administrative centre -assessing the private sources

181

Another set of important questions pertains to the issue of whether the royal residence was usually identical with the centre of national administration. Is it even possible, with the small corpus of source material at hand, to gain insight into the institutional and spatial relationship between these two entities? Did there exist a central, stationary administration after all during the relevant periods?

Thus far I cannot provide definite answers to these questions. Instead, I would like to suggest some methods of approach by which one can at least hope to gain a glimpse of the ancient institutional 'realities'.

Locating officials

Any attempt to locate the royal court or an administrative body of national scope by means of private monuments must be preceded by at least two successive steps of analysis: firstly, figuring out which criteria define national or courtly offices (e.g., proof of an official's personal relationship with the king and a prolonged presence in the king's environs) and secondly, locating the official himself.

The first step is often hampered by the uninformative, stereotypical phrases that constitute much of the 'personalised' parts of private inscriptions (cf., e.g., the frequent introductory title sequence of high Saite officials: jrj-p'.t, /:t3tj-', sg3wtj bjtj). Many titles had by the Late Period, or even long before, lost their literal significance and functioned more or less as indicators of rank and social status (smr w'tj, 'sole friend [of the king]', may provide a good example62). Moreover, the archaising tendencies that gained special prominence during the 25th and especially the 26th Dynasty add another variable to the equation. In most cases it is simply impossible to judge whether resuscitated titles retained their original significance. Old titles could have been adopted as a simple signifier of status without an institutional correspondent, they could have indicated a real administrative occupation - yet one that would have differed from the signified in the Old or Middle Kingdoms- or they could have pointed to the revival of an entire office/institutional organisation. Unfortunately, very little evidence has survived by which to judge in each case which of the three possibilities is the likeliest. In general, Late Period private inscriptions betray even a certain reluctance to distinguish between phrases one would classify

62 While the term smr is still employed in the 261h Dynasty to denote courtiers (see, e.g., Der Manuelian 1994 325, col. 6), smr w'tj, 'sole friend', can, of course, not be taken literally. If it was not simply an honorific designation, it might have indicated a person's right or privilege to get access to the king or accompany him up to a certain spatially or temporarily defined limit.

182 Claus Jurman

without hesitation as honorary epithets (e.g., sny r-}:z3 nswt mdt n=fm w'(.w), 'who belongs to the circle around [behind] the king, whom he speaks to while being alone': statue of Somtutefnakhte, Richmond, Virginia Musuem no. 51-19-4/64-60, front of base, 1. 263), and titles related rather to a specific occupation (e.g., jmj-r) 'l:z'.w [?], in the following line). As both categories of self-representation obviously fulfilled similar purposes regarding communication with posterity and the hereafter, and bestowed upon the commemorated prestige in equal measures, a clear-cut distinction may have seemed pointless to the Egyptian elite of that time.

The second step depends upon the awareness that 'locating' may pertain to many different aspects of the evidence, 64 not all of which are equally accessible today. Compared to other aspects, identifying the original location of a monument may appear as a straightforward procedure, provided that the find spot has been documented. Yet even with such apparently simple cases problems do occur: a naophorous statue of an official found at K6m el-Qal'a (i.e., ancient Memphis), for example, contains a mention of the sanctuary of 'Neith, mistress of Sais' and an address to 'Osiris, foremost ofthe }:zw.t-bj.t '.65 It is known that also in Memphis there existed a famous sanctuary of N eith, 66 in which the goddess might have been addressed by using her predominant epithet. However, one cannot exclude the possibility, at least theoretically, that the statue had for one reason or another been brought from Sais to Memphis during antiquity or later.

If divine epithets with topographical elements provide no firm base on which a reliable localisation can be based, personal names are no ideal indicator either. Of course, some local cults are very characteristic of a region and may point to the origin of an official or his family background, but not all divinities or divine epithets exhibit the same geographical significance. Amun, for example, had, in addition to his Upper Egyptian cult centre, prominent cults in Memphis, Tanis, or Tell Balamun. 67 Vice versa, holders of 'Memphite' names such as 'r=w-ljpj-r-Mn-nfr, 'They have brought the A pis to Memphis', are firmly attested as residents of Upper Egypt as well. 68

Papyrus Rylands IX provides further evidence of the mobility of the Egyptian social elite during the Late Period.69

63 The statue is still unpublished. Cf. Reed- Near 1973 cat. no. 46 w. Fig. 64 A successful 'localisation' of the origin of a personal name, for example, may not necessarily imply

that the individual was residing at this certain place. Also tracing the background of a family or the cult-topographic connection of specific titles does not always help in pinpointing an individual's sphere of professional activity.

65 Boston29.731; see Dunham 1929165, Plate 33; on the find spot, see Mariette 1892 9, Plate 34b. 66 Cf. Petrie 1909a 3; also Roeder 1914 37, §178-179. 67 On the cults of Amun outside of Thebes, see recently Guermeur 2005. 68 Cf. Lliddeckens 1981-1983 106; Spiegelberg 1924 138; Liiddeckens 1971; Liiddeckens 1965

107-111. The name is also attested in an archive of clay tablets from the 7th century BC, discovered near the Shamash Gate at Niniveh. Cf. Leahy 1993 56, no. 1.

69 Thus, the jmj-r) 3h.t, for example, conducts inspections throughout the country. Cf. col. XVI, I-XVII, 19.

Bw brj l:zm=f- The Place Where His Majesty Dwells 183

Slightly more significant appear to be basilophorous name patterns that comprise a geographical element or a localisable divinity, for example, Q'fz-m~ -mn-( m )-M n-nfr or -W3s. t, 'Amasis-rests/ dwells-in-Memphis/Thebes'.

An analysis of these types of names in which the assessment of each individual's 'geographical status' was based on as many factors as possible (filiation, secular and religious titles of the individual and his relatives, burial place, other affiliations) produced a number of interesting results. The congruence of geographical affiliation and name is especially high with Memphite names (see Figs. 1-2). The correspondence increases further if the names are basilophorous rn.w nfr.w (see Fig. 3), which were perhaps adopted during adulthood as a royal reward or distinction of honour.70 Names referring to the 'state goddess' Neith tend to be far less indicative of a specific geographical origin or sphere of professional activity.

The geographical sphere of a professional occupation is naturally the most difficult to track down because ex-votos, even restorations referred to in many biographical statue inscriptions,71 may not be directly related to any particular office, but rather refer to the dedi cant's general purview and authority as a member of the highest echelons of society.72 The titles themselves are hardly ever qualified by a geographical entity term, and it must be regarded as exceptional that in the reign of Amasis anjmj-r) fzw'.w nswt, 'commander of the royal ships', named Hekaemsaef, also bears the title jmj-r) pr.wj fz4 nbw n bnw, 'overseer of the treasuries of the residence' .73 Since the title jmj-r) fzw'.w nswt is almost exclusively attested in the Memphite region and since all monuments known of Hekaemsaef have been unearthed there (his tomb is located in Saqqara), it appears likely that the official spent at least a substantial part of his career in Memphis.

This example leads to the last consideration, namely of burials. It is a truism that no direct link between royal residence and burial site of the elite existed in the second and first millennia BC. 74 Another factor to be reckoned with is the uneven distribution of evidence owing to the destruction of most of the Delta necropoleis. What might have been once large and highly prestigious burial grounds in the environs of Sais, Buto or other centres in Lower Egypt, is now largely reduced to insignificant traces in the earth. Nevertheless, it is surprising to what extent high officials of the Saite

70 Cf. De Meulenaere 1966 28; Jansen-Winke1n 1996 198. 71 See Otto 1954 89-92. 72 On the statue of the treasurer Peftjauiauineith from Abydos (Louvre A. 93), see Leahy 1984. 73 Barsanti 1904; Goyon 1969 esp. 164-165. 74 In principle, the factors that influence dedications to temples (e.g., dedicant's location of office,

family traditions, or the general prestige and ideological importance of a religious or political centre) also determine the choice of a burial ground but, unlike ex-votos, the number of tombs per person is normally restricted to one, rendering the choice much more significant. In recent years several discussions have touched upon the question whether the predilection for certain necropoleis among New Kingdom elites has any bearing on locating the royal residence. Cf. Dijk 1993 190-193; Martin 2000 119.

184 Cl a us Jurman

Dynasty sought to be buried in the time-honoured necropoleis of Memphis, far away from the royal tombs in Sais. 75

Conclusions - A Tale of Two Cities?

Taken as a whole, the information extracted from royal and private monuments of the 26th Dynasty permits to draw the following, admittedly simplified, picture:

Sais and Memphis constituted the two major cities of the kingdom and continued to play an important part beyond the Saite Dynasty.76 However, in the course ofthe 6th century BC, Memphis seems to have gained more and more attention by the elite, and perhaps outmatched its urban competitor in political significance by then. It is also of interest to note that while a number of high courtiers from the middle of the 26th Dynasty exhibit almost exclusively connections with the city of Sais, 77 the same holds not true as far as administrative positions of national scope are concerned. These individuals tend to be affiliated more closely with Memphis, which might suggest at least a partial or temporary separation of royal court and central administration.

One should also abstain from confining one's view to these two cities alone. A number of sources, both Egyptian and Near Eastern, attest to an ancient tradition that locates an important Saite royal residence, or palace for that matter, at Daphnai, presumably to be equated with the modem Tell el-Defenneh.78 Petrie succeeded in excavating there a fortified brick platform which must have been situated close to garrisons of Greek or Eastern Mediterranean origin and could have supported a structure that was suited to shelter and protect the pharaoh and his retinue close to the traditional Egyptian border. 79 Other sites in the Delta with comparable brick platforms80 are also candidates for having housed a royal residence/palatial structure, even if only for a very limited period of time. In any event, it seems reasonable to assume that the Saite kings and their immediate entourage moved repeatedly between different residences while at the same time regarding Memphis and/ or Sais as the country's focal point(s). Important offices may have been less mobile, although high officials could have temporarily accompanied the king when travelling. At least from

75 On the exemplary but also problematic case ofWedjahorresnet's burial in Saqqara, see Vemer 1989 289-290; Bares 1999 79-83; Bares 2002 37-38, n. 16-17.

76 Cf. Posener 1934 148, n. 3; Daressy 1908 155; Lloyd 1988 181. 77 A good example is the courtier Nakhthorheb/Nakhthormenekhib, a contemporary ofPsamtek II. See

Pressl1998 217-224, D. 11.1-8; De Meulenaere 1983; De Meulenaere 1998. 78 On Daphnai and its attestations in Egyptian sources and the Bible, see De Meulenaere 1975 990;

Erichsen 1956 60, col. Ill, 2-3; Smith 1980 155; Devauchelle 2005 878-879, no. 2; on the Coptic Cambyses Romance, see Moller 1904 41-44; Dopp 2003 2; for the Chronicle of John, Bishop of Nikiu, see Colin 1995 51.

79 Cf. Petrie 1888 47-61, Plate 44; Muhs 1994 107; Spencer 1999 295, 299-300; Bietak 2005 165. 80 Cf. Muhs 1994; Spencer 1999.

Bw brj f:zm=f- The Place Where His Majesty Dwells 185

the First Persian Domination until the establishment of Alexandria as the country's capital, the central administration was definitively located within the confines of Memphis. 81

What emerges thus is a complex picture of courtly practice and political organisation that still awaits a more thorough investigation. Given the controversies relating to the seat of government in the New Kingdom, the travelling court is surely an issue not solely of relevance to the Late Period.

Distribution of site-specific basilophorous names (n=83)

2% 4%

42%

2% 1%

Fig. 1.

11 Site reference

IIIIIMemphis

C Ptah and Sekhmet

llliRe

f:'J Heliopolis

~Amun

m Thebes

El Chemmis

11 Buto

I!! Sais

Cl Neith

81 Smith notes that in the Late Period 'the fall of Memphis meant the collapse of the regime.' Smith 1974 7.

186

(/)

ro ::l

:l2 .:::: "0 .I;; 4-0 .... Q) .0 E ::l c:

Claus Jurman

Relation between overall attestations (n=83) and site-specific affinities

40 35 30 25 20 15

10 5 0

90 80 70 60 50 40. 30 20 10 0

Fig. 282

11 number of individuals attested

11 number of individuals that can be linked with site hinted at in name

Component forming part of a rn nfr I rn ~3 against overall attestations (n= 83)

Fig. 3

Ill number of individuals attested

llm nfr/m c-5

82 Note that the analysis is based on the following classifications: The deities Ptah and Sekhmet have been considered as Memphite, Re as Heliopolitan, Amun as Theban and Neith as Saite. It cannot be excluded that in individual cases the respective deity was seen as being linked with a site different from its main cult centre, but for the purposes of this statistic table the most obvious option has been assumed.

Bw br) /:zm=f- The Place Where His Majesty Dwells 187

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