Becoming Visible in the Digital Age: the Class and Media Dimensions of the Pussy Riot Affair

19
Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rfms20 Download by: [Western Michigan University] Date: 21 August 2017, At: 19:59 Feminist Media Studies ISSN: 1468-0777 (Print) 1471-5902 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rfms20 Becoming Visible in The Digital Age Elena Gapova To cite this article: Elena Gapova (2015) Becoming Visible in The Digital Age, Feminist Media Studies, 15:1, 18-35, DOI: 10.1080/14680777.2015.988390 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2015.988390 Published online: 13 Dec 2014. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 808 View related articles View Crossmark data Citing articles: 2 View citing articles

Transcript of Becoming Visible in the Digital Age: the Class and Media Dimensions of the Pussy Riot Affair

Full Terms amp Conditions of access and use can be found athttpwwwtandfonlinecomactionjournalInformationjournalCode=rfms20

Download by [Western Michigan University] Date 21 August 2017 At 1959

Feminist Media Studies

ISSN 1468-0777 (Print) 1471-5902 (Online) Journal homepage httpwwwtandfonlinecomloirfms20

Becoming Visible in The Digital Age

Elena Gapova

To cite this article Elena Gapova (2015) Becoming Visible in The Digital Age Feminist MediaStudies 151 18-35 DOI 101080146807772015988390

To link to this article httpdxdoiorg101080146807772015988390

Published online 13 Dec 2014

Submit your article to this journal

Article views 808

View related articles

View Crossmark data

Citing articles 2 View citing articles

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE

The class and media dimensions of the Pussy

Riot affair1

Elena Gapova

The Pussy Riot affair has been represented in Western media as a feminist plight for rights This

study demonstrates that this interpretation disregards the social context of the case and the

negative reactions of the Russian public I argue that the rejection of Pussy Riot by a large segment

of post-Soviet society is related to two factors First the grouprsquos members practice media activism

and belong with new social movements of the post-industrial era They challenge cultural codes

and messages and rely on the language and concepts that target Western rather than post-Soviet

audiences Second the group exemplifies the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in

post-socialist society during the information age They are perceived by many Russians as

cosmopolitan elites produced by global capitalism and thus we need to seriously factor in issues of

class along with gender in order to explain the negative reactions towards them

KEYWORDS Pussy Riot class media activism new social movements post-Soviet Russia

The medium is the message (Marshall McLuhan 1964)

In July 1972 American actress and peace activist Jane Fonda visited North Vietnam

and was photographed there sitting on an anti-American aircraft battery When the photo

appeared in newspapers it spurred a violent polemic known to history as the ldquoHanoi Jane

controversyrdquo While some outraged Americans denounced Fonda and demanded harsh

punishment anti-war activists and countercultural youth celebrated her behavior as

courageous and anti-militarist For over thirty years Fonda kept explaining that she was

(probably involuntarily) tricked into an act that seemed quite innocent In her 2005

biography Fonda apologized for the pain she might have caused American servicemen and

their families and when a former soldier spat tobacco into her face at a book-signing

ceremony she chose not to pursue charges against him (Wikipedia 2014b) The ldquoHanoi Jane

controversyrdquo serves as an introduction to the Pussy Riot affair a contemporary debate of

similar proportions that also resulted from a media event Both cases illustrate the power of

media events to touch on sensitive national issues and the violent polemics that were

launched by these events were representative of deep social divisions

On February 21 2012 five members of the Pussy Riot punk-rock band an all-female

group came to the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow the main Russian Orthodox

temple from where liturgy is broadcast on religious holidays The church was demolished in

Feminist Media Studies 2015Vol 15 No 1 18ndash35 httpdxdoiorg101080146807772015988390

q 2014 Taylor amp Francis

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the swipe of state atheism in the 1930s and resurrected as a symbol of repentance for

Stalinrsquos crimes and a return to humanist (Christian) values in the 1990s The performersrsquo

attire of neon balaclavas tights and dresses and their ldquopunk aestheticrdquo were familiar to

those social media users who had seen online their previous performances in Moscowrsquos Red

Square and on top of a bus which had targeted Vladimir Putin with little effect The group

enjoyed modest recognition among young Russian urbanites2 Having approached the

ambo (altar) the most sacred spot of the church the girls jumped onto the platform in front

of it turned to the ldquopublicrdquo (represented by several elderly women and men praying

silently) took out their guitars and made an attempt to perform ie to chant their song to

dance and to imitate prayer In less than one minute they were stopped by Cathedral

security

Later the group uploaded a video of their ldquofullrdquo performance on the Internet in the

clip of more than two minutes Pussy Riot dance at the ambo of the Cathedral of Christ the

Savior facing their audience kick up their legs in the style of a cancan dance imitate prayer

with over-exaggerated low bows play guitars and chant their appeals to the Virgin Mary to

become a feminist and oust Putin and condemn Orthodox priests as KGB agents3 It was

then that Pussy Riot touched a nerve and the Cyrillic sector of cyberspace went wild over

the perceived provocation and symbolic violence At its height in 2012 the case became

truly global as commentators began comparing it to the historic Dreyfus affair The name

of the punk group if Googled yielded millions of links in dozens of languages and the

prison sentence for the group was allegedly reported by 86 percent of world media

(Wikipedia 2014a)

Interpreted by Western media as a human rights issue the cause of Pussy Riot was

supported by celebrities like Madonna and Sir Paul McCartney and by millions of Internet

users who ldquolikedrdquo respective posts in social media and some even rallied in the streets of

global capitals in colorful balaclavas to protest the bandrsquos imprisonment The public in

Russia and the post-Soviet region however was divided the act celebrated by some as

free speech was viewed by others as violent hate speech In contrast to the ldquoHanoi Janerdquo

controversy which took place in the era of traditional media the Pussy Riot affair unfolded

in the age of the Internet and social media which restructure audiences social movements

political participation and modes of expression

The literature on the Pussy Riot affair is extensive (eg Vera Akulova 2013 Anya

Bernstein 2013 Yulia Gradskova Irina Sandomirskaia and Nadezda Petrusenko 2013

Ekaterina Kolesova 2013 Polly McMichael 2013 Marina Yusupova 2014) However there has

not been a sociological reading of the case as an example of new media activism belonging

to the new social movements of the digital era Post-industrial and post-Soviet social

divisions that the controversy over Pussy Riot revealed have not been adequately analyzed

either Thus the intention of this essay is to contribute by focusing on the Pussy Riot affair

to scholarly conversations on new media activism post-socialist feminist debates and

social divisions of the information age This essay argues that being overtly intertwined

with religion feminism and activist art the performance of Pussy Riot in the Cathedral

provoked a reaction that revealed an important contention in social relations in

contemporary Russia It exposed a watershed between a creative or new class of urban

intellectuals and globally connected elites whose life options are immersed in the

technological economic and cultural transformations of the informationdigital economy

and whose goals embrace visibility autonomy and self-expression and on the other hand

the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in a more material economy and lifestyle Their ldquowrathrdquo at post-

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 19

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7

socialist economic inequalities translated into a rejection of Pussy Riot whose protest

centered around non-traditional issues and cultural codes and who became identified with

global capitalism In other words I argue that in the post-Soviet context the Pussy Riot

controversy which is often interpreted in the West in feminist terms was also a displaced

conversation about class relations and subjectivities in a media-saturated information

society

The analytical perspective of this essay draws on current theorizing of class cultures

(Wendy Bottero 2004 Pierre Bourdieu 1984) media activism (William Carroll and Robert

Hackett 2006 Virag Molnar 2013 Fred Turner 2005) and new social movements (Alberto

Melucci 1996) in information society I also make use of feminist theories to explore the

treatment of gender and its intersection with class in the post-Soviet region The material

for my analysis comes from discussions of the Pussy Riot affair that have been going on

since the performance in the Cathedral in 2012 in various kinds of media print and

electronic media social networking platforms and blogs My data include predominantly

Russian-language sources interviews and shows with Pussy Riot articles about them their

own statements posts on blogs and commentary threads as well as cartoons and posters

some factual information was retrieved from international sources These utterances make

up a discourse and this essay offers a close reading of the polemic around the Pussy Riot

affair and seeks to uncover the social relations and subjectivities from which it originates

The next section of the paper offers a brief contextualization of the Pussy Riot affair

Following that the argument unfolds in three separate sections which explore the feminist

class and media aspects of the affair respectively

The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath

Much of the Pussy Riot affair unfolded after the performance in the Cathedral and was

a reaction to where that performance took place Eastern Orthodoxy retains the idea which

originates in the New Testament that the church is not a public building as Pussy Riot

insisted during their trial but that it is the body of Christ and a theandric organism (both

God and human united) It can be compared to the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem where certain

rules of respect and reverence are to be observed Therefore the video outraged some

believers who claimed that it was a violation of their faith and a desecration of their

sanctuary A high-profile blogger articulated his trauma as

[ ] the main thing is that they not do this sort of thing in the churchmdashnot lift their legs

in such an obscene and filthy way in that wild dance of theirs not make faces wearing

their masks when at the ambomdashat that place held holy by all Orthodox believers to which

believers only raise their eyes with utmost piety (Pavel Danilin 2012)

Vehemently debated in the media and on blogs the performance elicited both

threats and praises for the performers as well as reprimanding statements from Orthodox

elders In March 2012 three group membersmdashNadezhda (Nadya) Tolokonnikova Maria

(Masha) Alyokhina and Ekaterina Samutsevichmdashwere arrested (two others remain

unknown) and convicted of hooliganism motivated by religious hatred and of offending

the right of believers to hold their rituals sentenced to two years in a prison colony The

case was taken up by Amnesty International as a political one At the trial the high point of

the defense was the claim that the act was a sincere prayer rather than a performance (Ekho

Moskvy 2012) or mockery However a prayer is defined as an invocation or act that seeks to

20 ELENA GAPOVA

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7

create a rapport with a deity and its addressee is God (or a saint) for which no video is

needed The video however indicated that the performance was meant for imagined

viewers or spectators whom the artists faced from the ambo and for whom they mixed their

clip As they admitted they needed an audience other than God ldquoFor us the ambo in the

Church of Christ the Saviour was a performance platformrdquo (Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012a) A

recent interview of Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina with David Remnick of The New Yorker

(2014) also focused on their performance in the Cathedral as an artistic act

In October 2012 Ekaterina Samutsevich was released following her appeal She is

currently suing the grouprsquos lawyers whom she accuses of manipulating the Pussy Riot

trade mark presenting her as a ldquolumpenrdquo figure during the trial and of other misdeeds

(Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012b) Nadezhda Tolokonnikova and Maria Alyokhina were

granted amnesty in December 2013 Upon their release the two announced that they

were taking up the cause of the rights of inmates in Russian prisons They visited the USA

in 2014 where they took part in a concert with Madonna performed on The Colbert

Report were filmed for a new episode of the political TV drama House of Cards and also

appeared in several commercial photo sessions (see Figure 1) The grouprsquos website also

declared that Nadya and Masha do not belong to the Pussy Riot group any more as they are

pursuing a new cause

Although an analysis of the religious side of the affair is outside the scope of this

paper it is important to understand at least some of the context In officially atheist Soviet

society faith was seen as a superstition but a semi-clandestine religious and mystical

tradition survived in intellectual milieus (not to mention in popular religiosity) For the

intelligentsia faith signified existential issues and meant addressing lifersquos big questions a la

Dostoyevsky and was often seen as a practice of resistance After socialism de-

secularization and the rise of religiosity became powerful trends in the region (Vyacheslav

FIGURE 1

Pussy Riotrsquos Nadya Tolokonnikova and Masha Alyokhina photographed in New York City in

2014 Photo from Vanity Fair httpwwwvanityfaircompolitics201407pussy-riot-nadya-

tolokonnikova-masha-alyokhina-photo (accessed June 17 2014)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 21

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7

Karpov 2010) However many believers embrace ldquopoor religionrdquo ie a particular type of

religiosity resulting from an internal conversion to faith that is not grounded in any formal

teachings or in following rituals (Mikhail Epstein 1996) For example ldquopoor believersrdquo view

an icon as a painting and not a holy object that may invoke a liminal mystical experience

they would argue that ldquoGod is in my heart I do not need a temple to believerdquo

When accused of denigrating faith Pussy Riot who later recognized the ethical

mistake of choosing the Cathedral for their act argued that they were believers and

respected religion as cultural heritage This civic religiosity is rejected by traditional

believers and thus the religious part of the division over Pussy Riot involved the nature of

contemporary faithmdashhow to believe ldquocorrectlyrdquo do rituals make one a believermdashand

Church authority Russian Orthodoxy which proudly claims to be the remaining ldquotrue

versionrdquo of Christianity also tries to address the challenges of post-modernity (in a way

similar to the Catholic Second Vatican Council of 1962ndash1965) and has worked out a rather

conservative social doctrine (Russian Orthodox Church Press Service 2005) Educated and

more cosmopolitan believers who seek to make sense of the globalized world embracing

social change new technologies religious diversity or sexuality disregard the doctrine and

even argue that ldquoOrthodoxy promotes backwardnessrdquo (Iryna Karatsuba 2011) This is a

charged assertion as historically faith has been seen as tied to ldquoRussiannessrdquo and has been

used to evoke ideas of the nation (Chris Chulos 2000 29) Thus in large part the controversy

over the punk prayer was about who had the authority to define the meaning of

ldquoRussiannessrdquo for the nation would it be global cosmopolitan ldquoperformersrdquo dancing at the

ambo or ldquothe people of Russiardquo During the trial the Church backed by the government

was able to mobilize its supporters in the provinces for a response to the act via so-called

ldquoanti-pussingsrdquo ie rallies ldquoin defense of Orthodox faithrdquo ldquoRussiannessrdquo and traditional

values (Elena Sineok 2012) Thus the division that emerged over Pussy Riot was not one

between believers and non-believers rather it was between different types of believers

and non-believers The case stirred up something fundamentalmdashthat which can be a line of

social division but which is not pinned down easily In short even if the affair started with

religion its scope is much broader

Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist(Mis)Understandings

From the very start feminism was in the foreground of the Pussy Riot affair and the

case raises important questions about the meaning of feminism The group had defined

their convictions as ldquofeminism resisting the institutions of law enforcement protecting

LGBT individuals promoting anti-Putinism and a radical decentralization of power saving

the Khimki forest near Moscow [from a new railroad] and moving the capital city of the

Russian Federation to Eastern Siberiardquo (Pussy Riot 2011) By listing feminism first including

LGBT issues calling on the Virgin Mary in their performance to become a feminist chanting

about gays who might be ldquosent to Siberia in shacklesrdquo and using an explicit name for the

female sex organ as a symbol of womenrsquos power and rebellion Pussy Riot sent a clear

message about their allegiances It was recognized immediately but only in the West One

reason why the affair was ldquopicked uprdquo with such vigor by Western media was its perfect fit

with the global media market and its use of recognizable ldquoglobalrdquo feminist imagery As The

New York times wrote

22 ELENA GAPOVA

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The name helps Itrsquos its own form of culture jam a savvy reference to feminist and musical

historymdashriot grrrl and Susie Bright as well as a wink to womenrsquos appropriation of sexual

agency and bodily power In other words it is specifically calibrated for the Western media

market (Melena Ryzik 2012)

The public in the post-Soviet region poorly versed in global feminism (more on this

below) was at a loss about the meaning of the protest although many felt that they were

made fun of A poll by theMoscow-based Levada Center revealed that 23 percent of Russians

thought that the performance targeted the Russian Orthodox Church and religious believers

in general 19 percent believed that the act was an anti-Putin one and another 19 percent

ldquocould not sayrdquo who or what the performance targeted (Levada Center 2012)

Not taken seriously initially the group was an object of gendered derision by the

liberal public A popular oppositional media project ldquoCitizen Poetrdquo (where classical Russian

poetry is used as commentary on contemporary issues) mocked the ldquoriot of the pussyrdquo

which was set against the ldquoriot of the dickrdquo (Dmitry Bykov 2012) The arrest of the group put

an end to all laughter but not to questioning their ideology Many members of the post-

Soviet feminist community were frustrated as they had no choice but to stand in support of

Pussy Riot while feeling at the same time that the group did not represent them and

might have been ldquoselling outrdquo feminism (Akulova 2013) For example a ldquoshout (krik) for the

salvation of women held in captivityrdquo was posted on the grouprsquos ldquocorporaterdquo blog (Pussy

Riot 2012) after the arrest and both its ldquoBiblicalrdquo wording and appeals to mercy for

womenndashmothers created some doubt as to whether the feminist stance was used and

dropped as needed The lawyers of the group based their campaign on conservative values

and on the rhetoric of ldquochildren missing their mothersrdquo (Akulova 2013) Ironically that logic

echoed the suggestion by liberal-minded priest Andrey Kuraev to pardon the group

members as silly girls Kuraev argued that since the punk-prayer took place during winter

celebrations it was a pointless prank The way for the Church to deal with it he insisted was

to invite ldquothe girlsrdquo for a traditional meal of blini to pinch them slightly in a fatherly way and

let them go (Andrei Kuraev 2012)

The suggestion greeted by a sympathetic liberal public to pinch young women as if

they were stuffed toys and a general mode of ldquowomen held in captivityrdquo are the signs of the

general depolitization of the case in Russian mainstream media (Bernstein 2013 222 224)

The young womenrsquos stand was not taken seriously the case was initially treated as a joke

and then as a human rights issue but hardly as an affirmation of feminist convictions and

identity politics Pussy Riot were supported by many liberals as ldquoanti-Putinistsrdquo rather than

feminists only a small portion recognized that they might have an autonomous voice and

were touching on important social issues One reason for this is how the concept of gender

equality which had been characteristic of socialism and still looms large in the region treats

the oppression of women

The Soviet understanding of gender equality was rooted in classical Marxism with

the oppression of women viewed as a ldquoby-productrdquo of class inequality as women produce

reproduce workers for capitalism there is an incentive to control their sexuality and

reproductive capacities and curtail their autonomy As women toil for men and for

capitalism at the same time gender equality requires integrating women into the paid

labor force to make them economically independent in the long run this should target

class oppression In line with this logic gender equality necessarily includes state supported

childcare access to abortion and healthcare paid maternityparental leaves and other

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 23

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benefits without which womenrsquos participation in the labor force is problematic (see Elena

Zdravomyslova and Anna Temkina 2004) All of these can only be provided through a

particular policy (of resource redistribution) and thus gender equality became a case for

socialism this also explains why women tend to vote for leftist parties more often than men

do With gender equality focused on welfare and maternal benefits ie on redistributive

justice ldquoto pinch or not to pinchrdquo was not on the agendamdashthe very conceptual framework

for dealing with the issue of recognition in a feminist way was missing

The system of views on gender inequality that was elaborated in the West by second-

wave feminists was more nuanced and highlighted (except in the case of Marxist feminists)

the concept of patriarchy rather than class According to this perspective the oppression of

women results from patriarchy (male domination) in all social domains from sexuality to

economics to which capitalism adds some important dimensions Patriarchy being almost

synonymous with culture (ie civilization) penetrates all social categories and institutions

such as language (which is not gender neutral) sexuality (with its ldquocompulsoryrdquo

heteronormativity the very basis of patriarchal power) domestic violence (an extension of

male domination) etc It is impossible to put an end to the system without deconstructing

its main social institutions and it is within this perspective that sexuality and LGBT issues

come to the core they are not only a matter of the individual rights of specific people but

an instrument for a broad social transformation through deconstructing patriarchal

heteronormativity (see Rosemary Tong [1989] 2008)

It is also of importance that the global perspective on gender started making its way

into the post-Soviet region with the disintegration of socialism the advent of the neoliberal

market and new forms of domination and exclusion when free childcare or paid maternity

leave became ldquoobstaclesrdquo to economic efficiency4 The new focus promoted by

international organizations operating in the region was on the rights of women as

independent individuals (who cannot be ldquopinchedrdquo) their representation autonomy

independent subjectivity and their rights to their bodies and sexuality ie the categories

that belong to a ldquobourgeoisrdquo concept of subjectivity This celebration of autonomous and

independent agents was mostly taking hold among educated urban women More

generally a new feminist agenda focusing on recognition rather than on redistribution to

follow Nancy Fraserrsquos conceptualization (1998) or the way it was interpreted in the post-

Soviet region did not get a wide support base because for many women (and men) it

became associated with economic inequality that followed the reforms of the 1990s (Elena

Gapova 2009) and was not presented through familiar concepts Recently in Russia and

Ukraine the very concept of ldquogenderrdquo and the organizations that promote it came under

conservative attack the concept has been interpreted as a ldquoWestern importrdquo perpetuated

by interested anti-patriotic groups (see for example Olena Hankivsky and Anastasiya

Salnykova 2012)

In this context Pussy Riot landed in an ambivalent situation they were appealing to

the issues of sexuality housework and language which had not been theorized in the

region as categories of social oppression outside of a narrow circle of scholars of gender

and some feminist activists The group tended to invoke ideas and meanings that mattered

for a Western audience because thatrsquos where they had been conceptualized as feminist

while in the post-Soviet region they became charged and often associated with global

capitalism Pussy Riot who insisted on the countercultural and anti-commercial bent of

their project were identified with ldquosuspiciousrdquo self-indulgent urban cosmopolitan elites

and the polemic around the case became a displaced reaction to social inequality

24 ELENA GAPOVA

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ldquoNew Classrdquo and New Media

In spring 2012 a BBC radio correspondent reporting on the gathering in front of the

Moscow court building where an interim decision regarding Pussy Riot was to be made

described the crowd there as ldquostylish young urbanitesrdquo (BBC Newshour 2012) They

answered his questions in fluent English which is an important asset in the quasi-

professional communities and networks of bloggers and journalists of new media

ldquocontemporaryrdquo artists computer enthusiasts web designers consultants musicians

popular scientists public intellectuals expert organizers and semi-professional human

rights feminist or ecological activists belonging to international activist networks (often

supported with international grant money) Studies of the 2012 protests in Moscow (eg

Dmitry Volkov 2012) tend to ignore a crucial aspect of the partial overlapping of two areas

through which these people come together and know each other These areas are political

events and the production and consumption of contemporary art sustained through

galleries exhibitions auctions ldquobohemianrdquo cafes and ldquobuzzrdquo in digital media The artistic

and organizational beginnings of Pussy Riot can be found in the actionist group Voina

(War) to which some of its members had belonged Members of this milieu often have a

recognizable habitus they tend to look ldquocoolrdquo follow a particular style of material and

cultural consumption (including music art-house movies books etc) and a way of life

They belong to a ldquonew classrdquo that makes the social base of Pussy Riot

The term ldquoclassrdquo can denote a particular social group and at the same time invoke

the principles according to which this group has been delineated Primarily the notion of

class implies economic divisions However the term may also invoke social divisions

privilege and exclusion based on non-economic forms of capital As a broad organizing

concept for theorizing a wide range of issues associated with social inequality and

differentiation class divisions after Bourdieu and others can be sustained through matters

of culture lifestyle and taste In other words people may not ldquoexplicitly recognize class

issues or identify with discrete class groupingsrdquo but class processes still operate on them

(Bottero 2004 989) and ldquolines of exclusionrdquo based on style taste knowledge and culture

are related in non-obvious ways to economic capitals and assets

This primer on class helps to make sense of social developments in the post-Soviet

region where a transition to capitalism resulted in economic divisions and a transition to

the global information age fundamentally changed the nature of employment With the

advent of the Internet new occupations as well as new patterns of employment came into

being besides freelance jobs outsourcing subcontracting and other forms of project-

based networking independent content production based on onersquos own resourcefulness

and making oneself interesting are the features of this fluid and precarious employment

environment The term ldquocreative classrdquo (kreakly) after Richard Floridarsquos The Rise of the

Creative Class (2002) started to be applied sometimes ironically to these communities

often sustained in globalized urban centers One could also think of these networks in

terms of a ldquonew classrdquo the members of this new class use intellectual cultural and

educational capitals to produce an income and sustain privilege (Lawrence King and Ivan

Zselenyi 2004)

The advent of the Internet which allows interpersonal interactions in the online

world has been important for sustaining new class communities of experts artists and

activists (Barry Wellman 1999) as social networking platforms (Facebook LiveJournal

Twitter as well as some Cyrillic platforms) provide a ldquomergerrdquo of social and commercial

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 25

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7

activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash

offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and

activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the

community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and

economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important

for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner

who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo

movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and

visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist

networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo

oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation

belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this

intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line

between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters

become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as

one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while

she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy

Riot discourse on the Internet

Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their

resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members

of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it

and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through

their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-

gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation

charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be

legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-

FIGURE 2

LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo

from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)

26 ELENA GAPOVA

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rsity

] at

19

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7

capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion

industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological

networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and

employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release

from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows

and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)

Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by

the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and

commoditization intentions from the start

If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy

Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and

other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-

economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference

can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural

outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and

Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and

even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less

cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The

following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held

in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that

read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo

is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly

the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo

(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in

order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human

rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status

The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation

between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist

maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that

ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals

needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude

In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long

and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common

people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type

of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)

In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in

terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot

The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily

tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position

maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to

pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see

for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and

demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals

appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which

focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-

declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27

Dow

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] at

19

59 2

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ugus

t 201

7

[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago

[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a

different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now

have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally

speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]

We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of

schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It

is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches

[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)

This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and

working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian

Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power

struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the

oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces

which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo

ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media

insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of

Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which

had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should

be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see

Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on

LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and

left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and

language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their

grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be

marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also

because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of

striking oil workers in Kazakhstan

Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to

access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers

(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have

sympathized

The same commentator also wrote

Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good

thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope

we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the

other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already

perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People

and Nature 2012)6

Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected

new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The

information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often

relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the

acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo

28 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

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ugus

t 201

7

Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age

Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a

cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action

often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization

that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new

social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed

so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound

social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the

1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic

and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of

organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci

1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as

seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of

society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought

to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding

the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of

resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity

autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of

the message

The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital

ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline

choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at

the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and

promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical

part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the

Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances

had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church

the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious

symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious

institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban

performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful

and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing

one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition

was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements

(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and

post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of

radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew

dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at

eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was

to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in

the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were

the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the

foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)

Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global

phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve

as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic

devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)

In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to

Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many

superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)

Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility

because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)

and forms of representation

Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo

that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of

contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media

of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have

become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative

and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst

1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous

and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures

In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in

politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing

social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more

importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and

power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo

(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo

writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world

where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash

intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the

same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking

place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or

shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when

Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos

1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience

As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on

smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images

get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in

the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is

important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a

ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The

first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary

culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with

which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social

networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third

trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing

that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov

the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in

August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the

trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New

York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and

Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot

30 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who

pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim

Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is

ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the

instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became

instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product

Conclusion

The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist

plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War

framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the

social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help

to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in

Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice

media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-

industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of

post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target

Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot

have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist

society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by

global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to

gender

The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it

demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not

ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods

And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the

delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with

instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments

are also part of global media capitalism

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their

comments

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author

NOTES

1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot

feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and

class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)

for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova

eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the

Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in

2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)

3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper

4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian

economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans

discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to

become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)

5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential

elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV

anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of

the general context (Vesti 2012)

6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were

used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four

according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the

participants (Wikipedia 2014c)

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Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications

AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in

Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and

Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press

BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor

Detroit MI

BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and

Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press

BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy

Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241

BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003

BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge

BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube

video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE

CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of

Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104

CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth

of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate

DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments

Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html

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Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class

Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton

184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell

ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524

Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww

youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ

EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply

Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb

rublogspussyriots5124php

EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]

Oktyabr 9 158ndash165

FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]

Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog

52030

FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova

Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww

fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml

FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure

Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books

FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition

and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson

vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press

GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo

[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki

7 (4) 465ndash484

GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe

Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)

Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794

GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of

Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom

reflections-on-receptions

HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine

Toronto Toronto University Press

HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media

New York Routledge

ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru

February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048

KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-

wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13

KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and

State 52 (2) 232ndash270

KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power

Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press

KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed

September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm

KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations

Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152

22286

KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014

httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html

LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]

Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww

levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot

MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor

MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New

Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113

MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York

Cambridge University Press

MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and

Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58

NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino

livejournalcom921808htmlcomments

NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo

[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14

Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html

PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers

toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809

support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot

livejournalcom15189html

RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi

Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]

Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html

RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh

institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http

wciomruratings-social-institutions

RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August

22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic

pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta

November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119

samutsevich

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us

the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17

2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en

SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica

connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-

riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958

SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31

Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html

34 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what

nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014

httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo

THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18

2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot

TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House

TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO

Westview Press

TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins

of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512

VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15

million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww

vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720

VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty

Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]

Moscow Yury Levada Center

WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo

The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012

0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents

WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global

Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press

WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014

httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot

WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki

Jane_Fonda

WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki

Жанаозен

YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo

Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610

ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v

sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal

issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322

ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]

Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom

newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197

Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before

joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the

European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender

nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich

edu

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35

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7

  • Abstract
  • The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
  • Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
  • ``New Class and New Media
  • Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE

The class and media dimensions of the Pussy

Riot affair1

Elena Gapova

The Pussy Riot affair has been represented in Western media as a feminist plight for rights This

study demonstrates that this interpretation disregards the social context of the case and the

negative reactions of the Russian public I argue that the rejection of Pussy Riot by a large segment

of post-Soviet society is related to two factors First the grouprsquos members practice media activism

and belong with new social movements of the post-industrial era They challenge cultural codes

and messages and rely on the language and concepts that target Western rather than post-Soviet

audiences Second the group exemplifies the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in

post-socialist society during the information age They are perceived by many Russians as

cosmopolitan elites produced by global capitalism and thus we need to seriously factor in issues of

class along with gender in order to explain the negative reactions towards them

KEYWORDS Pussy Riot class media activism new social movements post-Soviet Russia

The medium is the message (Marshall McLuhan 1964)

In July 1972 American actress and peace activist Jane Fonda visited North Vietnam

and was photographed there sitting on an anti-American aircraft battery When the photo

appeared in newspapers it spurred a violent polemic known to history as the ldquoHanoi Jane

controversyrdquo While some outraged Americans denounced Fonda and demanded harsh

punishment anti-war activists and countercultural youth celebrated her behavior as

courageous and anti-militarist For over thirty years Fonda kept explaining that she was

(probably involuntarily) tricked into an act that seemed quite innocent In her 2005

biography Fonda apologized for the pain she might have caused American servicemen and

their families and when a former soldier spat tobacco into her face at a book-signing

ceremony she chose not to pursue charges against him (Wikipedia 2014b) The ldquoHanoi Jane

controversyrdquo serves as an introduction to the Pussy Riot affair a contemporary debate of

similar proportions that also resulted from a media event Both cases illustrate the power of

media events to touch on sensitive national issues and the violent polemics that were

launched by these events were representative of deep social divisions

On February 21 2012 five members of the Pussy Riot punk-rock band an all-female

group came to the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow the main Russian Orthodox

temple from where liturgy is broadcast on religious holidays The church was demolished in

Feminist Media Studies 2015Vol 15 No 1 18ndash35 httpdxdoiorg101080146807772015988390

q 2014 Taylor amp Francis

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7

the swipe of state atheism in the 1930s and resurrected as a symbol of repentance for

Stalinrsquos crimes and a return to humanist (Christian) values in the 1990s The performersrsquo

attire of neon balaclavas tights and dresses and their ldquopunk aestheticrdquo were familiar to

those social media users who had seen online their previous performances in Moscowrsquos Red

Square and on top of a bus which had targeted Vladimir Putin with little effect The group

enjoyed modest recognition among young Russian urbanites2 Having approached the

ambo (altar) the most sacred spot of the church the girls jumped onto the platform in front

of it turned to the ldquopublicrdquo (represented by several elderly women and men praying

silently) took out their guitars and made an attempt to perform ie to chant their song to

dance and to imitate prayer In less than one minute they were stopped by Cathedral

security

Later the group uploaded a video of their ldquofullrdquo performance on the Internet in the

clip of more than two minutes Pussy Riot dance at the ambo of the Cathedral of Christ the

Savior facing their audience kick up their legs in the style of a cancan dance imitate prayer

with over-exaggerated low bows play guitars and chant their appeals to the Virgin Mary to

become a feminist and oust Putin and condemn Orthodox priests as KGB agents3 It was

then that Pussy Riot touched a nerve and the Cyrillic sector of cyberspace went wild over

the perceived provocation and symbolic violence At its height in 2012 the case became

truly global as commentators began comparing it to the historic Dreyfus affair The name

of the punk group if Googled yielded millions of links in dozens of languages and the

prison sentence for the group was allegedly reported by 86 percent of world media

(Wikipedia 2014a)

Interpreted by Western media as a human rights issue the cause of Pussy Riot was

supported by celebrities like Madonna and Sir Paul McCartney and by millions of Internet

users who ldquolikedrdquo respective posts in social media and some even rallied in the streets of

global capitals in colorful balaclavas to protest the bandrsquos imprisonment The public in

Russia and the post-Soviet region however was divided the act celebrated by some as

free speech was viewed by others as violent hate speech In contrast to the ldquoHanoi Janerdquo

controversy which took place in the era of traditional media the Pussy Riot affair unfolded

in the age of the Internet and social media which restructure audiences social movements

political participation and modes of expression

The literature on the Pussy Riot affair is extensive (eg Vera Akulova 2013 Anya

Bernstein 2013 Yulia Gradskova Irina Sandomirskaia and Nadezda Petrusenko 2013

Ekaterina Kolesova 2013 Polly McMichael 2013 Marina Yusupova 2014) However there has

not been a sociological reading of the case as an example of new media activism belonging

to the new social movements of the digital era Post-industrial and post-Soviet social

divisions that the controversy over Pussy Riot revealed have not been adequately analyzed

either Thus the intention of this essay is to contribute by focusing on the Pussy Riot affair

to scholarly conversations on new media activism post-socialist feminist debates and

social divisions of the information age This essay argues that being overtly intertwined

with religion feminism and activist art the performance of Pussy Riot in the Cathedral

provoked a reaction that revealed an important contention in social relations in

contemporary Russia It exposed a watershed between a creative or new class of urban

intellectuals and globally connected elites whose life options are immersed in the

technological economic and cultural transformations of the informationdigital economy

and whose goals embrace visibility autonomy and self-expression and on the other hand

the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in a more material economy and lifestyle Their ldquowrathrdquo at post-

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 19

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7

socialist economic inequalities translated into a rejection of Pussy Riot whose protest

centered around non-traditional issues and cultural codes and who became identified with

global capitalism In other words I argue that in the post-Soviet context the Pussy Riot

controversy which is often interpreted in the West in feminist terms was also a displaced

conversation about class relations and subjectivities in a media-saturated information

society

The analytical perspective of this essay draws on current theorizing of class cultures

(Wendy Bottero 2004 Pierre Bourdieu 1984) media activism (William Carroll and Robert

Hackett 2006 Virag Molnar 2013 Fred Turner 2005) and new social movements (Alberto

Melucci 1996) in information society I also make use of feminist theories to explore the

treatment of gender and its intersection with class in the post-Soviet region The material

for my analysis comes from discussions of the Pussy Riot affair that have been going on

since the performance in the Cathedral in 2012 in various kinds of media print and

electronic media social networking platforms and blogs My data include predominantly

Russian-language sources interviews and shows with Pussy Riot articles about them their

own statements posts on blogs and commentary threads as well as cartoons and posters

some factual information was retrieved from international sources These utterances make

up a discourse and this essay offers a close reading of the polemic around the Pussy Riot

affair and seeks to uncover the social relations and subjectivities from which it originates

The next section of the paper offers a brief contextualization of the Pussy Riot affair

Following that the argument unfolds in three separate sections which explore the feminist

class and media aspects of the affair respectively

The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath

Much of the Pussy Riot affair unfolded after the performance in the Cathedral and was

a reaction to where that performance took place Eastern Orthodoxy retains the idea which

originates in the New Testament that the church is not a public building as Pussy Riot

insisted during their trial but that it is the body of Christ and a theandric organism (both

God and human united) It can be compared to the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem where certain

rules of respect and reverence are to be observed Therefore the video outraged some

believers who claimed that it was a violation of their faith and a desecration of their

sanctuary A high-profile blogger articulated his trauma as

[ ] the main thing is that they not do this sort of thing in the churchmdashnot lift their legs

in such an obscene and filthy way in that wild dance of theirs not make faces wearing

their masks when at the ambomdashat that place held holy by all Orthodox believers to which

believers only raise their eyes with utmost piety (Pavel Danilin 2012)

Vehemently debated in the media and on blogs the performance elicited both

threats and praises for the performers as well as reprimanding statements from Orthodox

elders In March 2012 three group membersmdashNadezhda (Nadya) Tolokonnikova Maria

(Masha) Alyokhina and Ekaterina Samutsevichmdashwere arrested (two others remain

unknown) and convicted of hooliganism motivated by religious hatred and of offending

the right of believers to hold their rituals sentenced to two years in a prison colony The

case was taken up by Amnesty International as a political one At the trial the high point of

the defense was the claim that the act was a sincere prayer rather than a performance (Ekho

Moskvy 2012) or mockery However a prayer is defined as an invocation or act that seeks to

20 ELENA GAPOVA

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7

create a rapport with a deity and its addressee is God (or a saint) for which no video is

needed The video however indicated that the performance was meant for imagined

viewers or spectators whom the artists faced from the ambo and for whom they mixed their

clip As they admitted they needed an audience other than God ldquoFor us the ambo in the

Church of Christ the Saviour was a performance platformrdquo (Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012a) A

recent interview of Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina with David Remnick of The New Yorker

(2014) also focused on their performance in the Cathedral as an artistic act

In October 2012 Ekaterina Samutsevich was released following her appeal She is

currently suing the grouprsquos lawyers whom she accuses of manipulating the Pussy Riot

trade mark presenting her as a ldquolumpenrdquo figure during the trial and of other misdeeds

(Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012b) Nadezhda Tolokonnikova and Maria Alyokhina were

granted amnesty in December 2013 Upon their release the two announced that they

were taking up the cause of the rights of inmates in Russian prisons They visited the USA

in 2014 where they took part in a concert with Madonna performed on The Colbert

Report were filmed for a new episode of the political TV drama House of Cards and also

appeared in several commercial photo sessions (see Figure 1) The grouprsquos website also

declared that Nadya and Masha do not belong to the Pussy Riot group any more as they are

pursuing a new cause

Although an analysis of the religious side of the affair is outside the scope of this

paper it is important to understand at least some of the context In officially atheist Soviet

society faith was seen as a superstition but a semi-clandestine religious and mystical

tradition survived in intellectual milieus (not to mention in popular religiosity) For the

intelligentsia faith signified existential issues and meant addressing lifersquos big questions a la

Dostoyevsky and was often seen as a practice of resistance After socialism de-

secularization and the rise of religiosity became powerful trends in the region (Vyacheslav

FIGURE 1

Pussy Riotrsquos Nadya Tolokonnikova and Masha Alyokhina photographed in New York City in

2014 Photo from Vanity Fair httpwwwvanityfaircompolitics201407pussy-riot-nadya-

tolokonnikova-masha-alyokhina-photo (accessed June 17 2014)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 21

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t 201

7

Karpov 2010) However many believers embrace ldquopoor religionrdquo ie a particular type of

religiosity resulting from an internal conversion to faith that is not grounded in any formal

teachings or in following rituals (Mikhail Epstein 1996) For example ldquopoor believersrdquo view

an icon as a painting and not a holy object that may invoke a liminal mystical experience

they would argue that ldquoGod is in my heart I do not need a temple to believerdquo

When accused of denigrating faith Pussy Riot who later recognized the ethical

mistake of choosing the Cathedral for their act argued that they were believers and

respected religion as cultural heritage This civic religiosity is rejected by traditional

believers and thus the religious part of the division over Pussy Riot involved the nature of

contemporary faithmdashhow to believe ldquocorrectlyrdquo do rituals make one a believermdashand

Church authority Russian Orthodoxy which proudly claims to be the remaining ldquotrue

versionrdquo of Christianity also tries to address the challenges of post-modernity (in a way

similar to the Catholic Second Vatican Council of 1962ndash1965) and has worked out a rather

conservative social doctrine (Russian Orthodox Church Press Service 2005) Educated and

more cosmopolitan believers who seek to make sense of the globalized world embracing

social change new technologies religious diversity or sexuality disregard the doctrine and

even argue that ldquoOrthodoxy promotes backwardnessrdquo (Iryna Karatsuba 2011) This is a

charged assertion as historically faith has been seen as tied to ldquoRussiannessrdquo and has been

used to evoke ideas of the nation (Chris Chulos 2000 29) Thus in large part the controversy

over the punk prayer was about who had the authority to define the meaning of

ldquoRussiannessrdquo for the nation would it be global cosmopolitan ldquoperformersrdquo dancing at the

ambo or ldquothe people of Russiardquo During the trial the Church backed by the government

was able to mobilize its supporters in the provinces for a response to the act via so-called

ldquoanti-pussingsrdquo ie rallies ldquoin defense of Orthodox faithrdquo ldquoRussiannessrdquo and traditional

values (Elena Sineok 2012) Thus the division that emerged over Pussy Riot was not one

between believers and non-believers rather it was between different types of believers

and non-believers The case stirred up something fundamentalmdashthat which can be a line of

social division but which is not pinned down easily In short even if the affair started with

religion its scope is much broader

Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist(Mis)Understandings

From the very start feminism was in the foreground of the Pussy Riot affair and the

case raises important questions about the meaning of feminism The group had defined

their convictions as ldquofeminism resisting the institutions of law enforcement protecting

LGBT individuals promoting anti-Putinism and a radical decentralization of power saving

the Khimki forest near Moscow [from a new railroad] and moving the capital city of the

Russian Federation to Eastern Siberiardquo (Pussy Riot 2011) By listing feminism first including

LGBT issues calling on the Virgin Mary in their performance to become a feminist chanting

about gays who might be ldquosent to Siberia in shacklesrdquo and using an explicit name for the

female sex organ as a symbol of womenrsquos power and rebellion Pussy Riot sent a clear

message about their allegiances It was recognized immediately but only in the West One

reason why the affair was ldquopicked uprdquo with such vigor by Western media was its perfect fit

with the global media market and its use of recognizable ldquoglobalrdquo feminist imagery As The

New York times wrote

22 ELENA GAPOVA

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7

The name helps Itrsquos its own form of culture jam a savvy reference to feminist and musical

historymdashriot grrrl and Susie Bright as well as a wink to womenrsquos appropriation of sexual

agency and bodily power In other words it is specifically calibrated for the Western media

market (Melena Ryzik 2012)

The public in the post-Soviet region poorly versed in global feminism (more on this

below) was at a loss about the meaning of the protest although many felt that they were

made fun of A poll by theMoscow-based Levada Center revealed that 23 percent of Russians

thought that the performance targeted the Russian Orthodox Church and religious believers

in general 19 percent believed that the act was an anti-Putin one and another 19 percent

ldquocould not sayrdquo who or what the performance targeted (Levada Center 2012)

Not taken seriously initially the group was an object of gendered derision by the

liberal public A popular oppositional media project ldquoCitizen Poetrdquo (where classical Russian

poetry is used as commentary on contemporary issues) mocked the ldquoriot of the pussyrdquo

which was set against the ldquoriot of the dickrdquo (Dmitry Bykov 2012) The arrest of the group put

an end to all laughter but not to questioning their ideology Many members of the post-

Soviet feminist community were frustrated as they had no choice but to stand in support of

Pussy Riot while feeling at the same time that the group did not represent them and

might have been ldquoselling outrdquo feminism (Akulova 2013) For example a ldquoshout (krik) for the

salvation of women held in captivityrdquo was posted on the grouprsquos ldquocorporaterdquo blog (Pussy

Riot 2012) after the arrest and both its ldquoBiblicalrdquo wording and appeals to mercy for

womenndashmothers created some doubt as to whether the feminist stance was used and

dropped as needed The lawyers of the group based their campaign on conservative values

and on the rhetoric of ldquochildren missing their mothersrdquo (Akulova 2013) Ironically that logic

echoed the suggestion by liberal-minded priest Andrey Kuraev to pardon the group

members as silly girls Kuraev argued that since the punk-prayer took place during winter

celebrations it was a pointless prank The way for the Church to deal with it he insisted was

to invite ldquothe girlsrdquo for a traditional meal of blini to pinch them slightly in a fatherly way and

let them go (Andrei Kuraev 2012)

The suggestion greeted by a sympathetic liberal public to pinch young women as if

they were stuffed toys and a general mode of ldquowomen held in captivityrdquo are the signs of the

general depolitization of the case in Russian mainstream media (Bernstein 2013 222 224)

The young womenrsquos stand was not taken seriously the case was initially treated as a joke

and then as a human rights issue but hardly as an affirmation of feminist convictions and

identity politics Pussy Riot were supported by many liberals as ldquoanti-Putinistsrdquo rather than

feminists only a small portion recognized that they might have an autonomous voice and

were touching on important social issues One reason for this is how the concept of gender

equality which had been characteristic of socialism and still looms large in the region treats

the oppression of women

The Soviet understanding of gender equality was rooted in classical Marxism with

the oppression of women viewed as a ldquoby-productrdquo of class inequality as women produce

reproduce workers for capitalism there is an incentive to control their sexuality and

reproductive capacities and curtail their autonomy As women toil for men and for

capitalism at the same time gender equality requires integrating women into the paid

labor force to make them economically independent in the long run this should target

class oppression In line with this logic gender equality necessarily includes state supported

childcare access to abortion and healthcare paid maternityparental leaves and other

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 23

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7

benefits without which womenrsquos participation in the labor force is problematic (see Elena

Zdravomyslova and Anna Temkina 2004) All of these can only be provided through a

particular policy (of resource redistribution) and thus gender equality became a case for

socialism this also explains why women tend to vote for leftist parties more often than men

do With gender equality focused on welfare and maternal benefits ie on redistributive

justice ldquoto pinch or not to pinchrdquo was not on the agendamdashthe very conceptual framework

for dealing with the issue of recognition in a feminist way was missing

The system of views on gender inequality that was elaborated in the West by second-

wave feminists was more nuanced and highlighted (except in the case of Marxist feminists)

the concept of patriarchy rather than class According to this perspective the oppression of

women results from patriarchy (male domination) in all social domains from sexuality to

economics to which capitalism adds some important dimensions Patriarchy being almost

synonymous with culture (ie civilization) penetrates all social categories and institutions

such as language (which is not gender neutral) sexuality (with its ldquocompulsoryrdquo

heteronormativity the very basis of patriarchal power) domestic violence (an extension of

male domination) etc It is impossible to put an end to the system without deconstructing

its main social institutions and it is within this perspective that sexuality and LGBT issues

come to the core they are not only a matter of the individual rights of specific people but

an instrument for a broad social transformation through deconstructing patriarchal

heteronormativity (see Rosemary Tong [1989] 2008)

It is also of importance that the global perspective on gender started making its way

into the post-Soviet region with the disintegration of socialism the advent of the neoliberal

market and new forms of domination and exclusion when free childcare or paid maternity

leave became ldquoobstaclesrdquo to economic efficiency4 The new focus promoted by

international organizations operating in the region was on the rights of women as

independent individuals (who cannot be ldquopinchedrdquo) their representation autonomy

independent subjectivity and their rights to their bodies and sexuality ie the categories

that belong to a ldquobourgeoisrdquo concept of subjectivity This celebration of autonomous and

independent agents was mostly taking hold among educated urban women More

generally a new feminist agenda focusing on recognition rather than on redistribution to

follow Nancy Fraserrsquos conceptualization (1998) or the way it was interpreted in the post-

Soviet region did not get a wide support base because for many women (and men) it

became associated with economic inequality that followed the reforms of the 1990s (Elena

Gapova 2009) and was not presented through familiar concepts Recently in Russia and

Ukraine the very concept of ldquogenderrdquo and the organizations that promote it came under

conservative attack the concept has been interpreted as a ldquoWestern importrdquo perpetuated

by interested anti-patriotic groups (see for example Olena Hankivsky and Anastasiya

Salnykova 2012)

In this context Pussy Riot landed in an ambivalent situation they were appealing to

the issues of sexuality housework and language which had not been theorized in the

region as categories of social oppression outside of a narrow circle of scholars of gender

and some feminist activists The group tended to invoke ideas and meanings that mattered

for a Western audience because thatrsquos where they had been conceptualized as feminist

while in the post-Soviet region they became charged and often associated with global

capitalism Pussy Riot who insisted on the countercultural and anti-commercial bent of

their project were identified with ldquosuspiciousrdquo self-indulgent urban cosmopolitan elites

and the polemic around the case became a displaced reaction to social inequality

24 ELENA GAPOVA

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7

ldquoNew Classrdquo and New Media

In spring 2012 a BBC radio correspondent reporting on the gathering in front of the

Moscow court building where an interim decision regarding Pussy Riot was to be made

described the crowd there as ldquostylish young urbanitesrdquo (BBC Newshour 2012) They

answered his questions in fluent English which is an important asset in the quasi-

professional communities and networks of bloggers and journalists of new media

ldquocontemporaryrdquo artists computer enthusiasts web designers consultants musicians

popular scientists public intellectuals expert organizers and semi-professional human

rights feminist or ecological activists belonging to international activist networks (often

supported with international grant money) Studies of the 2012 protests in Moscow (eg

Dmitry Volkov 2012) tend to ignore a crucial aspect of the partial overlapping of two areas

through which these people come together and know each other These areas are political

events and the production and consumption of contemporary art sustained through

galleries exhibitions auctions ldquobohemianrdquo cafes and ldquobuzzrdquo in digital media The artistic

and organizational beginnings of Pussy Riot can be found in the actionist group Voina

(War) to which some of its members had belonged Members of this milieu often have a

recognizable habitus they tend to look ldquocoolrdquo follow a particular style of material and

cultural consumption (including music art-house movies books etc) and a way of life

They belong to a ldquonew classrdquo that makes the social base of Pussy Riot

The term ldquoclassrdquo can denote a particular social group and at the same time invoke

the principles according to which this group has been delineated Primarily the notion of

class implies economic divisions However the term may also invoke social divisions

privilege and exclusion based on non-economic forms of capital As a broad organizing

concept for theorizing a wide range of issues associated with social inequality and

differentiation class divisions after Bourdieu and others can be sustained through matters

of culture lifestyle and taste In other words people may not ldquoexplicitly recognize class

issues or identify with discrete class groupingsrdquo but class processes still operate on them

(Bottero 2004 989) and ldquolines of exclusionrdquo based on style taste knowledge and culture

are related in non-obvious ways to economic capitals and assets

This primer on class helps to make sense of social developments in the post-Soviet

region where a transition to capitalism resulted in economic divisions and a transition to

the global information age fundamentally changed the nature of employment With the

advent of the Internet new occupations as well as new patterns of employment came into

being besides freelance jobs outsourcing subcontracting and other forms of project-

based networking independent content production based on onersquos own resourcefulness

and making oneself interesting are the features of this fluid and precarious employment

environment The term ldquocreative classrdquo (kreakly) after Richard Floridarsquos The Rise of the

Creative Class (2002) started to be applied sometimes ironically to these communities

often sustained in globalized urban centers One could also think of these networks in

terms of a ldquonew classrdquo the members of this new class use intellectual cultural and

educational capitals to produce an income and sustain privilege (Lawrence King and Ivan

Zselenyi 2004)

The advent of the Internet which allows interpersonal interactions in the online

world has been important for sustaining new class communities of experts artists and

activists (Barry Wellman 1999) as social networking platforms (Facebook LiveJournal

Twitter as well as some Cyrillic platforms) provide a ldquomergerrdquo of social and commercial

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 25

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59 2

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7

activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash

offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and

activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the

community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and

economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important

for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner

who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo

movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and

visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist

networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo

oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation

belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this

intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line

between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters

become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as

one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while

she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy

Riot discourse on the Internet

Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their

resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members

of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it

and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through

their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-

gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation

charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be

legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-

FIGURE 2

LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo

from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)

26 ELENA GAPOVA

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59 2

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ugus

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7

capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion

industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological

networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and

employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release

from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows

and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)

Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by

the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and

commoditization intentions from the start

If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy

Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and

other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-

economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference

can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural

outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and

Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and

even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less

cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The

following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held

in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that

read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo

is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly

the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo

(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in

order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human

rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status

The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation

between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist

maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that

ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals

needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude

In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long

and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common

people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type

of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)

In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in

terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot

The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily

tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position

maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to

pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see

for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and

demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals

appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which

focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-

declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago

[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a

different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now

have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally

speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]

We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of

schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It

is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches

[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)

This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and

working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian

Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power

struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the

oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces

which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo

ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media

insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of

Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which

had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should

be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see

Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on

LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and

left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and

language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their

grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be

marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also

because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of

striking oil workers in Kazakhstan

Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to

access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers

(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have

sympathized

The same commentator also wrote

Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good

thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope

we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the

other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already

perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People

and Nature 2012)6

Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected

new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The

information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often

relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the

acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo

28 ELENA GAPOVA

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rsity

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19

59 2

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ugus

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7

Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age

Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a

cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action

often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization

that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new

social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed

so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound

social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the

1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic

and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of

organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci

1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as

seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of

society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought

to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding

the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of

resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity

autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of

the message

The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital

ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline

choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at

the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and

promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical

part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the

Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances

had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church

the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious

symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious

institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban

performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful

and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing

one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition

was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements

(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and

post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of

radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew

dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at

eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was

to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in

the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were

the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the

foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)

Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global

phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve

as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29

Dow

nloa

ded

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic

devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)

In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to

Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many

superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)

Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility

because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)

and forms of representation

Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo

that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of

contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media

of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have

become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative

and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst

1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous

and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures

In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in

politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing

social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more

importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and

power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo

(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo

writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world

where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash

intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the

same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking

place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or

shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when

Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos

1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience

As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on

smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images

get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in

the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is

important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a

ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The

first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary

culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with

which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social

networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third

trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing

that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov

the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in

August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the

trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New

York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and

Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot

30 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

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higa

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who

pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim

Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is

ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the

instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became

instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product

Conclusion

The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist

plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War

framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the

social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help

to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in

Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice

media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-

industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of

post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target

Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot

have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist

society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by

global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to

gender

The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it

demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not

ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods

And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the

delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with

instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments

are also part of global media capitalism

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their

comments

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author

NOTES

1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot

feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and

class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)

for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova

eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the

Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in

2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)

3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper

4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian

economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans

discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to

become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)

5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential

elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV

anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of

the general context (Vesti 2012)

6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were

used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four

according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the

participants (Wikipedia 2014c)

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Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications

AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in

Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and

Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press

BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor

Detroit MI

BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and

Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press

BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy

Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241

BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003

BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge

BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube

video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE

CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of

Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104

CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth

of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate

DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments

Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html

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Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

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nive

rsity

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19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class

Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton

184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell

ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524

Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww

youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ

EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply

Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb

rublogspussyriots5124php

EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]

Oktyabr 9 158ndash165

FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]

Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog

52030

FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova

Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww

fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml

FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure

Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books

FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition

and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson

vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press

GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo

[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki

7 (4) 465ndash484

GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe

Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)

Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794

GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of

Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom

reflections-on-receptions

HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine

Toronto Toronto University Press

HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media

New York Routledge

ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru

February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048

KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-

wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13

KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and

State 52 (2) 232ndash270

KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power

Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press

KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed

September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm

KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations

Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152

22286

KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014

httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html

LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]

Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww

levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot

MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor

MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New

Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113

MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York

Cambridge University Press

MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and

Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58

NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino

livejournalcom921808htmlcomments

NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo

[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14

Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html

PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers

toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809

support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot

livejournalcom15189html

RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi

Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]

Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html

RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh

institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http

wciomruratings-social-institutions

RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August

22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic

pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta

November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119

samutsevich

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us

the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17

2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en

SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica

connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-

riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958

SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31

Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html

34 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

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19

59 2

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7

TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what

nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014

httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo

THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18

2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot

TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House

TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO

Westview Press

TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins

of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512

VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15

million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww

vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720

VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty

Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]

Moscow Yury Levada Center

WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo

The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012

0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents

WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global

Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press

WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014

httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot

WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki

Jane_Fonda

WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki

Жанаозен

YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo

Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610

ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v

sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal

issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322

ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]

Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom

newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197

Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before

joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the

European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender

nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich

edu

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35

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7

  • Abstract
  • The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
  • Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
  • ``New Class and New Media
  • Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References

the swipe of state atheism in the 1930s and resurrected as a symbol of repentance for

Stalinrsquos crimes and a return to humanist (Christian) values in the 1990s The performersrsquo

attire of neon balaclavas tights and dresses and their ldquopunk aestheticrdquo were familiar to

those social media users who had seen online their previous performances in Moscowrsquos Red

Square and on top of a bus which had targeted Vladimir Putin with little effect The group

enjoyed modest recognition among young Russian urbanites2 Having approached the

ambo (altar) the most sacred spot of the church the girls jumped onto the platform in front

of it turned to the ldquopublicrdquo (represented by several elderly women and men praying

silently) took out their guitars and made an attempt to perform ie to chant their song to

dance and to imitate prayer In less than one minute they were stopped by Cathedral

security

Later the group uploaded a video of their ldquofullrdquo performance on the Internet in the

clip of more than two minutes Pussy Riot dance at the ambo of the Cathedral of Christ the

Savior facing their audience kick up their legs in the style of a cancan dance imitate prayer

with over-exaggerated low bows play guitars and chant their appeals to the Virgin Mary to

become a feminist and oust Putin and condemn Orthodox priests as KGB agents3 It was

then that Pussy Riot touched a nerve and the Cyrillic sector of cyberspace went wild over

the perceived provocation and symbolic violence At its height in 2012 the case became

truly global as commentators began comparing it to the historic Dreyfus affair The name

of the punk group if Googled yielded millions of links in dozens of languages and the

prison sentence for the group was allegedly reported by 86 percent of world media

(Wikipedia 2014a)

Interpreted by Western media as a human rights issue the cause of Pussy Riot was

supported by celebrities like Madonna and Sir Paul McCartney and by millions of Internet

users who ldquolikedrdquo respective posts in social media and some even rallied in the streets of

global capitals in colorful balaclavas to protest the bandrsquos imprisonment The public in

Russia and the post-Soviet region however was divided the act celebrated by some as

free speech was viewed by others as violent hate speech In contrast to the ldquoHanoi Janerdquo

controversy which took place in the era of traditional media the Pussy Riot affair unfolded

in the age of the Internet and social media which restructure audiences social movements

political participation and modes of expression

The literature on the Pussy Riot affair is extensive (eg Vera Akulova 2013 Anya

Bernstein 2013 Yulia Gradskova Irina Sandomirskaia and Nadezda Petrusenko 2013

Ekaterina Kolesova 2013 Polly McMichael 2013 Marina Yusupova 2014) However there has

not been a sociological reading of the case as an example of new media activism belonging

to the new social movements of the digital era Post-industrial and post-Soviet social

divisions that the controversy over Pussy Riot revealed have not been adequately analyzed

either Thus the intention of this essay is to contribute by focusing on the Pussy Riot affair

to scholarly conversations on new media activism post-socialist feminist debates and

social divisions of the information age This essay argues that being overtly intertwined

with religion feminism and activist art the performance of Pussy Riot in the Cathedral

provoked a reaction that revealed an important contention in social relations in

contemporary Russia It exposed a watershed between a creative or new class of urban

intellectuals and globally connected elites whose life options are immersed in the

technological economic and cultural transformations of the informationdigital economy

and whose goals embrace visibility autonomy and self-expression and on the other hand

the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in a more material economy and lifestyle Their ldquowrathrdquo at post-

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 19

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7

socialist economic inequalities translated into a rejection of Pussy Riot whose protest

centered around non-traditional issues and cultural codes and who became identified with

global capitalism In other words I argue that in the post-Soviet context the Pussy Riot

controversy which is often interpreted in the West in feminist terms was also a displaced

conversation about class relations and subjectivities in a media-saturated information

society

The analytical perspective of this essay draws on current theorizing of class cultures

(Wendy Bottero 2004 Pierre Bourdieu 1984) media activism (William Carroll and Robert

Hackett 2006 Virag Molnar 2013 Fred Turner 2005) and new social movements (Alberto

Melucci 1996) in information society I also make use of feminist theories to explore the

treatment of gender and its intersection with class in the post-Soviet region The material

for my analysis comes from discussions of the Pussy Riot affair that have been going on

since the performance in the Cathedral in 2012 in various kinds of media print and

electronic media social networking platforms and blogs My data include predominantly

Russian-language sources interviews and shows with Pussy Riot articles about them their

own statements posts on blogs and commentary threads as well as cartoons and posters

some factual information was retrieved from international sources These utterances make

up a discourse and this essay offers a close reading of the polemic around the Pussy Riot

affair and seeks to uncover the social relations and subjectivities from which it originates

The next section of the paper offers a brief contextualization of the Pussy Riot affair

Following that the argument unfolds in three separate sections which explore the feminist

class and media aspects of the affair respectively

The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath

Much of the Pussy Riot affair unfolded after the performance in the Cathedral and was

a reaction to where that performance took place Eastern Orthodoxy retains the idea which

originates in the New Testament that the church is not a public building as Pussy Riot

insisted during their trial but that it is the body of Christ and a theandric organism (both

God and human united) It can be compared to the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem where certain

rules of respect and reverence are to be observed Therefore the video outraged some

believers who claimed that it was a violation of their faith and a desecration of their

sanctuary A high-profile blogger articulated his trauma as

[ ] the main thing is that they not do this sort of thing in the churchmdashnot lift their legs

in such an obscene and filthy way in that wild dance of theirs not make faces wearing

their masks when at the ambomdashat that place held holy by all Orthodox believers to which

believers only raise their eyes with utmost piety (Pavel Danilin 2012)

Vehemently debated in the media and on blogs the performance elicited both

threats and praises for the performers as well as reprimanding statements from Orthodox

elders In March 2012 three group membersmdashNadezhda (Nadya) Tolokonnikova Maria

(Masha) Alyokhina and Ekaterina Samutsevichmdashwere arrested (two others remain

unknown) and convicted of hooliganism motivated by religious hatred and of offending

the right of believers to hold their rituals sentenced to two years in a prison colony The

case was taken up by Amnesty International as a political one At the trial the high point of

the defense was the claim that the act was a sincere prayer rather than a performance (Ekho

Moskvy 2012) or mockery However a prayer is defined as an invocation or act that seeks to

20 ELENA GAPOVA

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7

create a rapport with a deity and its addressee is God (or a saint) for which no video is

needed The video however indicated that the performance was meant for imagined

viewers or spectators whom the artists faced from the ambo and for whom they mixed their

clip As they admitted they needed an audience other than God ldquoFor us the ambo in the

Church of Christ the Saviour was a performance platformrdquo (Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012a) A

recent interview of Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina with David Remnick of The New Yorker

(2014) also focused on their performance in the Cathedral as an artistic act

In October 2012 Ekaterina Samutsevich was released following her appeal She is

currently suing the grouprsquos lawyers whom she accuses of manipulating the Pussy Riot

trade mark presenting her as a ldquolumpenrdquo figure during the trial and of other misdeeds

(Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012b) Nadezhda Tolokonnikova and Maria Alyokhina were

granted amnesty in December 2013 Upon their release the two announced that they

were taking up the cause of the rights of inmates in Russian prisons They visited the USA

in 2014 where they took part in a concert with Madonna performed on The Colbert

Report were filmed for a new episode of the political TV drama House of Cards and also

appeared in several commercial photo sessions (see Figure 1) The grouprsquos website also

declared that Nadya and Masha do not belong to the Pussy Riot group any more as they are

pursuing a new cause

Although an analysis of the religious side of the affair is outside the scope of this

paper it is important to understand at least some of the context In officially atheist Soviet

society faith was seen as a superstition but a semi-clandestine religious and mystical

tradition survived in intellectual milieus (not to mention in popular religiosity) For the

intelligentsia faith signified existential issues and meant addressing lifersquos big questions a la

Dostoyevsky and was often seen as a practice of resistance After socialism de-

secularization and the rise of religiosity became powerful trends in the region (Vyacheslav

FIGURE 1

Pussy Riotrsquos Nadya Tolokonnikova and Masha Alyokhina photographed in New York City in

2014 Photo from Vanity Fair httpwwwvanityfaircompolitics201407pussy-riot-nadya-

tolokonnikova-masha-alyokhina-photo (accessed June 17 2014)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 21

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7

Karpov 2010) However many believers embrace ldquopoor religionrdquo ie a particular type of

religiosity resulting from an internal conversion to faith that is not grounded in any formal

teachings or in following rituals (Mikhail Epstein 1996) For example ldquopoor believersrdquo view

an icon as a painting and not a holy object that may invoke a liminal mystical experience

they would argue that ldquoGod is in my heart I do not need a temple to believerdquo

When accused of denigrating faith Pussy Riot who later recognized the ethical

mistake of choosing the Cathedral for their act argued that they were believers and

respected religion as cultural heritage This civic religiosity is rejected by traditional

believers and thus the religious part of the division over Pussy Riot involved the nature of

contemporary faithmdashhow to believe ldquocorrectlyrdquo do rituals make one a believermdashand

Church authority Russian Orthodoxy which proudly claims to be the remaining ldquotrue

versionrdquo of Christianity also tries to address the challenges of post-modernity (in a way

similar to the Catholic Second Vatican Council of 1962ndash1965) and has worked out a rather

conservative social doctrine (Russian Orthodox Church Press Service 2005) Educated and

more cosmopolitan believers who seek to make sense of the globalized world embracing

social change new technologies religious diversity or sexuality disregard the doctrine and

even argue that ldquoOrthodoxy promotes backwardnessrdquo (Iryna Karatsuba 2011) This is a

charged assertion as historically faith has been seen as tied to ldquoRussiannessrdquo and has been

used to evoke ideas of the nation (Chris Chulos 2000 29) Thus in large part the controversy

over the punk prayer was about who had the authority to define the meaning of

ldquoRussiannessrdquo for the nation would it be global cosmopolitan ldquoperformersrdquo dancing at the

ambo or ldquothe people of Russiardquo During the trial the Church backed by the government

was able to mobilize its supporters in the provinces for a response to the act via so-called

ldquoanti-pussingsrdquo ie rallies ldquoin defense of Orthodox faithrdquo ldquoRussiannessrdquo and traditional

values (Elena Sineok 2012) Thus the division that emerged over Pussy Riot was not one

between believers and non-believers rather it was between different types of believers

and non-believers The case stirred up something fundamentalmdashthat which can be a line of

social division but which is not pinned down easily In short even if the affair started with

religion its scope is much broader

Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist(Mis)Understandings

From the very start feminism was in the foreground of the Pussy Riot affair and the

case raises important questions about the meaning of feminism The group had defined

their convictions as ldquofeminism resisting the institutions of law enforcement protecting

LGBT individuals promoting anti-Putinism and a radical decentralization of power saving

the Khimki forest near Moscow [from a new railroad] and moving the capital city of the

Russian Federation to Eastern Siberiardquo (Pussy Riot 2011) By listing feminism first including

LGBT issues calling on the Virgin Mary in their performance to become a feminist chanting

about gays who might be ldquosent to Siberia in shacklesrdquo and using an explicit name for the

female sex organ as a symbol of womenrsquos power and rebellion Pussy Riot sent a clear

message about their allegiances It was recognized immediately but only in the West One

reason why the affair was ldquopicked uprdquo with such vigor by Western media was its perfect fit

with the global media market and its use of recognizable ldquoglobalrdquo feminist imagery As The

New York times wrote

22 ELENA GAPOVA

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The name helps Itrsquos its own form of culture jam a savvy reference to feminist and musical

historymdashriot grrrl and Susie Bright as well as a wink to womenrsquos appropriation of sexual

agency and bodily power In other words it is specifically calibrated for the Western media

market (Melena Ryzik 2012)

The public in the post-Soviet region poorly versed in global feminism (more on this

below) was at a loss about the meaning of the protest although many felt that they were

made fun of A poll by theMoscow-based Levada Center revealed that 23 percent of Russians

thought that the performance targeted the Russian Orthodox Church and religious believers

in general 19 percent believed that the act was an anti-Putin one and another 19 percent

ldquocould not sayrdquo who or what the performance targeted (Levada Center 2012)

Not taken seriously initially the group was an object of gendered derision by the

liberal public A popular oppositional media project ldquoCitizen Poetrdquo (where classical Russian

poetry is used as commentary on contemporary issues) mocked the ldquoriot of the pussyrdquo

which was set against the ldquoriot of the dickrdquo (Dmitry Bykov 2012) The arrest of the group put

an end to all laughter but not to questioning their ideology Many members of the post-

Soviet feminist community were frustrated as they had no choice but to stand in support of

Pussy Riot while feeling at the same time that the group did not represent them and

might have been ldquoselling outrdquo feminism (Akulova 2013) For example a ldquoshout (krik) for the

salvation of women held in captivityrdquo was posted on the grouprsquos ldquocorporaterdquo blog (Pussy

Riot 2012) after the arrest and both its ldquoBiblicalrdquo wording and appeals to mercy for

womenndashmothers created some doubt as to whether the feminist stance was used and

dropped as needed The lawyers of the group based their campaign on conservative values

and on the rhetoric of ldquochildren missing their mothersrdquo (Akulova 2013) Ironically that logic

echoed the suggestion by liberal-minded priest Andrey Kuraev to pardon the group

members as silly girls Kuraev argued that since the punk-prayer took place during winter

celebrations it was a pointless prank The way for the Church to deal with it he insisted was

to invite ldquothe girlsrdquo for a traditional meal of blini to pinch them slightly in a fatherly way and

let them go (Andrei Kuraev 2012)

The suggestion greeted by a sympathetic liberal public to pinch young women as if

they were stuffed toys and a general mode of ldquowomen held in captivityrdquo are the signs of the

general depolitization of the case in Russian mainstream media (Bernstein 2013 222 224)

The young womenrsquos stand was not taken seriously the case was initially treated as a joke

and then as a human rights issue but hardly as an affirmation of feminist convictions and

identity politics Pussy Riot were supported by many liberals as ldquoanti-Putinistsrdquo rather than

feminists only a small portion recognized that they might have an autonomous voice and

were touching on important social issues One reason for this is how the concept of gender

equality which had been characteristic of socialism and still looms large in the region treats

the oppression of women

The Soviet understanding of gender equality was rooted in classical Marxism with

the oppression of women viewed as a ldquoby-productrdquo of class inequality as women produce

reproduce workers for capitalism there is an incentive to control their sexuality and

reproductive capacities and curtail their autonomy As women toil for men and for

capitalism at the same time gender equality requires integrating women into the paid

labor force to make them economically independent in the long run this should target

class oppression In line with this logic gender equality necessarily includes state supported

childcare access to abortion and healthcare paid maternityparental leaves and other

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 23

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7

benefits without which womenrsquos participation in the labor force is problematic (see Elena

Zdravomyslova and Anna Temkina 2004) All of these can only be provided through a

particular policy (of resource redistribution) and thus gender equality became a case for

socialism this also explains why women tend to vote for leftist parties more often than men

do With gender equality focused on welfare and maternal benefits ie on redistributive

justice ldquoto pinch or not to pinchrdquo was not on the agendamdashthe very conceptual framework

for dealing with the issue of recognition in a feminist way was missing

The system of views on gender inequality that was elaborated in the West by second-

wave feminists was more nuanced and highlighted (except in the case of Marxist feminists)

the concept of patriarchy rather than class According to this perspective the oppression of

women results from patriarchy (male domination) in all social domains from sexuality to

economics to which capitalism adds some important dimensions Patriarchy being almost

synonymous with culture (ie civilization) penetrates all social categories and institutions

such as language (which is not gender neutral) sexuality (with its ldquocompulsoryrdquo

heteronormativity the very basis of patriarchal power) domestic violence (an extension of

male domination) etc It is impossible to put an end to the system without deconstructing

its main social institutions and it is within this perspective that sexuality and LGBT issues

come to the core they are not only a matter of the individual rights of specific people but

an instrument for a broad social transformation through deconstructing patriarchal

heteronormativity (see Rosemary Tong [1989] 2008)

It is also of importance that the global perspective on gender started making its way

into the post-Soviet region with the disintegration of socialism the advent of the neoliberal

market and new forms of domination and exclusion when free childcare or paid maternity

leave became ldquoobstaclesrdquo to economic efficiency4 The new focus promoted by

international organizations operating in the region was on the rights of women as

independent individuals (who cannot be ldquopinchedrdquo) their representation autonomy

independent subjectivity and their rights to their bodies and sexuality ie the categories

that belong to a ldquobourgeoisrdquo concept of subjectivity This celebration of autonomous and

independent agents was mostly taking hold among educated urban women More

generally a new feminist agenda focusing on recognition rather than on redistribution to

follow Nancy Fraserrsquos conceptualization (1998) or the way it was interpreted in the post-

Soviet region did not get a wide support base because for many women (and men) it

became associated with economic inequality that followed the reforms of the 1990s (Elena

Gapova 2009) and was not presented through familiar concepts Recently in Russia and

Ukraine the very concept of ldquogenderrdquo and the organizations that promote it came under

conservative attack the concept has been interpreted as a ldquoWestern importrdquo perpetuated

by interested anti-patriotic groups (see for example Olena Hankivsky and Anastasiya

Salnykova 2012)

In this context Pussy Riot landed in an ambivalent situation they were appealing to

the issues of sexuality housework and language which had not been theorized in the

region as categories of social oppression outside of a narrow circle of scholars of gender

and some feminist activists The group tended to invoke ideas and meanings that mattered

for a Western audience because thatrsquos where they had been conceptualized as feminist

while in the post-Soviet region they became charged and often associated with global

capitalism Pussy Riot who insisted on the countercultural and anti-commercial bent of

their project were identified with ldquosuspiciousrdquo self-indulgent urban cosmopolitan elites

and the polemic around the case became a displaced reaction to social inequality

24 ELENA GAPOVA

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rsity

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19

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7

ldquoNew Classrdquo and New Media

In spring 2012 a BBC radio correspondent reporting on the gathering in front of the

Moscow court building where an interim decision regarding Pussy Riot was to be made

described the crowd there as ldquostylish young urbanitesrdquo (BBC Newshour 2012) They

answered his questions in fluent English which is an important asset in the quasi-

professional communities and networks of bloggers and journalists of new media

ldquocontemporaryrdquo artists computer enthusiasts web designers consultants musicians

popular scientists public intellectuals expert organizers and semi-professional human

rights feminist or ecological activists belonging to international activist networks (often

supported with international grant money) Studies of the 2012 protests in Moscow (eg

Dmitry Volkov 2012) tend to ignore a crucial aspect of the partial overlapping of two areas

through which these people come together and know each other These areas are political

events and the production and consumption of contemporary art sustained through

galleries exhibitions auctions ldquobohemianrdquo cafes and ldquobuzzrdquo in digital media The artistic

and organizational beginnings of Pussy Riot can be found in the actionist group Voina

(War) to which some of its members had belonged Members of this milieu often have a

recognizable habitus they tend to look ldquocoolrdquo follow a particular style of material and

cultural consumption (including music art-house movies books etc) and a way of life

They belong to a ldquonew classrdquo that makes the social base of Pussy Riot

The term ldquoclassrdquo can denote a particular social group and at the same time invoke

the principles according to which this group has been delineated Primarily the notion of

class implies economic divisions However the term may also invoke social divisions

privilege and exclusion based on non-economic forms of capital As a broad organizing

concept for theorizing a wide range of issues associated with social inequality and

differentiation class divisions after Bourdieu and others can be sustained through matters

of culture lifestyle and taste In other words people may not ldquoexplicitly recognize class

issues or identify with discrete class groupingsrdquo but class processes still operate on them

(Bottero 2004 989) and ldquolines of exclusionrdquo based on style taste knowledge and culture

are related in non-obvious ways to economic capitals and assets

This primer on class helps to make sense of social developments in the post-Soviet

region where a transition to capitalism resulted in economic divisions and a transition to

the global information age fundamentally changed the nature of employment With the

advent of the Internet new occupations as well as new patterns of employment came into

being besides freelance jobs outsourcing subcontracting and other forms of project-

based networking independent content production based on onersquos own resourcefulness

and making oneself interesting are the features of this fluid and precarious employment

environment The term ldquocreative classrdquo (kreakly) after Richard Floridarsquos The Rise of the

Creative Class (2002) started to be applied sometimes ironically to these communities

often sustained in globalized urban centers One could also think of these networks in

terms of a ldquonew classrdquo the members of this new class use intellectual cultural and

educational capitals to produce an income and sustain privilege (Lawrence King and Ivan

Zselenyi 2004)

The advent of the Internet which allows interpersonal interactions in the online

world has been important for sustaining new class communities of experts artists and

activists (Barry Wellman 1999) as social networking platforms (Facebook LiveJournal

Twitter as well as some Cyrillic platforms) provide a ldquomergerrdquo of social and commercial

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 25

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59 2

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7

activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash

offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and

activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the

community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and

economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important

for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner

who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo

movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and

visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist

networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo

oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation

belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this

intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line

between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters

become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as

one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while

she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy

Riot discourse on the Internet

Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their

resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members

of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it

and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through

their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-

gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation

charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be

legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-

FIGURE 2

LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo

from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)

26 ELENA GAPOVA

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59 2

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ugus

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7

capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion

industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological

networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and

employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release

from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows

and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)

Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by

the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and

commoditization intentions from the start

If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy

Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and

other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-

economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference

can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural

outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and

Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and

even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less

cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The

following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held

in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that

read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo

is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly

the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo

(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in

order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human

rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status

The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation

between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist

maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that

ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals

needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude

In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long

and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common

people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type

of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)

In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in

terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot

The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily

tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position

maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to

pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see

for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and

demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals

appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which

focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-

declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago

[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a

different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now

have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally

speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]

We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of

schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It

is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches

[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)

This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and

working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian

Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power

struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the

oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces

which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo

ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media

insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of

Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which

had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should

be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see

Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on

LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and

left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and

language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their

grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be

marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also

because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of

striking oil workers in Kazakhstan

Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to

access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers

(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have

sympathized

The same commentator also wrote

Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good

thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope

we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the

other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already

perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People

and Nature 2012)6

Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected

new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The

information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often

relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the

acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo

28 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

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ugus

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7

Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age

Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a

cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action

often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization

that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new

social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed

so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound

social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the

1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic

and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of

organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci

1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as

seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of

society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought

to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding

the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of

resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity

autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of

the message

The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital

ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline

choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at

the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and

promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical

part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the

Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances

had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church

the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious

symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious

institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban

performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful

and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing

one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition

was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements

(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and

post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of

radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew

dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at

eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was

to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in

the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were

the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the

foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)

Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global

phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve

as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic

devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)

In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to

Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many

superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)

Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility

because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)

and forms of representation

Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo

that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of

contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media

of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have

become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative

and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst

1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous

and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures

In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in

politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing

social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more

importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and

power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo

(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo

writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world

where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash

intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the

same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking

place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or

shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when

Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos

1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience

As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on

smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images

get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in

the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is

important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a

ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The

first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary

culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with

which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social

networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third

trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing

that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov

the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in

August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the

trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New

York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and

Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot

30 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who

pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim

Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is

ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the

instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became

instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product

Conclusion

The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist

plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War

framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the

social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help

to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in

Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice

media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-

industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of

post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target

Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot

have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist

society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by

global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to

gender

The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it

demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not

ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods

And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the

delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with

instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments

are also part of global media capitalism

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their

comments

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author

NOTES

1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot

feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and

class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)

for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova

eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the

Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in

2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)

3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper

4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian

economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans

discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to

become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)

5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential

elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV

anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of

the general context (Vesti 2012)

6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were

used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four

according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the

participants (Wikipedia 2014c)

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Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications

AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in

Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and

Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press

BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor

Detroit MI

BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and

Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press

BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy

Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241

BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003

BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge

BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube

video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE

CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of

Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104

CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth

of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate

DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments

Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html

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Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

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nive

rsity

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19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class

Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton

184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell

ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524

Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww

youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ

EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply

Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb

rublogspussyriots5124php

EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]

Oktyabr 9 158ndash165

FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]

Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog

52030

FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova

Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww

fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml

FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure

Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books

FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition

and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson

vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press

GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo

[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki

7 (4) 465ndash484

GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe

Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)

Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794

GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of

Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom

reflections-on-receptions

HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine

Toronto Toronto University Press

HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media

New York Routledge

ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru

February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048

KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-

wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13

KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and

State 52 (2) 232ndash270

KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power

Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press

KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed

September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm

KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations

Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152

22286

KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014

httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html

LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]

Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww

levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot

MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor

MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New

Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113

MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York

Cambridge University Press

MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and

Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58

NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino

livejournalcom921808htmlcomments

NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo

[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14

Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html

PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers

toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809

support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot

livejournalcom15189html

RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi

Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]

Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html

RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh

institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http

wciomruratings-social-institutions

RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August

22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic

pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta

November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119

samutsevich

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us

the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17

2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en

SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica

connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-

riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958

SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31

Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html

34 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what

nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014

httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo

THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18

2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot

TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House

TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO

Westview Press

TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins

of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512

VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15

million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww

vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720

VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty

Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]

Moscow Yury Levada Center

WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo

The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012

0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents

WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global

Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press

WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014

httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot

WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki

Jane_Fonda

WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki

Жанаозен

YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo

Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610

ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v

sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal

issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322

ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]

Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom

newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197

Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before

joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the

European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender

nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich

edu

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35

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7

  • Abstract
  • The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
  • Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
  • ``New Class and New Media
  • Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References

socialist economic inequalities translated into a rejection of Pussy Riot whose protest

centered around non-traditional issues and cultural codes and who became identified with

global capitalism In other words I argue that in the post-Soviet context the Pussy Riot

controversy which is often interpreted in the West in feminist terms was also a displaced

conversation about class relations and subjectivities in a media-saturated information

society

The analytical perspective of this essay draws on current theorizing of class cultures

(Wendy Bottero 2004 Pierre Bourdieu 1984) media activism (William Carroll and Robert

Hackett 2006 Virag Molnar 2013 Fred Turner 2005) and new social movements (Alberto

Melucci 1996) in information society I also make use of feminist theories to explore the

treatment of gender and its intersection with class in the post-Soviet region The material

for my analysis comes from discussions of the Pussy Riot affair that have been going on

since the performance in the Cathedral in 2012 in various kinds of media print and

electronic media social networking platforms and blogs My data include predominantly

Russian-language sources interviews and shows with Pussy Riot articles about them their

own statements posts on blogs and commentary threads as well as cartoons and posters

some factual information was retrieved from international sources These utterances make

up a discourse and this essay offers a close reading of the polemic around the Pussy Riot

affair and seeks to uncover the social relations and subjectivities from which it originates

The next section of the paper offers a brief contextualization of the Pussy Riot affair

Following that the argument unfolds in three separate sections which explore the feminist

class and media aspects of the affair respectively

The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath

Much of the Pussy Riot affair unfolded after the performance in the Cathedral and was

a reaction to where that performance took place Eastern Orthodoxy retains the idea which

originates in the New Testament that the church is not a public building as Pussy Riot

insisted during their trial but that it is the body of Christ and a theandric organism (both

God and human united) It can be compared to the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem where certain

rules of respect and reverence are to be observed Therefore the video outraged some

believers who claimed that it was a violation of their faith and a desecration of their

sanctuary A high-profile blogger articulated his trauma as

[ ] the main thing is that they not do this sort of thing in the churchmdashnot lift their legs

in such an obscene and filthy way in that wild dance of theirs not make faces wearing

their masks when at the ambomdashat that place held holy by all Orthodox believers to which

believers only raise their eyes with utmost piety (Pavel Danilin 2012)

Vehemently debated in the media and on blogs the performance elicited both

threats and praises for the performers as well as reprimanding statements from Orthodox

elders In March 2012 three group membersmdashNadezhda (Nadya) Tolokonnikova Maria

(Masha) Alyokhina and Ekaterina Samutsevichmdashwere arrested (two others remain

unknown) and convicted of hooliganism motivated by religious hatred and of offending

the right of believers to hold their rituals sentenced to two years in a prison colony The

case was taken up by Amnesty International as a political one At the trial the high point of

the defense was the claim that the act was a sincere prayer rather than a performance (Ekho

Moskvy 2012) or mockery However a prayer is defined as an invocation or act that seeks to

20 ELENA GAPOVA

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7

create a rapport with a deity and its addressee is God (or a saint) for which no video is

needed The video however indicated that the performance was meant for imagined

viewers or spectators whom the artists faced from the ambo and for whom they mixed their

clip As they admitted they needed an audience other than God ldquoFor us the ambo in the

Church of Christ the Saviour was a performance platformrdquo (Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012a) A

recent interview of Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina with David Remnick of The New Yorker

(2014) also focused on their performance in the Cathedral as an artistic act

In October 2012 Ekaterina Samutsevich was released following her appeal She is

currently suing the grouprsquos lawyers whom she accuses of manipulating the Pussy Riot

trade mark presenting her as a ldquolumpenrdquo figure during the trial and of other misdeeds

(Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012b) Nadezhda Tolokonnikova and Maria Alyokhina were

granted amnesty in December 2013 Upon their release the two announced that they

were taking up the cause of the rights of inmates in Russian prisons They visited the USA

in 2014 where they took part in a concert with Madonna performed on The Colbert

Report were filmed for a new episode of the political TV drama House of Cards and also

appeared in several commercial photo sessions (see Figure 1) The grouprsquos website also

declared that Nadya and Masha do not belong to the Pussy Riot group any more as they are

pursuing a new cause

Although an analysis of the religious side of the affair is outside the scope of this

paper it is important to understand at least some of the context In officially atheist Soviet

society faith was seen as a superstition but a semi-clandestine religious and mystical

tradition survived in intellectual milieus (not to mention in popular religiosity) For the

intelligentsia faith signified existential issues and meant addressing lifersquos big questions a la

Dostoyevsky and was often seen as a practice of resistance After socialism de-

secularization and the rise of religiosity became powerful trends in the region (Vyacheslav

FIGURE 1

Pussy Riotrsquos Nadya Tolokonnikova and Masha Alyokhina photographed in New York City in

2014 Photo from Vanity Fair httpwwwvanityfaircompolitics201407pussy-riot-nadya-

tolokonnikova-masha-alyokhina-photo (accessed June 17 2014)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 21

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7

Karpov 2010) However many believers embrace ldquopoor religionrdquo ie a particular type of

religiosity resulting from an internal conversion to faith that is not grounded in any formal

teachings or in following rituals (Mikhail Epstein 1996) For example ldquopoor believersrdquo view

an icon as a painting and not a holy object that may invoke a liminal mystical experience

they would argue that ldquoGod is in my heart I do not need a temple to believerdquo

When accused of denigrating faith Pussy Riot who later recognized the ethical

mistake of choosing the Cathedral for their act argued that they were believers and

respected religion as cultural heritage This civic religiosity is rejected by traditional

believers and thus the religious part of the division over Pussy Riot involved the nature of

contemporary faithmdashhow to believe ldquocorrectlyrdquo do rituals make one a believermdashand

Church authority Russian Orthodoxy which proudly claims to be the remaining ldquotrue

versionrdquo of Christianity also tries to address the challenges of post-modernity (in a way

similar to the Catholic Second Vatican Council of 1962ndash1965) and has worked out a rather

conservative social doctrine (Russian Orthodox Church Press Service 2005) Educated and

more cosmopolitan believers who seek to make sense of the globalized world embracing

social change new technologies religious diversity or sexuality disregard the doctrine and

even argue that ldquoOrthodoxy promotes backwardnessrdquo (Iryna Karatsuba 2011) This is a

charged assertion as historically faith has been seen as tied to ldquoRussiannessrdquo and has been

used to evoke ideas of the nation (Chris Chulos 2000 29) Thus in large part the controversy

over the punk prayer was about who had the authority to define the meaning of

ldquoRussiannessrdquo for the nation would it be global cosmopolitan ldquoperformersrdquo dancing at the

ambo or ldquothe people of Russiardquo During the trial the Church backed by the government

was able to mobilize its supporters in the provinces for a response to the act via so-called

ldquoanti-pussingsrdquo ie rallies ldquoin defense of Orthodox faithrdquo ldquoRussiannessrdquo and traditional

values (Elena Sineok 2012) Thus the division that emerged over Pussy Riot was not one

between believers and non-believers rather it was between different types of believers

and non-believers The case stirred up something fundamentalmdashthat which can be a line of

social division but which is not pinned down easily In short even if the affair started with

religion its scope is much broader

Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist(Mis)Understandings

From the very start feminism was in the foreground of the Pussy Riot affair and the

case raises important questions about the meaning of feminism The group had defined

their convictions as ldquofeminism resisting the institutions of law enforcement protecting

LGBT individuals promoting anti-Putinism and a radical decentralization of power saving

the Khimki forest near Moscow [from a new railroad] and moving the capital city of the

Russian Federation to Eastern Siberiardquo (Pussy Riot 2011) By listing feminism first including

LGBT issues calling on the Virgin Mary in their performance to become a feminist chanting

about gays who might be ldquosent to Siberia in shacklesrdquo and using an explicit name for the

female sex organ as a symbol of womenrsquos power and rebellion Pussy Riot sent a clear

message about their allegiances It was recognized immediately but only in the West One

reason why the affair was ldquopicked uprdquo with such vigor by Western media was its perfect fit

with the global media market and its use of recognizable ldquoglobalrdquo feminist imagery As The

New York times wrote

22 ELENA GAPOVA

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7

The name helps Itrsquos its own form of culture jam a savvy reference to feminist and musical

historymdashriot grrrl and Susie Bright as well as a wink to womenrsquos appropriation of sexual

agency and bodily power In other words it is specifically calibrated for the Western media

market (Melena Ryzik 2012)

The public in the post-Soviet region poorly versed in global feminism (more on this

below) was at a loss about the meaning of the protest although many felt that they were

made fun of A poll by theMoscow-based Levada Center revealed that 23 percent of Russians

thought that the performance targeted the Russian Orthodox Church and religious believers

in general 19 percent believed that the act was an anti-Putin one and another 19 percent

ldquocould not sayrdquo who or what the performance targeted (Levada Center 2012)

Not taken seriously initially the group was an object of gendered derision by the

liberal public A popular oppositional media project ldquoCitizen Poetrdquo (where classical Russian

poetry is used as commentary on contemporary issues) mocked the ldquoriot of the pussyrdquo

which was set against the ldquoriot of the dickrdquo (Dmitry Bykov 2012) The arrest of the group put

an end to all laughter but not to questioning their ideology Many members of the post-

Soviet feminist community were frustrated as they had no choice but to stand in support of

Pussy Riot while feeling at the same time that the group did not represent them and

might have been ldquoselling outrdquo feminism (Akulova 2013) For example a ldquoshout (krik) for the

salvation of women held in captivityrdquo was posted on the grouprsquos ldquocorporaterdquo blog (Pussy

Riot 2012) after the arrest and both its ldquoBiblicalrdquo wording and appeals to mercy for

womenndashmothers created some doubt as to whether the feminist stance was used and

dropped as needed The lawyers of the group based their campaign on conservative values

and on the rhetoric of ldquochildren missing their mothersrdquo (Akulova 2013) Ironically that logic

echoed the suggestion by liberal-minded priest Andrey Kuraev to pardon the group

members as silly girls Kuraev argued that since the punk-prayer took place during winter

celebrations it was a pointless prank The way for the Church to deal with it he insisted was

to invite ldquothe girlsrdquo for a traditional meal of blini to pinch them slightly in a fatherly way and

let them go (Andrei Kuraev 2012)

The suggestion greeted by a sympathetic liberal public to pinch young women as if

they were stuffed toys and a general mode of ldquowomen held in captivityrdquo are the signs of the

general depolitization of the case in Russian mainstream media (Bernstein 2013 222 224)

The young womenrsquos stand was not taken seriously the case was initially treated as a joke

and then as a human rights issue but hardly as an affirmation of feminist convictions and

identity politics Pussy Riot were supported by many liberals as ldquoanti-Putinistsrdquo rather than

feminists only a small portion recognized that they might have an autonomous voice and

were touching on important social issues One reason for this is how the concept of gender

equality which had been characteristic of socialism and still looms large in the region treats

the oppression of women

The Soviet understanding of gender equality was rooted in classical Marxism with

the oppression of women viewed as a ldquoby-productrdquo of class inequality as women produce

reproduce workers for capitalism there is an incentive to control their sexuality and

reproductive capacities and curtail their autonomy As women toil for men and for

capitalism at the same time gender equality requires integrating women into the paid

labor force to make them economically independent in the long run this should target

class oppression In line with this logic gender equality necessarily includes state supported

childcare access to abortion and healthcare paid maternityparental leaves and other

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 23

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7

benefits without which womenrsquos participation in the labor force is problematic (see Elena

Zdravomyslova and Anna Temkina 2004) All of these can only be provided through a

particular policy (of resource redistribution) and thus gender equality became a case for

socialism this also explains why women tend to vote for leftist parties more often than men

do With gender equality focused on welfare and maternal benefits ie on redistributive

justice ldquoto pinch or not to pinchrdquo was not on the agendamdashthe very conceptual framework

for dealing with the issue of recognition in a feminist way was missing

The system of views on gender inequality that was elaborated in the West by second-

wave feminists was more nuanced and highlighted (except in the case of Marxist feminists)

the concept of patriarchy rather than class According to this perspective the oppression of

women results from patriarchy (male domination) in all social domains from sexuality to

economics to which capitalism adds some important dimensions Patriarchy being almost

synonymous with culture (ie civilization) penetrates all social categories and institutions

such as language (which is not gender neutral) sexuality (with its ldquocompulsoryrdquo

heteronormativity the very basis of patriarchal power) domestic violence (an extension of

male domination) etc It is impossible to put an end to the system without deconstructing

its main social institutions and it is within this perspective that sexuality and LGBT issues

come to the core they are not only a matter of the individual rights of specific people but

an instrument for a broad social transformation through deconstructing patriarchal

heteronormativity (see Rosemary Tong [1989] 2008)

It is also of importance that the global perspective on gender started making its way

into the post-Soviet region with the disintegration of socialism the advent of the neoliberal

market and new forms of domination and exclusion when free childcare or paid maternity

leave became ldquoobstaclesrdquo to economic efficiency4 The new focus promoted by

international organizations operating in the region was on the rights of women as

independent individuals (who cannot be ldquopinchedrdquo) their representation autonomy

independent subjectivity and their rights to their bodies and sexuality ie the categories

that belong to a ldquobourgeoisrdquo concept of subjectivity This celebration of autonomous and

independent agents was mostly taking hold among educated urban women More

generally a new feminist agenda focusing on recognition rather than on redistribution to

follow Nancy Fraserrsquos conceptualization (1998) or the way it was interpreted in the post-

Soviet region did not get a wide support base because for many women (and men) it

became associated with economic inequality that followed the reforms of the 1990s (Elena

Gapova 2009) and was not presented through familiar concepts Recently in Russia and

Ukraine the very concept of ldquogenderrdquo and the organizations that promote it came under

conservative attack the concept has been interpreted as a ldquoWestern importrdquo perpetuated

by interested anti-patriotic groups (see for example Olena Hankivsky and Anastasiya

Salnykova 2012)

In this context Pussy Riot landed in an ambivalent situation they were appealing to

the issues of sexuality housework and language which had not been theorized in the

region as categories of social oppression outside of a narrow circle of scholars of gender

and some feminist activists The group tended to invoke ideas and meanings that mattered

for a Western audience because thatrsquos where they had been conceptualized as feminist

while in the post-Soviet region they became charged and often associated with global

capitalism Pussy Riot who insisted on the countercultural and anti-commercial bent of

their project were identified with ldquosuspiciousrdquo self-indulgent urban cosmopolitan elites

and the polemic around the case became a displaced reaction to social inequality

24 ELENA GAPOVA

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7

ldquoNew Classrdquo and New Media

In spring 2012 a BBC radio correspondent reporting on the gathering in front of the

Moscow court building where an interim decision regarding Pussy Riot was to be made

described the crowd there as ldquostylish young urbanitesrdquo (BBC Newshour 2012) They

answered his questions in fluent English which is an important asset in the quasi-

professional communities and networks of bloggers and journalists of new media

ldquocontemporaryrdquo artists computer enthusiasts web designers consultants musicians

popular scientists public intellectuals expert organizers and semi-professional human

rights feminist or ecological activists belonging to international activist networks (often

supported with international grant money) Studies of the 2012 protests in Moscow (eg

Dmitry Volkov 2012) tend to ignore a crucial aspect of the partial overlapping of two areas

through which these people come together and know each other These areas are political

events and the production and consumption of contemporary art sustained through

galleries exhibitions auctions ldquobohemianrdquo cafes and ldquobuzzrdquo in digital media The artistic

and organizational beginnings of Pussy Riot can be found in the actionist group Voina

(War) to which some of its members had belonged Members of this milieu often have a

recognizable habitus they tend to look ldquocoolrdquo follow a particular style of material and

cultural consumption (including music art-house movies books etc) and a way of life

They belong to a ldquonew classrdquo that makes the social base of Pussy Riot

The term ldquoclassrdquo can denote a particular social group and at the same time invoke

the principles according to which this group has been delineated Primarily the notion of

class implies economic divisions However the term may also invoke social divisions

privilege and exclusion based on non-economic forms of capital As a broad organizing

concept for theorizing a wide range of issues associated with social inequality and

differentiation class divisions after Bourdieu and others can be sustained through matters

of culture lifestyle and taste In other words people may not ldquoexplicitly recognize class

issues or identify with discrete class groupingsrdquo but class processes still operate on them

(Bottero 2004 989) and ldquolines of exclusionrdquo based on style taste knowledge and culture

are related in non-obvious ways to economic capitals and assets

This primer on class helps to make sense of social developments in the post-Soviet

region where a transition to capitalism resulted in economic divisions and a transition to

the global information age fundamentally changed the nature of employment With the

advent of the Internet new occupations as well as new patterns of employment came into

being besides freelance jobs outsourcing subcontracting and other forms of project-

based networking independent content production based on onersquos own resourcefulness

and making oneself interesting are the features of this fluid and precarious employment

environment The term ldquocreative classrdquo (kreakly) after Richard Floridarsquos The Rise of the

Creative Class (2002) started to be applied sometimes ironically to these communities

often sustained in globalized urban centers One could also think of these networks in

terms of a ldquonew classrdquo the members of this new class use intellectual cultural and

educational capitals to produce an income and sustain privilege (Lawrence King and Ivan

Zselenyi 2004)

The advent of the Internet which allows interpersonal interactions in the online

world has been important for sustaining new class communities of experts artists and

activists (Barry Wellman 1999) as social networking platforms (Facebook LiveJournal

Twitter as well as some Cyrillic platforms) provide a ldquomergerrdquo of social and commercial

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 25

Dow

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19

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7

activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash

offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and

activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the

community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and

economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important

for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner

who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo

movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and

visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist

networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo

oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation

belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this

intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line

between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters

become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as

one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while

she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy

Riot discourse on the Internet

Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their

resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members

of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it

and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through

their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-

gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation

charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be

legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-

FIGURE 2

LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo

from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)

26 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

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59 2

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7

capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion

industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological

networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and

employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release

from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows

and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)

Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by

the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and

commoditization intentions from the start

If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy

Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and

other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-

economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference

can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural

outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and

Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and

even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less

cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The

following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held

in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that

read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo

is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly

the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo

(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in

order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human

rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status

The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation

between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist

maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that

ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals

needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude

In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long

and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common

people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type

of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)

In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in

terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot

The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily

tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position

maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to

pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see

for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and

demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals

appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which

focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-

declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27

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7

[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago

[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a

different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now

have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally

speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]

We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of

schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It

is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches

[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)

This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and

working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian

Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power

struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the

oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces

which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo

ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media

insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of

Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which

had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should

be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see

Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on

LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and

left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and

language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their

grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be

marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also

because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of

striking oil workers in Kazakhstan

Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to

access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers

(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have

sympathized

The same commentator also wrote

Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good

thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope

we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the

other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already

perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People

and Nature 2012)6

Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected

new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The

information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often

relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the

acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo

28 ELENA GAPOVA

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

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ugus

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7

Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age

Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a

cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action

often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization

that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new

social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed

so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound

social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the

1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic

and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of

organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci

1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as

seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of

society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought

to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding

the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of

resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity

autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of

the message

The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital

ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline

choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at

the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and

promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical

part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the

Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances

had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church

the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious

symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious

institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban

performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful

and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing

one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition

was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements

(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and

post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of

radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew

dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at

eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was

to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in

the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were

the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the

foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)

Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global

phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve

as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

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higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic

devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)

In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to

Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many

superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)

Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility

because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)

and forms of representation

Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo

that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of

contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media

of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have

become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative

and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst

1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous

and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures

In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in

politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing

social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more

importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and

power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo

(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo

writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world

where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash

intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the

same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking

place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or

shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when

Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos

1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience

As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on

smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images

get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in

the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is

important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a

ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The

first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary

culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with

which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social

networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third

trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing

that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov

the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in

August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the

trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New

York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and

Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot

30 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who

pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim

Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is

ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the

instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became

instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product

Conclusion

The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist

plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War

framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the

social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help

to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in

Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice

media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-

industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of

post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target

Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot

have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist

society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by

global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to

gender

The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it

demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not

ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods

And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the

delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with

instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments

are also part of global media capitalism

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their

comments

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author

NOTES

1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot

feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and

class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)

for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova

eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the

Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in

2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)

3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper

4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian

economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans

discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to

become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)

5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential

elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV

anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of

the general context (Vesti 2012)

6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were

used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four

according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the

participants (Wikipedia 2014c)

REFERENCES

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Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications

AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in

Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and

Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press

BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor

Detroit MI

BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and

Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press

BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy

Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241

BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003

BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge

BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube

video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE

CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of

Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104

CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth

of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate

DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments

Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html

32 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class

Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton

184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell

ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524

Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww

youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ

EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply

Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb

rublogspussyriots5124php

EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]

Oktyabr 9 158ndash165

FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]

Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog

52030

FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova

Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww

fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml

FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure

Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books

FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition

and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson

vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press

GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo

[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki

7 (4) 465ndash484

GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe

Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)

Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794

GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of

Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom

reflections-on-receptions

HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine

Toronto Toronto University Press

HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media

New York Routledge

ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru

February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048

KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-

wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13

KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and

State 52 (2) 232ndash270

KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power

Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press

KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed

September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm

KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations

Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152

22286

KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014

httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html

LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]

Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww

levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot

MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor

MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New

Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113

MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York

Cambridge University Press

MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and

Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58

NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino

livejournalcom921808htmlcomments

NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo

[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14

Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html

PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers

toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809

support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot

livejournalcom15189html

RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi

Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]

Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html

RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh

institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http

wciomruratings-social-institutions

RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August

22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic

pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta

November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119

samutsevich

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us

the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17

2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en

SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica

connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-

riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958

SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31

Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html

34 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what

nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014

httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo

THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18

2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot

TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House

TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO

Westview Press

TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins

of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512

VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15

million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww

vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720

VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty

Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]

Moscow Yury Levada Center

WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo

The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012

0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents

WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global

Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press

WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014

httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot

WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki

Jane_Fonda

WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki

Жанаозен

YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo

Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610

ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v

sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal

issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322

ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]

Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom

newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197

Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before

joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the

European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender

nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich

edu

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

  • Abstract
  • The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
  • Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
  • ``New Class and New Media
  • Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References

create a rapport with a deity and its addressee is God (or a saint) for which no video is

needed The video however indicated that the performance was meant for imagined

viewers or spectators whom the artists faced from the ambo and for whom they mixed their

clip As they admitted they needed an audience other than God ldquoFor us the ambo in the

Church of Christ the Saviour was a performance platformrdquo (Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012a) A

recent interview of Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina with David Remnick of The New Yorker

(2014) also focused on their performance in the Cathedral as an artistic act

In October 2012 Ekaterina Samutsevich was released following her appeal She is

currently suing the grouprsquos lawyers whom she accuses of manipulating the Pussy Riot

trade mark presenting her as a ldquolumpenrdquo figure during the trial and of other misdeeds

(Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012b) Nadezhda Tolokonnikova and Maria Alyokhina were

granted amnesty in December 2013 Upon their release the two announced that they

were taking up the cause of the rights of inmates in Russian prisons They visited the USA

in 2014 where they took part in a concert with Madonna performed on The Colbert

Report were filmed for a new episode of the political TV drama House of Cards and also

appeared in several commercial photo sessions (see Figure 1) The grouprsquos website also

declared that Nadya and Masha do not belong to the Pussy Riot group any more as they are

pursuing a new cause

Although an analysis of the religious side of the affair is outside the scope of this

paper it is important to understand at least some of the context In officially atheist Soviet

society faith was seen as a superstition but a semi-clandestine religious and mystical

tradition survived in intellectual milieus (not to mention in popular religiosity) For the

intelligentsia faith signified existential issues and meant addressing lifersquos big questions a la

Dostoyevsky and was often seen as a practice of resistance After socialism de-

secularization and the rise of religiosity became powerful trends in the region (Vyacheslav

FIGURE 1

Pussy Riotrsquos Nadya Tolokonnikova and Masha Alyokhina photographed in New York City in

2014 Photo from Vanity Fair httpwwwvanityfaircompolitics201407pussy-riot-nadya-

tolokonnikova-masha-alyokhina-photo (accessed June 17 2014)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 21

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7

Karpov 2010) However many believers embrace ldquopoor religionrdquo ie a particular type of

religiosity resulting from an internal conversion to faith that is not grounded in any formal

teachings or in following rituals (Mikhail Epstein 1996) For example ldquopoor believersrdquo view

an icon as a painting and not a holy object that may invoke a liminal mystical experience

they would argue that ldquoGod is in my heart I do not need a temple to believerdquo

When accused of denigrating faith Pussy Riot who later recognized the ethical

mistake of choosing the Cathedral for their act argued that they were believers and

respected religion as cultural heritage This civic religiosity is rejected by traditional

believers and thus the religious part of the division over Pussy Riot involved the nature of

contemporary faithmdashhow to believe ldquocorrectlyrdquo do rituals make one a believermdashand

Church authority Russian Orthodoxy which proudly claims to be the remaining ldquotrue

versionrdquo of Christianity also tries to address the challenges of post-modernity (in a way

similar to the Catholic Second Vatican Council of 1962ndash1965) and has worked out a rather

conservative social doctrine (Russian Orthodox Church Press Service 2005) Educated and

more cosmopolitan believers who seek to make sense of the globalized world embracing

social change new technologies religious diversity or sexuality disregard the doctrine and

even argue that ldquoOrthodoxy promotes backwardnessrdquo (Iryna Karatsuba 2011) This is a

charged assertion as historically faith has been seen as tied to ldquoRussiannessrdquo and has been

used to evoke ideas of the nation (Chris Chulos 2000 29) Thus in large part the controversy

over the punk prayer was about who had the authority to define the meaning of

ldquoRussiannessrdquo for the nation would it be global cosmopolitan ldquoperformersrdquo dancing at the

ambo or ldquothe people of Russiardquo During the trial the Church backed by the government

was able to mobilize its supporters in the provinces for a response to the act via so-called

ldquoanti-pussingsrdquo ie rallies ldquoin defense of Orthodox faithrdquo ldquoRussiannessrdquo and traditional

values (Elena Sineok 2012) Thus the division that emerged over Pussy Riot was not one

between believers and non-believers rather it was between different types of believers

and non-believers The case stirred up something fundamentalmdashthat which can be a line of

social division but which is not pinned down easily In short even if the affair started with

religion its scope is much broader

Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist(Mis)Understandings

From the very start feminism was in the foreground of the Pussy Riot affair and the

case raises important questions about the meaning of feminism The group had defined

their convictions as ldquofeminism resisting the institutions of law enforcement protecting

LGBT individuals promoting anti-Putinism and a radical decentralization of power saving

the Khimki forest near Moscow [from a new railroad] and moving the capital city of the

Russian Federation to Eastern Siberiardquo (Pussy Riot 2011) By listing feminism first including

LGBT issues calling on the Virgin Mary in their performance to become a feminist chanting

about gays who might be ldquosent to Siberia in shacklesrdquo and using an explicit name for the

female sex organ as a symbol of womenrsquos power and rebellion Pussy Riot sent a clear

message about their allegiances It was recognized immediately but only in the West One

reason why the affair was ldquopicked uprdquo with such vigor by Western media was its perfect fit

with the global media market and its use of recognizable ldquoglobalrdquo feminist imagery As The

New York times wrote

22 ELENA GAPOVA

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7

The name helps Itrsquos its own form of culture jam a savvy reference to feminist and musical

historymdashriot grrrl and Susie Bright as well as a wink to womenrsquos appropriation of sexual

agency and bodily power In other words it is specifically calibrated for the Western media

market (Melena Ryzik 2012)

The public in the post-Soviet region poorly versed in global feminism (more on this

below) was at a loss about the meaning of the protest although many felt that they were

made fun of A poll by theMoscow-based Levada Center revealed that 23 percent of Russians

thought that the performance targeted the Russian Orthodox Church and religious believers

in general 19 percent believed that the act was an anti-Putin one and another 19 percent

ldquocould not sayrdquo who or what the performance targeted (Levada Center 2012)

Not taken seriously initially the group was an object of gendered derision by the

liberal public A popular oppositional media project ldquoCitizen Poetrdquo (where classical Russian

poetry is used as commentary on contemporary issues) mocked the ldquoriot of the pussyrdquo

which was set against the ldquoriot of the dickrdquo (Dmitry Bykov 2012) The arrest of the group put

an end to all laughter but not to questioning their ideology Many members of the post-

Soviet feminist community were frustrated as they had no choice but to stand in support of

Pussy Riot while feeling at the same time that the group did not represent them and

might have been ldquoselling outrdquo feminism (Akulova 2013) For example a ldquoshout (krik) for the

salvation of women held in captivityrdquo was posted on the grouprsquos ldquocorporaterdquo blog (Pussy

Riot 2012) after the arrest and both its ldquoBiblicalrdquo wording and appeals to mercy for

womenndashmothers created some doubt as to whether the feminist stance was used and

dropped as needed The lawyers of the group based their campaign on conservative values

and on the rhetoric of ldquochildren missing their mothersrdquo (Akulova 2013) Ironically that logic

echoed the suggestion by liberal-minded priest Andrey Kuraev to pardon the group

members as silly girls Kuraev argued that since the punk-prayer took place during winter

celebrations it was a pointless prank The way for the Church to deal with it he insisted was

to invite ldquothe girlsrdquo for a traditional meal of blini to pinch them slightly in a fatherly way and

let them go (Andrei Kuraev 2012)

The suggestion greeted by a sympathetic liberal public to pinch young women as if

they were stuffed toys and a general mode of ldquowomen held in captivityrdquo are the signs of the

general depolitization of the case in Russian mainstream media (Bernstein 2013 222 224)

The young womenrsquos stand was not taken seriously the case was initially treated as a joke

and then as a human rights issue but hardly as an affirmation of feminist convictions and

identity politics Pussy Riot were supported by many liberals as ldquoanti-Putinistsrdquo rather than

feminists only a small portion recognized that they might have an autonomous voice and

were touching on important social issues One reason for this is how the concept of gender

equality which had been characteristic of socialism and still looms large in the region treats

the oppression of women

The Soviet understanding of gender equality was rooted in classical Marxism with

the oppression of women viewed as a ldquoby-productrdquo of class inequality as women produce

reproduce workers for capitalism there is an incentive to control their sexuality and

reproductive capacities and curtail their autonomy As women toil for men and for

capitalism at the same time gender equality requires integrating women into the paid

labor force to make them economically independent in the long run this should target

class oppression In line with this logic gender equality necessarily includes state supported

childcare access to abortion and healthcare paid maternityparental leaves and other

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 23

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7

benefits without which womenrsquos participation in the labor force is problematic (see Elena

Zdravomyslova and Anna Temkina 2004) All of these can only be provided through a

particular policy (of resource redistribution) and thus gender equality became a case for

socialism this also explains why women tend to vote for leftist parties more often than men

do With gender equality focused on welfare and maternal benefits ie on redistributive

justice ldquoto pinch or not to pinchrdquo was not on the agendamdashthe very conceptual framework

for dealing with the issue of recognition in a feminist way was missing

The system of views on gender inequality that was elaborated in the West by second-

wave feminists was more nuanced and highlighted (except in the case of Marxist feminists)

the concept of patriarchy rather than class According to this perspective the oppression of

women results from patriarchy (male domination) in all social domains from sexuality to

economics to which capitalism adds some important dimensions Patriarchy being almost

synonymous with culture (ie civilization) penetrates all social categories and institutions

such as language (which is not gender neutral) sexuality (with its ldquocompulsoryrdquo

heteronormativity the very basis of patriarchal power) domestic violence (an extension of

male domination) etc It is impossible to put an end to the system without deconstructing

its main social institutions and it is within this perspective that sexuality and LGBT issues

come to the core they are not only a matter of the individual rights of specific people but

an instrument for a broad social transformation through deconstructing patriarchal

heteronormativity (see Rosemary Tong [1989] 2008)

It is also of importance that the global perspective on gender started making its way

into the post-Soviet region with the disintegration of socialism the advent of the neoliberal

market and new forms of domination and exclusion when free childcare or paid maternity

leave became ldquoobstaclesrdquo to economic efficiency4 The new focus promoted by

international organizations operating in the region was on the rights of women as

independent individuals (who cannot be ldquopinchedrdquo) their representation autonomy

independent subjectivity and their rights to their bodies and sexuality ie the categories

that belong to a ldquobourgeoisrdquo concept of subjectivity This celebration of autonomous and

independent agents was mostly taking hold among educated urban women More

generally a new feminist agenda focusing on recognition rather than on redistribution to

follow Nancy Fraserrsquos conceptualization (1998) or the way it was interpreted in the post-

Soviet region did not get a wide support base because for many women (and men) it

became associated with economic inequality that followed the reforms of the 1990s (Elena

Gapova 2009) and was not presented through familiar concepts Recently in Russia and

Ukraine the very concept of ldquogenderrdquo and the organizations that promote it came under

conservative attack the concept has been interpreted as a ldquoWestern importrdquo perpetuated

by interested anti-patriotic groups (see for example Olena Hankivsky and Anastasiya

Salnykova 2012)

In this context Pussy Riot landed in an ambivalent situation they were appealing to

the issues of sexuality housework and language which had not been theorized in the

region as categories of social oppression outside of a narrow circle of scholars of gender

and some feminist activists The group tended to invoke ideas and meanings that mattered

for a Western audience because thatrsquos where they had been conceptualized as feminist

while in the post-Soviet region they became charged and often associated with global

capitalism Pussy Riot who insisted on the countercultural and anti-commercial bent of

their project were identified with ldquosuspiciousrdquo self-indulgent urban cosmopolitan elites

and the polemic around the case became a displaced reaction to social inequality

24 ELENA GAPOVA

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7

ldquoNew Classrdquo and New Media

In spring 2012 a BBC radio correspondent reporting on the gathering in front of the

Moscow court building where an interim decision regarding Pussy Riot was to be made

described the crowd there as ldquostylish young urbanitesrdquo (BBC Newshour 2012) They

answered his questions in fluent English which is an important asset in the quasi-

professional communities and networks of bloggers and journalists of new media

ldquocontemporaryrdquo artists computer enthusiasts web designers consultants musicians

popular scientists public intellectuals expert organizers and semi-professional human

rights feminist or ecological activists belonging to international activist networks (often

supported with international grant money) Studies of the 2012 protests in Moscow (eg

Dmitry Volkov 2012) tend to ignore a crucial aspect of the partial overlapping of two areas

through which these people come together and know each other These areas are political

events and the production and consumption of contemporary art sustained through

galleries exhibitions auctions ldquobohemianrdquo cafes and ldquobuzzrdquo in digital media The artistic

and organizational beginnings of Pussy Riot can be found in the actionist group Voina

(War) to which some of its members had belonged Members of this milieu often have a

recognizable habitus they tend to look ldquocoolrdquo follow a particular style of material and

cultural consumption (including music art-house movies books etc) and a way of life

They belong to a ldquonew classrdquo that makes the social base of Pussy Riot

The term ldquoclassrdquo can denote a particular social group and at the same time invoke

the principles according to which this group has been delineated Primarily the notion of

class implies economic divisions However the term may also invoke social divisions

privilege and exclusion based on non-economic forms of capital As a broad organizing

concept for theorizing a wide range of issues associated with social inequality and

differentiation class divisions after Bourdieu and others can be sustained through matters

of culture lifestyle and taste In other words people may not ldquoexplicitly recognize class

issues or identify with discrete class groupingsrdquo but class processes still operate on them

(Bottero 2004 989) and ldquolines of exclusionrdquo based on style taste knowledge and culture

are related in non-obvious ways to economic capitals and assets

This primer on class helps to make sense of social developments in the post-Soviet

region where a transition to capitalism resulted in economic divisions and a transition to

the global information age fundamentally changed the nature of employment With the

advent of the Internet new occupations as well as new patterns of employment came into

being besides freelance jobs outsourcing subcontracting and other forms of project-

based networking independent content production based on onersquos own resourcefulness

and making oneself interesting are the features of this fluid and precarious employment

environment The term ldquocreative classrdquo (kreakly) after Richard Floridarsquos The Rise of the

Creative Class (2002) started to be applied sometimes ironically to these communities

often sustained in globalized urban centers One could also think of these networks in

terms of a ldquonew classrdquo the members of this new class use intellectual cultural and

educational capitals to produce an income and sustain privilege (Lawrence King and Ivan

Zselenyi 2004)

The advent of the Internet which allows interpersonal interactions in the online

world has been important for sustaining new class communities of experts artists and

activists (Barry Wellman 1999) as social networking platforms (Facebook LiveJournal

Twitter as well as some Cyrillic platforms) provide a ldquomergerrdquo of social and commercial

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 25

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7

activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash

offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and

activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the

community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and

economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important

for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner

who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo

movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and

visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist

networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo

oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation

belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this

intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line

between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters

become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as

one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while

she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy

Riot discourse on the Internet

Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their

resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members

of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it

and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through

their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-

gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation

charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be

legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-

FIGURE 2

LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo

from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)

26 ELENA GAPOVA

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7

capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion

industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological

networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and

employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release

from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows

and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)

Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by

the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and

commoditization intentions from the start

If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy

Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and

other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-

economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference

can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural

outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and

Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and

even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less

cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The

following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held

in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that

read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo

is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly

the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo

(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in

order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human

rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status

The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation

between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist

maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that

ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals

needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude

In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long

and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common

people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type

of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)

In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in

terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot

The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily

tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position

maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to

pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see

for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and

demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals

appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which

focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-

declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27

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7

[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago

[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a

different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now

have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally

speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]

We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of

schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It

is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches

[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)

This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and

working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian

Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power

struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the

oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces

which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo

ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media

insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of

Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which

had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should

be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see

Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on

LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and

left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and

language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their

grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be

marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also

because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of

striking oil workers in Kazakhstan

Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to

access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers

(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have

sympathized

The same commentator also wrote

Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good

thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope

we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the

other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already

perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People

and Nature 2012)6

Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected

new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The

information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often

relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the

acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo

28 ELENA GAPOVA

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7

Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age

Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a

cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action

often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization

that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new

social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed

so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound

social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the

1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic

and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of

organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci

1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as

seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of

society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought

to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding

the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of

resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity

autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of

the message

The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital

ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline

choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at

the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and

promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical

part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the

Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances

had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church

the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious

symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious

institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban

performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful

and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing

one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition

was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements

(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and

post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of

radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew

dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at

eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was

to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in

the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were

the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the

foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)

Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global

phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve

as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29

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19

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7

with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic

devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)

In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to

Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many

superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)

Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility

because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)

and forms of representation

Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo

that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of

contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media

of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have

become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative

and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst

1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous

and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures

In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in

politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing

social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more

importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and

power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo

(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo

writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world

where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash

intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the

same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking

place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or

shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when

Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos

1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience

As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on

smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images

get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in

the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is

important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a

ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The

first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary

culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with

which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social

networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third

trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing

that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov

the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in

August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the

trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New

York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and

Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot

30 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

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7

Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who

pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim

Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is

ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the

instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became

instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product

Conclusion

The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist

plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War

framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the

social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help

to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in

Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice

media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-

industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of

post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target

Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot

have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist

society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by

global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to

gender

The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it

demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not

ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods

And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the

delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with

instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments

are also part of global media capitalism

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their

comments

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author

NOTES

1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot

feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and

class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31

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59 2

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ugus

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7

2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)

for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova

eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the

Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in

2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)

3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper

4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian

economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans

discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to

become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)

5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential

elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV

anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of

the general context (Vesti 2012)

6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were

used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four

according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the

participants (Wikipedia 2014c)

REFERENCES

ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of

Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications

AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in

Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and

Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press

BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor

Detroit MI

BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and

Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press

BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy

Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241

BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003

BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge

BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube

video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE

CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of

Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104

CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth

of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate

DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments

Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html

32 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class

Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton

184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell

ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524

Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww

youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ

EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply

Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb

rublogspussyriots5124php

EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]

Oktyabr 9 158ndash165

FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]

Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog

52030

FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova

Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww

fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml

FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure

Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books

FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition

and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson

vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press

GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo

[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki

7 (4) 465ndash484

GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe

Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)

Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794

GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of

Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom

reflections-on-receptions

HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine

Toronto Toronto University Press

HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media

New York Routledge

ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru

February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048

KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-

wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13

KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and

State 52 (2) 232ndash270

KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power

Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press

KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed

September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm

KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations

Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152

22286

KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014

httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html

LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]

Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww

levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot

MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor

MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New

Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113

MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York

Cambridge University Press

MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and

Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58

NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino

livejournalcom921808htmlcomments

NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo

[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14

Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html

PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers

toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809

support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot

livejournalcom15189html

RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi

Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]

Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html

RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh

institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http

wciomruratings-social-institutions

RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August

22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic

pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta

November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119

samutsevich

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us

the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17

2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en

SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica

connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-

riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958

SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31

Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html

34 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what

nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014

httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo

THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18

2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot

TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House

TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO

Westview Press

TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins

of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512

VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15

million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww

vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720

VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty

Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]

Moscow Yury Levada Center

WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo

The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012

0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents

WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global

Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press

WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014

httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot

WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki

Jane_Fonda

WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki

Жанаозен

YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo

Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610

ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v

sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal

issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322

ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]

Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom

newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197

Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before

joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the

European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender

nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich

edu

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35

Dow

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ded

by [

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Mic

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

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7

  • Abstract
  • The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
  • Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
  • ``New Class and New Media
  • Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References

Karpov 2010) However many believers embrace ldquopoor religionrdquo ie a particular type of

religiosity resulting from an internal conversion to faith that is not grounded in any formal

teachings or in following rituals (Mikhail Epstein 1996) For example ldquopoor believersrdquo view

an icon as a painting and not a holy object that may invoke a liminal mystical experience

they would argue that ldquoGod is in my heart I do not need a temple to believerdquo

When accused of denigrating faith Pussy Riot who later recognized the ethical

mistake of choosing the Cathedral for their act argued that they were believers and

respected religion as cultural heritage This civic religiosity is rejected by traditional

believers and thus the religious part of the division over Pussy Riot involved the nature of

contemporary faithmdashhow to believe ldquocorrectlyrdquo do rituals make one a believermdashand

Church authority Russian Orthodoxy which proudly claims to be the remaining ldquotrue

versionrdquo of Christianity also tries to address the challenges of post-modernity (in a way

similar to the Catholic Second Vatican Council of 1962ndash1965) and has worked out a rather

conservative social doctrine (Russian Orthodox Church Press Service 2005) Educated and

more cosmopolitan believers who seek to make sense of the globalized world embracing

social change new technologies religious diversity or sexuality disregard the doctrine and

even argue that ldquoOrthodoxy promotes backwardnessrdquo (Iryna Karatsuba 2011) This is a

charged assertion as historically faith has been seen as tied to ldquoRussiannessrdquo and has been

used to evoke ideas of the nation (Chris Chulos 2000 29) Thus in large part the controversy

over the punk prayer was about who had the authority to define the meaning of

ldquoRussiannessrdquo for the nation would it be global cosmopolitan ldquoperformersrdquo dancing at the

ambo or ldquothe people of Russiardquo During the trial the Church backed by the government

was able to mobilize its supporters in the provinces for a response to the act via so-called

ldquoanti-pussingsrdquo ie rallies ldquoin defense of Orthodox faithrdquo ldquoRussiannessrdquo and traditional

values (Elena Sineok 2012) Thus the division that emerged over Pussy Riot was not one

between believers and non-believers rather it was between different types of believers

and non-believers The case stirred up something fundamentalmdashthat which can be a line of

social division but which is not pinned down easily In short even if the affair started with

religion its scope is much broader

Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist(Mis)Understandings

From the very start feminism was in the foreground of the Pussy Riot affair and the

case raises important questions about the meaning of feminism The group had defined

their convictions as ldquofeminism resisting the institutions of law enforcement protecting

LGBT individuals promoting anti-Putinism and a radical decentralization of power saving

the Khimki forest near Moscow [from a new railroad] and moving the capital city of the

Russian Federation to Eastern Siberiardquo (Pussy Riot 2011) By listing feminism first including

LGBT issues calling on the Virgin Mary in their performance to become a feminist chanting

about gays who might be ldquosent to Siberia in shacklesrdquo and using an explicit name for the

female sex organ as a symbol of womenrsquos power and rebellion Pussy Riot sent a clear

message about their allegiances It was recognized immediately but only in the West One

reason why the affair was ldquopicked uprdquo with such vigor by Western media was its perfect fit

with the global media market and its use of recognizable ldquoglobalrdquo feminist imagery As The

New York times wrote

22 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

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Wes

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

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7

The name helps Itrsquos its own form of culture jam a savvy reference to feminist and musical

historymdashriot grrrl and Susie Bright as well as a wink to womenrsquos appropriation of sexual

agency and bodily power In other words it is specifically calibrated for the Western media

market (Melena Ryzik 2012)

The public in the post-Soviet region poorly versed in global feminism (more on this

below) was at a loss about the meaning of the protest although many felt that they were

made fun of A poll by theMoscow-based Levada Center revealed that 23 percent of Russians

thought that the performance targeted the Russian Orthodox Church and religious believers

in general 19 percent believed that the act was an anti-Putin one and another 19 percent

ldquocould not sayrdquo who or what the performance targeted (Levada Center 2012)

Not taken seriously initially the group was an object of gendered derision by the

liberal public A popular oppositional media project ldquoCitizen Poetrdquo (where classical Russian

poetry is used as commentary on contemporary issues) mocked the ldquoriot of the pussyrdquo

which was set against the ldquoriot of the dickrdquo (Dmitry Bykov 2012) The arrest of the group put

an end to all laughter but not to questioning their ideology Many members of the post-

Soviet feminist community were frustrated as they had no choice but to stand in support of

Pussy Riot while feeling at the same time that the group did not represent them and

might have been ldquoselling outrdquo feminism (Akulova 2013) For example a ldquoshout (krik) for the

salvation of women held in captivityrdquo was posted on the grouprsquos ldquocorporaterdquo blog (Pussy

Riot 2012) after the arrest and both its ldquoBiblicalrdquo wording and appeals to mercy for

womenndashmothers created some doubt as to whether the feminist stance was used and

dropped as needed The lawyers of the group based their campaign on conservative values

and on the rhetoric of ldquochildren missing their mothersrdquo (Akulova 2013) Ironically that logic

echoed the suggestion by liberal-minded priest Andrey Kuraev to pardon the group

members as silly girls Kuraev argued that since the punk-prayer took place during winter

celebrations it was a pointless prank The way for the Church to deal with it he insisted was

to invite ldquothe girlsrdquo for a traditional meal of blini to pinch them slightly in a fatherly way and

let them go (Andrei Kuraev 2012)

The suggestion greeted by a sympathetic liberal public to pinch young women as if

they were stuffed toys and a general mode of ldquowomen held in captivityrdquo are the signs of the

general depolitization of the case in Russian mainstream media (Bernstein 2013 222 224)

The young womenrsquos stand was not taken seriously the case was initially treated as a joke

and then as a human rights issue but hardly as an affirmation of feminist convictions and

identity politics Pussy Riot were supported by many liberals as ldquoanti-Putinistsrdquo rather than

feminists only a small portion recognized that they might have an autonomous voice and

were touching on important social issues One reason for this is how the concept of gender

equality which had been characteristic of socialism and still looms large in the region treats

the oppression of women

The Soviet understanding of gender equality was rooted in classical Marxism with

the oppression of women viewed as a ldquoby-productrdquo of class inequality as women produce

reproduce workers for capitalism there is an incentive to control their sexuality and

reproductive capacities and curtail their autonomy As women toil for men and for

capitalism at the same time gender equality requires integrating women into the paid

labor force to make them economically independent in the long run this should target

class oppression In line with this logic gender equality necessarily includes state supported

childcare access to abortion and healthcare paid maternityparental leaves and other

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 23

Dow

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

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ugus

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7

benefits without which womenrsquos participation in the labor force is problematic (see Elena

Zdravomyslova and Anna Temkina 2004) All of these can only be provided through a

particular policy (of resource redistribution) and thus gender equality became a case for

socialism this also explains why women tend to vote for leftist parties more often than men

do With gender equality focused on welfare and maternal benefits ie on redistributive

justice ldquoto pinch or not to pinchrdquo was not on the agendamdashthe very conceptual framework

for dealing with the issue of recognition in a feminist way was missing

The system of views on gender inequality that was elaborated in the West by second-

wave feminists was more nuanced and highlighted (except in the case of Marxist feminists)

the concept of patriarchy rather than class According to this perspective the oppression of

women results from patriarchy (male domination) in all social domains from sexuality to

economics to which capitalism adds some important dimensions Patriarchy being almost

synonymous with culture (ie civilization) penetrates all social categories and institutions

such as language (which is not gender neutral) sexuality (with its ldquocompulsoryrdquo

heteronormativity the very basis of patriarchal power) domestic violence (an extension of

male domination) etc It is impossible to put an end to the system without deconstructing

its main social institutions and it is within this perspective that sexuality and LGBT issues

come to the core they are not only a matter of the individual rights of specific people but

an instrument for a broad social transformation through deconstructing patriarchal

heteronormativity (see Rosemary Tong [1989] 2008)

It is also of importance that the global perspective on gender started making its way

into the post-Soviet region with the disintegration of socialism the advent of the neoliberal

market and new forms of domination and exclusion when free childcare or paid maternity

leave became ldquoobstaclesrdquo to economic efficiency4 The new focus promoted by

international organizations operating in the region was on the rights of women as

independent individuals (who cannot be ldquopinchedrdquo) their representation autonomy

independent subjectivity and their rights to their bodies and sexuality ie the categories

that belong to a ldquobourgeoisrdquo concept of subjectivity This celebration of autonomous and

independent agents was mostly taking hold among educated urban women More

generally a new feminist agenda focusing on recognition rather than on redistribution to

follow Nancy Fraserrsquos conceptualization (1998) or the way it was interpreted in the post-

Soviet region did not get a wide support base because for many women (and men) it

became associated with economic inequality that followed the reforms of the 1990s (Elena

Gapova 2009) and was not presented through familiar concepts Recently in Russia and

Ukraine the very concept of ldquogenderrdquo and the organizations that promote it came under

conservative attack the concept has been interpreted as a ldquoWestern importrdquo perpetuated

by interested anti-patriotic groups (see for example Olena Hankivsky and Anastasiya

Salnykova 2012)

In this context Pussy Riot landed in an ambivalent situation they were appealing to

the issues of sexuality housework and language which had not been theorized in the

region as categories of social oppression outside of a narrow circle of scholars of gender

and some feminist activists The group tended to invoke ideas and meanings that mattered

for a Western audience because thatrsquos where they had been conceptualized as feminist

while in the post-Soviet region they became charged and often associated with global

capitalism Pussy Riot who insisted on the countercultural and anti-commercial bent of

their project were identified with ldquosuspiciousrdquo self-indulgent urban cosmopolitan elites

and the polemic around the case became a displaced reaction to social inequality

24 ELENA GAPOVA

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7

ldquoNew Classrdquo and New Media

In spring 2012 a BBC radio correspondent reporting on the gathering in front of the

Moscow court building where an interim decision regarding Pussy Riot was to be made

described the crowd there as ldquostylish young urbanitesrdquo (BBC Newshour 2012) They

answered his questions in fluent English which is an important asset in the quasi-

professional communities and networks of bloggers and journalists of new media

ldquocontemporaryrdquo artists computer enthusiasts web designers consultants musicians

popular scientists public intellectuals expert organizers and semi-professional human

rights feminist or ecological activists belonging to international activist networks (often

supported with international grant money) Studies of the 2012 protests in Moscow (eg

Dmitry Volkov 2012) tend to ignore a crucial aspect of the partial overlapping of two areas

through which these people come together and know each other These areas are political

events and the production and consumption of contemporary art sustained through

galleries exhibitions auctions ldquobohemianrdquo cafes and ldquobuzzrdquo in digital media The artistic

and organizational beginnings of Pussy Riot can be found in the actionist group Voina

(War) to which some of its members had belonged Members of this milieu often have a

recognizable habitus they tend to look ldquocoolrdquo follow a particular style of material and

cultural consumption (including music art-house movies books etc) and a way of life

They belong to a ldquonew classrdquo that makes the social base of Pussy Riot

The term ldquoclassrdquo can denote a particular social group and at the same time invoke

the principles according to which this group has been delineated Primarily the notion of

class implies economic divisions However the term may also invoke social divisions

privilege and exclusion based on non-economic forms of capital As a broad organizing

concept for theorizing a wide range of issues associated with social inequality and

differentiation class divisions after Bourdieu and others can be sustained through matters

of culture lifestyle and taste In other words people may not ldquoexplicitly recognize class

issues or identify with discrete class groupingsrdquo but class processes still operate on them

(Bottero 2004 989) and ldquolines of exclusionrdquo based on style taste knowledge and culture

are related in non-obvious ways to economic capitals and assets

This primer on class helps to make sense of social developments in the post-Soviet

region where a transition to capitalism resulted in economic divisions and a transition to

the global information age fundamentally changed the nature of employment With the

advent of the Internet new occupations as well as new patterns of employment came into

being besides freelance jobs outsourcing subcontracting and other forms of project-

based networking independent content production based on onersquos own resourcefulness

and making oneself interesting are the features of this fluid and precarious employment

environment The term ldquocreative classrdquo (kreakly) after Richard Floridarsquos The Rise of the

Creative Class (2002) started to be applied sometimes ironically to these communities

often sustained in globalized urban centers One could also think of these networks in

terms of a ldquonew classrdquo the members of this new class use intellectual cultural and

educational capitals to produce an income and sustain privilege (Lawrence King and Ivan

Zselenyi 2004)

The advent of the Internet which allows interpersonal interactions in the online

world has been important for sustaining new class communities of experts artists and

activists (Barry Wellman 1999) as social networking platforms (Facebook LiveJournal

Twitter as well as some Cyrillic platforms) provide a ldquomergerrdquo of social and commercial

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 25

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7

activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash

offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and

activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the

community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and

economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important

for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner

who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo

movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and

visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist

networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo

oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation

belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this

intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line

between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters

become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as

one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while

she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy

Riot discourse on the Internet

Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their

resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members

of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it

and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through

their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-

gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation

charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be

legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-

FIGURE 2

LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo

from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)

26 ELENA GAPOVA

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7

capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion

industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological

networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and

employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release

from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows

and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)

Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by

the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and

commoditization intentions from the start

If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy

Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and

other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-

economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference

can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural

outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and

Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and

even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less

cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The

following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held

in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that

read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo

is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly

the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo

(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in

order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human

rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status

The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation

between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist

maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that

ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals

needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude

In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long

and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common

people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type

of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)

In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in

terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot

The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily

tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position

maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to

pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see

for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and

demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals

appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which

focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-

declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27

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19

59 2

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7

[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago

[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a

different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now

have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally

speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]

We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of

schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It

is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches

[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)

This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and

working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian

Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power

struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the

oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces

which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo

ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media

insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of

Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which

had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should

be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see

Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on

LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and

left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and

language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their

grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be

marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also

because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of

striking oil workers in Kazakhstan

Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to

access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers

(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have

sympathized

The same commentator also wrote

Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good

thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope

we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the

other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already

perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People

and Nature 2012)6

Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected

new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The

information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often

relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the

acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo

28 ELENA GAPOVA

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19

59 2

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ugus

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7

Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age

Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a

cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action

often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization

that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new

social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed

so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound

social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the

1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic

and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of

organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci

1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as

seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of

society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought

to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding

the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of

resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity

autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of

the message

The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital

ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline

choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at

the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and

promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical

part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the

Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances

had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church

the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious

symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious

institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban

performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful

and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing

one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition

was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements

(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and

post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of

radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew

dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at

eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was

to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in

the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were

the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the

foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)

Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global

phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve

as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29

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19

59 2

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ugus

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7

with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic

devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)

In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to

Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many

superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)

Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility

because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)

and forms of representation

Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo

that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of

contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media

of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have

become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative

and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst

1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous

and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures

In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in

politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing

social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more

importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and

power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo

(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo

writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world

where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash

intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the

same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking

place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or

shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when

Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos

1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience

As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on

smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images

get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in

the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is

important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a

ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The

first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary

culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with

which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social

networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third

trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing

that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov

the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in

August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the

trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New

York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and

Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot

30 ELENA GAPOVA

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19

59 2

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ugus

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7

Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who

pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim

Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is

ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the

instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became

instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product

Conclusion

The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist

plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War

framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the

social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help

to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in

Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice

media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-

industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of

post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target

Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot

have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist

society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by

global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to

gender

The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it

demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not

ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods

And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the

delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with

instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments

are also part of global media capitalism

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their

comments

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author

NOTES

1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot

feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and

class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31

Dow

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ded

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] at

19

59 2

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ugus

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7

2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)

for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova

eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the

Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in

2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)

3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper

4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian

economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans

discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to

become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)

5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential

elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV

anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of

the general context (Vesti 2012)

6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were

used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four

according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the

participants (Wikipedia 2014c)

REFERENCES

ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of

Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications

AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in

Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and

Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press

BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor

Detroit MI

BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and

Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press

BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy

Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241

BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003

BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge

BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube

video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE

CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of

Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104

CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth

of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate

DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments

Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html

32 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class

Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton

184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell

ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524

Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww

youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ

EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply

Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb

rublogspussyriots5124php

EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]

Oktyabr 9 158ndash165

FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]

Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog

52030

FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova

Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww

fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml

FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure

Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books

FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition

and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson

vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press

GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo

[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki

7 (4) 465ndash484

GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe

Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)

Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794

GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of

Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom

reflections-on-receptions

HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine

Toronto Toronto University Press

HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media

New York Routledge

ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru

February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048

KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-

wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13

KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and

State 52 (2) 232ndash270

KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power

Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press

KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed

September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm

KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations

Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

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Mic

higa

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152

22286

KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014

httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html

LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]

Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww

levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot

MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor

MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New

Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113

MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York

Cambridge University Press

MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and

Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58

NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino

livejournalcom921808htmlcomments

NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo

[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14

Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html

PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers

toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809

support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot

livejournalcom15189html

RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi

Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]

Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html

RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh

institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http

wciomruratings-social-institutions

RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August

22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic

pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta

November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119

samutsevich

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us

the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17

2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en

SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica

connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-

riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958

SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31

Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html

34 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what

nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014

httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo

THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18

2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot

TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House

TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO

Westview Press

TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins

of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512

VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15

million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww

vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720

VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty

Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]

Moscow Yury Levada Center

WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo

The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012

0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents

WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global

Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press

WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014

httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot

WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki

Jane_Fonda

WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki

Жанаозен

YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo

Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610

ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v

sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal

issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322

ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]

Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom

newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197

Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before

joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the

European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender

nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich

edu

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35

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7

  • Abstract
  • The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
  • Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
  • ``New Class and New Media
  • Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References

The name helps Itrsquos its own form of culture jam a savvy reference to feminist and musical

historymdashriot grrrl and Susie Bright as well as a wink to womenrsquos appropriation of sexual

agency and bodily power In other words it is specifically calibrated for the Western media

market (Melena Ryzik 2012)

The public in the post-Soviet region poorly versed in global feminism (more on this

below) was at a loss about the meaning of the protest although many felt that they were

made fun of A poll by theMoscow-based Levada Center revealed that 23 percent of Russians

thought that the performance targeted the Russian Orthodox Church and religious believers

in general 19 percent believed that the act was an anti-Putin one and another 19 percent

ldquocould not sayrdquo who or what the performance targeted (Levada Center 2012)

Not taken seriously initially the group was an object of gendered derision by the

liberal public A popular oppositional media project ldquoCitizen Poetrdquo (where classical Russian

poetry is used as commentary on contemporary issues) mocked the ldquoriot of the pussyrdquo

which was set against the ldquoriot of the dickrdquo (Dmitry Bykov 2012) The arrest of the group put

an end to all laughter but not to questioning their ideology Many members of the post-

Soviet feminist community were frustrated as they had no choice but to stand in support of

Pussy Riot while feeling at the same time that the group did not represent them and

might have been ldquoselling outrdquo feminism (Akulova 2013) For example a ldquoshout (krik) for the

salvation of women held in captivityrdquo was posted on the grouprsquos ldquocorporaterdquo blog (Pussy

Riot 2012) after the arrest and both its ldquoBiblicalrdquo wording and appeals to mercy for

womenndashmothers created some doubt as to whether the feminist stance was used and

dropped as needed The lawyers of the group based their campaign on conservative values

and on the rhetoric of ldquochildren missing their mothersrdquo (Akulova 2013) Ironically that logic

echoed the suggestion by liberal-minded priest Andrey Kuraev to pardon the group

members as silly girls Kuraev argued that since the punk-prayer took place during winter

celebrations it was a pointless prank The way for the Church to deal with it he insisted was

to invite ldquothe girlsrdquo for a traditional meal of blini to pinch them slightly in a fatherly way and

let them go (Andrei Kuraev 2012)

The suggestion greeted by a sympathetic liberal public to pinch young women as if

they were stuffed toys and a general mode of ldquowomen held in captivityrdquo are the signs of the

general depolitization of the case in Russian mainstream media (Bernstein 2013 222 224)

The young womenrsquos stand was not taken seriously the case was initially treated as a joke

and then as a human rights issue but hardly as an affirmation of feminist convictions and

identity politics Pussy Riot were supported by many liberals as ldquoanti-Putinistsrdquo rather than

feminists only a small portion recognized that they might have an autonomous voice and

were touching on important social issues One reason for this is how the concept of gender

equality which had been characteristic of socialism and still looms large in the region treats

the oppression of women

The Soviet understanding of gender equality was rooted in classical Marxism with

the oppression of women viewed as a ldquoby-productrdquo of class inequality as women produce

reproduce workers for capitalism there is an incentive to control their sexuality and

reproductive capacities and curtail their autonomy As women toil for men and for

capitalism at the same time gender equality requires integrating women into the paid

labor force to make them economically independent in the long run this should target

class oppression In line with this logic gender equality necessarily includes state supported

childcare access to abortion and healthcare paid maternityparental leaves and other

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 23

Dow

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19

59 2

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ugus

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7

benefits without which womenrsquos participation in the labor force is problematic (see Elena

Zdravomyslova and Anna Temkina 2004) All of these can only be provided through a

particular policy (of resource redistribution) and thus gender equality became a case for

socialism this also explains why women tend to vote for leftist parties more often than men

do With gender equality focused on welfare and maternal benefits ie on redistributive

justice ldquoto pinch or not to pinchrdquo was not on the agendamdashthe very conceptual framework

for dealing with the issue of recognition in a feminist way was missing

The system of views on gender inequality that was elaborated in the West by second-

wave feminists was more nuanced and highlighted (except in the case of Marxist feminists)

the concept of patriarchy rather than class According to this perspective the oppression of

women results from patriarchy (male domination) in all social domains from sexuality to

economics to which capitalism adds some important dimensions Patriarchy being almost

synonymous with culture (ie civilization) penetrates all social categories and institutions

such as language (which is not gender neutral) sexuality (with its ldquocompulsoryrdquo

heteronormativity the very basis of patriarchal power) domestic violence (an extension of

male domination) etc It is impossible to put an end to the system without deconstructing

its main social institutions and it is within this perspective that sexuality and LGBT issues

come to the core they are not only a matter of the individual rights of specific people but

an instrument for a broad social transformation through deconstructing patriarchal

heteronormativity (see Rosemary Tong [1989] 2008)

It is also of importance that the global perspective on gender started making its way

into the post-Soviet region with the disintegration of socialism the advent of the neoliberal

market and new forms of domination and exclusion when free childcare or paid maternity

leave became ldquoobstaclesrdquo to economic efficiency4 The new focus promoted by

international organizations operating in the region was on the rights of women as

independent individuals (who cannot be ldquopinchedrdquo) their representation autonomy

independent subjectivity and their rights to their bodies and sexuality ie the categories

that belong to a ldquobourgeoisrdquo concept of subjectivity This celebration of autonomous and

independent agents was mostly taking hold among educated urban women More

generally a new feminist agenda focusing on recognition rather than on redistribution to

follow Nancy Fraserrsquos conceptualization (1998) or the way it was interpreted in the post-

Soviet region did not get a wide support base because for many women (and men) it

became associated with economic inequality that followed the reforms of the 1990s (Elena

Gapova 2009) and was not presented through familiar concepts Recently in Russia and

Ukraine the very concept of ldquogenderrdquo and the organizations that promote it came under

conservative attack the concept has been interpreted as a ldquoWestern importrdquo perpetuated

by interested anti-patriotic groups (see for example Olena Hankivsky and Anastasiya

Salnykova 2012)

In this context Pussy Riot landed in an ambivalent situation they were appealing to

the issues of sexuality housework and language which had not been theorized in the

region as categories of social oppression outside of a narrow circle of scholars of gender

and some feminist activists The group tended to invoke ideas and meanings that mattered

for a Western audience because thatrsquos where they had been conceptualized as feminist

while in the post-Soviet region they became charged and often associated with global

capitalism Pussy Riot who insisted on the countercultural and anti-commercial bent of

their project were identified with ldquosuspiciousrdquo self-indulgent urban cosmopolitan elites

and the polemic around the case became a displaced reaction to social inequality

24 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

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rsity

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7

ldquoNew Classrdquo and New Media

In spring 2012 a BBC radio correspondent reporting on the gathering in front of the

Moscow court building where an interim decision regarding Pussy Riot was to be made

described the crowd there as ldquostylish young urbanitesrdquo (BBC Newshour 2012) They

answered his questions in fluent English which is an important asset in the quasi-

professional communities and networks of bloggers and journalists of new media

ldquocontemporaryrdquo artists computer enthusiasts web designers consultants musicians

popular scientists public intellectuals expert organizers and semi-professional human

rights feminist or ecological activists belonging to international activist networks (often

supported with international grant money) Studies of the 2012 protests in Moscow (eg

Dmitry Volkov 2012) tend to ignore a crucial aspect of the partial overlapping of two areas

through which these people come together and know each other These areas are political

events and the production and consumption of contemporary art sustained through

galleries exhibitions auctions ldquobohemianrdquo cafes and ldquobuzzrdquo in digital media The artistic

and organizational beginnings of Pussy Riot can be found in the actionist group Voina

(War) to which some of its members had belonged Members of this milieu often have a

recognizable habitus they tend to look ldquocoolrdquo follow a particular style of material and

cultural consumption (including music art-house movies books etc) and a way of life

They belong to a ldquonew classrdquo that makes the social base of Pussy Riot

The term ldquoclassrdquo can denote a particular social group and at the same time invoke

the principles according to which this group has been delineated Primarily the notion of

class implies economic divisions However the term may also invoke social divisions

privilege and exclusion based on non-economic forms of capital As a broad organizing

concept for theorizing a wide range of issues associated with social inequality and

differentiation class divisions after Bourdieu and others can be sustained through matters

of culture lifestyle and taste In other words people may not ldquoexplicitly recognize class

issues or identify with discrete class groupingsrdquo but class processes still operate on them

(Bottero 2004 989) and ldquolines of exclusionrdquo based on style taste knowledge and culture

are related in non-obvious ways to economic capitals and assets

This primer on class helps to make sense of social developments in the post-Soviet

region where a transition to capitalism resulted in economic divisions and a transition to

the global information age fundamentally changed the nature of employment With the

advent of the Internet new occupations as well as new patterns of employment came into

being besides freelance jobs outsourcing subcontracting and other forms of project-

based networking independent content production based on onersquos own resourcefulness

and making oneself interesting are the features of this fluid and precarious employment

environment The term ldquocreative classrdquo (kreakly) after Richard Floridarsquos The Rise of the

Creative Class (2002) started to be applied sometimes ironically to these communities

often sustained in globalized urban centers One could also think of these networks in

terms of a ldquonew classrdquo the members of this new class use intellectual cultural and

educational capitals to produce an income and sustain privilege (Lawrence King and Ivan

Zselenyi 2004)

The advent of the Internet which allows interpersonal interactions in the online

world has been important for sustaining new class communities of experts artists and

activists (Barry Wellman 1999) as social networking platforms (Facebook LiveJournal

Twitter as well as some Cyrillic platforms) provide a ldquomergerrdquo of social and commercial

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 25

Dow

nloa

ded

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

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7

activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash

offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and

activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the

community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and

economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important

for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner

who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo

movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and

visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist

networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo

oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation

belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this

intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line

between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters

become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as

one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while

she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy

Riot discourse on the Internet

Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their

resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members

of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it

and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through

their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-

gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation

charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be

legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-

FIGURE 2

LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo

from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)

26 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

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7

capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion

industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological

networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and

employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release

from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows

and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)

Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by

the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and

commoditization intentions from the start

If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy

Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and

other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-

economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference

can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural

outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and

Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and

even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less

cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The

following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held

in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that

read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo

is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly

the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo

(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in

order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human

rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status

The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation

between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist

maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that

ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals

needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude

In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long

and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common

people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type

of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)

In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in

terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot

The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily

tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position

maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to

pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see

for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and

demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals

appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which

focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-

declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

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ugus

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7

[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago

[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a

different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now

have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally

speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]

We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of

schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It

is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches

[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)

This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and

working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian

Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power

struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the

oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces

which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo

ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media

insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of

Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which

had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should

be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see

Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on

LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and

left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and

language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their

grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be

marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also

because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of

striking oil workers in Kazakhstan

Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to

access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers

(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have

sympathized

The same commentator also wrote

Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good

thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope

we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the

other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already

perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People

and Nature 2012)6

Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected

new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The

information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often

relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the

acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo

28 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

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Wes

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higa

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rsity

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19

59 2

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ugus

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7

Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age

Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a

cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action

often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization

that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new

social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed

so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound

social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the

1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic

and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of

organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci

1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as

seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of

society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought

to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding

the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of

resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity

autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of

the message

The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital

ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline

choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at

the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and

promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical

part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the

Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances

had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church

the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious

symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious

institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban

performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful

and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing

one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition

was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements

(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and

post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of

radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew

dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at

eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was

to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in

the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were

the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the

foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)

Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global

phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve

as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic

devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)

In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to

Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many

superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)

Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility

because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)

and forms of representation

Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo

that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of

contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media

of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have

become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative

and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst

1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous

and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures

In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in

politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing

social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more

importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and

power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo

(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo

writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world

where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash

intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the

same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking

place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or

shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when

Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos

1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience

As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on

smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images

get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in

the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is

important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a

ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The

first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary

culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with

which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social

networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third

trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing

that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov

the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in

August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the

trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New

York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and

Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot

30 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

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higa

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who

pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim

Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is

ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the

instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became

instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product

Conclusion

The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist

plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War

framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the

social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help

to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in

Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice

media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-

industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of

post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target

Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot

have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist

society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by

global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to

gender

The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it

demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not

ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods

And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the

delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with

instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments

are also part of global media capitalism

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their

comments

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author

NOTES

1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot

feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and

class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)

for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova

eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the

Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in

2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)

3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper

4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian

economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans

discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to

become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)

5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential

elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV

anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of

the general context (Vesti 2012)

6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were

used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four

according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the

participants (Wikipedia 2014c)

REFERENCES

ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of

Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications

AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in

Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and

Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press

BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor

Detroit MI

BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and

Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press

BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy

Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241

BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003

BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge

BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube

video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE

CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of

Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104

CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth

of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate

DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments

Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html

32 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class

Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton

184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell

ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524

Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww

youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ

EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply

Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb

rublogspussyriots5124php

EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]

Oktyabr 9 158ndash165

FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]

Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog

52030

FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova

Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww

fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml

FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure

Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books

FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition

and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson

vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press

GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo

[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki

7 (4) 465ndash484

GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe

Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)

Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794

GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of

Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom

reflections-on-receptions

HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine

Toronto Toronto University Press

HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media

New York Routledge

ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru

February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048

KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-

wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13

KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and

State 52 (2) 232ndash270

KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power

Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press

KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed

September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm

KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations

Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152

22286

KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014

httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html

LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]

Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww

levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot

MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor

MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New

Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113

MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York

Cambridge University Press

MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and

Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58

NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino

livejournalcom921808htmlcomments

NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo

[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14

Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html

PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers

toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809

support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot

livejournalcom15189html

RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi

Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]

Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html

RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh

institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http

wciomruratings-social-institutions

RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August

22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic

pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta

November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119

samutsevich

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us

the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17

2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en

SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica

connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-

riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958

SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31

Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html

34 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what

nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014

httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo

THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18

2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot

TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House

TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO

Westview Press

TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins

of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512

VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15

million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww

vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720

VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty

Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]

Moscow Yury Levada Center

WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo

The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012

0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents

WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global

Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press

WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014

httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot

WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki

Jane_Fonda

WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki

Жанаозен

YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo

Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610

ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v

sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal

issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322

ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]

Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom

newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197

Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before

joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the

European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender

nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich

edu

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

  • Abstract
  • The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
  • Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
  • ``New Class and New Media
  • Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References

benefits without which womenrsquos participation in the labor force is problematic (see Elena

Zdravomyslova and Anna Temkina 2004) All of these can only be provided through a

particular policy (of resource redistribution) and thus gender equality became a case for

socialism this also explains why women tend to vote for leftist parties more often than men

do With gender equality focused on welfare and maternal benefits ie on redistributive

justice ldquoto pinch or not to pinchrdquo was not on the agendamdashthe very conceptual framework

for dealing with the issue of recognition in a feminist way was missing

The system of views on gender inequality that was elaborated in the West by second-

wave feminists was more nuanced and highlighted (except in the case of Marxist feminists)

the concept of patriarchy rather than class According to this perspective the oppression of

women results from patriarchy (male domination) in all social domains from sexuality to

economics to which capitalism adds some important dimensions Patriarchy being almost

synonymous with culture (ie civilization) penetrates all social categories and institutions

such as language (which is not gender neutral) sexuality (with its ldquocompulsoryrdquo

heteronormativity the very basis of patriarchal power) domestic violence (an extension of

male domination) etc It is impossible to put an end to the system without deconstructing

its main social institutions and it is within this perspective that sexuality and LGBT issues

come to the core they are not only a matter of the individual rights of specific people but

an instrument for a broad social transformation through deconstructing patriarchal

heteronormativity (see Rosemary Tong [1989] 2008)

It is also of importance that the global perspective on gender started making its way

into the post-Soviet region with the disintegration of socialism the advent of the neoliberal

market and new forms of domination and exclusion when free childcare or paid maternity

leave became ldquoobstaclesrdquo to economic efficiency4 The new focus promoted by

international organizations operating in the region was on the rights of women as

independent individuals (who cannot be ldquopinchedrdquo) their representation autonomy

independent subjectivity and their rights to their bodies and sexuality ie the categories

that belong to a ldquobourgeoisrdquo concept of subjectivity This celebration of autonomous and

independent agents was mostly taking hold among educated urban women More

generally a new feminist agenda focusing on recognition rather than on redistribution to

follow Nancy Fraserrsquos conceptualization (1998) or the way it was interpreted in the post-

Soviet region did not get a wide support base because for many women (and men) it

became associated with economic inequality that followed the reforms of the 1990s (Elena

Gapova 2009) and was not presented through familiar concepts Recently in Russia and

Ukraine the very concept of ldquogenderrdquo and the organizations that promote it came under

conservative attack the concept has been interpreted as a ldquoWestern importrdquo perpetuated

by interested anti-patriotic groups (see for example Olena Hankivsky and Anastasiya

Salnykova 2012)

In this context Pussy Riot landed in an ambivalent situation they were appealing to

the issues of sexuality housework and language which had not been theorized in the

region as categories of social oppression outside of a narrow circle of scholars of gender

and some feminist activists The group tended to invoke ideas and meanings that mattered

for a Western audience because thatrsquos where they had been conceptualized as feminist

while in the post-Soviet region they became charged and often associated with global

capitalism Pussy Riot who insisted on the countercultural and anti-commercial bent of

their project were identified with ldquosuspiciousrdquo self-indulgent urban cosmopolitan elites

and the polemic around the case became a displaced reaction to social inequality

24 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

ldquoNew Classrdquo and New Media

In spring 2012 a BBC radio correspondent reporting on the gathering in front of the

Moscow court building where an interim decision regarding Pussy Riot was to be made

described the crowd there as ldquostylish young urbanitesrdquo (BBC Newshour 2012) They

answered his questions in fluent English which is an important asset in the quasi-

professional communities and networks of bloggers and journalists of new media

ldquocontemporaryrdquo artists computer enthusiasts web designers consultants musicians

popular scientists public intellectuals expert organizers and semi-professional human

rights feminist or ecological activists belonging to international activist networks (often

supported with international grant money) Studies of the 2012 protests in Moscow (eg

Dmitry Volkov 2012) tend to ignore a crucial aspect of the partial overlapping of two areas

through which these people come together and know each other These areas are political

events and the production and consumption of contemporary art sustained through

galleries exhibitions auctions ldquobohemianrdquo cafes and ldquobuzzrdquo in digital media The artistic

and organizational beginnings of Pussy Riot can be found in the actionist group Voina

(War) to which some of its members had belonged Members of this milieu often have a

recognizable habitus they tend to look ldquocoolrdquo follow a particular style of material and

cultural consumption (including music art-house movies books etc) and a way of life

They belong to a ldquonew classrdquo that makes the social base of Pussy Riot

The term ldquoclassrdquo can denote a particular social group and at the same time invoke

the principles according to which this group has been delineated Primarily the notion of

class implies economic divisions However the term may also invoke social divisions

privilege and exclusion based on non-economic forms of capital As a broad organizing

concept for theorizing a wide range of issues associated with social inequality and

differentiation class divisions after Bourdieu and others can be sustained through matters

of culture lifestyle and taste In other words people may not ldquoexplicitly recognize class

issues or identify with discrete class groupingsrdquo but class processes still operate on them

(Bottero 2004 989) and ldquolines of exclusionrdquo based on style taste knowledge and culture

are related in non-obvious ways to economic capitals and assets

This primer on class helps to make sense of social developments in the post-Soviet

region where a transition to capitalism resulted in economic divisions and a transition to

the global information age fundamentally changed the nature of employment With the

advent of the Internet new occupations as well as new patterns of employment came into

being besides freelance jobs outsourcing subcontracting and other forms of project-

based networking independent content production based on onersquos own resourcefulness

and making oneself interesting are the features of this fluid and precarious employment

environment The term ldquocreative classrdquo (kreakly) after Richard Floridarsquos The Rise of the

Creative Class (2002) started to be applied sometimes ironically to these communities

often sustained in globalized urban centers One could also think of these networks in

terms of a ldquonew classrdquo the members of this new class use intellectual cultural and

educational capitals to produce an income and sustain privilege (Lawrence King and Ivan

Zselenyi 2004)

The advent of the Internet which allows interpersonal interactions in the online

world has been important for sustaining new class communities of experts artists and

activists (Barry Wellman 1999) as social networking platforms (Facebook LiveJournal

Twitter as well as some Cyrillic platforms) provide a ldquomergerrdquo of social and commercial

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 25

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7

activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash

offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and

activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the

community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and

economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important

for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner

who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo

movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and

visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist

networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo

oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation

belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this

intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line

between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters

become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as

one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while

she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy

Riot discourse on the Internet

Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their

resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members

of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it

and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through

their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-

gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation

charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be

legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-

FIGURE 2

LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo

from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)

26 ELENA GAPOVA

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7

capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion

industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological

networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and

employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release

from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows

and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)

Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by

the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and

commoditization intentions from the start

If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy

Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and

other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-

economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference

can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural

outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and

Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and

even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less

cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The

following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held

in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that

read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo

is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly

the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo

(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in

order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human

rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status

The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation

between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist

maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that

ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals

needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude

In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long

and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common

people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type

of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)

In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in

terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot

The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily

tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position

maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to

pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see

for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and

demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals

appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which

focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-

declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27

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7

[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago

[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a

different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now

have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally

speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]

We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of

schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It

is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches

[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)

This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and

working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian

Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power

struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the

oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces

which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo

ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media

insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of

Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which

had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should

be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see

Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on

LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and

left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and

language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their

grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be

marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also

because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of

striking oil workers in Kazakhstan

Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to

access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers

(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have

sympathized

The same commentator also wrote

Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good

thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope

we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the

other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already

perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People

and Nature 2012)6

Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected

new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The

information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often

relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the

acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo

28 ELENA GAPOVA

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19

59 2

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7

Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age

Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a

cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action

often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization

that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new

social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed

so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound

social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the

1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic

and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of

organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci

1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as

seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of

society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought

to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding

the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of

resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity

autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of

the message

The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital

ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline

choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at

the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and

promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical

part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the

Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances

had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church

the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious

symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious

institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban

performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful

and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing

one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition

was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements

(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and

post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of

radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew

dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at

eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was

to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in

the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were

the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the

foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)

Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global

phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve

as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29

Dow

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ded

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic

devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)

In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to

Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many

superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)

Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility

because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)

and forms of representation

Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo

that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of

contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media

of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have

become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative

and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst

1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous

and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures

In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in

politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing

social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more

importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and

power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo

(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo

writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world

where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash

intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the

same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking

place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or

shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when

Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos

1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience

As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on

smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images

get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in

the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is

important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a

ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The

first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary

culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with

which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social

networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third

trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing

that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov

the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in

August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the

trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New

York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and

Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot

30 ELENA GAPOVA

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

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ugus

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7

Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who

pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim

Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is

ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the

instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became

instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product

Conclusion

The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist

plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War

framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the

social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help

to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in

Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice

media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-

industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of

post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target

Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot

have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist

society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by

global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to

gender

The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it

demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not

ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods

And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the

delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with

instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments

are also part of global media capitalism

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their

comments

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author

NOTES

1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot

feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and

class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

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] at

19

59 2

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ugus

t 201

7

2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)

for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova

eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the

Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in

2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)

3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper

4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian

economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans

discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to

become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)

5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential

elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV

anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of

the general context (Vesti 2012)

6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were

used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four

according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the

participants (Wikipedia 2014c)

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Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications

AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in

Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and

Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press

BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor

Detroit MI

BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and

Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press

BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy

Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241

BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003

BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge

BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube

video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE

CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of

Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104

CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth

of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate

DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments

Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html

32 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

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by [

Wes

tern

Mic

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rsity

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59 2

1 A

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t 201

7

DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class

Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton

184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell

ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524

Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww

youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ

EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply

Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb

rublogspussyriots5124php

EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]

Oktyabr 9 158ndash165

FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]

Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog

52030

FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova

Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww

fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml

FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure

Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books

FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition

and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson

vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press

GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo

[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki

7 (4) 465ndash484

GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe

Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)

Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794

GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of

Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom

reflections-on-receptions

HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine

Toronto Toronto University Press

HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media

New York Routledge

ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru

February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048

KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-

wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13

KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and

State 52 (2) 232ndash270

KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power

Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press

KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed

September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm

KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations

Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152

22286

KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014

httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html

LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]

Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww

levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot

MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor

MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New

Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113

MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York

Cambridge University Press

MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and

Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58

NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino

livejournalcom921808htmlcomments

NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo

[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14

Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html

PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers

toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809

support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot

livejournalcom15189html

RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi

Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]

Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html

RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh

institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http

wciomruratings-social-institutions

RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August

22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic

pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta

November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119

samutsevich

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us

the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17

2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en

SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica

connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-

riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958

SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31

Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html

34 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

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t 201

7

TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what

nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014

httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo

THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18

2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot

TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House

TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO

Westview Press

TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins

of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512

VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15

million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww

vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720

VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty

Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]

Moscow Yury Levada Center

WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo

The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012

0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents

WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global

Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press

WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014

httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot

WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki

Jane_Fonda

WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki

Жанаозен

YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo

Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610

ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v

sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal

issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322

ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]

Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom

newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197

Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before

joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the

European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender

nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich

edu

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35

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7

  • Abstract
  • The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
  • Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
  • ``New Class and New Media
  • Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References

ldquoNew Classrdquo and New Media

In spring 2012 a BBC radio correspondent reporting on the gathering in front of the

Moscow court building where an interim decision regarding Pussy Riot was to be made

described the crowd there as ldquostylish young urbanitesrdquo (BBC Newshour 2012) They

answered his questions in fluent English which is an important asset in the quasi-

professional communities and networks of bloggers and journalists of new media

ldquocontemporaryrdquo artists computer enthusiasts web designers consultants musicians

popular scientists public intellectuals expert organizers and semi-professional human

rights feminist or ecological activists belonging to international activist networks (often

supported with international grant money) Studies of the 2012 protests in Moscow (eg

Dmitry Volkov 2012) tend to ignore a crucial aspect of the partial overlapping of two areas

through which these people come together and know each other These areas are political

events and the production and consumption of contemporary art sustained through

galleries exhibitions auctions ldquobohemianrdquo cafes and ldquobuzzrdquo in digital media The artistic

and organizational beginnings of Pussy Riot can be found in the actionist group Voina

(War) to which some of its members had belonged Members of this milieu often have a

recognizable habitus they tend to look ldquocoolrdquo follow a particular style of material and

cultural consumption (including music art-house movies books etc) and a way of life

They belong to a ldquonew classrdquo that makes the social base of Pussy Riot

The term ldquoclassrdquo can denote a particular social group and at the same time invoke

the principles according to which this group has been delineated Primarily the notion of

class implies economic divisions However the term may also invoke social divisions

privilege and exclusion based on non-economic forms of capital As a broad organizing

concept for theorizing a wide range of issues associated with social inequality and

differentiation class divisions after Bourdieu and others can be sustained through matters

of culture lifestyle and taste In other words people may not ldquoexplicitly recognize class

issues or identify with discrete class groupingsrdquo but class processes still operate on them

(Bottero 2004 989) and ldquolines of exclusionrdquo based on style taste knowledge and culture

are related in non-obvious ways to economic capitals and assets

This primer on class helps to make sense of social developments in the post-Soviet

region where a transition to capitalism resulted in economic divisions and a transition to

the global information age fundamentally changed the nature of employment With the

advent of the Internet new occupations as well as new patterns of employment came into

being besides freelance jobs outsourcing subcontracting and other forms of project-

based networking independent content production based on onersquos own resourcefulness

and making oneself interesting are the features of this fluid and precarious employment

environment The term ldquocreative classrdquo (kreakly) after Richard Floridarsquos The Rise of the

Creative Class (2002) started to be applied sometimes ironically to these communities

often sustained in globalized urban centers One could also think of these networks in

terms of a ldquonew classrdquo the members of this new class use intellectual cultural and

educational capitals to produce an income and sustain privilege (Lawrence King and Ivan

Zselenyi 2004)

The advent of the Internet which allows interpersonal interactions in the online

world has been important for sustaining new class communities of experts artists and

activists (Barry Wellman 1999) as social networking platforms (Facebook LiveJournal

Twitter as well as some Cyrillic platforms) provide a ldquomergerrdquo of social and commercial

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 25

Dow

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19

59 2

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7

activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash

offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and

activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the

community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and

economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important

for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner

who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo

movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and

visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist

networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo

oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation

belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this

intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line

between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters

become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as

one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while

she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy

Riot discourse on the Internet

Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their

resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members

of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it

and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through

their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-

gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation

charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be

legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-

FIGURE 2

LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo

from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)

26 ELENA GAPOVA

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7

capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion

industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological

networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and

employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release

from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows

and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)

Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by

the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and

commoditization intentions from the start

If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy

Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and

other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-

economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference

can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural

outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and

Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and

even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less

cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The

following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held

in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that

read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo

is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly

the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo

(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in

order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human

rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status

The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation

between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist

maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that

ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals

needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude

In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long

and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common

people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type

of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)

In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in

terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot

The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily

tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position

maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to

pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see

for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and

demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals

appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which

focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-

declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27

Dow

nloa

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rsity

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19

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7

[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago

[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a

different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now

have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally

speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]

We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of

schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It

is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches

[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)

This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and

working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian

Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power

struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the

oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces

which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo

ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media

insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of

Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which

had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should

be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see

Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on

LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and

left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and

language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their

grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be

marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also

because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of

striking oil workers in Kazakhstan

Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to

access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers

(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have

sympathized

The same commentator also wrote

Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good

thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope

we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the

other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already

perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People

and Nature 2012)6

Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected

new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The

information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often

relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the

acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo

28 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

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rsity

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59 2

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7

Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age

Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a

cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action

often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization

that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new

social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed

so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound

social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the

1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic

and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of

organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci

1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as

seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of

society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought

to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding

the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of

resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity

autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of

the message

The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital

ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline

choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at

the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and

promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical

part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the

Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances

had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church

the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious

symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious

institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban

performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful

and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing

one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition

was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements

(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and

post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of

radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew

dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at

eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was

to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in

the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were

the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the

foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)

Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global

phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve

as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29

Dow

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19

59 2

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ugus

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7

with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic

devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)

In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to

Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many

superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)

Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility

because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)

and forms of representation

Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo

that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of

contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media

of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have

become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative

and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst

1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous

and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures

In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in

politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing

social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more

importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and

power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo

(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo

writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world

where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash

intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the

same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking

place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or

shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when

Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos

1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience

As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on

smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images

get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in

the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is

important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a

ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The

first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary

culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with

which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social

networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third

trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing

that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov

the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in

August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the

trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New

York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and

Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot

30 ELENA GAPOVA

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rsity

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19

59 2

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ugus

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7

Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who

pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim

Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is

ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the

instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became

instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product

Conclusion

The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist

plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War

framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the

social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help

to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in

Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice

media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-

industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of

post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target

Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot

have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist

society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by

global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to

gender

The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it

demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not

ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods

And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the

delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with

instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments

are also part of global media capitalism

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their

comments

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author

NOTES

1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot

feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and

class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31

Dow

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ded

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)

for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova

eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the

Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in

2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)

3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper

4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian

economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans

discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to

become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)

5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential

elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV

anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of

the general context (Vesti 2012)

6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were

used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four

according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the

participants (Wikipedia 2014c)

REFERENCES

ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of

Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications

AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in

Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and

Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press

BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor

Detroit MI

BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and

Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press

BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy

Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241

BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003

BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge

BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube

video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE

CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of

Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104

CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth

of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate

DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments

Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html

32 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class

Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton

184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell

ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524

Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww

youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ

EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply

Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb

rublogspussyriots5124php

EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]

Oktyabr 9 158ndash165

FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]

Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog

52030

FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova

Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww

fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml

FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure

Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books

FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition

and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson

vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press

GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo

[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki

7 (4) 465ndash484

GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe

Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)

Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794

GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of

Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom

reflections-on-receptions

HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine

Toronto Toronto University Press

HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media

New York Routledge

ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru

February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048

KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-

wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13

KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and

State 52 (2) 232ndash270

KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power

Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press

KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed

September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm

KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations

Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152

22286

KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014

httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html

LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]

Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww

levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot

MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor

MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New

Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113

MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York

Cambridge University Press

MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and

Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58

NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino

livejournalcom921808htmlcomments

NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo

[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14

Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html

PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers

toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809

support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot

livejournalcom15189html

RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi

Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]

Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html

RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh

institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http

wciomruratings-social-institutions

RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August

22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic

pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta

November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119

samutsevich

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us

the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17

2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en

SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica

connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-

riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958

SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31

Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html

34 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what

nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014

httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo

THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18

2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot

TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House

TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO

Westview Press

TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins

of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512

VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15

million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww

vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720

VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty

Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]

Moscow Yury Levada Center

WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo

The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012

0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents

WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global

Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press

WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014

httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot

WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki

Jane_Fonda

WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki

Жанаозен

YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo

Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610

ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v

sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal

issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322

ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]

Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom

newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197

Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before

joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the

European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender

nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich

edu

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

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Mic

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n U

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

  • Abstract
  • The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
  • Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
  • ``New Class and New Media
  • Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References

activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash

offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and

activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the

community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and

economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important

for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner

who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo

movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and

visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist

networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo

oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation

belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this

intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line

between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters

become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as

one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while

she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy

Riot discourse on the Internet

Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their

resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members

of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it

and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through

their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-

gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation

charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be

legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-

FIGURE 2

LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo

from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)

26 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

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by [

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion

industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological

networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and

employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release

from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows

and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)

Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by

the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and

commoditization intentions from the start

If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy

Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and

other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-

economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference

can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural

outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and

Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and

even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less

cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The

following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held

in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that

read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo

is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly

the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo

(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in

order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human

rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status

The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation

between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist

maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that

ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals

needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude

In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long

and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common

people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type

of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)

In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in

terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot

The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily

tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position

maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to

pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see

for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and

demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals

appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which

focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-

declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

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ugus

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7

[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago

[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a

different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now

have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally

speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]

We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of

schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It

is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches

[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)

This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and

working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian

Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power

struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the

oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces

which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo

ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media

insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of

Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which

had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should

be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see

Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on

LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and

left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and

language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their

grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be

marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also

because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of

striking oil workers in Kazakhstan

Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to

access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers

(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have

sympathized

The same commentator also wrote

Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good

thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope

we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the

other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already

perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People

and Nature 2012)6

Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected

new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The

information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often

relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the

acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo

28 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

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ugus

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7

Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age

Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a

cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action

often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization

that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new

social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed

so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound

social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the

1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic

and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of

organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci

1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as

seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of

society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought

to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding

the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of

resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity

autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of

the message

The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital

ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline

choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at

the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and

promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical

part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the

Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances

had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church

the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious

symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious

institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban

performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful

and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing

one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition

was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements

(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and

post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of

radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew

dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at

eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was

to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in

the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were

the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the

foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)

Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global

phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve

as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

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Mic

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic

devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)

In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to

Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many

superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)

Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility

because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)

and forms of representation

Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo

that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of

contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media

of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have

become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative

and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst

1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous

and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures

In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in

politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing

social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more

importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and

power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo

(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo

writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world

where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash

intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the

same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking

place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or

shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when

Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos

1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience

As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on

smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images

get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in

the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is

important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a

ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The

first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary

culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with

which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social

networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third

trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing

that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov

the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in

August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the

trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New

York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and

Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot

30 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

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n U

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who

pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim

Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is

ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the

instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became

instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product

Conclusion

The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist

plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War

framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the

social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help

to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in

Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice

media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-

industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of

post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target

Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot

have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist

society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by

global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to

gender

The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it

demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not

ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods

And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the

delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with

instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments

are also part of global media capitalism

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their

comments

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author

NOTES

1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot

feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and

class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31

Dow

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19

59 2

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ugus

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7

2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)

for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova

eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the

Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in

2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)

3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper

4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian

economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans

discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to

become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)

5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential

elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV

anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of

the general context (Vesti 2012)

6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were

used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four

according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the

participants (Wikipedia 2014c)

REFERENCES

ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of

Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications

AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in

Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and

Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press

BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor

Detroit MI

BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and

Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press

BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy

Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241

BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003

BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge

BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube

video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE

CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of

Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104

CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth

of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate

DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments

Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html

32 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class

Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton

184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell

ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524

Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww

youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ

EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply

Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb

rublogspussyriots5124php

EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]

Oktyabr 9 158ndash165

FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]

Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog

52030

FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova

Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww

fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml

FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure

Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books

FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition

and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson

vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press

GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo

[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki

7 (4) 465ndash484

GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe

Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)

Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794

GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of

Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom

reflections-on-receptions

HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine

Toronto Toronto University Press

HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media

New York Routledge

ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru

February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048

KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-

wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13

KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and

State 52 (2) 232ndash270

KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power

Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press

KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed

September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm

KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations

Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152

22286

KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014

httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html

LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]

Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww

levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot

MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor

MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New

Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113

MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York

Cambridge University Press

MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and

Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58

NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino

livejournalcom921808htmlcomments

NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo

[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14

Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html

PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers

toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809

support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot

livejournalcom15189html

RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi

Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]

Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html

RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh

institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http

wciomruratings-social-institutions

RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August

22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic

pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta

November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119

samutsevich

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us

the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17

2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en

SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica

connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-

riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958

SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31

Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html

34 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what

nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014

httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo

THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18

2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot

TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House

TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO

Westview Press

TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins

of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512

VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15

million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww

vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720

VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty

Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]

Moscow Yury Levada Center

WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo

The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012

0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents

WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global

Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press

WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014

httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot

WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki

Jane_Fonda

WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki

Жанаозен

YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo

Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610

ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v

sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal

issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322

ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]

Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom

newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197

Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before

joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the

European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender

nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich

edu

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

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ugus

t 201

7

  • Abstract
  • The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
  • Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
  • ``New Class and New Media
  • Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References

capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion

industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological

networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and

employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release

from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows

and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)

Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by

the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and

commoditization intentions from the start

If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy

Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and

other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-

economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference

can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural

outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and

Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and

even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less

cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The

following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held

in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that

read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo

is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly

the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo

(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in

order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human

rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status

The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation

between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist

maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that

ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals

needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude

In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long

and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common

people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type

of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)

In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in

terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot

The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily

tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position

maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to

pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see

for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and

demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals

appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which

focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-

declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

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tern

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

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ugus

t 201

7

[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago

[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a

different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now

have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally

speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]

We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of

schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It

is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches

[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)

This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and

working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian

Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power

struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the

oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces

which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo

ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media

insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of

Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which

had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should

be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see

Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on

LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and

left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and

language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their

grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be

marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also

because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of

striking oil workers in Kazakhstan

Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to

access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers

(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have

sympathized

The same commentator also wrote

Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good

thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope

we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the

other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already

perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People

and Nature 2012)6

Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected

new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The

information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often

relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the

acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo

28 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age

Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a

cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action

often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization

that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new

social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed

so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound

social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the

1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic

and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of

organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci

1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as

seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of

society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought

to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding

the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of

resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity

autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of

the message

The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital

ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline

choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at

the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and

promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical

part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the

Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances

had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church

the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious

symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious

institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban

performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful

and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing

one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition

was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements

(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and

post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of

radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew

dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at

eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was

to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in

the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were

the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the

foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)

Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global

phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve

as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

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higa

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic

devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)

In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to

Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many

superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)

Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility

because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)

and forms of representation

Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo

that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of

contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media

of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have

become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative

and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst

1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous

and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures

In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in

politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing

social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more

importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and

power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo

(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo

writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world

where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash

intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the

same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking

place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or

shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when

Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos

1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience

As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on

smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images

get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in

the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is

important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a

ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The

first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary

culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with

which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social

networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third

trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing

that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov

the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in

August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the

trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New

York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and

Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot

30 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who

pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim

Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is

ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the

instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became

instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product

Conclusion

The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist

plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War

framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the

social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help

to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in

Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice

media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-

industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of

post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target

Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot

have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist

society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by

global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to

gender

The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it

demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not

ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods

And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the

delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with

instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments

are also part of global media capitalism

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their

comments

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author

NOTES

1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot

feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and

class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

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rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)

for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova

eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the

Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in

2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)

3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper

4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian

economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans

discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to

become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)

5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential

elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV

anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of

the general context (Vesti 2012)

6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were

used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four

according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the

participants (Wikipedia 2014c)

REFERENCES

ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of

Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications

AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in

Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and

Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press

BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor

Detroit MI

BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and

Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press

BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy

Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241

BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003

BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge

BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube

video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE

CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of

Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104

CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth

of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate

DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments

Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html

32 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class

Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton

184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell

ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524

Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww

youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ

EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply

Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb

rublogspussyriots5124php

EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]

Oktyabr 9 158ndash165

FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]

Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog

52030

FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova

Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww

fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml

FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure

Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books

FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition

and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson

vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press

GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo

[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki

7 (4) 465ndash484

GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe

Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)

Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794

GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of

Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom

reflections-on-receptions

HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine

Toronto Toronto University Press

HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media

New York Routledge

ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru

February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048

KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-

wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13

KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and

State 52 (2) 232ndash270

KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power

Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press

KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed

September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm

KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations

Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152

22286

KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014

httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html

LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]

Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww

levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot

MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor

MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New

Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113

MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York

Cambridge University Press

MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and

Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58

NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino

livejournalcom921808htmlcomments

NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo

[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14

Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html

PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers

toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809

support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot

livejournalcom15189html

RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi

Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]

Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html

RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh

institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http

wciomruratings-social-institutions

RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August

22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic

pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta

November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119

samutsevich

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us

the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17

2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en

SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica

connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-

riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958

SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31

Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html

34 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what

nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014

httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo

THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18

2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot

TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House

TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO

Westview Press

TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins

of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512

VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15

million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww

vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720

VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty

Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]

Moscow Yury Levada Center

WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo

The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012

0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents

WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global

Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press

WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014

httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot

WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki

Jane_Fonda

WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki

Жанаозен

YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo

Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610

ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v

sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal

issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322

ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]

Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom

newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197

Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before

joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the

European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender

nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich

edu

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

  • Abstract
  • The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
  • Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
  • ``New Class and New Media
  • Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References

[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago

[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a

different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now

have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally

speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]

We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of

schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It

is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches

[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)

This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and

working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian

Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power

struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the

oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces

which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo

ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media

insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of

Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which

had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should

be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see

Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on

LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and

left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and

language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their

grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be

marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also

because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of

striking oil workers in Kazakhstan

Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to

access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers

(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have

sympathized

The same commentator also wrote

Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good

thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope

we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the

other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already

perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People

and Nature 2012)6

Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected

new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The

information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often

relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the

acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo

28 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age

Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a

cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action

often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization

that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new

social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed

so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound

social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the

1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic

and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of

organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci

1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as

seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of

society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought

to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding

the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of

resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity

autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of

the message

The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital

ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline

choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at

the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and

promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical

part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the

Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances

had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church

the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious

symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious

institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban

performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful

and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing

one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition

was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements

(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and

post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of

radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew

dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at

eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was

to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in

the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were

the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the

foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)

Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global

phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve

as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic

devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)

In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to

Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many

superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)

Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility

because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)

and forms of representation

Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo

that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of

contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media

of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have

become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative

and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst

1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous

and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures

In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in

politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing

social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more

importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and

power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo

(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo

writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world

where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash

intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the

same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking

place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or

shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when

Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos

1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience

As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on

smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images

get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in

the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is

important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a

ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The

first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary

culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with

which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social

networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third

trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing

that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov

the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in

August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the

trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New

York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and

Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot

30 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who

pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim

Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is

ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the

instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became

instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product

Conclusion

The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist

plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War

framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the

social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help

to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in

Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice

media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-

industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of

post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target

Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot

have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist

society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by

global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to

gender

The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it

demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not

ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods

And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the

delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with

instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments

are also part of global media capitalism

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their

comments

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author

NOTES

1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot

feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and

class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)

for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova

eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the

Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in

2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)

3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper

4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian

economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans

discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to

become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)

5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential

elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV

anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of

the general context (Vesti 2012)

6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were

used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four

according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the

participants (Wikipedia 2014c)

REFERENCES

ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of

Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications

AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in

Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and

Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press

BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor

Detroit MI

BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and

Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press

BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy

Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241

BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003

BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge

BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube

video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE

CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of

Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104

CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth

of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate

DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments

Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html

32 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class

Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton

184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell

ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524

Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww

youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ

EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply

Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb

rublogspussyriots5124php

EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]

Oktyabr 9 158ndash165

FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]

Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog

52030

FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova

Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww

fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml

FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure

Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books

FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition

and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson

vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press

GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo

[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki

7 (4) 465ndash484

GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe

Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)

Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794

GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of

Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom

reflections-on-receptions

HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine

Toronto Toronto University Press

HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media

New York Routledge

ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru

February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048

KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-

wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13

KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and

State 52 (2) 232ndash270

KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power

Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press

KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed

September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm

KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations

Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152

22286

KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014

httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html

LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]

Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww

levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot

MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor

MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New

Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113

MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York

Cambridge University Press

MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and

Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58

NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino

livejournalcom921808htmlcomments

NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo

[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14

Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html

PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers

toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809

support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot

livejournalcom15189html

RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi

Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]

Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html

RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh

institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http

wciomruratings-social-institutions

RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August

22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic

pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta

November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119

samutsevich

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us

the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17

2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en

SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica

connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-

riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958

SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31

Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html

34 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what

nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014

httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo

THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18

2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot

TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House

TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO

Westview Press

TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins

of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512

VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15

million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww

vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720

VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty

Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]

Moscow Yury Levada Center

WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo

The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012

0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents

WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global

Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press

WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014

httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot

WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki

Jane_Fonda

WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki

Жанаозен

YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo

Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610

ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v

sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal

issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322

ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]

Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom

newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197

Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before

joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the

European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender

nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich

edu

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

  • Abstract
  • The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
  • Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
  • ``New Class and New Media
  • Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References

Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age

Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a

cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action

often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization

that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new

social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed

so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound

social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the

1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic

and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of

organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci

1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as

seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of

society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought

to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding

the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of

resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity

autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of

the message

The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital

ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline

choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at

the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and

promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical

part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the

Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances

had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church

the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious

symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious

institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban

performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful

and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing

one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition

was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements

(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and

post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of

radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew

dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at

eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was

to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in

the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were

the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the

foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)

Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global

phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve

as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic

devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)

In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to

Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many

superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)

Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility

because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)

and forms of representation

Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo

that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of

contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media

of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have

become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative

and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst

1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous

and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures

In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in

politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing

social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more

importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and

power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo

(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo

writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world

where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash

intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the

same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking

place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or

shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when

Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos

1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience

As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on

smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images

get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in

the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is

important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a

ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The

first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary

culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with

which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social

networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third

trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing

that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov

the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in

August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the

trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New

York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and

Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot

30 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who

pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim

Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is

ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the

instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became

instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product

Conclusion

The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist

plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War

framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the

social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help

to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in

Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice

media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-

industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of

post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target

Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot

have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist

society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by

global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to

gender

The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it

demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not

ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods

And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the

delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with

instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments

are also part of global media capitalism

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their

comments

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author

NOTES

1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot

feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and

class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)

for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova

eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the

Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in

2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)

3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper

4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian

economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans

discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to

become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)

5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential

elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV

anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of

the general context (Vesti 2012)

6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were

used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four

according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the

participants (Wikipedia 2014c)

REFERENCES

ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of

Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications

AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in

Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and

Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press

BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor

Detroit MI

BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and

Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press

BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy

Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241

BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003

BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge

BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube

video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE

CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of

Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104

CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth

of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate

DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments

Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html

32 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class

Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton

184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell

ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524

Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww

youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ

EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply

Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb

rublogspussyriots5124php

EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]

Oktyabr 9 158ndash165

FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]

Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog

52030

FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova

Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww

fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml

FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure

Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books

FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition

and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson

vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press

GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo

[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki

7 (4) 465ndash484

GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe

Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)

Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794

GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of

Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom

reflections-on-receptions

HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine

Toronto Toronto University Press

HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media

New York Routledge

ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru

February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048

KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-

wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13

KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and

State 52 (2) 232ndash270

KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power

Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press

KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed

September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm

KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations

Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152

22286

KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014

httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html

LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]

Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww

levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot

MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor

MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New

Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113

MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York

Cambridge University Press

MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and

Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58

NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino

livejournalcom921808htmlcomments

NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo

[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14

Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html

PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers

toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809

support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot

livejournalcom15189html

RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi

Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]

Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html

RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh

institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http

wciomruratings-social-institutions

RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August

22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic

pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta

November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119

samutsevich

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us

the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17

2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en

SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica

connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-

riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958

SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31

Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html

34 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what

nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014

httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo

THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18

2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot

TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House

TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO

Westview Press

TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins

of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512

VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15

million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww

vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720

VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty

Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]

Moscow Yury Levada Center

WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo

The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012

0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents

WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global

Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press

WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014

httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot

WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki

Jane_Fonda

WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki

Жанаозен

YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo

Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610

ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v

sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal

issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322

ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]

Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom

newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197

Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before

joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the

European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender

nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich

edu

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

  • Abstract
  • The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
  • Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
  • ``New Class and New Media
  • Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References

with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic

devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)

In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to

Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many

superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)

Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility

because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)

and forms of representation

Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo

that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of

contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media

of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have

become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative

and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst

1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous

and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures

In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in

politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing

social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more

importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and

power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo

(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo

writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world

where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash

intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the

same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking

place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or

shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when

Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos

1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience

As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on

smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images

get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in

the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is

important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a

ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The

first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary

culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with

which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social

networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third

trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing

that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov

the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in

August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the

trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New

York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and

Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot

30 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who

pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim

Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is

ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the

instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became

instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product

Conclusion

The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist

plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War

framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the

social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help

to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in

Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice

media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-

industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of

post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target

Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot

have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist

society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by

global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to

gender

The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it

demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not

ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods

And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the

delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with

instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments

are also part of global media capitalism

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their

comments

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author

NOTES

1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot

feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and

class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)

for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova

eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the

Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in

2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)

3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper

4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian

economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans

discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to

become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)

5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential

elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV

anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of

the general context (Vesti 2012)

6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were

used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four

according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the

participants (Wikipedia 2014c)

REFERENCES

ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of

Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications

AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in

Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and

Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press

BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor

Detroit MI

BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and

Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press

BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy

Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241

BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003

BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge

BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube

video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE

CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of

Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104

CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth

of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate

DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments

Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html

32 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class

Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton

184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell

ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524

Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww

youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ

EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply

Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb

rublogspussyriots5124php

EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]

Oktyabr 9 158ndash165

FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]

Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog

52030

FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova

Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww

fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml

FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure

Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books

FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition

and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson

vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press

GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo

[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki

7 (4) 465ndash484

GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe

Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)

Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794

GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of

Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom

reflections-on-receptions

HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine

Toronto Toronto University Press

HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media

New York Routledge

ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru

February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048

KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-

wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13

KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and

State 52 (2) 232ndash270

KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power

Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press

KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed

September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm

KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations

Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152

22286

KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014

httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html

LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]

Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww

levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot

MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor

MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New

Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113

MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York

Cambridge University Press

MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and

Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58

NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino

livejournalcom921808htmlcomments

NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo

[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14

Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html

PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers

toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809

support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot

livejournalcom15189html

RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi

Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]

Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html

RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh

institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http

wciomruratings-social-institutions

RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August

22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic

pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta

November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119

samutsevich

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us

the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17

2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en

SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica

connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-

riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958

SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31

Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html

34 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what

nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014

httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo

THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18

2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot

TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House

TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO

Westview Press

TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins

of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512

VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15

million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww

vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720

VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty

Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]

Moscow Yury Levada Center

WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo

The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012

0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents

WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global

Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press

WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014

httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot

WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki

Jane_Fonda

WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki

Жанаозен

YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo

Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610

ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v

sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal

issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322

ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]

Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom

newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197

Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before

joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the

European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender

nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich

edu

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

  • Abstract
  • The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
  • Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
  • ``New Class and New Media
  • Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References

Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who

pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim

Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is

ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the

instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became

instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product

Conclusion

The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist

plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War

framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the

social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help

to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in

Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice

media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-

industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of

post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target

Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot

have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist

society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by

global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to

gender

The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it

demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not

ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods

And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the

delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with

instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments

are also part of global media capitalism

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their

comments

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author

NOTES

1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot

feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and

class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)

for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova

eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the

Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in

2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)

3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper

4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian

economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans

discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to

become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)

5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential

elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV

anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of

the general context (Vesti 2012)

6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were

used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four

according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the

participants (Wikipedia 2014c)

REFERENCES

ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of

Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications

AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in

Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and

Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press

BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor

Detroit MI

BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and

Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press

BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy

Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241

BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003

BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge

BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube

video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE

CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of

Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104

CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth

of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate

DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments

Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html

32 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class

Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton

184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell

ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524

Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww

youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ

EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply

Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb

rublogspussyriots5124php

EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]

Oktyabr 9 158ndash165

FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]

Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog

52030

FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova

Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww

fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml

FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure

Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books

FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition

and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson

vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press

GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo

[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki

7 (4) 465ndash484

GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe

Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)

Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794

GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of

Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom

reflections-on-receptions

HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine

Toronto Toronto University Press

HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media

New York Routledge

ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru

February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048

KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-

wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13

KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and

State 52 (2) 232ndash270

KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power

Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press

KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed

September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm

KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations

Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152

22286

KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014

httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html

LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]

Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww

levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot

MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor

MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New

Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113

MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York

Cambridge University Press

MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and

Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58

NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino

livejournalcom921808htmlcomments

NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo

[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14

Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html

PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers

toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809

support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot

livejournalcom15189html

RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi

Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]

Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html

RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh

institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http

wciomruratings-social-institutions

RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August

22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic

pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta

November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119

samutsevich

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us

the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17

2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en

SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica

connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-

riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958

SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31

Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html

34 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what

nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014

httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo

THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18

2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot

TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House

TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO

Westview Press

TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins

of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512

VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15

million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww

vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720

VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty

Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]

Moscow Yury Levada Center

WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo

The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012

0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents

WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global

Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press

WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014

httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot

WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki

Jane_Fonda

WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki

Жанаозен

YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo

Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610

ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v

sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal

issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322

ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]

Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom

newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197

Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before

joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the

European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender

nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich

edu

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

  • Abstract
  • The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
  • Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
  • ``New Class and New Media
  • Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References

2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)

for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova

eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the

Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in

2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)

3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper

4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian

economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans

discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to

become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)

5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential

elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV

anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of

the general context (Vesti 2012)

6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were

used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four

according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the

participants (Wikipedia 2014c)

REFERENCES

ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of

Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications

AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in

Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and

Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press

BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor

Detroit MI

BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and

Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press

BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy

Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241

BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003

BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge

BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube

video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE

CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of

Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104

CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth

of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate

DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments

Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html

32 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class

Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton

184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell

ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524

Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww

youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ

EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply

Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb

rublogspussyriots5124php

EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]

Oktyabr 9 158ndash165

FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]

Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog

52030

FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova

Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww

fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml

FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure

Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books

FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition

and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson

vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press

GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo

[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki

7 (4) 465ndash484

GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe

Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)

Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794

GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of

Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom

reflections-on-receptions

HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine

Toronto Toronto University Press

HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media

New York Routledge

ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru

February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048

KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-

wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13

KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and

State 52 (2) 232ndash270

KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power

Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press

KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed

September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm

KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations

Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152

22286

KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014

httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html

LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]

Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww

levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot

MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor

MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New

Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113

MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York

Cambridge University Press

MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and

Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58

NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino

livejournalcom921808htmlcomments

NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo

[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14

Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html

PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers

toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809

support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot

livejournalcom15189html

RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi

Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]

Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html

RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh

institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http

wciomruratings-social-institutions

RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August

22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic

pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta

November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119

samutsevich

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us

the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17

2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en

SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica

connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-

riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958

SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31

Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html

34 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what

nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014

httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo

THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18

2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot

TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House

TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO

Westview Press

TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins

of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512

VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15

million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww

vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720

VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty

Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]

Moscow Yury Levada Center

WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo

The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012

0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents

WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global

Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press

WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014

httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot

WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki

Jane_Fonda

WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki

Жанаозен

YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo

Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610

ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v

sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal

issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322

ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]

Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom

newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197

Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before

joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the

European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender

nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich

edu

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

  • Abstract
  • The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
  • Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
  • ``New Class and New Media
  • Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References

DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class

Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton

184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell

ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524

Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww

youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ

EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply

Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb

rublogspussyriots5124php

EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]

Oktyabr 9 158ndash165

FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]

Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog

52030

FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova

Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww

fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml

FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure

Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books

FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition

and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson

vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press

GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo

[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki

7 (4) 465ndash484

GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe

Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)

Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794

GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of

Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom

reflections-on-receptions

HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine

Toronto Toronto University Press

HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media

New York Routledge

ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru

February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048

KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-

wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13

KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and

State 52 (2) 232ndash270

KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power

Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press

KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed

September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm

KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations

Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152

22286

KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014

httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html

LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]

Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww

levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot

MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor

MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New

Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113

MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York

Cambridge University Press

MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and

Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58

NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino

livejournalcom921808htmlcomments

NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo

[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14

Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html

PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers

toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809

support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot

livejournalcom15189html

RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi

Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]

Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html

RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh

institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http

wciomruratings-social-institutions

RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August

22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic

pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta

November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119

samutsevich

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us

the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17

2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en

SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica

connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-

riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958

SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31

Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html

34 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what

nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014

httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo

THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18

2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot

TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House

TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO

Westview Press

TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins

of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512

VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15

million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww

vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720

VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty

Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]

Moscow Yury Levada Center

WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo

The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012

0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents

WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global

Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press

WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014

httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot

WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki

Jane_Fonda

WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki

Жанаозен

YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo

Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610

ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v

sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal

issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322

ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]

Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom

newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197

Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before

joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the

European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender

nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich

edu

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

  • Abstract
  • The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
  • Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
  • ``New Class and New Media
  • Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References

of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152

22286

KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014

httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html

LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]

Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww

levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot

MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor

MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New

Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113

MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York

Cambridge University Press

MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and

Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58

NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino

livejournalcom921808htmlcomments

NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo

[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14

Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html

PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers

toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809

support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot

PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot

livejournalcom15189html

RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi

Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]

Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html

RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh

institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http

wciomruratings-social-institutions

RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August

22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic

pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta

November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119

samutsevich

SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us

the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17

2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en

SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica

connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-

riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958

SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31

Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html

34 ELENA GAPOVA

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what

nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014

httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo

THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18

2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot

TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House

TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO

Westview Press

TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins

of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512

VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15

million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww

vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720

VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty

Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]

Moscow Yury Levada Center

WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo

The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012

0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents

WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global

Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press

WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014

httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot

WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki

Jane_Fonda

WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki

Жанаозен

YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo

Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610

ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v

sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal

issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322

ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]

Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom

newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197

Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before

joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the

European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender

nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich

edu

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

  • Abstract
  • The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
  • Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
  • ``New Class and New Media
  • Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References

TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what

nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014

httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo

THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18

2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot

TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House

TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO

Westview Press

TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins

of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512

VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15

million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww

vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720

VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty

Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]

Moscow Yury Levada Center

WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo

The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012

0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents

WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global

Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press

WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014

httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot

WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki

Jane_Fonda

WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki

Жанаозен

YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo

Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610

ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v

sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal

issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322

ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]

Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom

newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197

Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before

joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the

European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender

nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich

edu

BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Wes

tern

Mic

higa

n U

nive

rsity

] at

19

59 2

1 A

ugus

t 201

7

  • Abstract
  • The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
  • Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
  • ``New Class and New Media
  • Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References