Beyond lands and oceans boardersBasque seafarer's journeys across the Atlantic Ocean, from 15th to 18th centuries

Beñat Eguiluz Miranda

Summary

This research sample is a review on the last decades of Basqueseafarer's historiography on their voyages across the Atlantic,between the 15th and the 18th century. Our approach to the topicderives from a cultural stream that has created an interestingdebate and a point of view that provides different ideas about theissue of the Basque seafarer's. In order to understand the debatebetween different historiographical perspectives, we will showboth cultural and state approach to the issue. The cross boarderculture during the modern era, connected and united economicallytwo spatial contexts. The importance of this cultural approachdepicts a closer view towards this particular culture that wedefine as Basque, that its history has been very deeply linked tothe sea on the modern age as we will see.

Key words: Basque sea history, Basque seafarer's, whaling and codfishing industry, Newfoundland cultural history, state history,sea economy, Euro-Atlantic culture, cross boarder culture,boarders and Basque Atlantic voyages.

1.Introduction

The aim of this research sample is to give a clearerperspective on the topic of modern age Basque seafarer’s voyagesand economy. Its purpose is to focus on the period from 15th to18th century and the Atlantic Ocean, from Patagonian fisheries toSvalbard. However the key purpose of this research is to attain afuller understanding of te historiographical approaches that havedominated the past few decades of the Basque maritime history. Inorder to open the perspective about the topic, and provide newways of understanding, we will show the different views that thecultural perspective provides to this research topic. Myths andgeneralising theories need to be reviewed in order to redefine ourpast.

1

First, the methodology used for these researches will beshown. Second, the last decades historiographical main streams andperspectives will be developed, as we would have to analyse itsapproaches, pros and cons. Third, we will explain the gaps thatthe cultural perspective tries to fill. After explaining ourhypothesis, we will briefly explain the evolution of Basqueseafarer's journeys during the centuries, so that the crossboarder economy and its importance during this period could beunderstood as accurately as possible. Then, at the end of thissummary, we will remark the main ideas.

2.Sources and methodology

This research was mainly supported and based on bibliographyand documents from different sources. The first step was tounderstand what is the status of the issue, so that we could havea clear view of where we could participate with this research. Inorder to achieve this, the sources that we choose were directed toanswer our hypothesis. Selected documents, complemented thevariety of views from sources such as lawsuits, wills, shipdocuments, such as crewmembers lists, costs of voyages andtestimonies. The main purpose of such variety of sources was tocomplement the perspective between the limits of its document typeand create a wider view from Basque seafarer's life. Some of theplaces that provided this documents were the Historic Archive ofProtocoles of Guipuzcoa, in Guipuzcoa, Municipal archives, such asMutriku, also in Guipuzcoa and Royal archives such as the RoyalChancellery Archive of Valladolid. Trial documents have been themain document type for this research.

State of the issue

The Basque seafarer's topic has a rich historiographicaltradition that developed on the last decades. Many authorsparticipated on the main historiographical streams, but not asmany as could be expected on such a community like the Basque,that has been so strongly linked to the ocean. Among others,philologists, historians and archaeologists have made scientificapproaches to the topic of Basques seafarers. The interest on sucha deep part of our history has been limited and quitetraditionally followed previous author’s research lines. In thissense, could be think that it is in new debates and perspectiveswhere such an interesting topic should keep alive.

The main streams that have remarkably influenced this topicare four, as follows. First, Nationalist positivism brings aperspective that describes the achievements of Basques and createdthe myth of the brave Basque seafarer's that had a big impact onsociety. Few authors currently were involved on this topic thatcould be remarkably mentioned1.

1 IMAZ, Jose Manuel. La industria pesquera en Guipuzcoa al final del siglo XVI (Documentos dela época), Diputación, San Sebastián, 1944. CIRIQUIAIN, GAIZTARRO, Mariano. Los

2

Second, the Ethnographic Positivism brought a descriptivestream that gave continuity to the previous publications. In thissense, the description of seafarer's life and techniques helpedunderstanding the activity, but did not have any further attempt.This stream was mainly based on the myths and nationalistinterests of the previous authors. Among these ones, some foreignauthors also become part of the historiography2. This stream gavestrength to the nationalist view, which differenced “French”Basques, from “Spanish” ones, and looked at the Basque communityfrom the modern age as a separated reality, sculpted from themodern concept of boarders. This nationalist stream is nowadaysthe official and dominant one.

Third, the Quantitative view was an attempt to become moreprecise and scientific the methodology within the historiography.Numbers become the main interest of the research. This streamgave continuity to the state view and provided closed theoriesabout the “crisis” of the 17th century and created a staticacademic situation, where tradition has become a burden for thenext generations of historians that have not criticised theorigins of these theories. As a tool that provides us a closerview for history, theories could not only become the aim, but alsothe approach that gives us the opportunity to try to understandthe history and be opened to find new views that could help on the topic. Many contemporary authors could beconsidered to take this position3. The most influential authors are

Vascos y la pesca de la ballena, Txertoa, San Sebastián, 1961.2 INNIS, H. A. The cod fisheries: the history of an international economy, Yale UniversityPress, New Haven, 1940. LA MORANDIÈRE, C. de, Histoire de la pêche française de la moruedans l'Atlantique septentionale. 3 vols, G.P.Maisonneuve et Larose, París, 1962.PALACIO, ATARD, V. “Los vascongados y la pesca de la ballena. Las gestiones delMarqués de Monteleón en Londres”, Anuario de estudios Americanos, 1, 1944, 723-739.3 TURGEON, Laurier. “The French in New England before Champlain”, inLITALIEN, Raymonde. Champlain: The birth of French America, Mc Gill-Queen's Press, 2004,98-112. MÉNARD, Caroline. La pesca gallega en Terranova, siglos XVI-XVIII, Universidad deSevilla, Servicio de archivo y publicaciones, Madrid, 2008. SERNA VALLEJO,Margarita. Los viajes pesquero-comerciales de guipuzcoanos y vizcaínos a Terranova (1530-1808):régimen jurídico, Marcial Pons, Madrid, 2010. MIMEAULT, Mario. Destins de pêcheurs: LesBasques en Nouvelle-France, Septentrion, Québec City, Québec, 2011. PROULX, JeanPierre. Basque whaling in Labrador in the XVI, Century, Donostia, 1993. VALDÉS, HANSEN,Felipe. Los balleneros en Galicia (Siglos XIII al XX), Colección Galicia histórica, FundaciónPedro Barrié de la Maza, 2010. TURGEON, Laurier. “Pêches basques du Labourd enAtlantique nord (XVI-XVIII siècle): ports, routes et trafics”, Itsas Memoria, 3,2000, 163-178. GOYHENETCHE, Manex. “La pêche maritime en Labourd: survolhistorique”, Itsas Memoria, 3, 2000, 153-161. BÉLANGER, R. Les Basques dans l'estuaire du

3

still García de Cortázar, Fernández de Pinedo or FernandezAlbadalejo are the most influencing authors that provided anacademic view that still has not changed on the last decades.4. Wecannot forget the big influence of a single woman, which made abig effort on this topic, Shelma Huxley Barkham5. Thanks to her,the archaeology get involved on this topic and many newdiscoveries were made that throw light on the topic.* Fresharchaeological remains were recovered, providing previously newinformation that was previously unknown, shedding a new light onthe subject and has influenced the recent changes in Basqueseafaring historiography, such as Basque shipbuilding, andarchaeological landscapes on Newfoundland6. All these historiansand archaeologists focused on the 16th century and its history, asthe rest of the centuries, such as 17th and 18th had been barelyunderstood and superficially researched, giving general ideas andstereotypes about much more complex aspects.

Fourth, the Cross-border stream is a minority among the otherstreams, but provides debate to a topic that has remained unmovedfor decades. The main idea of this stream is that the importanceof a cross-border Basque community and its relationship created asymbiotic economy that provided benefits for both sides of thePyrenees. In this stream, few authors could be mentioned, howeverit is important to notice the fact that it is the only big debatethat could be mentioned on the last decades on the topic that

Saint-Laurent, 1535-1635, Université du Québec, Montreal, 1971. BARKHAM, Michael.Shipowning, Shipbuilding and Trans-Atlantic Fishing in Spanish Basque Ports, 1560-1630: a case Study ofMotrico and Zumaya, Doctorate thesis (Non published), Cambridge University, 1991.AZPIAZU, ELORZA, José Antonio. La empresa vasca de Terranova, entre el mito y larealidad, Tarttalo, San Sebastián, 2008.4 ALBERDI LONBIDE, Xabier. Conflictos de intereses en la economía MarítimaGuipuzcoana Siglos XVI-XVIII, Servicio Editorial de la Universidad del PaísVasco, Bilbao, 2012, 11.5 HUXLEY, Shelma. “Los vascos y las pesquerías transatlánticas (1517-1713)”,in Itsasoa, Los vascos en el marco del atlántico norte. Siglos XVI y XVII, vol. 3, Etor, SanSebastián, 1987, 26-210.6 AZKARATE, Agustín, HERNÁNDEZ, José Antonio, NÚÑEZ, Julio, Ballenerosvascos en el siglo XVI. (Chateau Bay, Labrador, Canadá) Estudio arqueológico ycontexto histórico, Eusko Jaurlaritzaren, Vitoria-Gasteiz, 1992. GRENIER,Robert. “The basque whaling ship from Red Bay, Labrador: a treasure trove ofdata on iberian atlantic shipbuilding design and techniques in the mid-16thcentury”, in ALVES, Francisco (ed.). Trabalhos de arqueología, Internationalsymposium on archaeology of medieval and modern ships of Iberian Atlantictradition, 18, Lisboa, Igespar, 2001, 269-293. TUCK, James A. “Fieldwork in RedBay”, Archaeology in Newfoundland and Labrador, 1980. St. John's, Newfoundland,1982, 56-67.

4

might suggest new ideas and perspectives7. It could be said thatthis research is the result of this minor stream and givescontinuity to what other historians and archaeologists havealready begun.

Justification

This research would follow the stream of the cross-bordereconomy and culture of the Basque community. In order to achieve acloser view of the Basque modern history, the culturalperspective, rather than a contemporary state or nation point ofview, looks at the past as open boarder lands and states. Borderswere bridges that connected communities, rather than walls thatseparated communities and its relationships. Two different areas,the French Basque and the Spanish Basque Country could be defined,but one complementary economy was built up on the modern age, thatlinked deeply the maritime economy of these cultural communitiesthat have been defined as “Basques”.

It is a major issue of this project to highlight the problem ofunderstanding the micro history, in order to have a wider and muchmore complex view of the economy of this period, that hasdifferent facades at the same moment in different scales, such aslocal, state and European scale. In this sense, it is important tonote the fact that, although this Basque community is seen as aparticular cultural group, every researcher must be aware of thefact that it is part of a wider culture, within its own specialfeatures, such as language, tradition and history, but sharing aseafarer's Euro-Atlantic culture, that was spread all over theAtlantic and connected a wider seafarer's community within itsdifferent origins and particular features. We think that thecross-border economical view would bring a different perspectivethat looks at the past without the modern lens of nation, stateand boarder. This view brings a different conception about the7 LOEWEN, Brad, DELMAS, Vincent. “The Basques in the Gulf of St. Lawrenceand Adjacent Shores”, Canadian Journal archaeology, Vol. 36, Issue 2, December, 2012,213-266. ALBERDI LONBIDE, Xabier. Conflictos de intereses en la economíaMarítima Guipuzcoana Siglos XVI-XVIII, Servicio Editorial de la Universidad delPaís Vasco, Bilbao, 2012, 69-416. ALBERDI LONBIDE, Xabier, ARAGÓN RUANO, Álvaro.“…Lleben las colas a las varrigas de los bufos..: balleneros guipuzcoanos en lasmatanzas de ballenas de Galicia y Asturias durante los siglos XVI y XVII”,Obradoiro de Historia, 15, 2006. ALBERDI LONBIDE, Xabier, ARAGÓN RUANO, Álvaro.“Relaciones comerciales entre puertos franceses y guipuzcoanos en las décadasfinales del siglo XVI y la primera mitad del siglo XVII: síntoma de vitalidadeconómica”, Pedralbes, 27, 2007, 219-262. CHAVARRÍA, MÚGICA, Fernando. “Porcodicia o por necesidad: la exención aduanera vascongada y el sistema fronterizode conversas a finales del siglo XVII”, in ALMELA, SALAS, Luis (Ed.), Losámbitos de la fiscalidad: Fronteras, Territorio y Percepción de tributos en losimperios ibéricos, (Siglos XV-XVIII) Ministerio de Economía y Hacienda,Instituto de Estudios Fiscales, Madrid, 2011, 77-105.

5

understanding of the end of the monopoly of Basque whalers -mainlySpanish Basques- and the beginning of an era of difficulties,competition and innovation, in order to re-adapt to a new context,were Basques Atlantic journeys were still alive. The main purposeof this research would be to review the static conception of the17th century that has been generalised and barely understood as aquantitative “crisis”.

Hypothesis

The approach to this topic is not political, but cultural. Manyhistorians have criticised the fact that these particular cross-border view, was an attempt to politicize the history and to useit as a tool for the Basque conflict and independence movementthat would justify and give historical arguments to the Basques.This could not be further from our main purpose, which is tounderstand our history, not to use it for political purposes.

Our conception it is not originated on a political root, but onan old millenarian culture we define as “Basque”. Whenever we use“Basque” we understand that this is an identity related to alanguage that is the Basque or Euskera. But also, being Basque ispart of a community that has common traditions, technology,religion, and culture in general that we identify with thesefeatures. The land is an important issue, since we must understandthat, although the “Basque” land was not the same as nowadays, theland we are talking about, is very close to the shape it hadduring the Early Modern age.

Borders are one of the key points for our understanding of thecross-border culture and economy. Here remains the one of the maincontributions of this research. If we observe the past from amodern lens, the nation would be a close, isolated entity, withinclosed boarders that creates an economy that has developed justinto these boundaries. From this point of view, the “crisis” isdefined as a decline of the Spanish Basques voyages that isremarkably seen on its diminished numbers that bring us the ideaof the downfall of the Basque sea economy.

The modern age was a period where nations and states were notyet developed as nowadays. Smaller identities and different lawswere part of larger entities that could be defined as “Composite”states.

So, if instead of these closed boarders, we open our limits andtry to understand the limits of these modern states and the factthat they had to deal with all these small identities, in order tocontrol this composite states. Suddenly we had the opportunity todiscover the fact that these identities sometimes are linkedbeyond the limits of a nation or state, and that they use themwith a practical and opportunistic purpose. Basques used thecultural similarities, as an opportunity to communicate and worktogether, between two nations. When it was more beneficial to setsail and organise the Atlantic journeys from Spain, French Basqueswould have moved to Spain so that they could join the crews of thevessels that sailed to Newfoundland and other destinies. Mainly,

6

this mixture of French Basques and Spanish ones could be seen onthe crews, but also, investors from both sides were provided moneyto this economical sea industry. Supplies also from both sides ofthe boarder were used for the same purpose; to travel to theAtlantic fisheries and trade.

As an approach to the issue, the nationalist perspectivesupports the idea of the "crisis" on the Basque fisheries. Fromour understanding the "crisis" is a relative concept that does notexplain deeply its significance. It was originated from a modernnationalist view and bases its arguments on quantitative reasons.As a result of this, this stream supports the idea of the downfallof the Basque fisheries at the end of the 16th century. This macroeconomical explanation is the one that has dominated and becomeofficial. But instead of this, if we look to the French Basqueside, and we acknowledge that sailors from the Spanish Basque sideare moving across the border to join on to Basque French vesselscrews, should we consider this ship Spanish or French?

This is the main problem of defining the history from anationalist point of view that we tend to think and talk from thelimits of our language. Due to the fact that we define vessels as“French” or “Basques” or “Spanish”, we do not understand that thisis a much more complicated and mixed reality. We should try not tolabel reality and simplify it as a simple homogeneous community,such as "French Basques" or "Spanish Basques". Whereas if we aretrying to be rigorous historians, we would easily see that thelens we are looking from, are limiting our own understanding ofthe topic.

One of the main paradoxes of these topic, is the fact that theopportunism and practical cultural boundaries that were used foreconomical purposes were just one of the features on the modernage. As we see that Basques were normally trading and developing amutual beneficial economy, sometimes violence between them waspart of their relationship. This was mainly because of the closecompetitors that both sides were to each other. This blood andviolence become part of this particular reality.

Basques were aware of their importance on the context of theSpanish crown. As the Basque Spanish land was a strategic part ofthe peninsula, the king was interested in having goodrelationships with Basque noblemen and wanted to have this landprepared for potential invasions. The fleet was one of the reasonswhy Basques were very significant in the context of sea warfare.It was important for the king to have Basque ships available, aswars were always part of the Spanish politics during the Modernera. This way, the king helped the Basque economy, and allowedthis cross boarder economical relationships even in war times. TheFrench king also was aware of this real interdependence betweenboth sides of the Pyrenees, so they allowed it and protected theseeconomies by some particular treaties known as “Traités de BonneCorrespondance”, “Tratados de Buena Correspondencia” or“Conversas”. These treaties protected the economical “Basque”boundaries; at the same time they were protecting the interests ofboth French and Spanish kingdoms.

7

Spanish Basques used mythology and justified and legitimatedtheir privileges before the King, as they knew this were for thebenefit of their economy. Their explanation to justify theirstatus was rooted on the reclaim of a land they owned since Tubaland his journey. They were defending the idea that Basques werethe descendants of Moses and Tubal and that they were the originalowners of the Basque land. But also there was another explanationcalled “The boarder speech”8 that Spanish Basques would use todefend their importance for the kingdom, and the necessity theyhad for these privileges, in order to provide a fleet and an armyto defend their kingdom. However, this claims were part of anambiguous reality that really needed some supplies, especiallygrain, which came from the French Basque side, among other parts.But mainly, we could say that there was a double-faced reality,where necessity and interests were sometimes hard to separate.

The journeys beyond oceans

Medieval origins

The Atlantic fisheries had their roots in the misty medievalperiod. It is uncertain where the whale and cod fishingactivities come from, but the only thing could be acknowledged isthat was during this time when it started to have importance inthe Basque shore economy and influenced the development of the16th century.

Before Newfoundland, Asturias, Galicia, Ireland and Englandwere often destinations for Basque sailors. These journeys becomethe precedents of longer trans-Atlantic journeys to America. Inorder to find new opportunities, out from the control of theBasque noblemen, seafarer's seek their prosperity on the sea. Theeconomy did not give a vast variety to choose from, and was quitebased on iron, wool from the Castilian “Mesta”, transportingcargo, piracy, trading, shipbuilding and fishing. Navigation andsea economy as it could be noticed, was becoming more importantand beneficial. By the 15th century, the basis for theNewfoundland fisheries was set and investors were alreadyorganized on a complex economical way. Investing on differenteconomical activities, avoided the problem of risking all money tothe same activity. These scattered investments made safer therisky sea economy.

8 ANGULO, MORALES, Alberto. “Unas provincias acordonadas. Mito y realidadsobre las fronteras de las provincias exentas”. (Non published)

8

The development of the fisheries of the 16 th century

The “golden age” is a long period in the 16th century, when theAtlantic fisheries of Newfoundland developed. We divided thisperiod that lasts from 1512 to 1580, into three sub periods: 1512-1540, Newfoundland's dark ages, 1540-1560, the beginnings of theindustry, and 1560-1580, the “golden age” of the fisheries.

The period from 1512 to 1540 is contemporary with the age ofdiscoveries and begins with cod fishing journeys, from the Frenchpart of the Basque country, as Laurier Turgeon proved9. We calledthis age “dark” because of the lack of sources for these firstyears and due to the controversy of when did the fisheries begun.Few voyages were made on the first decade of 1510. Some authorsidentified just six up to the 1532 year10. On the first decadesNewfoundland was not yet seen as a rich place to run a business.Wars, the lack of pilots to sail to Canada and the fact that thesailors did not understand the potential of the area, caused theinvestors not risking their capital on unknown fisheries. In thedecade of 1530, combined journeys were made, including whaling andcod fishing activities. Wars during this decade influenced thedevelopment of a growing industry.

The following period, 1540-1560, was a time when theimportance of the industry is established and was becoming moreinteresting and potentiality as an enterprise. The specializationin the voyages resulted in two main type of vessels: whale vesseland cod vessel. War still influences the development of anincreasing number of vessels that become more involved on thisindustry. Confiscation of ships for the war was a constantobstacle to the development of Basque economy.

It is important to underline that we use the Spanish or Frenchside’s11 concept in order to define a geographical place, where theships were built up and prepared for sailing. Michael Barkhamargues that forty ships composed the Spanish Basque fleet; amongthem there were 20/25 ships for cod fishing and 15/20 for whaling.9 GOYHENETCHE, Manex. “La pêche maritime en Labourd: survol historique”,Itsas Memoria, Revista de estudios Marítimos del País Vasco, 3, 2000, 154.10 BARKHAM, Michael. “La Industria pesquera en el País Vasco peninsular alprincipio de la Edad Moderna: ¿una edad de oro?”, Itsas Memoria, Revista de estudiosMarítimos del País Vasco, 3, 2000, 55.11

9

It is thought that the average of sailors on these vessels wouldhave been between 2.000 and 2.500 on the best years. If we includenumbers from the French Basque side, Laurier Turgeon mentions 42vessels for the period from 1560 to 1580. Therefore, it is amatter of perspective, what changes the history.

The “golden age”, from 1560 to 1580, was one of the main peaksof the whaling and cod fishing industry for Basque seafarer's.Mainly originated by the peace treaty of Cateau-Cambresis in 1559between Spain and France, the sea economy could develop withoutany kind of confiscations limiting its growth. In this period,most of the voyages left from the Spanish part of the Basque“hinterland”. The Basque “hinterland” is the extension of theeffect of this seafarer's activity to its furthest places on thegeography. In this sense, the Basque voyages involved and linkedplaces from Spanish Basque side, Bordeaux, Labourd in the FrenchBasque side, Burgos in Spain, Flanders, the Baltic Sea, Lisbon andso many other countries that provided supplies for these voyages,insurances, food, clothing, timbers, sails, caulk, crew members,salt, loans and other kind of goods.

As may be seen, the concept of the Basque “hinterland” also,refers to the places that were in direct contact with Basqueseafarer's and its nautical culture. In this sense, we can seethat the space where these sailors were contacting each other ismuch wider than the boarders of the nations. In fact, a Euro-Atlantic contact zone or area could be defined, within its localparticular features, but that provided a unique idea about howconnected were lands as far away as the Basque Country andEngland. This is a very interesting aspect that has got lot of keyquestions that remain unknown for us: Were English craftsmen incontact with Basques? Was there any kind of knowledge on a Euro-Atlantic scale? Which were the local differences?

One of the documents that brought this idea was a comment on alawsuit from Mutriku in 1586, which tells of how Basques werehelped by English seafarer's, in a moment when they were supposedto be at war12. The fact that English seafarer's exchanged goodswith Basques in Newfoundland, gives us a hint about how thesepeople had their own initiative and maybe unwritten laws,respected and used as part of a community of seafarers. In this

12 AHMM (Historical Municipal Archives of Mutriku), C/252-08, 1586, 3.

1

sense, mutual aid, in spite of being enemies, should be widelyconsidered. The practical and opportunistic attitude of thisseafarer’s created this situations where, political enemies, werehelping each other on a practical sense, where your enemy savesyou from a risky return. Besides, the application of the “firstcome, first served” dropping the anchor and the fact also that theshelters and ovens on shore where repaired every year and used aspart of a communal property, it is something that seems to be morethan significant. These seafarer's seem to be loyal people totheir Kingdoms, but they also had their own interests they wouldno doubt defend. In such a wild land as Newfoundland, enemy seemsto be the only aid.

The influence of this seafarer's community affected the localnatives, who were acculturated little by little and were part ofan interesting cultural exchange. Basques traded intensively withnatives from Newfoundland such as Beothuk, Montagnais, Micmac,Algonquins, Iroquois and Abnaquis, who developed a “pidgin”language to communicate13. The potential trade with these peopledeveloped during the 16th century to the point of becoming anorganised trade with furs and other goods trade from natives, inexchange for European goods.

As a final reflection on the 16th century and the image thathistoriography has created from it, we must say that, unlike someof the myths about the topic that had defined this activity from aperspective that reduced the whole topic and summarized it as afight of men against the wild sea, represented by the whalersimage, seems to be an image that has been very deeply rooted inthe contemporary mentality, but this romantic view, has nothing todo with the real reasons for this voyages.

The closest view for the real purpose of these journeys acrossthe ocean, were expressed in some of the 16th century Basquesailors wills. In this wills, Etxaniz and Larrume, both Basquesailors, wanted to make sure that their families were inheritingall their properties. As they define their will, it is noticed howthe purpose of this sailors itself it is not the whales or cod,but the opportunity that this job brings to these families so they

13 BAKKER, Peter. “The language of the Coast Tribes is Half Basque. A BasqueAmerindian Pidgin in use between Europeans and Native americans in North Americain 1540- ca. 1640”, Anthropological Linguistics, 31, 1989, 442-443.

1

could find hope, on a hopeless society that lacked any opportunityto change their lives and survive on the most worthy way. It istrue that these people were brave and that they risked their livesin each journey, where death could be always the end. But whatthese people attitude tell us is that, as in contemporary times,surviving and living to live and survive is itself a purpose, andproviding to provide your descendants a hopeful future was alsosomething to fight for in the 16th century.

The end of the 16 th century and the beginning of the “crisis” or adaptation to the 17 th century?

Dramatically, 1580 seems to be a symbolic year for thedecreasing number of Basque whalers and cod fishers14. One of themain reasons seems to be the new competition from English seamenthat became very interested in the fisheries and planned tocontrol them, in order to avoid the Basque whalers’ supremacy onthe Strait of Belle Isle. But more effectively, English harboursboycotted Basque whale oil sales in 1579 and its effect reducedthe number of vessels in the next year from 30 to 13. The trade ofwhale oil, which was one of the main incomes for organisingvoyages ended suddenly. At the same time the North Atlantic traderoute was obstructed by the wars against Dutch, English andFrench15.

Many were the reasons of this abrupt change that reduced theBasque ships from the Newfoundland’s fisheries. Confiscationbecame again an obstacle, especially in 1582 in the Azoresconflict16. War turns again the main issue for the Spanish kingdom,and this would affect drastically the fisheries. In 1585, theEnglish fleet attacked by surprise the Basque fishermen's fleet inNewfoundland17. The result was the capture of the fleet and 600sailors were also taken as prisoners. During the 1580’s, piracywas increasing, and the Basque seafarers risked losing control offisheries. Quantitatively the number of journeys across theAtlantic on the Spanish Basque side came down from an average ofthree whaling vessels each year in the period from 1560 to 1585,14 LOEWEN, Brad, DELMAS, Vincent. “The Basques in..., 224.15 TRUTXUELO, GARCÍA, Marta. Orio historian zehar, Bizker digitala, LasarteOria, 2003. 59.16 MARTIN, Colin, PARKER. Geoffrey. La Gran Armada, Barcelona, Planeta,Barcelona, 2011, 138.17 Ibid., 149.

1

to just eight whalers and two cod fisher’s journeys in all between1586 and 159918. The situation was different on the French Basqueside.

The Basques were also guilty for the increasing competition ofEnglish and Dutch. They taught them how to hunt whales, and thismeant that two new countries would be directly hunting in the sameplaces where Basques had been fishing since the 16th century. Italso seems that a progressive depletion of the capital that wasused to organise this voyages was increasing, especially since the1620’s and continued until 165019. Another problem that Basquefishermen had to face was the fact that the new competitors werenot financed by private loans, as Basques were doing, but they hadthe monopoly of the activity in their kingdoms that provided allsort of support. This meant that by the time English and Dutchwere organised as Royal Companies, Basques still were privatelyfunded20.

Climate changes also affected to a depleted bowhead whalespopulation, which was being massacred during the 16th century andwere coming close to extinction. This climate change has beencalled as “the little ice age”21. As a result of this, the oceanwater became colder and this affected the migration of whales,winter became the best season for whaling22. The drop of the oceanstemperature generated the reproduction of Krill and microorganismsthat provided more food to these particular mammals. Although thisprovided food to the whales, their numbers were far fromrecuperated. This lack of whales also created the necessity tofind new fisheries.

As we have shown, there were big changes that became obstaclesfor the fishermen in general and for Basque seafarers inparticular. These difficulties did not suppose the completedownfall of the whaling and cod fishing voyages. Although it

18 BARKHAM, Michael. “La Industria..., 66.19 ALBERDI LONBIDE, Xabier. Conflictos de intereses..., 235.20 ALBERDI LONBIDE, Xabier. “Conversa izenekoak eta Lapurdiren etaGipuzkoaren arteko harreman komertzialak Aro Berrian”, in KINTANA GOIRIENA,Jurgi, ARTETXE SANCHEZ, Karmele (arg.). Ikerketa berriak Euskal Herrikohistorian: Metodologia aintzindariak eta berrikuntza historiografikoak, UdakoEuskal unibertsitatea, Bilbo, 2002, 137.21 VALDÉS HANSEN, Felipe. Los balleneros en Galicia..., 237.22 TRUTXUELO, GARCÍA, Marta, 43.

1

became fare more complex to organise a journey, the Basquecommunity adapted their journeys to the new context. Since Spainwas so problematic, especially for the confiscations, Basqueseafarers begun to organise their ships and journeys from theFrench Basque side.

As a result of these challenges, sailors and founding changethe direction and moved to the French Basque side, where kings’confiscations were fewer. This symbiotic dependence was becomingdeeper during the end of the 16th century, while Spanish Basquesneeded sailors to complete the crews for the fisheries and thesesailors, coming from the French side, became more and moreessential for the functioning of these voyages. The symbioticfunctioning of this economy was also a result of thespecialization that was going on, between both sides. As theSpanish Basques were becoming experts on whaling industry, FrenchBasques did so on cod fishing23.

The key point to understand the concept of the “crisis” as arelative moment. Depending on the perspective, it could beconsidered as a decrease of the activity, but also, an opportunityto adapt the economy to the new difficulties. In this sense, thefact that whaling and cod fishing, as well as trading, have beenanalysed as separate activities, have not allowed understandingthe interdependence existing between all sailing activities andtheir connexions. We need to understand that a vessel it is simplya tool that could be used for whaling, trading or war. Althoughsome fishing vessels were specialized, mainly it could say thatthese ships could be used for multiple types of activities. As ahistorian, one should not only focus on one particular activity,but also on the basis that supported all this: the investors. Theycould invest on a whaling journey or decide not to invest thatyear on the fisheries and moved their interests towards tradingactivities that were carried out by the same crew members andvessel, but with different purposes. It is true that whaling, codfishing and trading were different activities that needed specificskills that different crew will provide, but it is important totake into account it was seasonal activities that tend to haveunstable benefits and big risks, so they were effortlessly adaptedto whatever purpose they needed.

23 SERNA VALLEJO, Margarita. Los viajes..., 140.

1

So, if the perspective for the Basque economy is limited bythe modern conception of boarders, we would see that the situationin Spain has gone nearly to the end on the beginnings of the 17th

century. However, if we think that there is a cross-borderculture, that uses these similarities in order to face the changesof the economy and re-adapt to the new challenges of the 17th

century, our view about this “crisis” would be better defined as areaction to the new reality and the continuity of these Basquefisheries. For this reason, whenever we talk about the “goldenage” of the Spanish Basque Country and the “golden age” of theFrench Basque Country, we should think that this are relativeconceptions that do not fit properly to the reality that is moreambiguous or complex that “Spanish” or “French” realities. Is thecombination of the realities what provides the historian a widerunderstanding about the difficulties and features from a communitythat uses its culture to survive the best they can. Now we willshow how Basques re-adapted their economy to this new context.

From specialization to diversity (1580-1630)

As well as in the 16th century Basques had mixed journeys wherethey combined whaling and cod fishing activity, at the end of the16th century, it was no longer profitable to keep travelling inspecialised journeys. Significantly, the whaling industry camenearly to its end in Newfoundland, comparing it with the pastdecades. Though, cod fishing was not affected so much by the newcompetition.

Basques came back to their beginnings. They diversified. Thisdiversification was not limited to the whaling and cod fishing,but also meant that other species and activities became moreimportant in order to keep having benefits from these Atlanticjourneys. Complementary activities such as trade with the nativeshad a larger importance and became more organised and systematicat the end of 16th century and during the 17th. Axes, seals, sealions, deers, codfish spawn, walruses, baleens and fur tradebecame the new complementary activities and resources that helpedto cope with the depletion of bowhead whales and new competitorsrivalry24.

Geographically, the Basques had to move from the Strait ofBelle Isle, because of the new domination of English fishermen's.

24 AZKARATE, Agustín, HERNÁNDEZ, José Antonio, NÚÑEZ, Julio, 207-218.

1

As a result of this, they moved to the South, to dryer lands,where the cod drying process could occur more rapidly. “They keeptravelling to Placentia Bay and Cape Breton, and expanded towestern Newfoundland. But for 1612-1620, most whalers left thegulf for Spitsbergen, North Norway, where herds were more abundantand travel times significantly shorter”. “...The less pronounced whalingfunction of these sites may indicate a less intensive occupation, a change in whalingtechnology, or a cod fishing vocation...”25

From 1600 to 1610 new fisheries were discovered and exploited.Newfoundland remained more related to the cod fishing, even thoughsome whalers still went there, but mainly, the Basque whalerstravelled to the North to Svalbard, Spitzbergen, Jan Mayen,Greenland, Iceland and Norway26. As an exotic destination, Brazilwas also shortly visited on this first decade of the 17th century;this opportunity was a result of the conquest of Portugal and theintegration of the empire to the Spanish control until 1668. Atthe same time, “old” fisheries became interesting again, such asGalicia, Asturias, and the Cantabric Sea in general27. As the warwas still continued, Basque seafarers travelled in vessels underthe French flag, so that English and Dutch whalers that controlledthe northern fisheries did not attack them. The use of the Frenchflag, in order to avoid conflict with Dutch and English vesselswas still used on the 18th century, when they controlled thenorthern fisheries. This way, Spanish Basque vessels travellednorth and could have profits from the new fisheries.

1630-1653, increasing difficulties, seeking solutions

The Spanish crown realized the harm its confiscation caused to thefisheries. In order to overcome the stagnation that their economywas suffering, mainly because of the intervention of France andthe constant participation on the thirty years war, they created anew law to protect the fishermen’s from being recruited. In 1639,Spain starts protecting the sailors that were going to thefisheries, by protecting them from being recruited for the crews

25 LOEWEN, Brad, DELMAS, Vincent. “The Basques in... , 240.26 To read more about the history of these new fisheries: KOIVUKARI, Tapio.“La matanza de los españoles. Desarrollo de los hechos y reflexiones (Ballenerosvascos en Islandia en el siglo XVII)”, Untzi Museoaren Argitalpen digitalak, 1, 2013, 1-18. and ROMANOVSKY, V. Le Spitsberg et les balheiniers basques, Atlantica, Biarritz, 1999,233.27 ALBERDI LONBIDE, Xabier, ARAGÓN RUANO, Álvaro. “…Lleben las colas..., 101.

1

from the Royal fleet. This way, in 1643, the journeys continuedagain to Norway, after some years of complete inactivity28.

From the year 1653 on, there were signed four “Traités de BonneCorrespondance”, “Tratados de Buena Correspondencia” or“Conversas”. In 1653, 1667, 1684 and 1694 were signed thosetreaties between France and Spain29. One of the main purposes ofthese treaties was to protect the ships that were coming from thefisheries, in order to preserve the maritime economy of both sidesof the Pyrenees, which were mainly basing their economy on thesea. These treaties protected the trade in war times. By givingthe privilege to trade during wartime, Basques kept theireconomical connexions that were linked these two Basquerealities30. As a summary, these treaties protected the journeys tothe fisheries, encourage and gave them continuity to the end ofthe 17th century, though many wars would have an effect on thedevelopment of these Basque fisheries. In this century, accordingto Laurier Trugeon at the peak year of 1686, 61 vessels, amongwhich 20 whalers were parts of the French Basque fleets harbours.

These hints prove the continuity of this whaling and cod fishingactivity, which has been denied by many historians. Documents dated 1675-1678 proved thisstatement31. These documents provides us grounding for theaforementioned cross boarder relationship, as members of the crewof this Guipuzcoan vessel, were coming from the Basque side ofsouth France. Further, we could understand how the idea of mixedvoyages worked in some cases and was more beneficial for theenterprise, since sometimes were carrying equipment for both codfishing and whaling. Another document also showed the compositionof the whaling vessels investors, and the participation of eachone. The document also shed light on the distribution of the whaleoil, between the investors and the crewmembers and captain. Thedocument, although it is just a little example, tells us about thebenefits of whaling activity still at the end of the 17th century.As it was done in the Northern fisheries, Basques sailors sailedwith French flag, even later than 1699, 1700 as it is said in some

28 ALBERDI LONBIDE, Xabier, ARAGÓN RUANO, Álvaro. “…Lleben las colas a lasvarrigas..., 105.29 CHAVARRÍA, MÚGICA, Fernando. “Por codicia o por necesidad..., 80.30 Ibid., 95. 31 AGG-GAO, (General Archive of Gipuzkoa) SS 330.

1

testimonies32.

The 18 th century and the beginning of the end

By the 18th century, trade becomes more and more profitablefor Basque merchants, and this activity starts to compete withother sea activities such as fishing. The main reason is that thequalified sailors where mainly going on this fishing voyages. Theinvestors elite begun to be less interested in the fishingvoyages, since the trade with fishing goods, such as whale oil,was more profitable than investing on long journeys. So thepreference would be trading with products, than providing them.This was mainly caused by the Dutch whaling companies’competition.

In the 18th century there are were no more “Traités de BonneCorrespondance”, because of the Bourbon centralism and thecontinuity of all Basque fisheries across the Atlantic wasdefinitely broken. In 1794 the last whaling expedition failed, andthis could be seen as the end of the whalers’ tradition. Thetreaty of Utrecht (1713) banned the fishing activity for Basquesin Newfoundland. This prohibition was again mentioned in anothertreaty, after the Seven Years War, when the English stated thatGipuzcoan sailors could not fish in Newfoundland. This simplemention on the Gipuzcoan sailors, gives us some insight of whatcould have been still going on, as late as 1763. We could thinkthat this mention in the late 18th, could be a clue to prove thatstill, Gupuzcoan seafarer's were heading Newfoundland, despite itwas banned for them. Although the difficulties, Basque seafarersseem to have been trying to continue fishing in Newfoundland, asit was still an interesting activity, which brought incomes to aland that didn't have to many opportunities. Laurier Turgeonclaims that by the 1720’s cod fisher's also had a massivedownfall, as colonial ones replaced the metropolitan fishermen’s.Whalers’ decadence will start earlier than cod fisher's.

In this period, Ireland, New England (America) and Greenlandwere the main destinations for Basque seafarers. Turgeon said thatthe profitability ends for the Basques from France, in 1726. As asymbolic date, on 1728, the Royal Company of Caracas was createdin Gipuzkoa, which controlled and used all the sailors’

32 Ibid., 69 right

1

distribution in their favour, against fishermen’s voyages. On 1732the same company created another one that destroyed definitely thewhalers industry in favour of the merchant’s interests. Theprivileges given in the past to the whalers and cod fishers werenow for the merchants. Investor’s elitist interests changedtowards trade voyages. The continuity from the medieval period ofwhalers’ journeys in the Spanish Basque side was cut on 1735, whenthe company stopped it. Though, some journeys were still continuedfrom the French Basque side, late until the 175533. The Seven YearsWar destroyed the Labourdian fisheries continuity. The remains ofthe Basque fishermen's journeys to Newfoundland after the treatyof Paris are a question that yet requires to be answered. Eventhough there were some attempts during the second half of the 18th

century that tried to have some profits from the same fishingvoyages, did not have any success. As the seafarers’ activity wascoming reaching its end, an attempt was made in 1789 that lasteduntil 1794, but these fisheries did not succeed for long andfinished with a tradition of more than three centuries.

Conclusion

The Basque fisheries are just one of the faces of a complexreality. As for the Europeans, Newfoundland was seen as anopportunity to seek a wealthy future, for the American natives,signified the opposite. The acculturation and depletion of thenature, and as a result of these, the extermination of species hadbeen the hardest reality of a fascinating history. What it isinteresting is to see the fact that because there were laws in theBasque Country, they preserved their ocean, in order to keep italive. But on the contrary, Newfoundland was a place where norules or laws prevented humans from destroying and exploiting ituntil its end. This part of our past, tells how far these sailorswere from the nature of the sea, so they never felt the effect ofthe extinction that they were causing on that environment.

Basques became a community that developed between twonational realities but composed a unique economy that was rootedon two different faces at each side of the Pyrenees. This culturalconception of Basques was part of a wider sea culture on a EuroAtlantic scale. This maritime community had differences in itsroots, but a common sea culture that was primarily originated by

33 ALBERDI LONBIDE, Xabier. Conflictos de intereses..., 406.

1

the sailing activity boosted by the economy. There was nothinglike a unified reality, but a composed community with differentidentities and language that had in common a language for ridingthe ocean. A way of communication that was neither Basque norEnglish, French and Dutch, but this language was the knowledgethat which created links between different lands such asScandinavia and Iberia. This space of communication that is theOcean, created a community where this language has sense and it istransmitted and used. This wider understanding of a maritimeculture would create boundaries beyond the borders of nations thatwould make realise that, despite the fact we have differences, theEuro-Atlantic culture was much more united than could be expected.This community was created by and for the sea and this gave them adeep cohesion and identity.

Necessity, opportunities, personal interests and practicalattitudes were the features of these Basque seafarer's, who usedall this, in order to change, adapt for their future survival.Changes would sculpt the history and societies. Basques used thesecultural boundaries to provide themselves with a better situation,with more opportunities, essentially supported on these cross-border boundaries. It is not surprising to see that in the 18th

century these boarders would become closed for this cross-borderrelationships, and as a result of this, the Basque economy,developed for more than three centuries, came to its end.

The Basque fisheries moved rivers, fields, forests andcommunities. From Svalbard, Spitzberg, Greenland, Jan Mayen,Iceland, Newfoundland, Norway, Ireland, New England Galicia,Asturias, Brasil and Patagonia Basques sailed the Atlantic to seekthe opportunities that could provide a wealthy future for theirdescendants. These community left a footprint that has beenforgotten for many people, but remains in the memory of few thatwill preserve and keep our past, as a cultural heritage that givesus an idea of how our ancestors lived and faced the challenges oflife, in an era when the sea was the hope for the future.

2

Documents

-Archivo de Protocolos Generales de Guipúzcoa (AHPG-GPAH), 3/1803.

-Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid (ARCV), C 778/3-L161.

-Archivo Municipal de Mutriku (AMM), C/252-08.

-Archivo General de Guipúzcoa(AGG-GAO), SS 329.

-AGG-GAO, SS 330.

Bibliography

ALBERDI LONBIDE, Xabier. Conflictos de intereses en la economíaMarítima Guipuzcoana Siglos XVI-XVIII, Servicio Editorial de laUniversidad del País Vasco, Bilbao, 2012, 11.

ALBERDI LONBIDE, Xabier. “Conversa izenekoak eta Lapurdiren etaGipuzkoaren arteko harreman komertzialak Aro Berrian”, in KINTANA

2

GOIRIENA, Jurgi, ARTETXE SANCHEZ, Karmele (arg.). Ikerketa berriakEuskal Herriko historian: Metodologia aintzindariak etaberrikuntza historiografikoak, Udako Euskal unibertsitatea, Bilbo,2002, 137.

ALBERDI LONBIDE, Xabier, ARAGÓN RUANO, Álvaro. “…Lleben lascolas a las varrigas de los bufos..: balleneros guipuzcoanos enlas matanzas de ballenas de Galicia y Asturias durante los siglosXVI y XVII”, Obradoiro de Historia, 15, 2006, 77-111.

ALBERDI LONBIDE, Xabier, ARAGÓN RUANO, Álvaro. “Relacionescomerciales entre puertos franceses y guipuzcoanos en las décadasfinales del siglo XVI y la primera mitad del siglo XVII: síntomade vitalidad económica”, Pedralbes, 27, 2007, 219-262.

ANGULO, MORALES, Alberto. “Unas provincias acordonadas. Mito yrealidad sobre las fronteras de las provincias exentas”. (Nonpublished)

AZKARATE, Agustín, HERNÁNDEZ, José Antonio, NÚÑEZ, Julio,Balleneros vascos en el siglo XVI. (Chateau Bay, Labrador, Canadá)Estudio arqueológico y contexto histórico, Eusko Jaurlaritzaren,Vitoria-Gasteiz, 1992.

AZPIAZU, ELORZA, José Antonio. La empresa vasca de Terranova,entre el mito y la realidad, Tarttalo, San Sebastián, 2008.

BAKKER, Peter. “The language of the Coast Tribes is HalfBasque. A Basque Amerindian Pidgin in use between Europeans andNative americans in North America in 1540- ca. 1640”,Anthropological Linguistics, 31, 1989, 442-443.

BARKHAM, Michael. “La Industria pesquera en el país vascopeninsular al principio de la Edad Moderna: ¿una edad de oro?”,Itsas Memoria, Revista de estudios Marítimos del País Vasco, 3,2000. 55.

BARKHAM, Michael. Shipowning, Shipbuilding and Trans-Atlantic Fishing inSpanish Basque Ports, 1560-1630: a case Study of Motrico and Zumaya, Doctoratethesis (Non published), Cambridge University, 1991.

BÉLANGER, R. Les Basques dans l'estuaire du Saint-Laurent, 1535-1635,Université du Québec, Montreal, 1971.

CHAVARRÍA, MÚGICA, Fernando. “Por codicia o por necesidad: laexención aduanera vascongada y el sistema fronterizo de conversas

2

a finales del siglo XVII”, in ALMELA, SALAS, Luis (Ed.), Losámbitos de la fiscalidad: Fronteras, Territorio y Percepción detributos en los imperios ibéricos, (Siglos XV-XVIII) Ministerio deEconomía y Hacienda, Instituto de Estudios Fiscales, Madrid, 2011,77-105.

CIRIQUIAIN, GAIZTARRO, Mariano. Los Vascos y la pesca de la ballena,Txertoa, San Sebastián.

GOYHENETCHE, Manex. “La pêche maritime en Labourd: survolhistorique”, Itsas Memoria, 3, 2000, 154.

GRENIER, Robert. “The basque whaling ship from Red Bay,Labrador: a treasure trove of data on iberian atlanticshipbuilding design and techniques in the mid-16th century”, inALVES, Francisco (ed.). Trabalhos de arqueología, Internationalsymposium on archaeology of medieval and modern ships of IberianAtlantic tradition, 18, Lisboa, Igespar, 2001, 269-293. or.

HUXLEY, Shelma. “Los vascos y las pesquerías transatlánticas(1517-1713)”, in Itsasoa, Los vascos en el marco del atlántico norte. Siglos XVI yXVII, vol. 3, Etor, San Sebastián, 1987, 26-210.

IMAZ, JOSE MANUEL. La industria pesquera en Guipuzcoa al final del siglo XVI(Documentos de la época), Diputación de Guipúzcoa, San Sebastián, 1944.

INNIS, Harold Adams The cod fisheries: the history of an international economy,Yale University Press, New Haven. 1940.

KOIVUKARI, Tapio. “La matanza de los españoles. Desarrollo delos hechos y reflexiones (Balleneros vascos en Islandia en elsiglo XVII)”, Untzi Museoaren Argitalpen digitalak, 1, 2013, 1-18.

LA MORANDIÈRE, Charles de, Histoire de la pêche française de la morue dansl'Atlantique septentionale. 3 vols, G.P. Maisonneuve et Larose, París,1962.

LOEWEN, Brad, DELMAS, Vincent. “The Basques in the Gulf of St.Lawrence and Adjacent Shores”, Canadian Journal archaeology, Vol. 36,Issue 2, December, 2012, 213-266.

MÉNARD, Caroline. La pesca gallega en Terranova, siglos XVI-XVIII,Universidad de Sevilla, Servicio de archivo y publicaciones,Madrid, 2008.

MIMEAULT, Mario. Destins de pêcheurs: Les Basques en Nouvelle-France,Septentrion, Québec City, Québec, 2011.

2

PALACIO, ATARD, V. “Los vascongados y la pesca de la ballena.Las gestiones del Marqués de Monteleón en Londres”, Anuario de estudiosAmericanos, 1, 1944, 723-739

PROULX, Jean Pierre. Basque whaling in Labrador in the XVI, Century,Donostia, 1993.

ROMANOVSKY, V. Le Spitsberg et les baleiniers basques, Atlantica,Biarritz, 1999, 233. or.

SERNA VALLEJO, Margarita. Los viajes pesquero-comerciales de guipuzcoanos yvizcaínos a Terranova (1530-1808): régimen jurídico, Marcial Pons, Madrid,2010.

TRUTXUELO, GARCÍA, Marta. Orio historian zehar, Bizkerdigitala, Lasarte Oria, 2003. 59.

TUCK, James A. “Fieldwork in Red Bay”, Archaeology inNewfoundland and Labrador, 1980. St. John's, Newfoundland, 1982,56-67.

TURGEON, Laurier. “Pêches basques du Labourd en Atlantique nord(XVI-XVIII siècle): ports, routes et trafics”, Itsas Memoria, 3,2000, 163-178. or.GOYHENETCHE, Manex. “La pêche maritime enLabourd: survol historique”, Itsas Memoria, 3, 2000, 153-161.

TURGEON, Laurier. “The French in New England before Champlain”,in LITALIEN, Raymonde. Champlain: The birth of French America, Mc Gill-Queen's Press, 2004, 98-112.

VALDÉS, HANSEN, Felipe. Los balleneros en Galicia (Siglos XIII al XX),Colección Galicia histórica, Fundación Pedro Barrié de la Maza,2010.

2