Becoming Visible in the Digital Age: the Class and Media Dimensions of the Pussy Riot Affair
Transcript of Becoming Visible in the Digital Age: the Class and Media Dimensions of the Pussy Riot Affair
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Feminist Media Studies
ISSN 1468-0777 (Print) 1471-5902 (Online) Journal homepage httpwwwtandfonlinecomloirfms20
Becoming Visible in The Digital Age
Elena Gapova
To cite this article Elena Gapova (2015) Becoming Visible in The Digital Age Feminist MediaStudies 151 18-35 DOI 101080146807772015988390
To link to this article httpdxdoiorg101080146807772015988390
Published online 13 Dec 2014
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BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE
The class and media dimensions of the Pussy
Riot affair1
Elena Gapova
The Pussy Riot affair has been represented in Western media as a feminist plight for rights This
study demonstrates that this interpretation disregards the social context of the case and the
negative reactions of the Russian public I argue that the rejection of Pussy Riot by a large segment
of post-Soviet society is related to two factors First the grouprsquos members practice media activism
and belong with new social movements of the post-industrial era They challenge cultural codes
and messages and rely on the language and concepts that target Western rather than post-Soviet
audiences Second the group exemplifies the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in
post-socialist society during the information age They are perceived by many Russians as
cosmopolitan elites produced by global capitalism and thus we need to seriously factor in issues of
class along with gender in order to explain the negative reactions towards them
KEYWORDS Pussy Riot class media activism new social movements post-Soviet Russia
The medium is the message (Marshall McLuhan 1964)
In July 1972 American actress and peace activist Jane Fonda visited North Vietnam
and was photographed there sitting on an anti-American aircraft battery When the photo
appeared in newspapers it spurred a violent polemic known to history as the ldquoHanoi Jane
controversyrdquo While some outraged Americans denounced Fonda and demanded harsh
punishment anti-war activists and countercultural youth celebrated her behavior as
courageous and anti-militarist For over thirty years Fonda kept explaining that she was
(probably involuntarily) tricked into an act that seemed quite innocent In her 2005
biography Fonda apologized for the pain she might have caused American servicemen and
their families and when a former soldier spat tobacco into her face at a book-signing
ceremony she chose not to pursue charges against him (Wikipedia 2014b) The ldquoHanoi Jane
controversyrdquo serves as an introduction to the Pussy Riot affair a contemporary debate of
similar proportions that also resulted from a media event Both cases illustrate the power of
media events to touch on sensitive national issues and the violent polemics that were
launched by these events were representative of deep social divisions
On February 21 2012 five members of the Pussy Riot punk-rock band an all-female
group came to the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow the main Russian Orthodox
temple from where liturgy is broadcast on religious holidays The church was demolished in
Feminist Media Studies 2015Vol 15 No 1 18ndash35 httpdxdoiorg101080146807772015988390
q 2014 Taylor amp Francis
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7
the swipe of state atheism in the 1930s and resurrected as a symbol of repentance for
Stalinrsquos crimes and a return to humanist (Christian) values in the 1990s The performersrsquo
attire of neon balaclavas tights and dresses and their ldquopunk aestheticrdquo were familiar to
those social media users who had seen online their previous performances in Moscowrsquos Red
Square and on top of a bus which had targeted Vladimir Putin with little effect The group
enjoyed modest recognition among young Russian urbanites2 Having approached the
ambo (altar) the most sacred spot of the church the girls jumped onto the platform in front
of it turned to the ldquopublicrdquo (represented by several elderly women and men praying
silently) took out their guitars and made an attempt to perform ie to chant their song to
dance and to imitate prayer In less than one minute they were stopped by Cathedral
security
Later the group uploaded a video of their ldquofullrdquo performance on the Internet in the
clip of more than two minutes Pussy Riot dance at the ambo of the Cathedral of Christ the
Savior facing their audience kick up their legs in the style of a cancan dance imitate prayer
with over-exaggerated low bows play guitars and chant their appeals to the Virgin Mary to
become a feminist and oust Putin and condemn Orthodox priests as KGB agents3 It was
then that Pussy Riot touched a nerve and the Cyrillic sector of cyberspace went wild over
the perceived provocation and symbolic violence At its height in 2012 the case became
truly global as commentators began comparing it to the historic Dreyfus affair The name
of the punk group if Googled yielded millions of links in dozens of languages and the
prison sentence for the group was allegedly reported by 86 percent of world media
(Wikipedia 2014a)
Interpreted by Western media as a human rights issue the cause of Pussy Riot was
supported by celebrities like Madonna and Sir Paul McCartney and by millions of Internet
users who ldquolikedrdquo respective posts in social media and some even rallied in the streets of
global capitals in colorful balaclavas to protest the bandrsquos imprisonment The public in
Russia and the post-Soviet region however was divided the act celebrated by some as
free speech was viewed by others as violent hate speech In contrast to the ldquoHanoi Janerdquo
controversy which took place in the era of traditional media the Pussy Riot affair unfolded
in the age of the Internet and social media which restructure audiences social movements
political participation and modes of expression
The literature on the Pussy Riot affair is extensive (eg Vera Akulova 2013 Anya
Bernstein 2013 Yulia Gradskova Irina Sandomirskaia and Nadezda Petrusenko 2013
Ekaterina Kolesova 2013 Polly McMichael 2013 Marina Yusupova 2014) However there has
not been a sociological reading of the case as an example of new media activism belonging
to the new social movements of the digital era Post-industrial and post-Soviet social
divisions that the controversy over Pussy Riot revealed have not been adequately analyzed
either Thus the intention of this essay is to contribute by focusing on the Pussy Riot affair
to scholarly conversations on new media activism post-socialist feminist debates and
social divisions of the information age This essay argues that being overtly intertwined
with religion feminism and activist art the performance of Pussy Riot in the Cathedral
provoked a reaction that revealed an important contention in social relations in
contemporary Russia It exposed a watershed between a creative or new class of urban
intellectuals and globally connected elites whose life options are immersed in the
technological economic and cultural transformations of the informationdigital economy
and whose goals embrace visibility autonomy and self-expression and on the other hand
the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in a more material economy and lifestyle Their ldquowrathrdquo at post-
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 19
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7
socialist economic inequalities translated into a rejection of Pussy Riot whose protest
centered around non-traditional issues and cultural codes and who became identified with
global capitalism In other words I argue that in the post-Soviet context the Pussy Riot
controversy which is often interpreted in the West in feminist terms was also a displaced
conversation about class relations and subjectivities in a media-saturated information
society
The analytical perspective of this essay draws on current theorizing of class cultures
(Wendy Bottero 2004 Pierre Bourdieu 1984) media activism (William Carroll and Robert
Hackett 2006 Virag Molnar 2013 Fred Turner 2005) and new social movements (Alberto
Melucci 1996) in information society I also make use of feminist theories to explore the
treatment of gender and its intersection with class in the post-Soviet region The material
for my analysis comes from discussions of the Pussy Riot affair that have been going on
since the performance in the Cathedral in 2012 in various kinds of media print and
electronic media social networking platforms and blogs My data include predominantly
Russian-language sources interviews and shows with Pussy Riot articles about them their
own statements posts on blogs and commentary threads as well as cartoons and posters
some factual information was retrieved from international sources These utterances make
up a discourse and this essay offers a close reading of the polemic around the Pussy Riot
affair and seeks to uncover the social relations and subjectivities from which it originates
The next section of the paper offers a brief contextualization of the Pussy Riot affair
Following that the argument unfolds in three separate sections which explore the feminist
class and media aspects of the affair respectively
The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
Much of the Pussy Riot affair unfolded after the performance in the Cathedral and was
a reaction to where that performance took place Eastern Orthodoxy retains the idea which
originates in the New Testament that the church is not a public building as Pussy Riot
insisted during their trial but that it is the body of Christ and a theandric organism (both
God and human united) It can be compared to the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem where certain
rules of respect and reverence are to be observed Therefore the video outraged some
believers who claimed that it was a violation of their faith and a desecration of their
sanctuary A high-profile blogger articulated his trauma as
[ ] the main thing is that they not do this sort of thing in the churchmdashnot lift their legs
in such an obscene and filthy way in that wild dance of theirs not make faces wearing
their masks when at the ambomdashat that place held holy by all Orthodox believers to which
believers only raise their eyes with utmost piety (Pavel Danilin 2012)
Vehemently debated in the media and on blogs the performance elicited both
threats and praises for the performers as well as reprimanding statements from Orthodox
elders In March 2012 three group membersmdashNadezhda (Nadya) Tolokonnikova Maria
(Masha) Alyokhina and Ekaterina Samutsevichmdashwere arrested (two others remain
unknown) and convicted of hooliganism motivated by religious hatred and of offending
the right of believers to hold their rituals sentenced to two years in a prison colony The
case was taken up by Amnesty International as a political one At the trial the high point of
the defense was the claim that the act was a sincere prayer rather than a performance (Ekho
Moskvy 2012) or mockery However a prayer is defined as an invocation or act that seeks to
20 ELENA GAPOVA
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7
create a rapport with a deity and its addressee is God (or a saint) for which no video is
needed The video however indicated that the performance was meant for imagined
viewers or spectators whom the artists faced from the ambo and for whom they mixed their
clip As they admitted they needed an audience other than God ldquoFor us the ambo in the
Church of Christ the Saviour was a performance platformrdquo (Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012a) A
recent interview of Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina with David Remnick of The New Yorker
(2014) also focused on their performance in the Cathedral as an artistic act
In October 2012 Ekaterina Samutsevich was released following her appeal She is
currently suing the grouprsquos lawyers whom she accuses of manipulating the Pussy Riot
trade mark presenting her as a ldquolumpenrdquo figure during the trial and of other misdeeds
(Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012b) Nadezhda Tolokonnikova and Maria Alyokhina were
granted amnesty in December 2013 Upon their release the two announced that they
were taking up the cause of the rights of inmates in Russian prisons They visited the USA
in 2014 where they took part in a concert with Madonna performed on The Colbert
Report were filmed for a new episode of the political TV drama House of Cards and also
appeared in several commercial photo sessions (see Figure 1) The grouprsquos website also
declared that Nadya and Masha do not belong to the Pussy Riot group any more as they are
pursuing a new cause
Although an analysis of the religious side of the affair is outside the scope of this
paper it is important to understand at least some of the context In officially atheist Soviet
society faith was seen as a superstition but a semi-clandestine religious and mystical
tradition survived in intellectual milieus (not to mention in popular religiosity) For the
intelligentsia faith signified existential issues and meant addressing lifersquos big questions a la
Dostoyevsky and was often seen as a practice of resistance After socialism de-
secularization and the rise of religiosity became powerful trends in the region (Vyacheslav
FIGURE 1
Pussy Riotrsquos Nadya Tolokonnikova and Masha Alyokhina photographed in New York City in
2014 Photo from Vanity Fair httpwwwvanityfaircompolitics201407pussy-riot-nadya-
tolokonnikova-masha-alyokhina-photo (accessed June 17 2014)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 21
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7
Karpov 2010) However many believers embrace ldquopoor religionrdquo ie a particular type of
religiosity resulting from an internal conversion to faith that is not grounded in any formal
teachings or in following rituals (Mikhail Epstein 1996) For example ldquopoor believersrdquo view
an icon as a painting and not a holy object that may invoke a liminal mystical experience
they would argue that ldquoGod is in my heart I do not need a temple to believerdquo
When accused of denigrating faith Pussy Riot who later recognized the ethical
mistake of choosing the Cathedral for their act argued that they were believers and
respected religion as cultural heritage This civic religiosity is rejected by traditional
believers and thus the religious part of the division over Pussy Riot involved the nature of
contemporary faithmdashhow to believe ldquocorrectlyrdquo do rituals make one a believermdashand
Church authority Russian Orthodoxy which proudly claims to be the remaining ldquotrue
versionrdquo of Christianity also tries to address the challenges of post-modernity (in a way
similar to the Catholic Second Vatican Council of 1962ndash1965) and has worked out a rather
conservative social doctrine (Russian Orthodox Church Press Service 2005) Educated and
more cosmopolitan believers who seek to make sense of the globalized world embracing
social change new technologies religious diversity or sexuality disregard the doctrine and
even argue that ldquoOrthodoxy promotes backwardnessrdquo (Iryna Karatsuba 2011) This is a
charged assertion as historically faith has been seen as tied to ldquoRussiannessrdquo and has been
used to evoke ideas of the nation (Chris Chulos 2000 29) Thus in large part the controversy
over the punk prayer was about who had the authority to define the meaning of
ldquoRussiannessrdquo for the nation would it be global cosmopolitan ldquoperformersrdquo dancing at the
ambo or ldquothe people of Russiardquo During the trial the Church backed by the government
was able to mobilize its supporters in the provinces for a response to the act via so-called
ldquoanti-pussingsrdquo ie rallies ldquoin defense of Orthodox faithrdquo ldquoRussiannessrdquo and traditional
values (Elena Sineok 2012) Thus the division that emerged over Pussy Riot was not one
between believers and non-believers rather it was between different types of believers
and non-believers The case stirred up something fundamentalmdashthat which can be a line of
social division but which is not pinned down easily In short even if the affair started with
religion its scope is much broader
Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist(Mis)Understandings
From the very start feminism was in the foreground of the Pussy Riot affair and the
case raises important questions about the meaning of feminism The group had defined
their convictions as ldquofeminism resisting the institutions of law enforcement protecting
LGBT individuals promoting anti-Putinism and a radical decentralization of power saving
the Khimki forest near Moscow [from a new railroad] and moving the capital city of the
Russian Federation to Eastern Siberiardquo (Pussy Riot 2011) By listing feminism first including
LGBT issues calling on the Virgin Mary in their performance to become a feminist chanting
about gays who might be ldquosent to Siberia in shacklesrdquo and using an explicit name for the
female sex organ as a symbol of womenrsquos power and rebellion Pussy Riot sent a clear
message about their allegiances It was recognized immediately but only in the West One
reason why the affair was ldquopicked uprdquo with such vigor by Western media was its perfect fit
with the global media market and its use of recognizable ldquoglobalrdquo feminist imagery As The
New York times wrote
22 ELENA GAPOVA
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The name helps Itrsquos its own form of culture jam a savvy reference to feminist and musical
historymdashriot grrrl and Susie Bright as well as a wink to womenrsquos appropriation of sexual
agency and bodily power In other words it is specifically calibrated for the Western media
market (Melena Ryzik 2012)
The public in the post-Soviet region poorly versed in global feminism (more on this
below) was at a loss about the meaning of the protest although many felt that they were
made fun of A poll by theMoscow-based Levada Center revealed that 23 percent of Russians
thought that the performance targeted the Russian Orthodox Church and religious believers
in general 19 percent believed that the act was an anti-Putin one and another 19 percent
ldquocould not sayrdquo who or what the performance targeted (Levada Center 2012)
Not taken seriously initially the group was an object of gendered derision by the
liberal public A popular oppositional media project ldquoCitizen Poetrdquo (where classical Russian
poetry is used as commentary on contemporary issues) mocked the ldquoriot of the pussyrdquo
which was set against the ldquoriot of the dickrdquo (Dmitry Bykov 2012) The arrest of the group put
an end to all laughter but not to questioning their ideology Many members of the post-
Soviet feminist community were frustrated as they had no choice but to stand in support of
Pussy Riot while feeling at the same time that the group did not represent them and
might have been ldquoselling outrdquo feminism (Akulova 2013) For example a ldquoshout (krik) for the
salvation of women held in captivityrdquo was posted on the grouprsquos ldquocorporaterdquo blog (Pussy
Riot 2012) after the arrest and both its ldquoBiblicalrdquo wording and appeals to mercy for
womenndashmothers created some doubt as to whether the feminist stance was used and
dropped as needed The lawyers of the group based their campaign on conservative values
and on the rhetoric of ldquochildren missing their mothersrdquo (Akulova 2013) Ironically that logic
echoed the suggestion by liberal-minded priest Andrey Kuraev to pardon the group
members as silly girls Kuraev argued that since the punk-prayer took place during winter
celebrations it was a pointless prank The way for the Church to deal with it he insisted was
to invite ldquothe girlsrdquo for a traditional meal of blini to pinch them slightly in a fatherly way and
let them go (Andrei Kuraev 2012)
The suggestion greeted by a sympathetic liberal public to pinch young women as if
they were stuffed toys and a general mode of ldquowomen held in captivityrdquo are the signs of the
general depolitization of the case in Russian mainstream media (Bernstein 2013 222 224)
The young womenrsquos stand was not taken seriously the case was initially treated as a joke
and then as a human rights issue but hardly as an affirmation of feminist convictions and
identity politics Pussy Riot were supported by many liberals as ldquoanti-Putinistsrdquo rather than
feminists only a small portion recognized that they might have an autonomous voice and
were touching on important social issues One reason for this is how the concept of gender
equality which had been characteristic of socialism and still looms large in the region treats
the oppression of women
The Soviet understanding of gender equality was rooted in classical Marxism with
the oppression of women viewed as a ldquoby-productrdquo of class inequality as women produce
reproduce workers for capitalism there is an incentive to control their sexuality and
reproductive capacities and curtail their autonomy As women toil for men and for
capitalism at the same time gender equality requires integrating women into the paid
labor force to make them economically independent in the long run this should target
class oppression In line with this logic gender equality necessarily includes state supported
childcare access to abortion and healthcare paid maternityparental leaves and other
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 23
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benefits without which womenrsquos participation in the labor force is problematic (see Elena
Zdravomyslova and Anna Temkina 2004) All of these can only be provided through a
particular policy (of resource redistribution) and thus gender equality became a case for
socialism this also explains why women tend to vote for leftist parties more often than men
do With gender equality focused on welfare and maternal benefits ie on redistributive
justice ldquoto pinch or not to pinchrdquo was not on the agendamdashthe very conceptual framework
for dealing with the issue of recognition in a feminist way was missing
The system of views on gender inequality that was elaborated in the West by second-
wave feminists was more nuanced and highlighted (except in the case of Marxist feminists)
the concept of patriarchy rather than class According to this perspective the oppression of
women results from patriarchy (male domination) in all social domains from sexuality to
economics to which capitalism adds some important dimensions Patriarchy being almost
synonymous with culture (ie civilization) penetrates all social categories and institutions
such as language (which is not gender neutral) sexuality (with its ldquocompulsoryrdquo
heteronormativity the very basis of patriarchal power) domestic violence (an extension of
male domination) etc It is impossible to put an end to the system without deconstructing
its main social institutions and it is within this perspective that sexuality and LGBT issues
come to the core they are not only a matter of the individual rights of specific people but
an instrument for a broad social transformation through deconstructing patriarchal
heteronormativity (see Rosemary Tong [1989] 2008)
It is also of importance that the global perspective on gender started making its way
into the post-Soviet region with the disintegration of socialism the advent of the neoliberal
market and new forms of domination and exclusion when free childcare or paid maternity
leave became ldquoobstaclesrdquo to economic efficiency4 The new focus promoted by
international organizations operating in the region was on the rights of women as
independent individuals (who cannot be ldquopinchedrdquo) their representation autonomy
independent subjectivity and their rights to their bodies and sexuality ie the categories
that belong to a ldquobourgeoisrdquo concept of subjectivity This celebration of autonomous and
independent agents was mostly taking hold among educated urban women More
generally a new feminist agenda focusing on recognition rather than on redistribution to
follow Nancy Fraserrsquos conceptualization (1998) or the way it was interpreted in the post-
Soviet region did not get a wide support base because for many women (and men) it
became associated with economic inequality that followed the reforms of the 1990s (Elena
Gapova 2009) and was not presented through familiar concepts Recently in Russia and
Ukraine the very concept of ldquogenderrdquo and the organizations that promote it came under
conservative attack the concept has been interpreted as a ldquoWestern importrdquo perpetuated
by interested anti-patriotic groups (see for example Olena Hankivsky and Anastasiya
Salnykova 2012)
In this context Pussy Riot landed in an ambivalent situation they were appealing to
the issues of sexuality housework and language which had not been theorized in the
region as categories of social oppression outside of a narrow circle of scholars of gender
and some feminist activists The group tended to invoke ideas and meanings that mattered
for a Western audience because thatrsquos where they had been conceptualized as feminist
while in the post-Soviet region they became charged and often associated with global
capitalism Pussy Riot who insisted on the countercultural and anti-commercial bent of
their project were identified with ldquosuspiciousrdquo self-indulgent urban cosmopolitan elites
and the polemic around the case became a displaced reaction to social inequality
24 ELENA GAPOVA
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ldquoNew Classrdquo and New Media
In spring 2012 a BBC radio correspondent reporting on the gathering in front of the
Moscow court building where an interim decision regarding Pussy Riot was to be made
described the crowd there as ldquostylish young urbanitesrdquo (BBC Newshour 2012) They
answered his questions in fluent English which is an important asset in the quasi-
professional communities and networks of bloggers and journalists of new media
ldquocontemporaryrdquo artists computer enthusiasts web designers consultants musicians
popular scientists public intellectuals expert organizers and semi-professional human
rights feminist or ecological activists belonging to international activist networks (often
supported with international grant money) Studies of the 2012 protests in Moscow (eg
Dmitry Volkov 2012) tend to ignore a crucial aspect of the partial overlapping of two areas
through which these people come together and know each other These areas are political
events and the production and consumption of contemporary art sustained through
galleries exhibitions auctions ldquobohemianrdquo cafes and ldquobuzzrdquo in digital media The artistic
and organizational beginnings of Pussy Riot can be found in the actionist group Voina
(War) to which some of its members had belonged Members of this milieu often have a
recognizable habitus they tend to look ldquocoolrdquo follow a particular style of material and
cultural consumption (including music art-house movies books etc) and a way of life
They belong to a ldquonew classrdquo that makes the social base of Pussy Riot
The term ldquoclassrdquo can denote a particular social group and at the same time invoke
the principles according to which this group has been delineated Primarily the notion of
class implies economic divisions However the term may also invoke social divisions
privilege and exclusion based on non-economic forms of capital As a broad organizing
concept for theorizing a wide range of issues associated with social inequality and
differentiation class divisions after Bourdieu and others can be sustained through matters
of culture lifestyle and taste In other words people may not ldquoexplicitly recognize class
issues or identify with discrete class groupingsrdquo but class processes still operate on them
(Bottero 2004 989) and ldquolines of exclusionrdquo based on style taste knowledge and culture
are related in non-obvious ways to economic capitals and assets
This primer on class helps to make sense of social developments in the post-Soviet
region where a transition to capitalism resulted in economic divisions and a transition to
the global information age fundamentally changed the nature of employment With the
advent of the Internet new occupations as well as new patterns of employment came into
being besides freelance jobs outsourcing subcontracting and other forms of project-
based networking independent content production based on onersquos own resourcefulness
and making oneself interesting are the features of this fluid and precarious employment
environment The term ldquocreative classrdquo (kreakly) after Richard Floridarsquos The Rise of the
Creative Class (2002) started to be applied sometimes ironically to these communities
often sustained in globalized urban centers One could also think of these networks in
terms of a ldquonew classrdquo the members of this new class use intellectual cultural and
educational capitals to produce an income and sustain privilege (Lawrence King and Ivan
Zselenyi 2004)
The advent of the Internet which allows interpersonal interactions in the online
world has been important for sustaining new class communities of experts artists and
activists (Barry Wellman 1999) as social networking platforms (Facebook LiveJournal
Twitter as well as some Cyrillic platforms) provide a ldquomergerrdquo of social and commercial
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 25
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activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash
offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and
activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the
community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and
economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important
for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner
who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo
movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and
visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist
networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo
oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation
belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this
intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line
between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters
become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as
one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while
she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy
Riot discourse on the Internet
Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their
resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members
of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it
and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through
their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-
gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation
charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be
legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-
FIGURE 2
LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo
from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)
26 ELENA GAPOVA
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ugus
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7
capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion
industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological
networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and
employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release
from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows
and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)
Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by
the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and
commoditization intentions from the start
If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy
Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and
other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-
economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference
can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural
outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and
Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and
even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less
cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The
following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held
in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that
read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo
is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly
the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo
(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in
order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human
rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status
The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation
between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist
maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that
ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals
needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude
In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long
and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common
people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type
of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)
In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in
terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot
The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily
tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position
maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to
pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see
for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and
demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals
appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which
focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-
declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27
Dow
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ded
by [
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago
[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a
different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now
have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally
speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]
We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of
schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It
is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches
[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)
This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and
working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian
Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power
struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the
oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces
which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo
ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media
insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of
Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which
had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should
be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see
Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on
LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and
left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and
language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their
grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be
marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also
because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of
striking oil workers in Kazakhstan
Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to
access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers
(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have
sympathized
The same commentator also wrote
Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good
thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope
we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the
other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already
perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People
and Nature 2012)6
Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected
new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The
information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often
relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the
acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo
28 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
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tern
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a
cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action
often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization
that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new
social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed
so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound
social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the
1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic
and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of
organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci
1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as
seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of
society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought
to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding
the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of
resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity
autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of
the message
The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital
ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline
choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at
the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and
promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical
part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the
Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances
had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church
the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious
symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious
institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban
performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful
and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing
one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition
was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements
(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and
post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of
radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew
dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at
eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was
to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in
the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were
the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the
foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)
Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global
phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve
as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic
devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)
In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to
Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many
superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)
Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility
because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)
and forms of representation
Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo
that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of
contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media
of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have
become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative
and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst
1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous
and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures
In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in
politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing
social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more
importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and
power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo
(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo
writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world
where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash
intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the
same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking
place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or
shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when
Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos
1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience
As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on
smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images
get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in
the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is
important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a
ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The
first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary
culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with
which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social
networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third
trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing
that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov
the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in
August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the
trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New
York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and
Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot
30 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who
pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim
Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is
ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the
instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became
instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product
Conclusion
The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist
plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War
framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the
social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help
to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in
Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice
media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-
industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of
post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target
Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot
have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist
society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by
global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to
gender
The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it
demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not
ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods
And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the
delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with
instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments
are also part of global media capitalism
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their
comments
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author
NOTES
1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot
feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and
class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)
for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova
eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the
Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in
2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)
3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper
4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian
economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans
discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to
become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)
5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential
elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV
anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of
the general context (Vesti 2012)
6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were
used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four
according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the
participants (Wikipedia 2014c)
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Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications
AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in
Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and
Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press
BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor
Detroit MI
BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and
Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press
BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy
Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241
BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003
BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge
BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube
video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE
CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of
Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104
CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth
of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate
DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments
Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html
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nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
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nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class
Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton
184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell
ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524
Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww
youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ
EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply
Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb
rublogspussyriots5124php
EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]
Oktyabr 9 158ndash165
FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]
Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog
52030
FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova
Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww
fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml
FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure
Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books
FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition
and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson
vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press
GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo
[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki
7 (4) 465ndash484
GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe
Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)
Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794
GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of
Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom
reflections-on-receptions
HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine
Toronto Toronto University Press
HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media
New York Routledge
ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru
February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048
KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-
wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13
KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and
State 52 (2) 232ndash270
KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power
Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press
KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed
September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm
KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations
Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152
22286
KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014
httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html
LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]
Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww
levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot
MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor
MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New
Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113
MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York
Cambridge University Press
MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and
Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58
NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino
livejournalcom921808htmlcomments
NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo
[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14
Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html
PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers
toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809
support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot
livejournalcom15189html
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi
Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]
Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html
RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh
institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http
wciomruratings-social-institutions
RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August
22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic
pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta
November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119
samutsevich
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us
the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17
2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en
SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica
connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-
riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958
SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31
Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html
34 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what
nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014
httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo
THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18
2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot
TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House
TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO
Westview Press
TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins
of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512
VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15
million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww
vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720
VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty
Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]
Moscow Yury Levada Center
WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo
The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012
0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents
WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global
Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press
WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014
httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot
WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki
Jane_Fonda
WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki
Жанаозен
YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo
Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610
ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v
sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal
issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322
ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]
Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom
newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197
Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before
joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the
European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender
nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich
edu
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35
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- Abstract
- The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
- Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
- ``New Class and New Media
- Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- References
-
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE
The class and media dimensions of the Pussy
Riot affair1
Elena Gapova
The Pussy Riot affair has been represented in Western media as a feminist plight for rights This
study demonstrates that this interpretation disregards the social context of the case and the
negative reactions of the Russian public I argue that the rejection of Pussy Riot by a large segment
of post-Soviet society is related to two factors First the grouprsquos members practice media activism
and belong with new social movements of the post-industrial era They challenge cultural codes
and messages and rely on the language and concepts that target Western rather than post-Soviet
audiences Second the group exemplifies the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in
post-socialist society during the information age They are perceived by many Russians as
cosmopolitan elites produced by global capitalism and thus we need to seriously factor in issues of
class along with gender in order to explain the negative reactions towards them
KEYWORDS Pussy Riot class media activism new social movements post-Soviet Russia
The medium is the message (Marshall McLuhan 1964)
In July 1972 American actress and peace activist Jane Fonda visited North Vietnam
and was photographed there sitting on an anti-American aircraft battery When the photo
appeared in newspapers it spurred a violent polemic known to history as the ldquoHanoi Jane
controversyrdquo While some outraged Americans denounced Fonda and demanded harsh
punishment anti-war activists and countercultural youth celebrated her behavior as
courageous and anti-militarist For over thirty years Fonda kept explaining that she was
(probably involuntarily) tricked into an act that seemed quite innocent In her 2005
biography Fonda apologized for the pain she might have caused American servicemen and
their families and when a former soldier spat tobacco into her face at a book-signing
ceremony she chose not to pursue charges against him (Wikipedia 2014b) The ldquoHanoi Jane
controversyrdquo serves as an introduction to the Pussy Riot affair a contemporary debate of
similar proportions that also resulted from a media event Both cases illustrate the power of
media events to touch on sensitive national issues and the violent polemics that were
launched by these events were representative of deep social divisions
On February 21 2012 five members of the Pussy Riot punk-rock band an all-female
group came to the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow the main Russian Orthodox
temple from where liturgy is broadcast on religious holidays The church was demolished in
Feminist Media Studies 2015Vol 15 No 1 18ndash35 httpdxdoiorg101080146807772015988390
q 2014 Taylor amp Francis
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ugus
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7
the swipe of state atheism in the 1930s and resurrected as a symbol of repentance for
Stalinrsquos crimes and a return to humanist (Christian) values in the 1990s The performersrsquo
attire of neon balaclavas tights and dresses and their ldquopunk aestheticrdquo were familiar to
those social media users who had seen online their previous performances in Moscowrsquos Red
Square and on top of a bus which had targeted Vladimir Putin with little effect The group
enjoyed modest recognition among young Russian urbanites2 Having approached the
ambo (altar) the most sacred spot of the church the girls jumped onto the platform in front
of it turned to the ldquopublicrdquo (represented by several elderly women and men praying
silently) took out their guitars and made an attempt to perform ie to chant their song to
dance and to imitate prayer In less than one minute they were stopped by Cathedral
security
Later the group uploaded a video of their ldquofullrdquo performance on the Internet in the
clip of more than two minutes Pussy Riot dance at the ambo of the Cathedral of Christ the
Savior facing their audience kick up their legs in the style of a cancan dance imitate prayer
with over-exaggerated low bows play guitars and chant their appeals to the Virgin Mary to
become a feminist and oust Putin and condemn Orthodox priests as KGB agents3 It was
then that Pussy Riot touched a nerve and the Cyrillic sector of cyberspace went wild over
the perceived provocation and symbolic violence At its height in 2012 the case became
truly global as commentators began comparing it to the historic Dreyfus affair The name
of the punk group if Googled yielded millions of links in dozens of languages and the
prison sentence for the group was allegedly reported by 86 percent of world media
(Wikipedia 2014a)
Interpreted by Western media as a human rights issue the cause of Pussy Riot was
supported by celebrities like Madonna and Sir Paul McCartney and by millions of Internet
users who ldquolikedrdquo respective posts in social media and some even rallied in the streets of
global capitals in colorful balaclavas to protest the bandrsquos imprisonment The public in
Russia and the post-Soviet region however was divided the act celebrated by some as
free speech was viewed by others as violent hate speech In contrast to the ldquoHanoi Janerdquo
controversy which took place in the era of traditional media the Pussy Riot affair unfolded
in the age of the Internet and social media which restructure audiences social movements
political participation and modes of expression
The literature on the Pussy Riot affair is extensive (eg Vera Akulova 2013 Anya
Bernstein 2013 Yulia Gradskova Irina Sandomirskaia and Nadezda Petrusenko 2013
Ekaterina Kolesova 2013 Polly McMichael 2013 Marina Yusupova 2014) However there has
not been a sociological reading of the case as an example of new media activism belonging
to the new social movements of the digital era Post-industrial and post-Soviet social
divisions that the controversy over Pussy Riot revealed have not been adequately analyzed
either Thus the intention of this essay is to contribute by focusing on the Pussy Riot affair
to scholarly conversations on new media activism post-socialist feminist debates and
social divisions of the information age This essay argues that being overtly intertwined
with religion feminism and activist art the performance of Pussy Riot in the Cathedral
provoked a reaction that revealed an important contention in social relations in
contemporary Russia It exposed a watershed between a creative or new class of urban
intellectuals and globally connected elites whose life options are immersed in the
technological economic and cultural transformations of the informationdigital economy
and whose goals embrace visibility autonomy and self-expression and on the other hand
the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in a more material economy and lifestyle Their ldquowrathrdquo at post-
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 19
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ugus
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7
socialist economic inequalities translated into a rejection of Pussy Riot whose protest
centered around non-traditional issues and cultural codes and who became identified with
global capitalism In other words I argue that in the post-Soviet context the Pussy Riot
controversy which is often interpreted in the West in feminist terms was also a displaced
conversation about class relations and subjectivities in a media-saturated information
society
The analytical perspective of this essay draws on current theorizing of class cultures
(Wendy Bottero 2004 Pierre Bourdieu 1984) media activism (William Carroll and Robert
Hackett 2006 Virag Molnar 2013 Fred Turner 2005) and new social movements (Alberto
Melucci 1996) in information society I also make use of feminist theories to explore the
treatment of gender and its intersection with class in the post-Soviet region The material
for my analysis comes from discussions of the Pussy Riot affair that have been going on
since the performance in the Cathedral in 2012 in various kinds of media print and
electronic media social networking platforms and blogs My data include predominantly
Russian-language sources interviews and shows with Pussy Riot articles about them their
own statements posts on blogs and commentary threads as well as cartoons and posters
some factual information was retrieved from international sources These utterances make
up a discourse and this essay offers a close reading of the polemic around the Pussy Riot
affair and seeks to uncover the social relations and subjectivities from which it originates
The next section of the paper offers a brief contextualization of the Pussy Riot affair
Following that the argument unfolds in three separate sections which explore the feminist
class and media aspects of the affair respectively
The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
Much of the Pussy Riot affair unfolded after the performance in the Cathedral and was
a reaction to where that performance took place Eastern Orthodoxy retains the idea which
originates in the New Testament that the church is not a public building as Pussy Riot
insisted during their trial but that it is the body of Christ and a theandric organism (both
God and human united) It can be compared to the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem where certain
rules of respect and reverence are to be observed Therefore the video outraged some
believers who claimed that it was a violation of their faith and a desecration of their
sanctuary A high-profile blogger articulated his trauma as
[ ] the main thing is that they not do this sort of thing in the churchmdashnot lift their legs
in such an obscene and filthy way in that wild dance of theirs not make faces wearing
their masks when at the ambomdashat that place held holy by all Orthodox believers to which
believers only raise their eyes with utmost piety (Pavel Danilin 2012)
Vehemently debated in the media and on blogs the performance elicited both
threats and praises for the performers as well as reprimanding statements from Orthodox
elders In March 2012 three group membersmdashNadezhda (Nadya) Tolokonnikova Maria
(Masha) Alyokhina and Ekaterina Samutsevichmdashwere arrested (two others remain
unknown) and convicted of hooliganism motivated by religious hatred and of offending
the right of believers to hold their rituals sentenced to two years in a prison colony The
case was taken up by Amnesty International as a political one At the trial the high point of
the defense was the claim that the act was a sincere prayer rather than a performance (Ekho
Moskvy 2012) or mockery However a prayer is defined as an invocation or act that seeks to
20 ELENA GAPOVA
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rsity
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19
59 2
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ugus
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7
create a rapport with a deity and its addressee is God (or a saint) for which no video is
needed The video however indicated that the performance was meant for imagined
viewers or spectators whom the artists faced from the ambo and for whom they mixed their
clip As they admitted they needed an audience other than God ldquoFor us the ambo in the
Church of Christ the Saviour was a performance platformrdquo (Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012a) A
recent interview of Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina with David Remnick of The New Yorker
(2014) also focused on their performance in the Cathedral as an artistic act
In October 2012 Ekaterina Samutsevich was released following her appeal She is
currently suing the grouprsquos lawyers whom she accuses of manipulating the Pussy Riot
trade mark presenting her as a ldquolumpenrdquo figure during the trial and of other misdeeds
(Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012b) Nadezhda Tolokonnikova and Maria Alyokhina were
granted amnesty in December 2013 Upon their release the two announced that they
were taking up the cause of the rights of inmates in Russian prisons They visited the USA
in 2014 where they took part in a concert with Madonna performed on The Colbert
Report were filmed for a new episode of the political TV drama House of Cards and also
appeared in several commercial photo sessions (see Figure 1) The grouprsquos website also
declared that Nadya and Masha do not belong to the Pussy Riot group any more as they are
pursuing a new cause
Although an analysis of the religious side of the affair is outside the scope of this
paper it is important to understand at least some of the context In officially atheist Soviet
society faith was seen as a superstition but a semi-clandestine religious and mystical
tradition survived in intellectual milieus (not to mention in popular religiosity) For the
intelligentsia faith signified existential issues and meant addressing lifersquos big questions a la
Dostoyevsky and was often seen as a practice of resistance After socialism de-
secularization and the rise of religiosity became powerful trends in the region (Vyacheslav
FIGURE 1
Pussy Riotrsquos Nadya Tolokonnikova and Masha Alyokhina photographed in New York City in
2014 Photo from Vanity Fair httpwwwvanityfaircompolitics201407pussy-riot-nadya-
tolokonnikova-masha-alyokhina-photo (accessed June 17 2014)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 21
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ugus
t 201
7
Karpov 2010) However many believers embrace ldquopoor religionrdquo ie a particular type of
religiosity resulting from an internal conversion to faith that is not grounded in any formal
teachings or in following rituals (Mikhail Epstein 1996) For example ldquopoor believersrdquo view
an icon as a painting and not a holy object that may invoke a liminal mystical experience
they would argue that ldquoGod is in my heart I do not need a temple to believerdquo
When accused of denigrating faith Pussy Riot who later recognized the ethical
mistake of choosing the Cathedral for their act argued that they were believers and
respected religion as cultural heritage This civic religiosity is rejected by traditional
believers and thus the religious part of the division over Pussy Riot involved the nature of
contemporary faithmdashhow to believe ldquocorrectlyrdquo do rituals make one a believermdashand
Church authority Russian Orthodoxy which proudly claims to be the remaining ldquotrue
versionrdquo of Christianity also tries to address the challenges of post-modernity (in a way
similar to the Catholic Second Vatican Council of 1962ndash1965) and has worked out a rather
conservative social doctrine (Russian Orthodox Church Press Service 2005) Educated and
more cosmopolitan believers who seek to make sense of the globalized world embracing
social change new technologies religious diversity or sexuality disregard the doctrine and
even argue that ldquoOrthodoxy promotes backwardnessrdquo (Iryna Karatsuba 2011) This is a
charged assertion as historically faith has been seen as tied to ldquoRussiannessrdquo and has been
used to evoke ideas of the nation (Chris Chulos 2000 29) Thus in large part the controversy
over the punk prayer was about who had the authority to define the meaning of
ldquoRussiannessrdquo for the nation would it be global cosmopolitan ldquoperformersrdquo dancing at the
ambo or ldquothe people of Russiardquo During the trial the Church backed by the government
was able to mobilize its supporters in the provinces for a response to the act via so-called
ldquoanti-pussingsrdquo ie rallies ldquoin defense of Orthodox faithrdquo ldquoRussiannessrdquo and traditional
values (Elena Sineok 2012) Thus the division that emerged over Pussy Riot was not one
between believers and non-believers rather it was between different types of believers
and non-believers The case stirred up something fundamentalmdashthat which can be a line of
social division but which is not pinned down easily In short even if the affair started with
religion its scope is much broader
Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist(Mis)Understandings
From the very start feminism was in the foreground of the Pussy Riot affair and the
case raises important questions about the meaning of feminism The group had defined
their convictions as ldquofeminism resisting the institutions of law enforcement protecting
LGBT individuals promoting anti-Putinism and a radical decentralization of power saving
the Khimki forest near Moscow [from a new railroad] and moving the capital city of the
Russian Federation to Eastern Siberiardquo (Pussy Riot 2011) By listing feminism first including
LGBT issues calling on the Virgin Mary in their performance to become a feminist chanting
about gays who might be ldquosent to Siberia in shacklesrdquo and using an explicit name for the
female sex organ as a symbol of womenrsquos power and rebellion Pussy Riot sent a clear
message about their allegiances It was recognized immediately but only in the West One
reason why the affair was ldquopicked uprdquo with such vigor by Western media was its perfect fit
with the global media market and its use of recognizable ldquoglobalrdquo feminist imagery As The
New York times wrote
22 ELENA GAPOVA
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7
The name helps Itrsquos its own form of culture jam a savvy reference to feminist and musical
historymdashriot grrrl and Susie Bright as well as a wink to womenrsquos appropriation of sexual
agency and bodily power In other words it is specifically calibrated for the Western media
market (Melena Ryzik 2012)
The public in the post-Soviet region poorly versed in global feminism (more on this
below) was at a loss about the meaning of the protest although many felt that they were
made fun of A poll by theMoscow-based Levada Center revealed that 23 percent of Russians
thought that the performance targeted the Russian Orthodox Church and religious believers
in general 19 percent believed that the act was an anti-Putin one and another 19 percent
ldquocould not sayrdquo who or what the performance targeted (Levada Center 2012)
Not taken seriously initially the group was an object of gendered derision by the
liberal public A popular oppositional media project ldquoCitizen Poetrdquo (where classical Russian
poetry is used as commentary on contemporary issues) mocked the ldquoriot of the pussyrdquo
which was set against the ldquoriot of the dickrdquo (Dmitry Bykov 2012) The arrest of the group put
an end to all laughter but not to questioning their ideology Many members of the post-
Soviet feminist community were frustrated as they had no choice but to stand in support of
Pussy Riot while feeling at the same time that the group did not represent them and
might have been ldquoselling outrdquo feminism (Akulova 2013) For example a ldquoshout (krik) for the
salvation of women held in captivityrdquo was posted on the grouprsquos ldquocorporaterdquo blog (Pussy
Riot 2012) after the arrest and both its ldquoBiblicalrdquo wording and appeals to mercy for
womenndashmothers created some doubt as to whether the feminist stance was used and
dropped as needed The lawyers of the group based their campaign on conservative values
and on the rhetoric of ldquochildren missing their mothersrdquo (Akulova 2013) Ironically that logic
echoed the suggestion by liberal-minded priest Andrey Kuraev to pardon the group
members as silly girls Kuraev argued that since the punk-prayer took place during winter
celebrations it was a pointless prank The way for the Church to deal with it he insisted was
to invite ldquothe girlsrdquo for a traditional meal of blini to pinch them slightly in a fatherly way and
let them go (Andrei Kuraev 2012)
The suggestion greeted by a sympathetic liberal public to pinch young women as if
they were stuffed toys and a general mode of ldquowomen held in captivityrdquo are the signs of the
general depolitization of the case in Russian mainstream media (Bernstein 2013 222 224)
The young womenrsquos stand was not taken seriously the case was initially treated as a joke
and then as a human rights issue but hardly as an affirmation of feminist convictions and
identity politics Pussy Riot were supported by many liberals as ldquoanti-Putinistsrdquo rather than
feminists only a small portion recognized that they might have an autonomous voice and
were touching on important social issues One reason for this is how the concept of gender
equality which had been characteristic of socialism and still looms large in the region treats
the oppression of women
The Soviet understanding of gender equality was rooted in classical Marxism with
the oppression of women viewed as a ldquoby-productrdquo of class inequality as women produce
reproduce workers for capitalism there is an incentive to control their sexuality and
reproductive capacities and curtail their autonomy As women toil for men and for
capitalism at the same time gender equality requires integrating women into the paid
labor force to make them economically independent in the long run this should target
class oppression In line with this logic gender equality necessarily includes state supported
childcare access to abortion and healthcare paid maternityparental leaves and other
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 23
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ugus
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7
benefits without which womenrsquos participation in the labor force is problematic (see Elena
Zdravomyslova and Anna Temkina 2004) All of these can only be provided through a
particular policy (of resource redistribution) and thus gender equality became a case for
socialism this also explains why women tend to vote for leftist parties more often than men
do With gender equality focused on welfare and maternal benefits ie on redistributive
justice ldquoto pinch or not to pinchrdquo was not on the agendamdashthe very conceptual framework
for dealing with the issue of recognition in a feminist way was missing
The system of views on gender inequality that was elaborated in the West by second-
wave feminists was more nuanced and highlighted (except in the case of Marxist feminists)
the concept of patriarchy rather than class According to this perspective the oppression of
women results from patriarchy (male domination) in all social domains from sexuality to
economics to which capitalism adds some important dimensions Patriarchy being almost
synonymous with culture (ie civilization) penetrates all social categories and institutions
such as language (which is not gender neutral) sexuality (with its ldquocompulsoryrdquo
heteronormativity the very basis of patriarchal power) domestic violence (an extension of
male domination) etc It is impossible to put an end to the system without deconstructing
its main social institutions and it is within this perspective that sexuality and LGBT issues
come to the core they are not only a matter of the individual rights of specific people but
an instrument for a broad social transformation through deconstructing patriarchal
heteronormativity (see Rosemary Tong [1989] 2008)
It is also of importance that the global perspective on gender started making its way
into the post-Soviet region with the disintegration of socialism the advent of the neoliberal
market and new forms of domination and exclusion when free childcare or paid maternity
leave became ldquoobstaclesrdquo to economic efficiency4 The new focus promoted by
international organizations operating in the region was on the rights of women as
independent individuals (who cannot be ldquopinchedrdquo) their representation autonomy
independent subjectivity and their rights to their bodies and sexuality ie the categories
that belong to a ldquobourgeoisrdquo concept of subjectivity This celebration of autonomous and
independent agents was mostly taking hold among educated urban women More
generally a new feminist agenda focusing on recognition rather than on redistribution to
follow Nancy Fraserrsquos conceptualization (1998) or the way it was interpreted in the post-
Soviet region did not get a wide support base because for many women (and men) it
became associated with economic inequality that followed the reforms of the 1990s (Elena
Gapova 2009) and was not presented through familiar concepts Recently in Russia and
Ukraine the very concept of ldquogenderrdquo and the organizations that promote it came under
conservative attack the concept has been interpreted as a ldquoWestern importrdquo perpetuated
by interested anti-patriotic groups (see for example Olena Hankivsky and Anastasiya
Salnykova 2012)
In this context Pussy Riot landed in an ambivalent situation they were appealing to
the issues of sexuality housework and language which had not been theorized in the
region as categories of social oppression outside of a narrow circle of scholars of gender
and some feminist activists The group tended to invoke ideas and meanings that mattered
for a Western audience because thatrsquos where they had been conceptualized as feminist
while in the post-Soviet region they became charged and often associated with global
capitalism Pussy Riot who insisted on the countercultural and anti-commercial bent of
their project were identified with ldquosuspiciousrdquo self-indulgent urban cosmopolitan elites
and the polemic around the case became a displaced reaction to social inequality
24 ELENA GAPOVA
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19
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7
ldquoNew Classrdquo and New Media
In spring 2012 a BBC radio correspondent reporting on the gathering in front of the
Moscow court building where an interim decision regarding Pussy Riot was to be made
described the crowd there as ldquostylish young urbanitesrdquo (BBC Newshour 2012) They
answered his questions in fluent English which is an important asset in the quasi-
professional communities and networks of bloggers and journalists of new media
ldquocontemporaryrdquo artists computer enthusiasts web designers consultants musicians
popular scientists public intellectuals expert organizers and semi-professional human
rights feminist or ecological activists belonging to international activist networks (often
supported with international grant money) Studies of the 2012 protests in Moscow (eg
Dmitry Volkov 2012) tend to ignore a crucial aspect of the partial overlapping of two areas
through which these people come together and know each other These areas are political
events and the production and consumption of contemporary art sustained through
galleries exhibitions auctions ldquobohemianrdquo cafes and ldquobuzzrdquo in digital media The artistic
and organizational beginnings of Pussy Riot can be found in the actionist group Voina
(War) to which some of its members had belonged Members of this milieu often have a
recognizable habitus they tend to look ldquocoolrdquo follow a particular style of material and
cultural consumption (including music art-house movies books etc) and a way of life
They belong to a ldquonew classrdquo that makes the social base of Pussy Riot
The term ldquoclassrdquo can denote a particular social group and at the same time invoke
the principles according to which this group has been delineated Primarily the notion of
class implies economic divisions However the term may also invoke social divisions
privilege and exclusion based on non-economic forms of capital As a broad organizing
concept for theorizing a wide range of issues associated with social inequality and
differentiation class divisions after Bourdieu and others can be sustained through matters
of culture lifestyle and taste In other words people may not ldquoexplicitly recognize class
issues or identify with discrete class groupingsrdquo but class processes still operate on them
(Bottero 2004 989) and ldquolines of exclusionrdquo based on style taste knowledge and culture
are related in non-obvious ways to economic capitals and assets
This primer on class helps to make sense of social developments in the post-Soviet
region where a transition to capitalism resulted in economic divisions and a transition to
the global information age fundamentally changed the nature of employment With the
advent of the Internet new occupations as well as new patterns of employment came into
being besides freelance jobs outsourcing subcontracting and other forms of project-
based networking independent content production based on onersquos own resourcefulness
and making oneself interesting are the features of this fluid and precarious employment
environment The term ldquocreative classrdquo (kreakly) after Richard Floridarsquos The Rise of the
Creative Class (2002) started to be applied sometimes ironically to these communities
often sustained in globalized urban centers One could also think of these networks in
terms of a ldquonew classrdquo the members of this new class use intellectual cultural and
educational capitals to produce an income and sustain privilege (Lawrence King and Ivan
Zselenyi 2004)
The advent of the Internet which allows interpersonal interactions in the online
world has been important for sustaining new class communities of experts artists and
activists (Barry Wellman 1999) as social networking platforms (Facebook LiveJournal
Twitter as well as some Cyrillic platforms) provide a ldquomergerrdquo of social and commercial
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 25
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rsity
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ugus
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7
activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash
offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and
activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the
community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and
economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important
for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner
who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo
movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and
visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist
networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo
oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation
belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this
intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line
between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters
become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as
one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while
she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy
Riot discourse on the Internet
Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their
resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members
of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it
and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through
their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-
gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation
charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be
legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-
FIGURE 2
LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo
from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)
26 ELENA GAPOVA
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rsity
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19
59 2
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ugus
t 201
7
capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion
industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological
networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and
employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release
from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows
and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)
Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by
the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and
commoditization intentions from the start
If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy
Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and
other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-
economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference
can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural
outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and
Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and
even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less
cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The
following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held
in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that
read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo
is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly
the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo
(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in
order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human
rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status
The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation
between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist
maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that
ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals
needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude
In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long
and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common
people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type
of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)
In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in
terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot
The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily
tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position
maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to
pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see
for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and
demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals
appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which
focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-
declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27
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ded
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago
[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a
different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now
have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally
speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]
We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of
schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It
is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches
[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)
This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and
working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian
Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power
struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the
oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces
which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo
ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media
insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of
Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which
had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should
be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see
Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on
LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and
left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and
language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their
grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be
marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also
because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of
striking oil workers in Kazakhstan
Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to
access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers
(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have
sympathized
The same commentator also wrote
Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good
thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope
we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the
other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already
perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People
and Nature 2012)6
Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected
new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The
information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often
relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the
acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo
28 ELENA GAPOVA
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
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ugus
t 201
7
Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a
cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action
often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization
that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new
social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed
so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound
social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the
1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic
and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of
organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci
1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as
seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of
society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought
to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding
the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of
resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity
autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of
the message
The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital
ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline
choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at
the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and
promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical
part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the
Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances
had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church
the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious
symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious
institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban
performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful
and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing
one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition
was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements
(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and
post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of
radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew
dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at
eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was
to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in
the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were
the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the
foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)
Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global
phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve
as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
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Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic
devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)
In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to
Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many
superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)
Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility
because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)
and forms of representation
Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo
that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of
contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media
of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have
become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative
and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst
1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous
and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures
In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in
politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing
social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more
importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and
power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo
(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo
writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world
where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash
intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the
same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking
place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or
shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when
Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos
1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience
As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on
smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images
get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in
the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is
important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a
ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The
first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary
culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with
which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social
networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third
trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing
that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov
the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in
August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the
trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New
York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and
Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot
30 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
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tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who
pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim
Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is
ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the
instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became
instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product
Conclusion
The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist
plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War
framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the
social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help
to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in
Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice
media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-
industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of
post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target
Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot
have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist
society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by
global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to
gender
The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it
demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not
ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods
And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the
delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with
instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments
are also part of global media capitalism
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their
comments
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author
NOTES
1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot
feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and
class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)
for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova
eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the
Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in
2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)
3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper
4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian
economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans
discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to
become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)
5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential
elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV
anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of
the general context (Vesti 2012)
6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were
used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four
according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the
participants (Wikipedia 2014c)
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Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications
AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in
Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and
Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press
BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor
Detroit MI
BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and
Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press
BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy
Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241
BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003
BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge
BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube
video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE
CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of
Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104
CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth
of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate
DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments
Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html
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nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
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nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class
Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton
184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell
ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524
Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww
youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ
EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply
Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb
rublogspussyriots5124php
EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]
Oktyabr 9 158ndash165
FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]
Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog
52030
FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova
Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww
fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml
FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure
Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books
FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition
and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson
vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press
GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo
[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki
7 (4) 465ndash484
GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe
Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)
Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794
GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of
Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom
reflections-on-receptions
HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine
Toronto Toronto University Press
HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media
New York Routledge
ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru
February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048
KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-
wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13
KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and
State 52 (2) 232ndash270
KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power
Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press
KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed
September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm
KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations
Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152
22286
KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014
httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html
LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]
Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww
levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot
MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor
MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New
Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113
MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York
Cambridge University Press
MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and
Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58
NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino
livejournalcom921808htmlcomments
NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo
[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14
Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html
PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers
toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809
support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot
livejournalcom15189html
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi
Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]
Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html
RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh
institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http
wciomruratings-social-institutions
RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August
22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic
pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta
November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119
samutsevich
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us
the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17
2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en
SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica
connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-
riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958
SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31
Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html
34 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what
nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014
httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo
THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18
2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot
TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House
TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO
Westview Press
TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins
of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512
VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15
million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww
vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720
VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty
Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]
Moscow Yury Levada Center
WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo
The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012
0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents
WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global
Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press
WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014
httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot
WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki
Jane_Fonda
WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki
Жанаозен
YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo
Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610
ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v
sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal
issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322
ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]
Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom
newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197
Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before
joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the
European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender
nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich
edu
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35
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7
- Abstract
- The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
- Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
- ``New Class and New Media
- Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- References
-
the swipe of state atheism in the 1930s and resurrected as a symbol of repentance for
Stalinrsquos crimes and a return to humanist (Christian) values in the 1990s The performersrsquo
attire of neon balaclavas tights and dresses and their ldquopunk aestheticrdquo were familiar to
those social media users who had seen online their previous performances in Moscowrsquos Red
Square and on top of a bus which had targeted Vladimir Putin with little effect The group
enjoyed modest recognition among young Russian urbanites2 Having approached the
ambo (altar) the most sacred spot of the church the girls jumped onto the platform in front
of it turned to the ldquopublicrdquo (represented by several elderly women and men praying
silently) took out their guitars and made an attempt to perform ie to chant their song to
dance and to imitate prayer In less than one minute they were stopped by Cathedral
security
Later the group uploaded a video of their ldquofullrdquo performance on the Internet in the
clip of more than two minutes Pussy Riot dance at the ambo of the Cathedral of Christ the
Savior facing their audience kick up their legs in the style of a cancan dance imitate prayer
with over-exaggerated low bows play guitars and chant their appeals to the Virgin Mary to
become a feminist and oust Putin and condemn Orthodox priests as KGB agents3 It was
then that Pussy Riot touched a nerve and the Cyrillic sector of cyberspace went wild over
the perceived provocation and symbolic violence At its height in 2012 the case became
truly global as commentators began comparing it to the historic Dreyfus affair The name
of the punk group if Googled yielded millions of links in dozens of languages and the
prison sentence for the group was allegedly reported by 86 percent of world media
(Wikipedia 2014a)
Interpreted by Western media as a human rights issue the cause of Pussy Riot was
supported by celebrities like Madonna and Sir Paul McCartney and by millions of Internet
users who ldquolikedrdquo respective posts in social media and some even rallied in the streets of
global capitals in colorful balaclavas to protest the bandrsquos imprisonment The public in
Russia and the post-Soviet region however was divided the act celebrated by some as
free speech was viewed by others as violent hate speech In contrast to the ldquoHanoi Janerdquo
controversy which took place in the era of traditional media the Pussy Riot affair unfolded
in the age of the Internet and social media which restructure audiences social movements
political participation and modes of expression
The literature on the Pussy Riot affair is extensive (eg Vera Akulova 2013 Anya
Bernstein 2013 Yulia Gradskova Irina Sandomirskaia and Nadezda Petrusenko 2013
Ekaterina Kolesova 2013 Polly McMichael 2013 Marina Yusupova 2014) However there has
not been a sociological reading of the case as an example of new media activism belonging
to the new social movements of the digital era Post-industrial and post-Soviet social
divisions that the controversy over Pussy Riot revealed have not been adequately analyzed
either Thus the intention of this essay is to contribute by focusing on the Pussy Riot affair
to scholarly conversations on new media activism post-socialist feminist debates and
social divisions of the information age This essay argues that being overtly intertwined
with religion feminism and activist art the performance of Pussy Riot in the Cathedral
provoked a reaction that revealed an important contention in social relations in
contemporary Russia It exposed a watershed between a creative or new class of urban
intellectuals and globally connected elites whose life options are immersed in the
technological economic and cultural transformations of the informationdigital economy
and whose goals embrace visibility autonomy and self-expression and on the other hand
the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in a more material economy and lifestyle Their ldquowrathrdquo at post-
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 19
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ugus
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7
socialist economic inequalities translated into a rejection of Pussy Riot whose protest
centered around non-traditional issues and cultural codes and who became identified with
global capitalism In other words I argue that in the post-Soviet context the Pussy Riot
controversy which is often interpreted in the West in feminist terms was also a displaced
conversation about class relations and subjectivities in a media-saturated information
society
The analytical perspective of this essay draws on current theorizing of class cultures
(Wendy Bottero 2004 Pierre Bourdieu 1984) media activism (William Carroll and Robert
Hackett 2006 Virag Molnar 2013 Fred Turner 2005) and new social movements (Alberto
Melucci 1996) in information society I also make use of feminist theories to explore the
treatment of gender and its intersection with class in the post-Soviet region The material
for my analysis comes from discussions of the Pussy Riot affair that have been going on
since the performance in the Cathedral in 2012 in various kinds of media print and
electronic media social networking platforms and blogs My data include predominantly
Russian-language sources interviews and shows with Pussy Riot articles about them their
own statements posts on blogs and commentary threads as well as cartoons and posters
some factual information was retrieved from international sources These utterances make
up a discourse and this essay offers a close reading of the polemic around the Pussy Riot
affair and seeks to uncover the social relations and subjectivities from which it originates
The next section of the paper offers a brief contextualization of the Pussy Riot affair
Following that the argument unfolds in three separate sections which explore the feminist
class and media aspects of the affair respectively
The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
Much of the Pussy Riot affair unfolded after the performance in the Cathedral and was
a reaction to where that performance took place Eastern Orthodoxy retains the idea which
originates in the New Testament that the church is not a public building as Pussy Riot
insisted during their trial but that it is the body of Christ and a theandric organism (both
God and human united) It can be compared to the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem where certain
rules of respect and reverence are to be observed Therefore the video outraged some
believers who claimed that it was a violation of their faith and a desecration of their
sanctuary A high-profile blogger articulated his trauma as
[ ] the main thing is that they not do this sort of thing in the churchmdashnot lift their legs
in such an obscene and filthy way in that wild dance of theirs not make faces wearing
their masks when at the ambomdashat that place held holy by all Orthodox believers to which
believers only raise their eyes with utmost piety (Pavel Danilin 2012)
Vehemently debated in the media and on blogs the performance elicited both
threats and praises for the performers as well as reprimanding statements from Orthodox
elders In March 2012 three group membersmdashNadezhda (Nadya) Tolokonnikova Maria
(Masha) Alyokhina and Ekaterina Samutsevichmdashwere arrested (two others remain
unknown) and convicted of hooliganism motivated by religious hatred and of offending
the right of believers to hold their rituals sentenced to two years in a prison colony The
case was taken up by Amnesty International as a political one At the trial the high point of
the defense was the claim that the act was a sincere prayer rather than a performance (Ekho
Moskvy 2012) or mockery However a prayer is defined as an invocation or act that seeks to
20 ELENA GAPOVA
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
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ugus
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7
create a rapport with a deity and its addressee is God (or a saint) for which no video is
needed The video however indicated that the performance was meant for imagined
viewers or spectators whom the artists faced from the ambo and for whom they mixed their
clip As they admitted they needed an audience other than God ldquoFor us the ambo in the
Church of Christ the Saviour was a performance platformrdquo (Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012a) A
recent interview of Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina with David Remnick of The New Yorker
(2014) also focused on their performance in the Cathedral as an artistic act
In October 2012 Ekaterina Samutsevich was released following her appeal She is
currently suing the grouprsquos lawyers whom she accuses of manipulating the Pussy Riot
trade mark presenting her as a ldquolumpenrdquo figure during the trial and of other misdeeds
(Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012b) Nadezhda Tolokonnikova and Maria Alyokhina were
granted amnesty in December 2013 Upon their release the two announced that they
were taking up the cause of the rights of inmates in Russian prisons They visited the USA
in 2014 where they took part in a concert with Madonna performed on The Colbert
Report were filmed for a new episode of the political TV drama House of Cards and also
appeared in several commercial photo sessions (see Figure 1) The grouprsquos website also
declared that Nadya and Masha do not belong to the Pussy Riot group any more as they are
pursuing a new cause
Although an analysis of the religious side of the affair is outside the scope of this
paper it is important to understand at least some of the context In officially atheist Soviet
society faith was seen as a superstition but a semi-clandestine religious and mystical
tradition survived in intellectual milieus (not to mention in popular religiosity) For the
intelligentsia faith signified existential issues and meant addressing lifersquos big questions a la
Dostoyevsky and was often seen as a practice of resistance After socialism de-
secularization and the rise of religiosity became powerful trends in the region (Vyacheslav
FIGURE 1
Pussy Riotrsquos Nadya Tolokonnikova and Masha Alyokhina photographed in New York City in
2014 Photo from Vanity Fair httpwwwvanityfaircompolitics201407pussy-riot-nadya-
tolokonnikova-masha-alyokhina-photo (accessed June 17 2014)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 21
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ugus
t 201
7
Karpov 2010) However many believers embrace ldquopoor religionrdquo ie a particular type of
religiosity resulting from an internal conversion to faith that is not grounded in any formal
teachings or in following rituals (Mikhail Epstein 1996) For example ldquopoor believersrdquo view
an icon as a painting and not a holy object that may invoke a liminal mystical experience
they would argue that ldquoGod is in my heart I do not need a temple to believerdquo
When accused of denigrating faith Pussy Riot who later recognized the ethical
mistake of choosing the Cathedral for their act argued that they were believers and
respected religion as cultural heritage This civic religiosity is rejected by traditional
believers and thus the religious part of the division over Pussy Riot involved the nature of
contemporary faithmdashhow to believe ldquocorrectlyrdquo do rituals make one a believermdashand
Church authority Russian Orthodoxy which proudly claims to be the remaining ldquotrue
versionrdquo of Christianity also tries to address the challenges of post-modernity (in a way
similar to the Catholic Second Vatican Council of 1962ndash1965) and has worked out a rather
conservative social doctrine (Russian Orthodox Church Press Service 2005) Educated and
more cosmopolitan believers who seek to make sense of the globalized world embracing
social change new technologies religious diversity or sexuality disregard the doctrine and
even argue that ldquoOrthodoxy promotes backwardnessrdquo (Iryna Karatsuba 2011) This is a
charged assertion as historically faith has been seen as tied to ldquoRussiannessrdquo and has been
used to evoke ideas of the nation (Chris Chulos 2000 29) Thus in large part the controversy
over the punk prayer was about who had the authority to define the meaning of
ldquoRussiannessrdquo for the nation would it be global cosmopolitan ldquoperformersrdquo dancing at the
ambo or ldquothe people of Russiardquo During the trial the Church backed by the government
was able to mobilize its supporters in the provinces for a response to the act via so-called
ldquoanti-pussingsrdquo ie rallies ldquoin defense of Orthodox faithrdquo ldquoRussiannessrdquo and traditional
values (Elena Sineok 2012) Thus the division that emerged over Pussy Riot was not one
between believers and non-believers rather it was between different types of believers
and non-believers The case stirred up something fundamentalmdashthat which can be a line of
social division but which is not pinned down easily In short even if the affair started with
religion its scope is much broader
Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist(Mis)Understandings
From the very start feminism was in the foreground of the Pussy Riot affair and the
case raises important questions about the meaning of feminism The group had defined
their convictions as ldquofeminism resisting the institutions of law enforcement protecting
LGBT individuals promoting anti-Putinism and a radical decentralization of power saving
the Khimki forest near Moscow [from a new railroad] and moving the capital city of the
Russian Federation to Eastern Siberiardquo (Pussy Riot 2011) By listing feminism first including
LGBT issues calling on the Virgin Mary in their performance to become a feminist chanting
about gays who might be ldquosent to Siberia in shacklesrdquo and using an explicit name for the
female sex organ as a symbol of womenrsquos power and rebellion Pussy Riot sent a clear
message about their allegiances It was recognized immediately but only in the West One
reason why the affair was ldquopicked uprdquo with such vigor by Western media was its perfect fit
with the global media market and its use of recognizable ldquoglobalrdquo feminist imagery As The
New York times wrote
22 ELENA GAPOVA
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ugus
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7
The name helps Itrsquos its own form of culture jam a savvy reference to feminist and musical
historymdashriot grrrl and Susie Bright as well as a wink to womenrsquos appropriation of sexual
agency and bodily power In other words it is specifically calibrated for the Western media
market (Melena Ryzik 2012)
The public in the post-Soviet region poorly versed in global feminism (more on this
below) was at a loss about the meaning of the protest although many felt that they were
made fun of A poll by theMoscow-based Levada Center revealed that 23 percent of Russians
thought that the performance targeted the Russian Orthodox Church and religious believers
in general 19 percent believed that the act was an anti-Putin one and another 19 percent
ldquocould not sayrdquo who or what the performance targeted (Levada Center 2012)
Not taken seriously initially the group was an object of gendered derision by the
liberal public A popular oppositional media project ldquoCitizen Poetrdquo (where classical Russian
poetry is used as commentary on contemporary issues) mocked the ldquoriot of the pussyrdquo
which was set against the ldquoriot of the dickrdquo (Dmitry Bykov 2012) The arrest of the group put
an end to all laughter but not to questioning their ideology Many members of the post-
Soviet feminist community were frustrated as they had no choice but to stand in support of
Pussy Riot while feeling at the same time that the group did not represent them and
might have been ldquoselling outrdquo feminism (Akulova 2013) For example a ldquoshout (krik) for the
salvation of women held in captivityrdquo was posted on the grouprsquos ldquocorporaterdquo blog (Pussy
Riot 2012) after the arrest and both its ldquoBiblicalrdquo wording and appeals to mercy for
womenndashmothers created some doubt as to whether the feminist stance was used and
dropped as needed The lawyers of the group based their campaign on conservative values
and on the rhetoric of ldquochildren missing their mothersrdquo (Akulova 2013) Ironically that logic
echoed the suggestion by liberal-minded priest Andrey Kuraev to pardon the group
members as silly girls Kuraev argued that since the punk-prayer took place during winter
celebrations it was a pointless prank The way for the Church to deal with it he insisted was
to invite ldquothe girlsrdquo for a traditional meal of blini to pinch them slightly in a fatherly way and
let them go (Andrei Kuraev 2012)
The suggestion greeted by a sympathetic liberal public to pinch young women as if
they were stuffed toys and a general mode of ldquowomen held in captivityrdquo are the signs of the
general depolitization of the case in Russian mainstream media (Bernstein 2013 222 224)
The young womenrsquos stand was not taken seriously the case was initially treated as a joke
and then as a human rights issue but hardly as an affirmation of feminist convictions and
identity politics Pussy Riot were supported by many liberals as ldquoanti-Putinistsrdquo rather than
feminists only a small portion recognized that they might have an autonomous voice and
were touching on important social issues One reason for this is how the concept of gender
equality which had been characteristic of socialism and still looms large in the region treats
the oppression of women
The Soviet understanding of gender equality was rooted in classical Marxism with
the oppression of women viewed as a ldquoby-productrdquo of class inequality as women produce
reproduce workers for capitalism there is an incentive to control their sexuality and
reproductive capacities and curtail their autonomy As women toil for men and for
capitalism at the same time gender equality requires integrating women into the paid
labor force to make them economically independent in the long run this should target
class oppression In line with this logic gender equality necessarily includes state supported
childcare access to abortion and healthcare paid maternityparental leaves and other
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 23
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59 2
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ugus
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7
benefits without which womenrsquos participation in the labor force is problematic (see Elena
Zdravomyslova and Anna Temkina 2004) All of these can only be provided through a
particular policy (of resource redistribution) and thus gender equality became a case for
socialism this also explains why women tend to vote for leftist parties more often than men
do With gender equality focused on welfare and maternal benefits ie on redistributive
justice ldquoto pinch or not to pinchrdquo was not on the agendamdashthe very conceptual framework
for dealing with the issue of recognition in a feminist way was missing
The system of views on gender inequality that was elaborated in the West by second-
wave feminists was more nuanced and highlighted (except in the case of Marxist feminists)
the concept of patriarchy rather than class According to this perspective the oppression of
women results from patriarchy (male domination) in all social domains from sexuality to
economics to which capitalism adds some important dimensions Patriarchy being almost
synonymous with culture (ie civilization) penetrates all social categories and institutions
such as language (which is not gender neutral) sexuality (with its ldquocompulsoryrdquo
heteronormativity the very basis of patriarchal power) domestic violence (an extension of
male domination) etc It is impossible to put an end to the system without deconstructing
its main social institutions and it is within this perspective that sexuality and LGBT issues
come to the core they are not only a matter of the individual rights of specific people but
an instrument for a broad social transformation through deconstructing patriarchal
heteronormativity (see Rosemary Tong [1989] 2008)
It is also of importance that the global perspective on gender started making its way
into the post-Soviet region with the disintegration of socialism the advent of the neoliberal
market and new forms of domination and exclusion when free childcare or paid maternity
leave became ldquoobstaclesrdquo to economic efficiency4 The new focus promoted by
international organizations operating in the region was on the rights of women as
independent individuals (who cannot be ldquopinchedrdquo) their representation autonomy
independent subjectivity and their rights to their bodies and sexuality ie the categories
that belong to a ldquobourgeoisrdquo concept of subjectivity This celebration of autonomous and
independent agents was mostly taking hold among educated urban women More
generally a new feminist agenda focusing on recognition rather than on redistribution to
follow Nancy Fraserrsquos conceptualization (1998) or the way it was interpreted in the post-
Soviet region did not get a wide support base because for many women (and men) it
became associated with economic inequality that followed the reforms of the 1990s (Elena
Gapova 2009) and was not presented through familiar concepts Recently in Russia and
Ukraine the very concept of ldquogenderrdquo and the organizations that promote it came under
conservative attack the concept has been interpreted as a ldquoWestern importrdquo perpetuated
by interested anti-patriotic groups (see for example Olena Hankivsky and Anastasiya
Salnykova 2012)
In this context Pussy Riot landed in an ambivalent situation they were appealing to
the issues of sexuality housework and language which had not been theorized in the
region as categories of social oppression outside of a narrow circle of scholars of gender
and some feminist activists The group tended to invoke ideas and meanings that mattered
for a Western audience because thatrsquos where they had been conceptualized as feminist
while in the post-Soviet region they became charged and often associated with global
capitalism Pussy Riot who insisted on the countercultural and anti-commercial bent of
their project were identified with ldquosuspiciousrdquo self-indulgent urban cosmopolitan elites
and the polemic around the case became a displaced reaction to social inequality
24 ELENA GAPOVA
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rsity
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19
59 2
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ugus
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7
ldquoNew Classrdquo and New Media
In spring 2012 a BBC radio correspondent reporting on the gathering in front of the
Moscow court building where an interim decision regarding Pussy Riot was to be made
described the crowd there as ldquostylish young urbanitesrdquo (BBC Newshour 2012) They
answered his questions in fluent English which is an important asset in the quasi-
professional communities and networks of bloggers and journalists of new media
ldquocontemporaryrdquo artists computer enthusiasts web designers consultants musicians
popular scientists public intellectuals expert organizers and semi-professional human
rights feminist or ecological activists belonging to international activist networks (often
supported with international grant money) Studies of the 2012 protests in Moscow (eg
Dmitry Volkov 2012) tend to ignore a crucial aspect of the partial overlapping of two areas
through which these people come together and know each other These areas are political
events and the production and consumption of contemporary art sustained through
galleries exhibitions auctions ldquobohemianrdquo cafes and ldquobuzzrdquo in digital media The artistic
and organizational beginnings of Pussy Riot can be found in the actionist group Voina
(War) to which some of its members had belonged Members of this milieu often have a
recognizable habitus they tend to look ldquocoolrdquo follow a particular style of material and
cultural consumption (including music art-house movies books etc) and a way of life
They belong to a ldquonew classrdquo that makes the social base of Pussy Riot
The term ldquoclassrdquo can denote a particular social group and at the same time invoke
the principles according to which this group has been delineated Primarily the notion of
class implies economic divisions However the term may also invoke social divisions
privilege and exclusion based on non-economic forms of capital As a broad organizing
concept for theorizing a wide range of issues associated with social inequality and
differentiation class divisions after Bourdieu and others can be sustained through matters
of culture lifestyle and taste In other words people may not ldquoexplicitly recognize class
issues or identify with discrete class groupingsrdquo but class processes still operate on them
(Bottero 2004 989) and ldquolines of exclusionrdquo based on style taste knowledge and culture
are related in non-obvious ways to economic capitals and assets
This primer on class helps to make sense of social developments in the post-Soviet
region where a transition to capitalism resulted in economic divisions and a transition to
the global information age fundamentally changed the nature of employment With the
advent of the Internet new occupations as well as new patterns of employment came into
being besides freelance jobs outsourcing subcontracting and other forms of project-
based networking independent content production based on onersquos own resourcefulness
and making oneself interesting are the features of this fluid and precarious employment
environment The term ldquocreative classrdquo (kreakly) after Richard Floridarsquos The Rise of the
Creative Class (2002) started to be applied sometimes ironically to these communities
often sustained in globalized urban centers One could also think of these networks in
terms of a ldquonew classrdquo the members of this new class use intellectual cultural and
educational capitals to produce an income and sustain privilege (Lawrence King and Ivan
Zselenyi 2004)
The advent of the Internet which allows interpersonal interactions in the online
world has been important for sustaining new class communities of experts artists and
activists (Barry Wellman 1999) as social networking platforms (Facebook LiveJournal
Twitter as well as some Cyrillic platforms) provide a ldquomergerrdquo of social and commercial
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 25
Dow
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19
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ugus
t 201
7
activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash
offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and
activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the
community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and
economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important
for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner
who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo
movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and
visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist
networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo
oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation
belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this
intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line
between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters
become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as
one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while
she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy
Riot discourse on the Internet
Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their
resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members
of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it
and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through
their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-
gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation
charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be
legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-
FIGURE 2
LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo
from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)
26 ELENA GAPOVA
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rsity
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19
59 2
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ugus
t 201
7
capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion
industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological
networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and
employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release
from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows
and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)
Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by
the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and
commoditization intentions from the start
If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy
Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and
other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-
economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference
can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural
outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and
Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and
even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less
cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The
following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held
in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that
read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo
is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly
the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo
(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in
order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human
rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status
The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation
between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist
maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that
ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals
needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude
In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long
and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common
people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type
of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)
In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in
terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot
The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily
tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position
maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to
pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see
for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and
demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals
appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which
focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-
declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27
Dow
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ded
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago
[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a
different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now
have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally
speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]
We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of
schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It
is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches
[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)
This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and
working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian
Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power
struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the
oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces
which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo
ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media
insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of
Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which
had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should
be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see
Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on
LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and
left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and
language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their
grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be
marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also
because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of
striking oil workers in Kazakhstan
Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to
access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers
(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have
sympathized
The same commentator also wrote
Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good
thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope
we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the
other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already
perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People
and Nature 2012)6
Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected
new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The
information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often
relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the
acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo
28 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a
cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action
often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization
that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new
social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed
so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound
social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the
1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic
and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of
organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci
1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as
seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of
society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought
to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding
the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of
resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity
autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of
the message
The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital
ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline
choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at
the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and
promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical
part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the
Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances
had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church
the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious
symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious
institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban
performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful
and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing
one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition
was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements
(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and
post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of
radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew
dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at
eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was
to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in
the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were
the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the
foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)
Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global
phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve
as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic
devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)
In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to
Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many
superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)
Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility
because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)
and forms of representation
Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo
that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of
contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media
of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have
become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative
and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst
1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous
and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures
In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in
politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing
social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more
importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and
power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo
(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo
writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world
where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash
intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the
same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking
place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or
shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when
Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos
1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience
As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on
smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images
get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in
the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is
important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a
ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The
first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary
culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with
which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social
networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third
trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing
that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov
the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in
August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the
trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New
York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and
Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot
30 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who
pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim
Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is
ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the
instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became
instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product
Conclusion
The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist
plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War
framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the
social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help
to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in
Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice
media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-
industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of
post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target
Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot
have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist
society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by
global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to
gender
The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it
demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not
ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods
And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the
delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with
instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments
are also part of global media capitalism
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their
comments
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author
NOTES
1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot
feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and
class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)
for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova
eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the
Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in
2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)
3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper
4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian
economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans
discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to
become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)
5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential
elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV
anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of
the general context (Vesti 2012)
6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were
used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four
according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the
participants (Wikipedia 2014c)
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Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications
AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in
Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and
Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press
BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor
Detroit MI
BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and
Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press
BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy
Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241
BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003
BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge
BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube
video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE
CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of
Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104
CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth
of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate
DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments
Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html
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nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
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nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class
Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton
184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell
ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524
Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww
youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ
EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply
Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb
rublogspussyriots5124php
EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]
Oktyabr 9 158ndash165
FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]
Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog
52030
FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova
Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww
fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml
FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure
Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books
FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition
and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson
vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press
GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo
[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki
7 (4) 465ndash484
GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe
Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)
Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794
GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of
Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom
reflections-on-receptions
HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine
Toronto Toronto University Press
HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media
New York Routledge
ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru
February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048
KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-
wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13
KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and
State 52 (2) 232ndash270
KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power
Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press
KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed
September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm
KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations
Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152
22286
KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014
httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html
LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]
Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww
levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot
MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor
MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New
Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113
MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York
Cambridge University Press
MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and
Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58
NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino
livejournalcom921808htmlcomments
NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo
[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14
Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html
PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers
toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809
support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot
livejournalcom15189html
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi
Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]
Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html
RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh
institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http
wciomruratings-social-institutions
RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August
22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic
pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta
November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119
samutsevich
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us
the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17
2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en
SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica
connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-
riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958
SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31
Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html
34 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what
nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014
httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo
THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18
2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot
TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House
TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO
Westview Press
TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins
of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512
VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15
million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww
vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720
VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty
Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]
Moscow Yury Levada Center
WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo
The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012
0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents
WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global
Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press
WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014
httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot
WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki
Jane_Fonda
WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki
Жанаозен
YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo
Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610
ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v
sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal
issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322
ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]
Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom
newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197
Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before
joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the
European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender
nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich
edu
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35
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ugus
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7
- Abstract
- The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
- Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
- ``New Class and New Media
- Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- References
-
socialist economic inequalities translated into a rejection of Pussy Riot whose protest
centered around non-traditional issues and cultural codes and who became identified with
global capitalism In other words I argue that in the post-Soviet context the Pussy Riot
controversy which is often interpreted in the West in feminist terms was also a displaced
conversation about class relations and subjectivities in a media-saturated information
society
The analytical perspective of this essay draws on current theorizing of class cultures
(Wendy Bottero 2004 Pierre Bourdieu 1984) media activism (William Carroll and Robert
Hackett 2006 Virag Molnar 2013 Fred Turner 2005) and new social movements (Alberto
Melucci 1996) in information society I also make use of feminist theories to explore the
treatment of gender and its intersection with class in the post-Soviet region The material
for my analysis comes from discussions of the Pussy Riot affair that have been going on
since the performance in the Cathedral in 2012 in various kinds of media print and
electronic media social networking platforms and blogs My data include predominantly
Russian-language sources interviews and shows with Pussy Riot articles about them their
own statements posts on blogs and commentary threads as well as cartoons and posters
some factual information was retrieved from international sources These utterances make
up a discourse and this essay offers a close reading of the polemic around the Pussy Riot
affair and seeks to uncover the social relations and subjectivities from which it originates
The next section of the paper offers a brief contextualization of the Pussy Riot affair
Following that the argument unfolds in three separate sections which explore the feminist
class and media aspects of the affair respectively
The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
Much of the Pussy Riot affair unfolded after the performance in the Cathedral and was
a reaction to where that performance took place Eastern Orthodoxy retains the idea which
originates in the New Testament that the church is not a public building as Pussy Riot
insisted during their trial but that it is the body of Christ and a theandric organism (both
God and human united) It can be compared to the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem where certain
rules of respect and reverence are to be observed Therefore the video outraged some
believers who claimed that it was a violation of their faith and a desecration of their
sanctuary A high-profile blogger articulated his trauma as
[ ] the main thing is that they not do this sort of thing in the churchmdashnot lift their legs
in such an obscene and filthy way in that wild dance of theirs not make faces wearing
their masks when at the ambomdashat that place held holy by all Orthodox believers to which
believers only raise their eyes with utmost piety (Pavel Danilin 2012)
Vehemently debated in the media and on blogs the performance elicited both
threats and praises for the performers as well as reprimanding statements from Orthodox
elders In March 2012 three group membersmdashNadezhda (Nadya) Tolokonnikova Maria
(Masha) Alyokhina and Ekaterina Samutsevichmdashwere arrested (two others remain
unknown) and convicted of hooliganism motivated by religious hatred and of offending
the right of believers to hold their rituals sentenced to two years in a prison colony The
case was taken up by Amnesty International as a political one At the trial the high point of
the defense was the claim that the act was a sincere prayer rather than a performance (Ekho
Moskvy 2012) or mockery However a prayer is defined as an invocation or act that seeks to
20 ELENA GAPOVA
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rsity
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ugus
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7
create a rapport with a deity and its addressee is God (or a saint) for which no video is
needed The video however indicated that the performance was meant for imagined
viewers or spectators whom the artists faced from the ambo and for whom they mixed their
clip As they admitted they needed an audience other than God ldquoFor us the ambo in the
Church of Christ the Saviour was a performance platformrdquo (Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012a) A
recent interview of Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina with David Remnick of The New Yorker
(2014) also focused on their performance in the Cathedral as an artistic act
In October 2012 Ekaterina Samutsevich was released following her appeal She is
currently suing the grouprsquos lawyers whom she accuses of manipulating the Pussy Riot
trade mark presenting her as a ldquolumpenrdquo figure during the trial and of other misdeeds
(Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012b) Nadezhda Tolokonnikova and Maria Alyokhina were
granted amnesty in December 2013 Upon their release the two announced that they
were taking up the cause of the rights of inmates in Russian prisons They visited the USA
in 2014 where they took part in a concert with Madonna performed on The Colbert
Report were filmed for a new episode of the political TV drama House of Cards and also
appeared in several commercial photo sessions (see Figure 1) The grouprsquos website also
declared that Nadya and Masha do not belong to the Pussy Riot group any more as they are
pursuing a new cause
Although an analysis of the religious side of the affair is outside the scope of this
paper it is important to understand at least some of the context In officially atheist Soviet
society faith was seen as a superstition but a semi-clandestine religious and mystical
tradition survived in intellectual milieus (not to mention in popular religiosity) For the
intelligentsia faith signified existential issues and meant addressing lifersquos big questions a la
Dostoyevsky and was often seen as a practice of resistance After socialism de-
secularization and the rise of religiosity became powerful trends in the region (Vyacheslav
FIGURE 1
Pussy Riotrsquos Nadya Tolokonnikova and Masha Alyokhina photographed in New York City in
2014 Photo from Vanity Fair httpwwwvanityfaircompolitics201407pussy-riot-nadya-
tolokonnikova-masha-alyokhina-photo (accessed June 17 2014)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 21
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ugus
t 201
7
Karpov 2010) However many believers embrace ldquopoor religionrdquo ie a particular type of
religiosity resulting from an internal conversion to faith that is not grounded in any formal
teachings or in following rituals (Mikhail Epstein 1996) For example ldquopoor believersrdquo view
an icon as a painting and not a holy object that may invoke a liminal mystical experience
they would argue that ldquoGod is in my heart I do not need a temple to believerdquo
When accused of denigrating faith Pussy Riot who later recognized the ethical
mistake of choosing the Cathedral for their act argued that they were believers and
respected religion as cultural heritage This civic religiosity is rejected by traditional
believers and thus the religious part of the division over Pussy Riot involved the nature of
contemporary faithmdashhow to believe ldquocorrectlyrdquo do rituals make one a believermdashand
Church authority Russian Orthodoxy which proudly claims to be the remaining ldquotrue
versionrdquo of Christianity also tries to address the challenges of post-modernity (in a way
similar to the Catholic Second Vatican Council of 1962ndash1965) and has worked out a rather
conservative social doctrine (Russian Orthodox Church Press Service 2005) Educated and
more cosmopolitan believers who seek to make sense of the globalized world embracing
social change new technologies religious diversity or sexuality disregard the doctrine and
even argue that ldquoOrthodoxy promotes backwardnessrdquo (Iryna Karatsuba 2011) This is a
charged assertion as historically faith has been seen as tied to ldquoRussiannessrdquo and has been
used to evoke ideas of the nation (Chris Chulos 2000 29) Thus in large part the controversy
over the punk prayer was about who had the authority to define the meaning of
ldquoRussiannessrdquo for the nation would it be global cosmopolitan ldquoperformersrdquo dancing at the
ambo or ldquothe people of Russiardquo During the trial the Church backed by the government
was able to mobilize its supporters in the provinces for a response to the act via so-called
ldquoanti-pussingsrdquo ie rallies ldquoin defense of Orthodox faithrdquo ldquoRussiannessrdquo and traditional
values (Elena Sineok 2012) Thus the division that emerged over Pussy Riot was not one
between believers and non-believers rather it was between different types of believers
and non-believers The case stirred up something fundamentalmdashthat which can be a line of
social division but which is not pinned down easily In short even if the affair started with
religion its scope is much broader
Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist(Mis)Understandings
From the very start feminism was in the foreground of the Pussy Riot affair and the
case raises important questions about the meaning of feminism The group had defined
their convictions as ldquofeminism resisting the institutions of law enforcement protecting
LGBT individuals promoting anti-Putinism and a radical decentralization of power saving
the Khimki forest near Moscow [from a new railroad] and moving the capital city of the
Russian Federation to Eastern Siberiardquo (Pussy Riot 2011) By listing feminism first including
LGBT issues calling on the Virgin Mary in their performance to become a feminist chanting
about gays who might be ldquosent to Siberia in shacklesrdquo and using an explicit name for the
female sex organ as a symbol of womenrsquos power and rebellion Pussy Riot sent a clear
message about their allegiances It was recognized immediately but only in the West One
reason why the affair was ldquopicked uprdquo with such vigor by Western media was its perfect fit
with the global media market and its use of recognizable ldquoglobalrdquo feminist imagery As The
New York times wrote
22 ELENA GAPOVA
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7
The name helps Itrsquos its own form of culture jam a savvy reference to feminist and musical
historymdashriot grrrl and Susie Bright as well as a wink to womenrsquos appropriation of sexual
agency and bodily power In other words it is specifically calibrated for the Western media
market (Melena Ryzik 2012)
The public in the post-Soviet region poorly versed in global feminism (more on this
below) was at a loss about the meaning of the protest although many felt that they were
made fun of A poll by theMoscow-based Levada Center revealed that 23 percent of Russians
thought that the performance targeted the Russian Orthodox Church and religious believers
in general 19 percent believed that the act was an anti-Putin one and another 19 percent
ldquocould not sayrdquo who or what the performance targeted (Levada Center 2012)
Not taken seriously initially the group was an object of gendered derision by the
liberal public A popular oppositional media project ldquoCitizen Poetrdquo (where classical Russian
poetry is used as commentary on contemporary issues) mocked the ldquoriot of the pussyrdquo
which was set against the ldquoriot of the dickrdquo (Dmitry Bykov 2012) The arrest of the group put
an end to all laughter but not to questioning their ideology Many members of the post-
Soviet feminist community were frustrated as they had no choice but to stand in support of
Pussy Riot while feeling at the same time that the group did not represent them and
might have been ldquoselling outrdquo feminism (Akulova 2013) For example a ldquoshout (krik) for the
salvation of women held in captivityrdquo was posted on the grouprsquos ldquocorporaterdquo blog (Pussy
Riot 2012) after the arrest and both its ldquoBiblicalrdquo wording and appeals to mercy for
womenndashmothers created some doubt as to whether the feminist stance was used and
dropped as needed The lawyers of the group based their campaign on conservative values
and on the rhetoric of ldquochildren missing their mothersrdquo (Akulova 2013) Ironically that logic
echoed the suggestion by liberal-minded priest Andrey Kuraev to pardon the group
members as silly girls Kuraev argued that since the punk-prayer took place during winter
celebrations it was a pointless prank The way for the Church to deal with it he insisted was
to invite ldquothe girlsrdquo for a traditional meal of blini to pinch them slightly in a fatherly way and
let them go (Andrei Kuraev 2012)
The suggestion greeted by a sympathetic liberal public to pinch young women as if
they were stuffed toys and a general mode of ldquowomen held in captivityrdquo are the signs of the
general depolitization of the case in Russian mainstream media (Bernstein 2013 222 224)
The young womenrsquos stand was not taken seriously the case was initially treated as a joke
and then as a human rights issue but hardly as an affirmation of feminist convictions and
identity politics Pussy Riot were supported by many liberals as ldquoanti-Putinistsrdquo rather than
feminists only a small portion recognized that they might have an autonomous voice and
were touching on important social issues One reason for this is how the concept of gender
equality which had been characteristic of socialism and still looms large in the region treats
the oppression of women
The Soviet understanding of gender equality was rooted in classical Marxism with
the oppression of women viewed as a ldquoby-productrdquo of class inequality as women produce
reproduce workers for capitalism there is an incentive to control their sexuality and
reproductive capacities and curtail their autonomy As women toil for men and for
capitalism at the same time gender equality requires integrating women into the paid
labor force to make them economically independent in the long run this should target
class oppression In line with this logic gender equality necessarily includes state supported
childcare access to abortion and healthcare paid maternityparental leaves and other
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 23
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7
benefits without which womenrsquos participation in the labor force is problematic (see Elena
Zdravomyslova and Anna Temkina 2004) All of these can only be provided through a
particular policy (of resource redistribution) and thus gender equality became a case for
socialism this also explains why women tend to vote for leftist parties more often than men
do With gender equality focused on welfare and maternal benefits ie on redistributive
justice ldquoto pinch or not to pinchrdquo was not on the agendamdashthe very conceptual framework
for dealing with the issue of recognition in a feminist way was missing
The system of views on gender inequality that was elaborated in the West by second-
wave feminists was more nuanced and highlighted (except in the case of Marxist feminists)
the concept of patriarchy rather than class According to this perspective the oppression of
women results from patriarchy (male domination) in all social domains from sexuality to
economics to which capitalism adds some important dimensions Patriarchy being almost
synonymous with culture (ie civilization) penetrates all social categories and institutions
such as language (which is not gender neutral) sexuality (with its ldquocompulsoryrdquo
heteronormativity the very basis of patriarchal power) domestic violence (an extension of
male domination) etc It is impossible to put an end to the system without deconstructing
its main social institutions and it is within this perspective that sexuality and LGBT issues
come to the core they are not only a matter of the individual rights of specific people but
an instrument for a broad social transformation through deconstructing patriarchal
heteronormativity (see Rosemary Tong [1989] 2008)
It is also of importance that the global perspective on gender started making its way
into the post-Soviet region with the disintegration of socialism the advent of the neoliberal
market and new forms of domination and exclusion when free childcare or paid maternity
leave became ldquoobstaclesrdquo to economic efficiency4 The new focus promoted by
international organizations operating in the region was on the rights of women as
independent individuals (who cannot be ldquopinchedrdquo) their representation autonomy
independent subjectivity and their rights to their bodies and sexuality ie the categories
that belong to a ldquobourgeoisrdquo concept of subjectivity This celebration of autonomous and
independent agents was mostly taking hold among educated urban women More
generally a new feminist agenda focusing on recognition rather than on redistribution to
follow Nancy Fraserrsquos conceptualization (1998) or the way it was interpreted in the post-
Soviet region did not get a wide support base because for many women (and men) it
became associated with economic inequality that followed the reforms of the 1990s (Elena
Gapova 2009) and was not presented through familiar concepts Recently in Russia and
Ukraine the very concept of ldquogenderrdquo and the organizations that promote it came under
conservative attack the concept has been interpreted as a ldquoWestern importrdquo perpetuated
by interested anti-patriotic groups (see for example Olena Hankivsky and Anastasiya
Salnykova 2012)
In this context Pussy Riot landed in an ambivalent situation they were appealing to
the issues of sexuality housework and language which had not been theorized in the
region as categories of social oppression outside of a narrow circle of scholars of gender
and some feminist activists The group tended to invoke ideas and meanings that mattered
for a Western audience because thatrsquos where they had been conceptualized as feminist
while in the post-Soviet region they became charged and often associated with global
capitalism Pussy Riot who insisted on the countercultural and anti-commercial bent of
their project were identified with ldquosuspiciousrdquo self-indulgent urban cosmopolitan elites
and the polemic around the case became a displaced reaction to social inequality
24 ELENA GAPOVA
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ldquoNew Classrdquo and New Media
In spring 2012 a BBC radio correspondent reporting on the gathering in front of the
Moscow court building where an interim decision regarding Pussy Riot was to be made
described the crowd there as ldquostylish young urbanitesrdquo (BBC Newshour 2012) They
answered his questions in fluent English which is an important asset in the quasi-
professional communities and networks of bloggers and journalists of new media
ldquocontemporaryrdquo artists computer enthusiasts web designers consultants musicians
popular scientists public intellectuals expert organizers and semi-professional human
rights feminist or ecological activists belonging to international activist networks (often
supported with international grant money) Studies of the 2012 protests in Moscow (eg
Dmitry Volkov 2012) tend to ignore a crucial aspect of the partial overlapping of two areas
through which these people come together and know each other These areas are political
events and the production and consumption of contemporary art sustained through
galleries exhibitions auctions ldquobohemianrdquo cafes and ldquobuzzrdquo in digital media The artistic
and organizational beginnings of Pussy Riot can be found in the actionist group Voina
(War) to which some of its members had belonged Members of this milieu often have a
recognizable habitus they tend to look ldquocoolrdquo follow a particular style of material and
cultural consumption (including music art-house movies books etc) and a way of life
They belong to a ldquonew classrdquo that makes the social base of Pussy Riot
The term ldquoclassrdquo can denote a particular social group and at the same time invoke
the principles according to which this group has been delineated Primarily the notion of
class implies economic divisions However the term may also invoke social divisions
privilege and exclusion based on non-economic forms of capital As a broad organizing
concept for theorizing a wide range of issues associated with social inequality and
differentiation class divisions after Bourdieu and others can be sustained through matters
of culture lifestyle and taste In other words people may not ldquoexplicitly recognize class
issues or identify with discrete class groupingsrdquo but class processes still operate on them
(Bottero 2004 989) and ldquolines of exclusionrdquo based on style taste knowledge and culture
are related in non-obvious ways to economic capitals and assets
This primer on class helps to make sense of social developments in the post-Soviet
region where a transition to capitalism resulted in economic divisions and a transition to
the global information age fundamentally changed the nature of employment With the
advent of the Internet new occupations as well as new patterns of employment came into
being besides freelance jobs outsourcing subcontracting and other forms of project-
based networking independent content production based on onersquos own resourcefulness
and making oneself interesting are the features of this fluid and precarious employment
environment The term ldquocreative classrdquo (kreakly) after Richard Floridarsquos The Rise of the
Creative Class (2002) started to be applied sometimes ironically to these communities
often sustained in globalized urban centers One could also think of these networks in
terms of a ldquonew classrdquo the members of this new class use intellectual cultural and
educational capitals to produce an income and sustain privilege (Lawrence King and Ivan
Zselenyi 2004)
The advent of the Internet which allows interpersonal interactions in the online
world has been important for sustaining new class communities of experts artists and
activists (Barry Wellman 1999) as social networking platforms (Facebook LiveJournal
Twitter as well as some Cyrillic platforms) provide a ldquomergerrdquo of social and commercial
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 25
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19
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ugus
t 201
7
activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash
offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and
activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the
community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and
economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important
for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner
who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo
movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and
visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist
networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo
oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation
belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this
intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line
between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters
become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as
one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while
she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy
Riot discourse on the Internet
Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their
resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members
of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it
and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through
their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-
gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation
charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be
legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-
FIGURE 2
LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo
from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)
26 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
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rsity
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19
59 2
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ugus
t 201
7
capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion
industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological
networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and
employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release
from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows
and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)
Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by
the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and
commoditization intentions from the start
If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy
Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and
other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-
economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference
can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural
outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and
Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and
even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less
cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The
following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held
in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that
read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo
is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly
the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo
(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in
order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human
rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status
The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation
between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist
maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that
ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals
needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude
In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long
and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common
people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type
of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)
In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in
terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot
The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily
tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position
maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to
pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see
for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and
demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals
appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which
focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-
declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27
Dow
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rsity
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ugus
t 201
7
[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago
[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a
different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now
have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally
speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]
We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of
schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It
is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches
[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)
This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and
working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian
Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power
struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the
oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces
which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo
ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media
insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of
Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which
had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should
be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see
Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on
LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and
left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and
language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their
grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be
marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also
because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of
striking oil workers in Kazakhstan
Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to
access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers
(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have
sympathized
The same commentator also wrote
Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good
thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope
we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the
other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already
perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People
and Nature 2012)6
Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected
new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The
information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often
relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the
acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo
28 ELENA GAPOVA
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ded
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tern
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a
cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action
often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization
that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new
social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed
so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound
social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the
1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic
and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of
organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci
1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as
seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of
society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought
to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding
the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of
resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity
autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of
the message
The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital
ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline
choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at
the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and
promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical
part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the
Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances
had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church
the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious
symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious
institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban
performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful
and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing
one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition
was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements
(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and
post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of
radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew
dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at
eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was
to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in
the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were
the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the
foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)
Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global
phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve
as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
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tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic
devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)
In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to
Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many
superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)
Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility
because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)
and forms of representation
Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo
that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of
contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media
of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have
become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative
and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst
1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous
and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures
In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in
politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing
social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more
importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and
power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo
(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo
writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world
where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash
intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the
same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking
place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or
shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when
Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos
1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience
As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on
smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images
get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in
the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is
important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a
ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The
first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary
culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with
which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social
networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third
trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing
that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov
the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in
August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the
trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New
York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and
Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot
30 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who
pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim
Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is
ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the
instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became
instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product
Conclusion
The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist
plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War
framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the
social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help
to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in
Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice
media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-
industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of
post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target
Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot
have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist
society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by
global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to
gender
The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it
demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not
ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods
And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the
delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with
instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments
are also part of global media capitalism
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their
comments
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author
NOTES
1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot
feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and
class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)
for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova
eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the
Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in
2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)
3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper
4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian
economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans
discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to
become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)
5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential
elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV
anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of
the general context (Vesti 2012)
6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were
used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four
according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the
participants (Wikipedia 2014c)
REFERENCES
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Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications
AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in
Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and
Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press
BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor
Detroit MI
BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and
Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press
BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy
Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241
BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003
BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge
BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube
video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE
CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of
Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104
CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth
of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate
DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments
Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html
32 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class
Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton
184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell
ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524
Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww
youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ
EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply
Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb
rublogspussyriots5124php
EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]
Oktyabr 9 158ndash165
FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]
Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog
52030
FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova
Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww
fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml
FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure
Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books
FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition
and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson
vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press
GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo
[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki
7 (4) 465ndash484
GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe
Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)
Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794
GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of
Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom
reflections-on-receptions
HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine
Toronto Toronto University Press
HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media
New York Routledge
ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru
February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048
KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-
wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13
KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and
State 52 (2) 232ndash270
KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power
Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press
KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed
September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm
KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations
Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152
22286
KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014
httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html
LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]
Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww
levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot
MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor
MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New
Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113
MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York
Cambridge University Press
MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and
Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58
NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino
livejournalcom921808htmlcomments
NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo
[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14
Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html
PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers
toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809
support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot
livejournalcom15189html
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi
Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]
Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html
RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh
institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http
wciomruratings-social-institutions
RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August
22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic
pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta
November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119
samutsevich
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us
the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17
2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en
SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica
connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-
riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958
SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31
Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html
34 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what
nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014
httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo
THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18
2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot
TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House
TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO
Westview Press
TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins
of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512
VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15
million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww
vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720
VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty
Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]
Moscow Yury Levada Center
WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo
The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012
0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents
WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global
Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press
WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014
httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot
WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki
Jane_Fonda
WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki
Жанаозен
YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo
Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610
ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v
sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal
issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322
ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]
Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom
newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197
Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before
joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the
European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender
nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich
edu
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
- Abstract
- The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
- Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
- ``New Class and New Media
- Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- References
-
create a rapport with a deity and its addressee is God (or a saint) for which no video is
needed The video however indicated that the performance was meant for imagined
viewers or spectators whom the artists faced from the ambo and for whom they mixed their
clip As they admitted they needed an audience other than God ldquoFor us the ambo in the
Church of Christ the Saviour was a performance platformrdquo (Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012a) A
recent interview of Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina with David Remnick of The New Yorker
(2014) also focused on their performance in the Cathedral as an artistic act
In October 2012 Ekaterina Samutsevich was released following her appeal She is
currently suing the grouprsquos lawyers whom she accuses of manipulating the Pussy Riot
trade mark presenting her as a ldquolumpenrdquo figure during the trial and of other misdeeds
(Ekaterina Samutsevich 2012b) Nadezhda Tolokonnikova and Maria Alyokhina were
granted amnesty in December 2013 Upon their release the two announced that they
were taking up the cause of the rights of inmates in Russian prisons They visited the USA
in 2014 where they took part in a concert with Madonna performed on The Colbert
Report were filmed for a new episode of the political TV drama House of Cards and also
appeared in several commercial photo sessions (see Figure 1) The grouprsquos website also
declared that Nadya and Masha do not belong to the Pussy Riot group any more as they are
pursuing a new cause
Although an analysis of the religious side of the affair is outside the scope of this
paper it is important to understand at least some of the context In officially atheist Soviet
society faith was seen as a superstition but a semi-clandestine religious and mystical
tradition survived in intellectual milieus (not to mention in popular religiosity) For the
intelligentsia faith signified existential issues and meant addressing lifersquos big questions a la
Dostoyevsky and was often seen as a practice of resistance After socialism de-
secularization and the rise of religiosity became powerful trends in the region (Vyacheslav
FIGURE 1
Pussy Riotrsquos Nadya Tolokonnikova and Masha Alyokhina photographed in New York City in
2014 Photo from Vanity Fair httpwwwvanityfaircompolitics201407pussy-riot-nadya-
tolokonnikova-masha-alyokhina-photo (accessed June 17 2014)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 21
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7
Karpov 2010) However many believers embrace ldquopoor religionrdquo ie a particular type of
religiosity resulting from an internal conversion to faith that is not grounded in any formal
teachings or in following rituals (Mikhail Epstein 1996) For example ldquopoor believersrdquo view
an icon as a painting and not a holy object that may invoke a liminal mystical experience
they would argue that ldquoGod is in my heart I do not need a temple to believerdquo
When accused of denigrating faith Pussy Riot who later recognized the ethical
mistake of choosing the Cathedral for their act argued that they were believers and
respected religion as cultural heritage This civic religiosity is rejected by traditional
believers and thus the religious part of the division over Pussy Riot involved the nature of
contemporary faithmdashhow to believe ldquocorrectlyrdquo do rituals make one a believermdashand
Church authority Russian Orthodoxy which proudly claims to be the remaining ldquotrue
versionrdquo of Christianity also tries to address the challenges of post-modernity (in a way
similar to the Catholic Second Vatican Council of 1962ndash1965) and has worked out a rather
conservative social doctrine (Russian Orthodox Church Press Service 2005) Educated and
more cosmopolitan believers who seek to make sense of the globalized world embracing
social change new technologies religious diversity or sexuality disregard the doctrine and
even argue that ldquoOrthodoxy promotes backwardnessrdquo (Iryna Karatsuba 2011) This is a
charged assertion as historically faith has been seen as tied to ldquoRussiannessrdquo and has been
used to evoke ideas of the nation (Chris Chulos 2000 29) Thus in large part the controversy
over the punk prayer was about who had the authority to define the meaning of
ldquoRussiannessrdquo for the nation would it be global cosmopolitan ldquoperformersrdquo dancing at the
ambo or ldquothe people of Russiardquo During the trial the Church backed by the government
was able to mobilize its supporters in the provinces for a response to the act via so-called
ldquoanti-pussingsrdquo ie rallies ldquoin defense of Orthodox faithrdquo ldquoRussiannessrdquo and traditional
values (Elena Sineok 2012) Thus the division that emerged over Pussy Riot was not one
between believers and non-believers rather it was between different types of believers
and non-believers The case stirred up something fundamentalmdashthat which can be a line of
social division but which is not pinned down easily In short even if the affair started with
religion its scope is much broader
Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist(Mis)Understandings
From the very start feminism was in the foreground of the Pussy Riot affair and the
case raises important questions about the meaning of feminism The group had defined
their convictions as ldquofeminism resisting the institutions of law enforcement protecting
LGBT individuals promoting anti-Putinism and a radical decentralization of power saving
the Khimki forest near Moscow [from a new railroad] and moving the capital city of the
Russian Federation to Eastern Siberiardquo (Pussy Riot 2011) By listing feminism first including
LGBT issues calling on the Virgin Mary in their performance to become a feminist chanting
about gays who might be ldquosent to Siberia in shacklesrdquo and using an explicit name for the
female sex organ as a symbol of womenrsquos power and rebellion Pussy Riot sent a clear
message about their allegiances It was recognized immediately but only in the West One
reason why the affair was ldquopicked uprdquo with such vigor by Western media was its perfect fit
with the global media market and its use of recognizable ldquoglobalrdquo feminist imagery As The
New York times wrote
22 ELENA GAPOVA
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The name helps Itrsquos its own form of culture jam a savvy reference to feminist and musical
historymdashriot grrrl and Susie Bright as well as a wink to womenrsquos appropriation of sexual
agency and bodily power In other words it is specifically calibrated for the Western media
market (Melena Ryzik 2012)
The public in the post-Soviet region poorly versed in global feminism (more on this
below) was at a loss about the meaning of the protest although many felt that they were
made fun of A poll by theMoscow-based Levada Center revealed that 23 percent of Russians
thought that the performance targeted the Russian Orthodox Church and religious believers
in general 19 percent believed that the act was an anti-Putin one and another 19 percent
ldquocould not sayrdquo who or what the performance targeted (Levada Center 2012)
Not taken seriously initially the group was an object of gendered derision by the
liberal public A popular oppositional media project ldquoCitizen Poetrdquo (where classical Russian
poetry is used as commentary on contemporary issues) mocked the ldquoriot of the pussyrdquo
which was set against the ldquoriot of the dickrdquo (Dmitry Bykov 2012) The arrest of the group put
an end to all laughter but not to questioning their ideology Many members of the post-
Soviet feminist community were frustrated as they had no choice but to stand in support of
Pussy Riot while feeling at the same time that the group did not represent them and
might have been ldquoselling outrdquo feminism (Akulova 2013) For example a ldquoshout (krik) for the
salvation of women held in captivityrdquo was posted on the grouprsquos ldquocorporaterdquo blog (Pussy
Riot 2012) after the arrest and both its ldquoBiblicalrdquo wording and appeals to mercy for
womenndashmothers created some doubt as to whether the feminist stance was used and
dropped as needed The lawyers of the group based their campaign on conservative values
and on the rhetoric of ldquochildren missing their mothersrdquo (Akulova 2013) Ironically that logic
echoed the suggestion by liberal-minded priest Andrey Kuraev to pardon the group
members as silly girls Kuraev argued that since the punk-prayer took place during winter
celebrations it was a pointless prank The way for the Church to deal with it he insisted was
to invite ldquothe girlsrdquo for a traditional meal of blini to pinch them slightly in a fatherly way and
let them go (Andrei Kuraev 2012)
The suggestion greeted by a sympathetic liberal public to pinch young women as if
they were stuffed toys and a general mode of ldquowomen held in captivityrdquo are the signs of the
general depolitization of the case in Russian mainstream media (Bernstein 2013 222 224)
The young womenrsquos stand was not taken seriously the case was initially treated as a joke
and then as a human rights issue but hardly as an affirmation of feminist convictions and
identity politics Pussy Riot were supported by many liberals as ldquoanti-Putinistsrdquo rather than
feminists only a small portion recognized that they might have an autonomous voice and
were touching on important social issues One reason for this is how the concept of gender
equality which had been characteristic of socialism and still looms large in the region treats
the oppression of women
The Soviet understanding of gender equality was rooted in classical Marxism with
the oppression of women viewed as a ldquoby-productrdquo of class inequality as women produce
reproduce workers for capitalism there is an incentive to control their sexuality and
reproductive capacities and curtail their autonomy As women toil for men and for
capitalism at the same time gender equality requires integrating women into the paid
labor force to make them economically independent in the long run this should target
class oppression In line with this logic gender equality necessarily includes state supported
childcare access to abortion and healthcare paid maternityparental leaves and other
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 23
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7
benefits without which womenrsquos participation in the labor force is problematic (see Elena
Zdravomyslova and Anna Temkina 2004) All of these can only be provided through a
particular policy (of resource redistribution) and thus gender equality became a case for
socialism this also explains why women tend to vote for leftist parties more often than men
do With gender equality focused on welfare and maternal benefits ie on redistributive
justice ldquoto pinch or not to pinchrdquo was not on the agendamdashthe very conceptual framework
for dealing with the issue of recognition in a feminist way was missing
The system of views on gender inequality that was elaborated in the West by second-
wave feminists was more nuanced and highlighted (except in the case of Marxist feminists)
the concept of patriarchy rather than class According to this perspective the oppression of
women results from patriarchy (male domination) in all social domains from sexuality to
economics to which capitalism adds some important dimensions Patriarchy being almost
synonymous with culture (ie civilization) penetrates all social categories and institutions
such as language (which is not gender neutral) sexuality (with its ldquocompulsoryrdquo
heteronormativity the very basis of patriarchal power) domestic violence (an extension of
male domination) etc It is impossible to put an end to the system without deconstructing
its main social institutions and it is within this perspective that sexuality and LGBT issues
come to the core they are not only a matter of the individual rights of specific people but
an instrument for a broad social transformation through deconstructing patriarchal
heteronormativity (see Rosemary Tong [1989] 2008)
It is also of importance that the global perspective on gender started making its way
into the post-Soviet region with the disintegration of socialism the advent of the neoliberal
market and new forms of domination and exclusion when free childcare or paid maternity
leave became ldquoobstaclesrdquo to economic efficiency4 The new focus promoted by
international organizations operating in the region was on the rights of women as
independent individuals (who cannot be ldquopinchedrdquo) their representation autonomy
independent subjectivity and their rights to their bodies and sexuality ie the categories
that belong to a ldquobourgeoisrdquo concept of subjectivity This celebration of autonomous and
independent agents was mostly taking hold among educated urban women More
generally a new feminist agenda focusing on recognition rather than on redistribution to
follow Nancy Fraserrsquos conceptualization (1998) or the way it was interpreted in the post-
Soviet region did not get a wide support base because for many women (and men) it
became associated with economic inequality that followed the reforms of the 1990s (Elena
Gapova 2009) and was not presented through familiar concepts Recently in Russia and
Ukraine the very concept of ldquogenderrdquo and the organizations that promote it came under
conservative attack the concept has been interpreted as a ldquoWestern importrdquo perpetuated
by interested anti-patriotic groups (see for example Olena Hankivsky and Anastasiya
Salnykova 2012)
In this context Pussy Riot landed in an ambivalent situation they were appealing to
the issues of sexuality housework and language which had not been theorized in the
region as categories of social oppression outside of a narrow circle of scholars of gender
and some feminist activists The group tended to invoke ideas and meanings that mattered
for a Western audience because thatrsquos where they had been conceptualized as feminist
while in the post-Soviet region they became charged and often associated with global
capitalism Pussy Riot who insisted on the countercultural and anti-commercial bent of
their project were identified with ldquosuspiciousrdquo self-indulgent urban cosmopolitan elites
and the polemic around the case became a displaced reaction to social inequality
24 ELENA GAPOVA
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ldquoNew Classrdquo and New Media
In spring 2012 a BBC radio correspondent reporting on the gathering in front of the
Moscow court building where an interim decision regarding Pussy Riot was to be made
described the crowd there as ldquostylish young urbanitesrdquo (BBC Newshour 2012) They
answered his questions in fluent English which is an important asset in the quasi-
professional communities and networks of bloggers and journalists of new media
ldquocontemporaryrdquo artists computer enthusiasts web designers consultants musicians
popular scientists public intellectuals expert organizers and semi-professional human
rights feminist or ecological activists belonging to international activist networks (often
supported with international grant money) Studies of the 2012 protests in Moscow (eg
Dmitry Volkov 2012) tend to ignore a crucial aspect of the partial overlapping of two areas
through which these people come together and know each other These areas are political
events and the production and consumption of contemporary art sustained through
galleries exhibitions auctions ldquobohemianrdquo cafes and ldquobuzzrdquo in digital media The artistic
and organizational beginnings of Pussy Riot can be found in the actionist group Voina
(War) to which some of its members had belonged Members of this milieu often have a
recognizable habitus they tend to look ldquocoolrdquo follow a particular style of material and
cultural consumption (including music art-house movies books etc) and a way of life
They belong to a ldquonew classrdquo that makes the social base of Pussy Riot
The term ldquoclassrdquo can denote a particular social group and at the same time invoke
the principles according to which this group has been delineated Primarily the notion of
class implies economic divisions However the term may also invoke social divisions
privilege and exclusion based on non-economic forms of capital As a broad organizing
concept for theorizing a wide range of issues associated with social inequality and
differentiation class divisions after Bourdieu and others can be sustained through matters
of culture lifestyle and taste In other words people may not ldquoexplicitly recognize class
issues or identify with discrete class groupingsrdquo but class processes still operate on them
(Bottero 2004 989) and ldquolines of exclusionrdquo based on style taste knowledge and culture
are related in non-obvious ways to economic capitals and assets
This primer on class helps to make sense of social developments in the post-Soviet
region where a transition to capitalism resulted in economic divisions and a transition to
the global information age fundamentally changed the nature of employment With the
advent of the Internet new occupations as well as new patterns of employment came into
being besides freelance jobs outsourcing subcontracting and other forms of project-
based networking independent content production based on onersquos own resourcefulness
and making oneself interesting are the features of this fluid and precarious employment
environment The term ldquocreative classrdquo (kreakly) after Richard Floridarsquos The Rise of the
Creative Class (2002) started to be applied sometimes ironically to these communities
often sustained in globalized urban centers One could also think of these networks in
terms of a ldquonew classrdquo the members of this new class use intellectual cultural and
educational capitals to produce an income and sustain privilege (Lawrence King and Ivan
Zselenyi 2004)
The advent of the Internet which allows interpersonal interactions in the online
world has been important for sustaining new class communities of experts artists and
activists (Barry Wellman 1999) as social networking platforms (Facebook LiveJournal
Twitter as well as some Cyrillic platforms) provide a ldquomergerrdquo of social and commercial
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 25
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activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash
offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and
activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the
community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and
economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important
for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner
who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo
movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and
visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist
networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo
oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation
belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this
intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line
between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters
become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as
one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while
she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy
Riot discourse on the Internet
Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their
resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members
of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it
and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through
their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-
gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation
charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be
legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-
FIGURE 2
LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo
from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)
26 ELENA GAPOVA
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capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion
industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological
networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and
employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release
from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows
and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)
Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by
the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and
commoditization intentions from the start
If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy
Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and
other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-
economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference
can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural
outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and
Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and
even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less
cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The
following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held
in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that
read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo
is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly
the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo
(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in
order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human
rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status
The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation
between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist
maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that
ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals
needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude
In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long
and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common
people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type
of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)
In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in
terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot
The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily
tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position
maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to
pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see
for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and
demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals
appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which
focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-
declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27
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7
[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago
[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a
different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now
have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally
speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]
We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of
schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It
is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches
[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)
This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and
working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian
Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power
struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the
oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces
which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo
ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media
insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of
Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which
had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should
be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see
Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on
LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and
left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and
language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their
grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be
marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also
because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of
striking oil workers in Kazakhstan
Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to
access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers
(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have
sympathized
The same commentator also wrote
Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good
thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope
we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the
other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already
perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People
and Nature 2012)6
Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected
new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The
information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often
relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the
acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo
28 ELENA GAPOVA
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7
Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a
cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action
often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization
that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new
social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed
so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound
social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the
1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic
and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of
organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci
1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as
seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of
society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought
to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding
the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of
resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity
autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of
the message
The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital
ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline
choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at
the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and
promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical
part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the
Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances
had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church
the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious
symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious
institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban
performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful
and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing
one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition
was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements
(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and
post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of
radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew
dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at
eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was
to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in
the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were
the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the
foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)
Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global
phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve
as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29
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7
with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic
devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)
In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to
Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many
superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)
Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility
because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)
and forms of representation
Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo
that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of
contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media
of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have
become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative
and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst
1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous
and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures
In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in
politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing
social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more
importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and
power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo
(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo
writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world
where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash
intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the
same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking
place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or
shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when
Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos
1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience
As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on
smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images
get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in
the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is
important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a
ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The
first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary
culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with
which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social
networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third
trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing
that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov
the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in
August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the
trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New
York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and
Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot
30 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who
pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim
Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is
ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the
instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became
instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product
Conclusion
The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist
plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War
framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the
social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help
to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in
Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice
media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-
industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of
post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target
Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot
have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist
society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by
global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to
gender
The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it
demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not
ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods
And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the
delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with
instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments
are also part of global media capitalism
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their
comments
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author
NOTES
1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot
feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and
class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31
Dow
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ded
by [
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tern
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)
for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova
eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the
Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in
2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)
3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper
4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian
economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans
discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to
become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)
5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential
elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV
anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of
the general context (Vesti 2012)
6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were
used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four
according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the
participants (Wikipedia 2014c)
REFERENCES
ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of
Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications
AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in
Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and
Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press
BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor
Detroit MI
BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and
Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press
BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy
Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241
BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003
BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge
BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube
video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE
CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of
Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104
CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth
of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate
DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments
Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html
32 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class
Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton
184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell
ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524
Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww
youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ
EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply
Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb
rublogspussyriots5124php
EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]
Oktyabr 9 158ndash165
FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]
Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog
52030
FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova
Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww
fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml
FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure
Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books
FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition
and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson
vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press
GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo
[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki
7 (4) 465ndash484
GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe
Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)
Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794
GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of
Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom
reflections-on-receptions
HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine
Toronto Toronto University Press
HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media
New York Routledge
ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru
February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048
KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-
wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13
KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and
State 52 (2) 232ndash270
KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power
Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press
KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed
September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm
KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations
Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152
22286
KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014
httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html
LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]
Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww
levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot
MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor
MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New
Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113
MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York
Cambridge University Press
MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and
Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58
NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino
livejournalcom921808htmlcomments
NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo
[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14
Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html
PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers
toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809
support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot
livejournalcom15189html
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi
Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]
Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html
RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh
institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http
wciomruratings-social-institutions
RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August
22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic
pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta
November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119
samutsevich
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us
the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17
2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en
SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica
connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-
riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958
SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31
Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html
34 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what
nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014
httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo
THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18
2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot
TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House
TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO
Westview Press
TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins
of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512
VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15
million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww
vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720
VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty
Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]
Moscow Yury Levada Center
WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo
The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012
0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents
WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global
Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press
WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014
httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot
WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki
Jane_Fonda
WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki
Жанаозен
YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo
Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610
ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v
sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal
issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322
ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]
Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom
newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197
Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before
joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the
European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender
nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich
edu
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
- Abstract
- The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
- Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
- ``New Class and New Media
- Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- References
-
Karpov 2010) However many believers embrace ldquopoor religionrdquo ie a particular type of
religiosity resulting from an internal conversion to faith that is not grounded in any formal
teachings or in following rituals (Mikhail Epstein 1996) For example ldquopoor believersrdquo view
an icon as a painting and not a holy object that may invoke a liminal mystical experience
they would argue that ldquoGod is in my heart I do not need a temple to believerdquo
When accused of denigrating faith Pussy Riot who later recognized the ethical
mistake of choosing the Cathedral for their act argued that they were believers and
respected religion as cultural heritage This civic religiosity is rejected by traditional
believers and thus the religious part of the division over Pussy Riot involved the nature of
contemporary faithmdashhow to believe ldquocorrectlyrdquo do rituals make one a believermdashand
Church authority Russian Orthodoxy which proudly claims to be the remaining ldquotrue
versionrdquo of Christianity also tries to address the challenges of post-modernity (in a way
similar to the Catholic Second Vatican Council of 1962ndash1965) and has worked out a rather
conservative social doctrine (Russian Orthodox Church Press Service 2005) Educated and
more cosmopolitan believers who seek to make sense of the globalized world embracing
social change new technologies religious diversity or sexuality disregard the doctrine and
even argue that ldquoOrthodoxy promotes backwardnessrdquo (Iryna Karatsuba 2011) This is a
charged assertion as historically faith has been seen as tied to ldquoRussiannessrdquo and has been
used to evoke ideas of the nation (Chris Chulos 2000 29) Thus in large part the controversy
over the punk prayer was about who had the authority to define the meaning of
ldquoRussiannessrdquo for the nation would it be global cosmopolitan ldquoperformersrdquo dancing at the
ambo or ldquothe people of Russiardquo During the trial the Church backed by the government
was able to mobilize its supporters in the provinces for a response to the act via so-called
ldquoanti-pussingsrdquo ie rallies ldquoin defense of Orthodox faithrdquo ldquoRussiannessrdquo and traditional
values (Elena Sineok 2012) Thus the division that emerged over Pussy Riot was not one
between believers and non-believers rather it was between different types of believers
and non-believers The case stirred up something fundamentalmdashthat which can be a line of
social division but which is not pinned down easily In short even if the affair started with
religion its scope is much broader
Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist(Mis)Understandings
From the very start feminism was in the foreground of the Pussy Riot affair and the
case raises important questions about the meaning of feminism The group had defined
their convictions as ldquofeminism resisting the institutions of law enforcement protecting
LGBT individuals promoting anti-Putinism and a radical decentralization of power saving
the Khimki forest near Moscow [from a new railroad] and moving the capital city of the
Russian Federation to Eastern Siberiardquo (Pussy Riot 2011) By listing feminism first including
LGBT issues calling on the Virgin Mary in their performance to become a feminist chanting
about gays who might be ldquosent to Siberia in shacklesrdquo and using an explicit name for the
female sex organ as a symbol of womenrsquos power and rebellion Pussy Riot sent a clear
message about their allegiances It was recognized immediately but only in the West One
reason why the affair was ldquopicked uprdquo with such vigor by Western media was its perfect fit
with the global media market and its use of recognizable ldquoglobalrdquo feminist imagery As The
New York times wrote
22 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
The name helps Itrsquos its own form of culture jam a savvy reference to feminist and musical
historymdashriot grrrl and Susie Bright as well as a wink to womenrsquos appropriation of sexual
agency and bodily power In other words it is specifically calibrated for the Western media
market (Melena Ryzik 2012)
The public in the post-Soviet region poorly versed in global feminism (more on this
below) was at a loss about the meaning of the protest although many felt that they were
made fun of A poll by theMoscow-based Levada Center revealed that 23 percent of Russians
thought that the performance targeted the Russian Orthodox Church and religious believers
in general 19 percent believed that the act was an anti-Putin one and another 19 percent
ldquocould not sayrdquo who or what the performance targeted (Levada Center 2012)
Not taken seriously initially the group was an object of gendered derision by the
liberal public A popular oppositional media project ldquoCitizen Poetrdquo (where classical Russian
poetry is used as commentary on contemporary issues) mocked the ldquoriot of the pussyrdquo
which was set against the ldquoriot of the dickrdquo (Dmitry Bykov 2012) The arrest of the group put
an end to all laughter but not to questioning their ideology Many members of the post-
Soviet feminist community were frustrated as they had no choice but to stand in support of
Pussy Riot while feeling at the same time that the group did not represent them and
might have been ldquoselling outrdquo feminism (Akulova 2013) For example a ldquoshout (krik) for the
salvation of women held in captivityrdquo was posted on the grouprsquos ldquocorporaterdquo blog (Pussy
Riot 2012) after the arrest and both its ldquoBiblicalrdquo wording and appeals to mercy for
womenndashmothers created some doubt as to whether the feminist stance was used and
dropped as needed The lawyers of the group based their campaign on conservative values
and on the rhetoric of ldquochildren missing their mothersrdquo (Akulova 2013) Ironically that logic
echoed the suggestion by liberal-minded priest Andrey Kuraev to pardon the group
members as silly girls Kuraev argued that since the punk-prayer took place during winter
celebrations it was a pointless prank The way for the Church to deal with it he insisted was
to invite ldquothe girlsrdquo for a traditional meal of blini to pinch them slightly in a fatherly way and
let them go (Andrei Kuraev 2012)
The suggestion greeted by a sympathetic liberal public to pinch young women as if
they were stuffed toys and a general mode of ldquowomen held in captivityrdquo are the signs of the
general depolitization of the case in Russian mainstream media (Bernstein 2013 222 224)
The young womenrsquos stand was not taken seriously the case was initially treated as a joke
and then as a human rights issue but hardly as an affirmation of feminist convictions and
identity politics Pussy Riot were supported by many liberals as ldquoanti-Putinistsrdquo rather than
feminists only a small portion recognized that they might have an autonomous voice and
were touching on important social issues One reason for this is how the concept of gender
equality which had been characteristic of socialism and still looms large in the region treats
the oppression of women
The Soviet understanding of gender equality was rooted in classical Marxism with
the oppression of women viewed as a ldquoby-productrdquo of class inequality as women produce
reproduce workers for capitalism there is an incentive to control their sexuality and
reproductive capacities and curtail their autonomy As women toil for men and for
capitalism at the same time gender equality requires integrating women into the paid
labor force to make them economically independent in the long run this should target
class oppression In line with this logic gender equality necessarily includes state supported
childcare access to abortion and healthcare paid maternityparental leaves and other
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 23
Dow
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ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
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ugus
t 201
7
benefits without which womenrsquos participation in the labor force is problematic (see Elena
Zdravomyslova and Anna Temkina 2004) All of these can only be provided through a
particular policy (of resource redistribution) and thus gender equality became a case for
socialism this also explains why women tend to vote for leftist parties more often than men
do With gender equality focused on welfare and maternal benefits ie on redistributive
justice ldquoto pinch or not to pinchrdquo was not on the agendamdashthe very conceptual framework
for dealing with the issue of recognition in a feminist way was missing
The system of views on gender inequality that was elaborated in the West by second-
wave feminists was more nuanced and highlighted (except in the case of Marxist feminists)
the concept of patriarchy rather than class According to this perspective the oppression of
women results from patriarchy (male domination) in all social domains from sexuality to
economics to which capitalism adds some important dimensions Patriarchy being almost
synonymous with culture (ie civilization) penetrates all social categories and institutions
such as language (which is not gender neutral) sexuality (with its ldquocompulsoryrdquo
heteronormativity the very basis of patriarchal power) domestic violence (an extension of
male domination) etc It is impossible to put an end to the system without deconstructing
its main social institutions and it is within this perspective that sexuality and LGBT issues
come to the core they are not only a matter of the individual rights of specific people but
an instrument for a broad social transformation through deconstructing patriarchal
heteronormativity (see Rosemary Tong [1989] 2008)
It is also of importance that the global perspective on gender started making its way
into the post-Soviet region with the disintegration of socialism the advent of the neoliberal
market and new forms of domination and exclusion when free childcare or paid maternity
leave became ldquoobstaclesrdquo to economic efficiency4 The new focus promoted by
international organizations operating in the region was on the rights of women as
independent individuals (who cannot be ldquopinchedrdquo) their representation autonomy
independent subjectivity and their rights to their bodies and sexuality ie the categories
that belong to a ldquobourgeoisrdquo concept of subjectivity This celebration of autonomous and
independent agents was mostly taking hold among educated urban women More
generally a new feminist agenda focusing on recognition rather than on redistribution to
follow Nancy Fraserrsquos conceptualization (1998) or the way it was interpreted in the post-
Soviet region did not get a wide support base because for many women (and men) it
became associated with economic inequality that followed the reforms of the 1990s (Elena
Gapova 2009) and was not presented through familiar concepts Recently in Russia and
Ukraine the very concept of ldquogenderrdquo and the organizations that promote it came under
conservative attack the concept has been interpreted as a ldquoWestern importrdquo perpetuated
by interested anti-patriotic groups (see for example Olena Hankivsky and Anastasiya
Salnykova 2012)
In this context Pussy Riot landed in an ambivalent situation they were appealing to
the issues of sexuality housework and language which had not been theorized in the
region as categories of social oppression outside of a narrow circle of scholars of gender
and some feminist activists The group tended to invoke ideas and meanings that mattered
for a Western audience because thatrsquos where they had been conceptualized as feminist
while in the post-Soviet region they became charged and often associated with global
capitalism Pussy Riot who insisted on the countercultural and anti-commercial bent of
their project were identified with ldquosuspiciousrdquo self-indulgent urban cosmopolitan elites
and the polemic around the case became a displaced reaction to social inequality
24 ELENA GAPOVA
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7
ldquoNew Classrdquo and New Media
In spring 2012 a BBC radio correspondent reporting on the gathering in front of the
Moscow court building where an interim decision regarding Pussy Riot was to be made
described the crowd there as ldquostylish young urbanitesrdquo (BBC Newshour 2012) They
answered his questions in fluent English which is an important asset in the quasi-
professional communities and networks of bloggers and journalists of new media
ldquocontemporaryrdquo artists computer enthusiasts web designers consultants musicians
popular scientists public intellectuals expert organizers and semi-professional human
rights feminist or ecological activists belonging to international activist networks (often
supported with international grant money) Studies of the 2012 protests in Moscow (eg
Dmitry Volkov 2012) tend to ignore a crucial aspect of the partial overlapping of two areas
through which these people come together and know each other These areas are political
events and the production and consumption of contemporary art sustained through
galleries exhibitions auctions ldquobohemianrdquo cafes and ldquobuzzrdquo in digital media The artistic
and organizational beginnings of Pussy Riot can be found in the actionist group Voina
(War) to which some of its members had belonged Members of this milieu often have a
recognizable habitus they tend to look ldquocoolrdquo follow a particular style of material and
cultural consumption (including music art-house movies books etc) and a way of life
They belong to a ldquonew classrdquo that makes the social base of Pussy Riot
The term ldquoclassrdquo can denote a particular social group and at the same time invoke
the principles according to which this group has been delineated Primarily the notion of
class implies economic divisions However the term may also invoke social divisions
privilege and exclusion based on non-economic forms of capital As a broad organizing
concept for theorizing a wide range of issues associated with social inequality and
differentiation class divisions after Bourdieu and others can be sustained through matters
of culture lifestyle and taste In other words people may not ldquoexplicitly recognize class
issues or identify with discrete class groupingsrdquo but class processes still operate on them
(Bottero 2004 989) and ldquolines of exclusionrdquo based on style taste knowledge and culture
are related in non-obvious ways to economic capitals and assets
This primer on class helps to make sense of social developments in the post-Soviet
region where a transition to capitalism resulted in economic divisions and a transition to
the global information age fundamentally changed the nature of employment With the
advent of the Internet new occupations as well as new patterns of employment came into
being besides freelance jobs outsourcing subcontracting and other forms of project-
based networking independent content production based on onersquos own resourcefulness
and making oneself interesting are the features of this fluid and precarious employment
environment The term ldquocreative classrdquo (kreakly) after Richard Floridarsquos The Rise of the
Creative Class (2002) started to be applied sometimes ironically to these communities
often sustained in globalized urban centers One could also think of these networks in
terms of a ldquonew classrdquo the members of this new class use intellectual cultural and
educational capitals to produce an income and sustain privilege (Lawrence King and Ivan
Zselenyi 2004)
The advent of the Internet which allows interpersonal interactions in the online
world has been important for sustaining new class communities of experts artists and
activists (Barry Wellman 1999) as social networking platforms (Facebook LiveJournal
Twitter as well as some Cyrillic platforms) provide a ldquomergerrdquo of social and commercial
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 25
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ugus
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7
activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash
offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and
activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the
community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and
economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important
for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner
who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo
movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and
visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist
networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo
oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation
belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this
intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line
between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters
become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as
one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while
she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy
Riot discourse on the Internet
Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their
resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members
of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it
and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through
their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-
gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation
charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be
legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-
FIGURE 2
LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo
from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)
26 ELENA GAPOVA
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ugus
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7
capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion
industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological
networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and
employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release
from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows
and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)
Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by
the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and
commoditization intentions from the start
If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy
Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and
other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-
economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference
can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural
outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and
Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and
even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less
cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The
following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held
in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that
read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo
is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly
the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo
(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in
order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human
rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status
The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation
between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist
maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that
ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals
needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude
In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long
and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common
people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type
of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)
In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in
terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot
The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily
tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position
maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to
pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see
for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and
demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals
appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which
focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-
declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27
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rsity
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19
59 2
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ugus
t 201
7
[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago
[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a
different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now
have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally
speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]
We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of
schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It
is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches
[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)
This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and
working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian
Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power
struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the
oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces
which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo
ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media
insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of
Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which
had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should
be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see
Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on
LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and
left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and
language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their
grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be
marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also
because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of
striking oil workers in Kazakhstan
Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to
access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers
(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have
sympathized
The same commentator also wrote
Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good
thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope
we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the
other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already
perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People
and Nature 2012)6
Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected
new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The
information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often
relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the
acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo
28 ELENA GAPOVA
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rsity
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19
59 2
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ugus
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7
Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a
cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action
often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization
that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new
social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed
so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound
social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the
1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic
and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of
organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci
1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as
seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of
society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought
to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding
the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of
resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity
autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of
the message
The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital
ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline
choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at
the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and
promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical
part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the
Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances
had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church
the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious
symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious
institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban
performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful
and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing
one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition
was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements
(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and
post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of
radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew
dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at
eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was
to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in
the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were
the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the
foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)
Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global
phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve
as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29
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ded
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19
59 2
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ugus
t 201
7
with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic
devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)
In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to
Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many
superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)
Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility
because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)
and forms of representation
Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo
that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of
contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media
of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have
become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative
and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst
1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous
and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures
In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in
politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing
social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more
importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and
power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo
(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo
writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world
where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash
intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the
same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking
place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or
shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when
Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos
1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience
As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on
smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images
get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in
the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is
important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a
ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The
first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary
culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with
which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social
networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third
trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing
that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov
the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in
August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the
trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New
York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and
Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot
30 ELENA GAPOVA
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
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ugus
t 201
7
Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who
pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim
Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is
ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the
instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became
instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product
Conclusion
The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist
plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War
framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the
social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help
to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in
Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice
media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-
industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of
post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target
Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot
have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist
society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by
global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to
gender
The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it
demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not
ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods
And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the
delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with
instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments
are also part of global media capitalism
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their
comments
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author
NOTES
1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot
feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and
class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)
for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova
eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the
Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in
2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)
3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper
4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian
economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans
discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to
become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)
5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential
elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV
anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of
the general context (Vesti 2012)
6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were
used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four
according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the
participants (Wikipedia 2014c)
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Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications
AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in
Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and
Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press
BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor
Detroit MI
BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and
Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press
BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy
Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241
BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003
BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge
BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube
video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE
CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of
Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104
CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth
of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate
DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments
Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html
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Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
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nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class
Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton
184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell
ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524
Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww
youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ
EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply
Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb
rublogspussyriots5124php
EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]
Oktyabr 9 158ndash165
FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]
Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog
52030
FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova
Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww
fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml
FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure
Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books
FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition
and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson
vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press
GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo
[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki
7 (4) 465ndash484
GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe
Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)
Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794
GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of
Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom
reflections-on-receptions
HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine
Toronto Toronto University Press
HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media
New York Routledge
ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru
February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048
KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-
wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13
KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and
State 52 (2) 232ndash270
KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power
Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press
KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed
September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm
KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations
Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
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nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152
22286
KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014
httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html
LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]
Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww
levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot
MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor
MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New
Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113
MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York
Cambridge University Press
MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and
Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58
NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino
livejournalcom921808htmlcomments
NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo
[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14
Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html
PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers
toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809
support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot
livejournalcom15189html
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi
Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]
Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html
RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh
institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http
wciomruratings-social-institutions
RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August
22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic
pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta
November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119
samutsevich
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us
the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17
2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en
SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica
connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-
riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958
SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31
Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html
34 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what
nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014
httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo
THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18
2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot
TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House
TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO
Westview Press
TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins
of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512
VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15
million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww
vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720
VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty
Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]
Moscow Yury Levada Center
WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo
The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012
0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents
WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global
Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press
WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014
httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot
WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki
Jane_Fonda
WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki
Жанаозен
YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo
Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610
ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v
sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal
issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322
ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]
Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom
newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197
Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before
joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the
European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender
nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich
edu
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35
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19
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ugus
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7
- Abstract
- The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
- Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
- ``New Class and New Media
- Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- References
-
The name helps Itrsquos its own form of culture jam a savvy reference to feminist and musical
historymdashriot grrrl and Susie Bright as well as a wink to womenrsquos appropriation of sexual
agency and bodily power In other words it is specifically calibrated for the Western media
market (Melena Ryzik 2012)
The public in the post-Soviet region poorly versed in global feminism (more on this
below) was at a loss about the meaning of the protest although many felt that they were
made fun of A poll by theMoscow-based Levada Center revealed that 23 percent of Russians
thought that the performance targeted the Russian Orthodox Church and religious believers
in general 19 percent believed that the act was an anti-Putin one and another 19 percent
ldquocould not sayrdquo who or what the performance targeted (Levada Center 2012)
Not taken seriously initially the group was an object of gendered derision by the
liberal public A popular oppositional media project ldquoCitizen Poetrdquo (where classical Russian
poetry is used as commentary on contemporary issues) mocked the ldquoriot of the pussyrdquo
which was set against the ldquoriot of the dickrdquo (Dmitry Bykov 2012) The arrest of the group put
an end to all laughter but not to questioning their ideology Many members of the post-
Soviet feminist community were frustrated as they had no choice but to stand in support of
Pussy Riot while feeling at the same time that the group did not represent them and
might have been ldquoselling outrdquo feminism (Akulova 2013) For example a ldquoshout (krik) for the
salvation of women held in captivityrdquo was posted on the grouprsquos ldquocorporaterdquo blog (Pussy
Riot 2012) after the arrest and both its ldquoBiblicalrdquo wording and appeals to mercy for
womenndashmothers created some doubt as to whether the feminist stance was used and
dropped as needed The lawyers of the group based their campaign on conservative values
and on the rhetoric of ldquochildren missing their mothersrdquo (Akulova 2013) Ironically that logic
echoed the suggestion by liberal-minded priest Andrey Kuraev to pardon the group
members as silly girls Kuraev argued that since the punk-prayer took place during winter
celebrations it was a pointless prank The way for the Church to deal with it he insisted was
to invite ldquothe girlsrdquo for a traditional meal of blini to pinch them slightly in a fatherly way and
let them go (Andrei Kuraev 2012)
The suggestion greeted by a sympathetic liberal public to pinch young women as if
they were stuffed toys and a general mode of ldquowomen held in captivityrdquo are the signs of the
general depolitization of the case in Russian mainstream media (Bernstein 2013 222 224)
The young womenrsquos stand was not taken seriously the case was initially treated as a joke
and then as a human rights issue but hardly as an affirmation of feminist convictions and
identity politics Pussy Riot were supported by many liberals as ldquoanti-Putinistsrdquo rather than
feminists only a small portion recognized that they might have an autonomous voice and
were touching on important social issues One reason for this is how the concept of gender
equality which had been characteristic of socialism and still looms large in the region treats
the oppression of women
The Soviet understanding of gender equality was rooted in classical Marxism with
the oppression of women viewed as a ldquoby-productrdquo of class inequality as women produce
reproduce workers for capitalism there is an incentive to control their sexuality and
reproductive capacities and curtail their autonomy As women toil for men and for
capitalism at the same time gender equality requires integrating women into the paid
labor force to make them economically independent in the long run this should target
class oppression In line with this logic gender equality necessarily includes state supported
childcare access to abortion and healthcare paid maternityparental leaves and other
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 23
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ded
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19
59 2
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ugus
t 201
7
benefits without which womenrsquos participation in the labor force is problematic (see Elena
Zdravomyslova and Anna Temkina 2004) All of these can only be provided through a
particular policy (of resource redistribution) and thus gender equality became a case for
socialism this also explains why women tend to vote for leftist parties more often than men
do With gender equality focused on welfare and maternal benefits ie on redistributive
justice ldquoto pinch or not to pinchrdquo was not on the agendamdashthe very conceptual framework
for dealing with the issue of recognition in a feminist way was missing
The system of views on gender inequality that was elaborated in the West by second-
wave feminists was more nuanced and highlighted (except in the case of Marxist feminists)
the concept of patriarchy rather than class According to this perspective the oppression of
women results from patriarchy (male domination) in all social domains from sexuality to
economics to which capitalism adds some important dimensions Patriarchy being almost
synonymous with culture (ie civilization) penetrates all social categories and institutions
such as language (which is not gender neutral) sexuality (with its ldquocompulsoryrdquo
heteronormativity the very basis of patriarchal power) domestic violence (an extension of
male domination) etc It is impossible to put an end to the system without deconstructing
its main social institutions and it is within this perspective that sexuality and LGBT issues
come to the core they are not only a matter of the individual rights of specific people but
an instrument for a broad social transformation through deconstructing patriarchal
heteronormativity (see Rosemary Tong [1989] 2008)
It is also of importance that the global perspective on gender started making its way
into the post-Soviet region with the disintegration of socialism the advent of the neoliberal
market and new forms of domination and exclusion when free childcare or paid maternity
leave became ldquoobstaclesrdquo to economic efficiency4 The new focus promoted by
international organizations operating in the region was on the rights of women as
independent individuals (who cannot be ldquopinchedrdquo) their representation autonomy
independent subjectivity and their rights to their bodies and sexuality ie the categories
that belong to a ldquobourgeoisrdquo concept of subjectivity This celebration of autonomous and
independent agents was mostly taking hold among educated urban women More
generally a new feminist agenda focusing on recognition rather than on redistribution to
follow Nancy Fraserrsquos conceptualization (1998) or the way it was interpreted in the post-
Soviet region did not get a wide support base because for many women (and men) it
became associated with economic inequality that followed the reforms of the 1990s (Elena
Gapova 2009) and was not presented through familiar concepts Recently in Russia and
Ukraine the very concept of ldquogenderrdquo and the organizations that promote it came under
conservative attack the concept has been interpreted as a ldquoWestern importrdquo perpetuated
by interested anti-patriotic groups (see for example Olena Hankivsky and Anastasiya
Salnykova 2012)
In this context Pussy Riot landed in an ambivalent situation they were appealing to
the issues of sexuality housework and language which had not been theorized in the
region as categories of social oppression outside of a narrow circle of scholars of gender
and some feminist activists The group tended to invoke ideas and meanings that mattered
for a Western audience because thatrsquos where they had been conceptualized as feminist
while in the post-Soviet region they became charged and often associated with global
capitalism Pussy Riot who insisted on the countercultural and anti-commercial bent of
their project were identified with ldquosuspiciousrdquo self-indulgent urban cosmopolitan elites
and the polemic around the case became a displaced reaction to social inequality
24 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
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ugus
t 201
7
ldquoNew Classrdquo and New Media
In spring 2012 a BBC radio correspondent reporting on the gathering in front of the
Moscow court building where an interim decision regarding Pussy Riot was to be made
described the crowd there as ldquostylish young urbanitesrdquo (BBC Newshour 2012) They
answered his questions in fluent English which is an important asset in the quasi-
professional communities and networks of bloggers and journalists of new media
ldquocontemporaryrdquo artists computer enthusiasts web designers consultants musicians
popular scientists public intellectuals expert organizers and semi-professional human
rights feminist or ecological activists belonging to international activist networks (often
supported with international grant money) Studies of the 2012 protests in Moscow (eg
Dmitry Volkov 2012) tend to ignore a crucial aspect of the partial overlapping of two areas
through which these people come together and know each other These areas are political
events and the production and consumption of contemporary art sustained through
galleries exhibitions auctions ldquobohemianrdquo cafes and ldquobuzzrdquo in digital media The artistic
and organizational beginnings of Pussy Riot can be found in the actionist group Voina
(War) to which some of its members had belonged Members of this milieu often have a
recognizable habitus they tend to look ldquocoolrdquo follow a particular style of material and
cultural consumption (including music art-house movies books etc) and a way of life
They belong to a ldquonew classrdquo that makes the social base of Pussy Riot
The term ldquoclassrdquo can denote a particular social group and at the same time invoke
the principles according to which this group has been delineated Primarily the notion of
class implies economic divisions However the term may also invoke social divisions
privilege and exclusion based on non-economic forms of capital As a broad organizing
concept for theorizing a wide range of issues associated with social inequality and
differentiation class divisions after Bourdieu and others can be sustained through matters
of culture lifestyle and taste In other words people may not ldquoexplicitly recognize class
issues or identify with discrete class groupingsrdquo but class processes still operate on them
(Bottero 2004 989) and ldquolines of exclusionrdquo based on style taste knowledge and culture
are related in non-obvious ways to economic capitals and assets
This primer on class helps to make sense of social developments in the post-Soviet
region where a transition to capitalism resulted in economic divisions and a transition to
the global information age fundamentally changed the nature of employment With the
advent of the Internet new occupations as well as new patterns of employment came into
being besides freelance jobs outsourcing subcontracting and other forms of project-
based networking independent content production based on onersquos own resourcefulness
and making oneself interesting are the features of this fluid and precarious employment
environment The term ldquocreative classrdquo (kreakly) after Richard Floridarsquos The Rise of the
Creative Class (2002) started to be applied sometimes ironically to these communities
often sustained in globalized urban centers One could also think of these networks in
terms of a ldquonew classrdquo the members of this new class use intellectual cultural and
educational capitals to produce an income and sustain privilege (Lawrence King and Ivan
Zselenyi 2004)
The advent of the Internet which allows interpersonal interactions in the online
world has been important for sustaining new class communities of experts artists and
activists (Barry Wellman 1999) as social networking platforms (Facebook LiveJournal
Twitter as well as some Cyrillic platforms) provide a ldquomergerrdquo of social and commercial
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 25
Dow
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ded
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rsity
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19
59 2
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ugus
t 201
7
activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash
offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and
activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the
community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and
economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important
for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner
who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo
movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and
visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist
networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo
oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation
belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this
intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line
between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters
become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as
one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while
she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy
Riot discourse on the Internet
Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their
resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members
of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it
and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through
their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-
gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation
charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be
legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-
FIGURE 2
LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo
from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)
26 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
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ugus
t 201
7
capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion
industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological
networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and
employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release
from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows
and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)
Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by
the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and
commoditization intentions from the start
If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy
Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and
other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-
economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference
can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural
outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and
Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and
even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less
cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The
following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held
in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that
read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo
is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly
the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo
(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in
order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human
rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status
The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation
between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist
maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that
ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals
needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude
In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long
and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common
people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type
of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)
In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in
terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot
The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily
tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position
maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to
pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see
for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and
demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals
appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which
focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-
declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
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Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago
[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a
different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now
have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally
speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]
We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of
schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It
is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches
[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)
This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and
working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian
Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power
struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the
oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces
which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo
ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media
insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of
Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which
had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should
be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see
Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on
LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and
left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and
language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their
grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be
marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also
because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of
striking oil workers in Kazakhstan
Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to
access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers
(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have
sympathized
The same commentator also wrote
Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good
thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope
we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the
other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already
perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People
and Nature 2012)6
Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected
new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The
information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often
relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the
acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo
28 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
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Wes
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higa
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rsity
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19
59 2
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ugus
t 201
7
Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a
cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action
often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization
that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new
social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed
so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound
social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the
1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic
and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of
organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci
1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as
seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of
society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought
to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding
the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of
resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity
autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of
the message
The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital
ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline
choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at
the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and
promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical
part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the
Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances
had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church
the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious
symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious
institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban
performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful
and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing
one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition
was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements
(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and
post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of
radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew
dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at
eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was
to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in
the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were
the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the
foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)
Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global
phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve
as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic
devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)
In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to
Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many
superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)
Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility
because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)
and forms of representation
Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo
that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of
contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media
of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have
become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative
and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst
1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous
and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures
In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in
politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing
social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more
importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and
power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo
(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo
writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world
where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash
intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the
same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking
place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or
shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when
Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos
1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience
As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on
smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images
get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in
the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is
important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a
ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The
first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary
culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with
which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social
networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third
trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing
that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov
the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in
August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the
trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New
York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and
Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot
30 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who
pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim
Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is
ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the
instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became
instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product
Conclusion
The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist
plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War
framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the
social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help
to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in
Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice
media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-
industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of
post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target
Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot
have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist
society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by
global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to
gender
The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it
demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not
ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods
And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the
delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with
instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments
are also part of global media capitalism
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their
comments
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author
NOTES
1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot
feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and
class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31
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nloa
ded
by [
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tern
Mic
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nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)
for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova
eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the
Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in
2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)
3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper
4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian
economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans
discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to
become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)
5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential
elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV
anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of
the general context (Vesti 2012)
6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were
used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four
according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the
participants (Wikipedia 2014c)
REFERENCES
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Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications
AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in
Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and
Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press
BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor
Detroit MI
BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and
Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press
BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy
Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241
BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003
BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge
BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube
video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE
CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of
Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104
CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth
of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate
DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments
Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html
32 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class
Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton
184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell
ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524
Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww
youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ
EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply
Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb
rublogspussyriots5124php
EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]
Oktyabr 9 158ndash165
FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]
Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog
52030
FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova
Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww
fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml
FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure
Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books
FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition
and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson
vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press
GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo
[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki
7 (4) 465ndash484
GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe
Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)
Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794
GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of
Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom
reflections-on-receptions
HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine
Toronto Toronto University Press
HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media
New York Routledge
ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru
February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048
KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-
wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13
KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and
State 52 (2) 232ndash270
KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power
Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press
KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed
September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm
KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations
Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152
22286
KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014
httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html
LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]
Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww
levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot
MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor
MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New
Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113
MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York
Cambridge University Press
MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and
Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58
NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino
livejournalcom921808htmlcomments
NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo
[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14
Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html
PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers
toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809
support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot
livejournalcom15189html
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi
Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]
Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html
RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh
institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http
wciomruratings-social-institutions
RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August
22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic
pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta
November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119
samutsevich
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us
the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17
2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en
SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica
connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-
riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958
SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31
Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html
34 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what
nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014
httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo
THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18
2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot
TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House
TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO
Westview Press
TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins
of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512
VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15
million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww
vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720
VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty
Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]
Moscow Yury Levada Center
WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo
The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012
0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents
WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global
Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press
WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014
httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot
WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki
Jane_Fonda
WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki
Жанаозен
YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo
Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610
ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v
sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal
issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322
ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]
Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom
newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197
Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before
joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the
European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender
nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich
edu
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
- Abstract
- The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
- Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
- ``New Class and New Media
- Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- References
-
benefits without which womenrsquos participation in the labor force is problematic (see Elena
Zdravomyslova and Anna Temkina 2004) All of these can only be provided through a
particular policy (of resource redistribution) and thus gender equality became a case for
socialism this also explains why women tend to vote for leftist parties more often than men
do With gender equality focused on welfare and maternal benefits ie on redistributive
justice ldquoto pinch or not to pinchrdquo was not on the agendamdashthe very conceptual framework
for dealing with the issue of recognition in a feminist way was missing
The system of views on gender inequality that was elaborated in the West by second-
wave feminists was more nuanced and highlighted (except in the case of Marxist feminists)
the concept of patriarchy rather than class According to this perspective the oppression of
women results from patriarchy (male domination) in all social domains from sexuality to
economics to which capitalism adds some important dimensions Patriarchy being almost
synonymous with culture (ie civilization) penetrates all social categories and institutions
such as language (which is not gender neutral) sexuality (with its ldquocompulsoryrdquo
heteronormativity the very basis of patriarchal power) domestic violence (an extension of
male domination) etc It is impossible to put an end to the system without deconstructing
its main social institutions and it is within this perspective that sexuality and LGBT issues
come to the core they are not only a matter of the individual rights of specific people but
an instrument for a broad social transformation through deconstructing patriarchal
heteronormativity (see Rosemary Tong [1989] 2008)
It is also of importance that the global perspective on gender started making its way
into the post-Soviet region with the disintegration of socialism the advent of the neoliberal
market and new forms of domination and exclusion when free childcare or paid maternity
leave became ldquoobstaclesrdquo to economic efficiency4 The new focus promoted by
international organizations operating in the region was on the rights of women as
independent individuals (who cannot be ldquopinchedrdquo) their representation autonomy
independent subjectivity and their rights to their bodies and sexuality ie the categories
that belong to a ldquobourgeoisrdquo concept of subjectivity This celebration of autonomous and
independent agents was mostly taking hold among educated urban women More
generally a new feminist agenda focusing on recognition rather than on redistribution to
follow Nancy Fraserrsquos conceptualization (1998) or the way it was interpreted in the post-
Soviet region did not get a wide support base because for many women (and men) it
became associated with economic inequality that followed the reforms of the 1990s (Elena
Gapova 2009) and was not presented through familiar concepts Recently in Russia and
Ukraine the very concept of ldquogenderrdquo and the organizations that promote it came under
conservative attack the concept has been interpreted as a ldquoWestern importrdquo perpetuated
by interested anti-patriotic groups (see for example Olena Hankivsky and Anastasiya
Salnykova 2012)
In this context Pussy Riot landed in an ambivalent situation they were appealing to
the issues of sexuality housework and language which had not been theorized in the
region as categories of social oppression outside of a narrow circle of scholars of gender
and some feminist activists The group tended to invoke ideas and meanings that mattered
for a Western audience because thatrsquos where they had been conceptualized as feminist
while in the post-Soviet region they became charged and often associated with global
capitalism Pussy Riot who insisted on the countercultural and anti-commercial bent of
their project were identified with ldquosuspiciousrdquo self-indulgent urban cosmopolitan elites
and the polemic around the case became a displaced reaction to social inequality
24 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
ldquoNew Classrdquo and New Media
In spring 2012 a BBC radio correspondent reporting on the gathering in front of the
Moscow court building where an interim decision regarding Pussy Riot was to be made
described the crowd there as ldquostylish young urbanitesrdquo (BBC Newshour 2012) They
answered his questions in fluent English which is an important asset in the quasi-
professional communities and networks of bloggers and journalists of new media
ldquocontemporaryrdquo artists computer enthusiasts web designers consultants musicians
popular scientists public intellectuals expert organizers and semi-professional human
rights feminist or ecological activists belonging to international activist networks (often
supported with international grant money) Studies of the 2012 protests in Moscow (eg
Dmitry Volkov 2012) tend to ignore a crucial aspect of the partial overlapping of two areas
through which these people come together and know each other These areas are political
events and the production and consumption of contemporary art sustained through
galleries exhibitions auctions ldquobohemianrdquo cafes and ldquobuzzrdquo in digital media The artistic
and organizational beginnings of Pussy Riot can be found in the actionist group Voina
(War) to which some of its members had belonged Members of this milieu often have a
recognizable habitus they tend to look ldquocoolrdquo follow a particular style of material and
cultural consumption (including music art-house movies books etc) and a way of life
They belong to a ldquonew classrdquo that makes the social base of Pussy Riot
The term ldquoclassrdquo can denote a particular social group and at the same time invoke
the principles according to which this group has been delineated Primarily the notion of
class implies economic divisions However the term may also invoke social divisions
privilege and exclusion based on non-economic forms of capital As a broad organizing
concept for theorizing a wide range of issues associated with social inequality and
differentiation class divisions after Bourdieu and others can be sustained through matters
of culture lifestyle and taste In other words people may not ldquoexplicitly recognize class
issues or identify with discrete class groupingsrdquo but class processes still operate on them
(Bottero 2004 989) and ldquolines of exclusionrdquo based on style taste knowledge and culture
are related in non-obvious ways to economic capitals and assets
This primer on class helps to make sense of social developments in the post-Soviet
region where a transition to capitalism resulted in economic divisions and a transition to
the global information age fundamentally changed the nature of employment With the
advent of the Internet new occupations as well as new patterns of employment came into
being besides freelance jobs outsourcing subcontracting and other forms of project-
based networking independent content production based on onersquos own resourcefulness
and making oneself interesting are the features of this fluid and precarious employment
environment The term ldquocreative classrdquo (kreakly) after Richard Floridarsquos The Rise of the
Creative Class (2002) started to be applied sometimes ironically to these communities
often sustained in globalized urban centers One could also think of these networks in
terms of a ldquonew classrdquo the members of this new class use intellectual cultural and
educational capitals to produce an income and sustain privilege (Lawrence King and Ivan
Zselenyi 2004)
The advent of the Internet which allows interpersonal interactions in the online
world has been important for sustaining new class communities of experts artists and
activists (Barry Wellman 1999) as social networking platforms (Facebook LiveJournal
Twitter as well as some Cyrillic platforms) provide a ldquomergerrdquo of social and commercial
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 25
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ugus
t 201
7
activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash
offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and
activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the
community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and
economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important
for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner
who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo
movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and
visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist
networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo
oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation
belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this
intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line
between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters
become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as
one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while
she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy
Riot discourse on the Internet
Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their
resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members
of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it
and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through
their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-
gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation
charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be
legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-
FIGURE 2
LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo
from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)
26 ELENA GAPOVA
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ugus
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7
capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion
industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological
networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and
employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release
from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows
and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)
Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by
the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and
commoditization intentions from the start
If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy
Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and
other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-
economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference
can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural
outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and
Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and
even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less
cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The
following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held
in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that
read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo
is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly
the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo
(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in
order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human
rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status
The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation
between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist
maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that
ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals
needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude
In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long
and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common
people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type
of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)
In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in
terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot
The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily
tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position
maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to
pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see
for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and
demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals
appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which
focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-
declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27
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rsity
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19
59 2
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ugus
t 201
7
[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago
[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a
different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now
have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally
speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]
We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of
schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It
is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches
[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)
This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and
working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian
Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power
struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the
oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces
which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo
ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media
insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of
Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which
had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should
be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see
Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on
LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and
left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and
language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their
grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be
marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also
because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of
striking oil workers in Kazakhstan
Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to
access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers
(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have
sympathized
The same commentator also wrote
Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good
thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope
we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the
other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already
perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People
and Nature 2012)6
Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected
new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The
information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often
relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the
acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo
28 ELENA GAPOVA
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rsity
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19
59 2
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ugus
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7
Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a
cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action
often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization
that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new
social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed
so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound
social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the
1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic
and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of
organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci
1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as
seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of
society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought
to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding
the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of
resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity
autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of
the message
The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital
ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline
choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at
the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and
promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical
part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the
Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances
had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church
the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious
symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious
institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban
performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful
and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing
one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition
was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements
(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and
post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of
radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew
dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at
eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was
to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in
the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were
the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the
foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)
Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global
phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve
as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic
devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)
In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to
Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many
superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)
Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility
because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)
and forms of representation
Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo
that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of
contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media
of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have
become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative
and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst
1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous
and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures
In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in
politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing
social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more
importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and
power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo
(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo
writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world
where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash
intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the
same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking
place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or
shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when
Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos
1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience
As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on
smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images
get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in
the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is
important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a
ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The
first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary
culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with
which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social
networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third
trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing
that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov
the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in
August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the
trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New
York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and
Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot
30 ELENA GAPOVA
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nloa
ded
by [
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n U
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who
pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim
Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is
ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the
instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became
instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product
Conclusion
The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist
plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War
framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the
social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help
to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in
Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice
media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-
industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of
post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target
Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot
have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist
society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by
global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to
gender
The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it
demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not
ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods
And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the
delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with
instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments
are also part of global media capitalism
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their
comments
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author
NOTES
1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot
feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and
class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)
for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova
eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the
Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in
2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)
3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper
4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian
economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans
discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to
become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)
5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential
elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV
anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of
the general context (Vesti 2012)
6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were
used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four
according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the
participants (Wikipedia 2014c)
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Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications
AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in
Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and
Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press
BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor
Detroit MI
BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and
Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press
BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy
Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241
BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003
BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge
BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube
video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE
CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of
Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104
CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth
of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate
DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments
Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html
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nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
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nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class
Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton
184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell
ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524
Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww
youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ
EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply
Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb
rublogspussyriots5124php
EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]
Oktyabr 9 158ndash165
FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]
Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog
52030
FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova
Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww
fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml
FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure
Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books
FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition
and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson
vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press
GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo
[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki
7 (4) 465ndash484
GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe
Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)
Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794
GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of
Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom
reflections-on-receptions
HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine
Toronto Toronto University Press
HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media
New York Routledge
ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru
February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048
KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-
wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13
KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and
State 52 (2) 232ndash270
KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power
Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press
KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed
September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm
KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations
Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152
22286
KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014
httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html
LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]
Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww
levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot
MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor
MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New
Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113
MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York
Cambridge University Press
MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and
Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58
NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino
livejournalcom921808htmlcomments
NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo
[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14
Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html
PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers
toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809
support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot
livejournalcom15189html
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi
Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]
Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html
RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh
institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http
wciomruratings-social-institutions
RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August
22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic
pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta
November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119
samutsevich
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us
the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17
2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en
SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica
connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-
riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958
SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31
Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html
34 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what
nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014
httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo
THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18
2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot
TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House
TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO
Westview Press
TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins
of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512
VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15
million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww
vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720
VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty
Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]
Moscow Yury Levada Center
WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo
The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012
0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents
WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global
Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press
WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014
httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot
WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki
Jane_Fonda
WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki
Жанаозен
YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo
Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610
ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v
sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal
issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322
ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]
Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom
newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197
Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before
joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the
European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender
nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich
edu
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35
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ded
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59 2
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ugus
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7
- Abstract
- The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
- Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
- ``New Class and New Media
- Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- References
-
ldquoNew Classrdquo and New Media
In spring 2012 a BBC radio correspondent reporting on the gathering in front of the
Moscow court building where an interim decision regarding Pussy Riot was to be made
described the crowd there as ldquostylish young urbanitesrdquo (BBC Newshour 2012) They
answered his questions in fluent English which is an important asset in the quasi-
professional communities and networks of bloggers and journalists of new media
ldquocontemporaryrdquo artists computer enthusiasts web designers consultants musicians
popular scientists public intellectuals expert organizers and semi-professional human
rights feminist or ecological activists belonging to international activist networks (often
supported with international grant money) Studies of the 2012 protests in Moscow (eg
Dmitry Volkov 2012) tend to ignore a crucial aspect of the partial overlapping of two areas
through which these people come together and know each other These areas are political
events and the production and consumption of contemporary art sustained through
galleries exhibitions auctions ldquobohemianrdquo cafes and ldquobuzzrdquo in digital media The artistic
and organizational beginnings of Pussy Riot can be found in the actionist group Voina
(War) to which some of its members had belonged Members of this milieu often have a
recognizable habitus they tend to look ldquocoolrdquo follow a particular style of material and
cultural consumption (including music art-house movies books etc) and a way of life
They belong to a ldquonew classrdquo that makes the social base of Pussy Riot
The term ldquoclassrdquo can denote a particular social group and at the same time invoke
the principles according to which this group has been delineated Primarily the notion of
class implies economic divisions However the term may also invoke social divisions
privilege and exclusion based on non-economic forms of capital As a broad organizing
concept for theorizing a wide range of issues associated with social inequality and
differentiation class divisions after Bourdieu and others can be sustained through matters
of culture lifestyle and taste In other words people may not ldquoexplicitly recognize class
issues or identify with discrete class groupingsrdquo but class processes still operate on them
(Bottero 2004 989) and ldquolines of exclusionrdquo based on style taste knowledge and culture
are related in non-obvious ways to economic capitals and assets
This primer on class helps to make sense of social developments in the post-Soviet
region where a transition to capitalism resulted in economic divisions and a transition to
the global information age fundamentally changed the nature of employment With the
advent of the Internet new occupations as well as new patterns of employment came into
being besides freelance jobs outsourcing subcontracting and other forms of project-
based networking independent content production based on onersquos own resourcefulness
and making oneself interesting are the features of this fluid and precarious employment
environment The term ldquocreative classrdquo (kreakly) after Richard Floridarsquos The Rise of the
Creative Class (2002) started to be applied sometimes ironically to these communities
often sustained in globalized urban centers One could also think of these networks in
terms of a ldquonew classrdquo the members of this new class use intellectual cultural and
educational capitals to produce an income and sustain privilege (Lawrence King and Ivan
Zselenyi 2004)
The advent of the Internet which allows interpersonal interactions in the online
world has been important for sustaining new class communities of experts artists and
activists (Barry Wellman 1999) as social networking platforms (Facebook LiveJournal
Twitter as well as some Cyrillic platforms) provide a ldquomergerrdquo of social and commercial
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 25
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ded
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rsity
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19
59 2
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ugus
t 201
7
activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash
offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and
activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the
community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and
economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important
for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner
who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo
movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and
visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist
networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo
oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation
belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this
intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line
between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters
become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as
one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while
she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy
Riot discourse on the Internet
Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their
resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members
of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it
and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through
their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-
gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation
charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be
legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-
FIGURE 2
LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo
from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)
26 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
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] at
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59 2
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ugus
t 201
7
capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion
industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological
networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and
employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release
from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows
and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)
Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by
the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and
commoditization intentions from the start
If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy
Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and
other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-
economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference
can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural
outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and
Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and
even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less
cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The
following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held
in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that
read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo
is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly
the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo
(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in
order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human
rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status
The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation
between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist
maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that
ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals
needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude
In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long
and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common
people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type
of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)
In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in
terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot
The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily
tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position
maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to
pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see
for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and
demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals
appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which
focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-
declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27
Dow
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ded
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago
[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a
different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now
have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally
speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]
We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of
schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It
is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches
[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)
This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and
working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian
Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power
struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the
oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces
which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo
ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media
insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of
Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which
had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should
be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see
Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on
LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and
left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and
language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their
grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be
marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also
because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of
striking oil workers in Kazakhstan
Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to
access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers
(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have
sympathized
The same commentator also wrote
Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good
thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope
we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the
other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already
perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People
and Nature 2012)6
Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected
new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The
information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often
relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the
acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo
28 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
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7
Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a
cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action
often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization
that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new
social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed
so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound
social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the
1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic
and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of
organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci
1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as
seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of
society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought
to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding
the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of
resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity
autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of
the message
The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital
ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline
choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at
the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and
promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical
part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the
Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances
had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church
the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious
symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious
institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban
performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful
and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing
one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition
was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements
(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and
post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of
radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew
dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at
eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was
to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in
the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were
the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the
foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)
Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global
phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve
as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29
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19
59 2
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ugus
t 201
7
with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic
devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)
In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to
Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many
superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)
Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility
because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)
and forms of representation
Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo
that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of
contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media
of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have
become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative
and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst
1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous
and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures
In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in
politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing
social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more
importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and
power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo
(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo
writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world
where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash
intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the
same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking
place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or
shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when
Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos
1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience
As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on
smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images
get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in
the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is
important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a
ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The
first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary
culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with
which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social
networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third
trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing
that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov
the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in
August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the
trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New
York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and
Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot
30 ELENA GAPOVA
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rsity
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19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who
pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim
Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is
ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the
instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became
instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product
Conclusion
The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist
plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War
framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the
social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help
to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in
Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice
media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-
industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of
post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target
Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot
have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist
society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by
global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to
gender
The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it
demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not
ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods
And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the
delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with
instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments
are also part of global media capitalism
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their
comments
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author
NOTES
1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot
feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and
class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31
Dow
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rsity
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59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)
for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova
eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the
Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in
2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)
3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper
4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian
economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans
discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to
become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)
5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential
elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV
anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of
the general context (Vesti 2012)
6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were
used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four
according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the
participants (Wikipedia 2014c)
REFERENCES
ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of
Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications
AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in
Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and
Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press
BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor
Detroit MI
BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and
Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press
BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy
Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241
BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003
BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge
BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube
video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE
CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of
Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104
CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth
of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate
DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments
Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html
32 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class
Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton
184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell
ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524
Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww
youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ
EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply
Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb
rublogspussyriots5124php
EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]
Oktyabr 9 158ndash165
FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]
Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog
52030
FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova
Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww
fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml
FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure
Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books
FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition
and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson
vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press
GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo
[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki
7 (4) 465ndash484
GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe
Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)
Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794
GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of
Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom
reflections-on-receptions
HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine
Toronto Toronto University Press
HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media
New York Routledge
ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru
February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048
KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-
wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13
KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and
State 52 (2) 232ndash270
KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power
Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press
KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed
September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm
KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations
Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152
22286
KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014
httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html
LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]
Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww
levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot
MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor
MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New
Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113
MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York
Cambridge University Press
MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and
Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58
NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino
livejournalcom921808htmlcomments
NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo
[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14
Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html
PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers
toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809
support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot
livejournalcom15189html
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi
Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]
Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html
RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh
institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http
wciomruratings-social-institutions
RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August
22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic
pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta
November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119
samutsevich
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us
the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17
2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en
SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica
connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-
riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958
SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31
Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html
34 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what
nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014
httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo
THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18
2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot
TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House
TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO
Westview Press
TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins
of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512
VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15
million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww
vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720
VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty
Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]
Moscow Yury Levada Center
WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo
The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012
0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents
WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global
Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press
WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014
httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot
WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki
Jane_Fonda
WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki
Жанаозен
YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo
Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610
ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v
sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal
issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322
ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]
Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom
newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197
Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before
joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the
European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender
nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich
edu
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
- Abstract
- The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
- Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
- ``New Class and New Media
- Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- References
-
activities Social media constitute a particular space where the members of these onlinendash
offline intellectual-activist networks communicate share information about cultural and
activist events and expressing an opinion about them demonstrate their belonging to the
community In this virtual space protest information exchange community building and
economic activity can take place simultaneously and expertise in new media is important
for it helps to sustain visibility and popularity a precondition of employment Fred Turner
who studied early American virtual communities that transformed ldquoback to earthrdquo
movements into business projects pointed to a special importance of reputation and
visibility inside the community for information professionals and for professional-activist
networks (Turner 2005 507) To belong to the network one has to actively ldquoproducerdquo
oneself and to present oneself at information exchanges Building onersquos reputation
belonging to the network and reaching professional success come together With this
intensive production and commercialization of onersquos capacities and persona the line
between onersquos work and private life might blur or even more onersquos personal matters
become the ldquomaterialrdquo which adds to onersquos popularity and visibility one is performing as
one is living For example Tolokonnikovarsquos ldquopublicrdquo pregnancy and childbirth in 2009 while
she was a member of Voina as well as some other personal issues were a staple of Pussy
Riot discourse on the Internet
Digital networks often represent face-to-face groups and a large part of their
resources are devoted to the construction and maintenance of internal solidarity Members
of this subculture as they rediscover the power of cooperation get inspired and taken by it
and often imagine themselves as a single network belonging to (or even creating through
their actions) a new social order non-hierarchical intimate and anti-bureaucratic This self-
gratifying vision however is naıve such assets as command of culture reputation
charisma and technical expertise are ldquosecondaryrdquo forms of capital and need to be
legitimized by institutions or by economic assets Network community its declared anti-
FIGURE 2
LGBT activists display a sign with the slogan ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo Photo
from httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html (accessed May 7 2014)
26 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
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by [
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tern
Mic
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion
industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological
networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and
employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release
from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows
and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)
Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by
the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and
commoditization intentions from the start
If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy
Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and
other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-
economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference
can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural
outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and
Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and
even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less
cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The
following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held
in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that
read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo
is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly
the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo
(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in
order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human
rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status
The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation
between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist
maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that
ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals
needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude
In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long
and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common
people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type
of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)
In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in
terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot
The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily
tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position
maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to
pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see
for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and
demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals
appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which
focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-
declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago
[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a
different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now
have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally
speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]
We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of
schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It
is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches
[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)
This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and
working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian
Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power
struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the
oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces
which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo
ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media
insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of
Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which
had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should
be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see
Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on
LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and
left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and
language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their
grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be
marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also
because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of
striking oil workers in Kazakhstan
Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to
access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers
(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have
sympathized
The same commentator also wrote
Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good
thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope
we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the
other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already
perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People
and Nature 2012)6
Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected
new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The
information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often
relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the
acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo
28 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
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ugus
t 201
7
Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a
cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action
often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization
that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new
social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed
so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound
social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the
1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic
and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of
organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci
1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as
seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of
society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought
to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding
the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of
resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity
autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of
the message
The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital
ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline
choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at
the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and
promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical
part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the
Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances
had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church
the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious
symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious
institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban
performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful
and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing
one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition
was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements
(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and
post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of
radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew
dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at
eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was
to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in
the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were
the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the
foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)
Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global
phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve
as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
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Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic
devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)
In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to
Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many
superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)
Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility
because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)
and forms of representation
Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo
that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of
contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media
of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have
become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative
and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst
1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous
and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures
In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in
politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing
social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more
importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and
power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo
(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo
writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world
where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash
intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the
same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking
place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or
shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when
Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos
1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience
As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on
smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images
get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in
the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is
important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a
ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The
first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary
culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with
which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social
networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third
trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing
that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov
the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in
August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the
trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New
York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and
Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot
30 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who
pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim
Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is
ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the
instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became
instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product
Conclusion
The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist
plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War
framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the
social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help
to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in
Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice
media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-
industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of
post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target
Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot
have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist
society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by
global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to
gender
The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it
demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not
ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods
And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the
delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with
instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments
are also part of global media capitalism
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their
comments
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author
NOTES
1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot
feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and
class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31
Dow
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ded
by [
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)
for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova
eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the
Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in
2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)
3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper
4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian
economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans
discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to
become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)
5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential
elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV
anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of
the general context (Vesti 2012)
6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were
used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four
according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the
participants (Wikipedia 2014c)
REFERENCES
ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of
Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications
AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in
Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and
Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press
BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor
Detroit MI
BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and
Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press
BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy
Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241
BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003
BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge
BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube
video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE
CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of
Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104
CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth
of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate
DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments
Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html
32 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class
Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton
184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell
ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524
Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww
youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ
EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply
Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb
rublogspussyriots5124php
EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]
Oktyabr 9 158ndash165
FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]
Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog
52030
FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova
Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww
fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml
FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure
Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books
FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition
and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson
vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press
GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo
[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki
7 (4) 465ndash484
GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe
Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)
Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794
GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of
Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom
reflections-on-receptions
HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine
Toronto Toronto University Press
HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media
New York Routledge
ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru
February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048
KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-
wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13
KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and
State 52 (2) 232ndash270
KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power
Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press
KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed
September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm
KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations
Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152
22286
KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014
httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html
LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]
Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww
levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot
MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor
MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New
Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113
MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York
Cambridge University Press
MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and
Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58
NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino
livejournalcom921808htmlcomments
NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo
[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14
Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html
PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers
toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809
support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot
livejournalcom15189html
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi
Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]
Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html
RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh
institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http
wciomruratings-social-institutions
RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August
22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic
pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta
November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119
samutsevich
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us
the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17
2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en
SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica
connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-
riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958
SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31
Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html
34 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what
nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014
httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo
THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18
2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot
TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House
TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO
Westview Press
TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins
of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512
VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15
million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww
vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720
VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty
Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]
Moscow Yury Levada Center
WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo
The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012
0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents
WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global
Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press
WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014
httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot
WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki
Jane_Fonda
WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki
Жанаозен
YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo
Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610
ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v
sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal
issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322
ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]
Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom
newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197
Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before
joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the
European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender
nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich
edu
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
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rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
- Abstract
- The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
- Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
- ``New Class and New Media
- Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- References
-
capitalist bent notwithstanding often lives off of the global media market (TV the fashion
industry advertising design contemporary art etc) and international technological
networks Popular art or politics can be the breeding ground for reputational positions and
employment For example Tolokonnikova modeled for Trends Brands after her release
from prison (Fashion Rotation 2014) the two women also participated in commercial shows
and photo-sessions in New York and other places and shows on Russian TV (see Figure 1)
Some commentators wondered if Pussy Riotrsquos countercultural protest had been tamed by
the media market (Elena Ischenko 2014) or whether the group had branding and
commoditization intentions from the start
If the constellation of technology-savvy educated young urban supporters of Pussy
Riot often from intellectual families (which also explains their command of English and
other forms of cultural capital) makes a new class then this class needs to maintain non-
economic boundaries and lines of distinction from those ldquoless culturedrdquo Class difference
can be produced without directly applying the notions of economic inequality as ldquocultural
outlooks are implicated in the modes of exclusion andor dominationrdquo (Fiona Devine and
Mike Savage 2000 195) and can be created through the use of various forms of capital and
even through the power of discourse For example ldquoshamingrdquo and exposure of the less
cultured is a mechanism for establishing lines of distinction through discourse The
following example can help to see how these lines can be sustained During a protest held
in Red Square in 2013 Moscow-based gay activists used a big poster (see Figure 2) that
read ldquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlerdquo (bydlo) (Novaya Gazeta 2013) In Russian bydlo
is a very charged term referring to both the lower economic class and to ldquoslobsrdquo Overtly
the activists were shaming homophobes implicitly however they equated ldquoprolesrdquo
(proletarians lowly commoners) to ldquocattlerdquo and thus created a line of social exclusion in
order to sustain their ldquoenlightenedrdquo position of cultural arbiters experts and even human
rights activists (for this is a moral position) which is the basis of their status
The case of Pussy Riot was used in a similar way to sustain social differentiation
between ldquothe enlightenedrdquo and ldquothe commonersrdquo A recognized oppositional journalist
maintained in Snob a publication that bills itself as ldquothe magazine of global Russiansrdquo that
ldquothe common peoplerdquo (narod) were not able to appreciate Pussy Riot thus intellectuals
needed to distance themselves from commoners and teach them the correct attitude
In supporting Pussy Riot the Russian opposition has chosen the road that is pretty long
and goes away from common people [narod ]mdashto a different better type of common
people [narod ] If we tread this road with patience and resilience however this new type
of people will eventually emerge (Ilja Faibisovich 2012)
In both examples distancing (drawing boundaries) from the ldquopeoplerdquo is presented in
terms of promoting democratic goals such as defending LGBT rights and Pussy Riot
The income on which the members of informational networks subsist is not easily
tracked and tax evasion may be celebrated as a form of resistance A popular position
maintained on blogs during the 2012 protests can be summarized as ldquoI am not going to
pay taxes to this corrupt state Iwill be paying my taxes when they stop being corruptrdquo (see
for example the comments on ninazinolivejournalcom 2012)5 However evading taxes and
demanding honest presidential elections at the same timemight make onersquos declared goals
appear doubtful In a discussion on the liberal radio Echo Moskvy (Moscow Echo) which
focused on the decline of protest rallies including those in support of Pussy Riot a self-
declared countercultural and ldquoleftistrdquo youth leader maintained
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 27
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago
[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a
different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now
have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally
speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]
We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of
schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It
is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches
[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)
This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and
working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian
Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power
struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the
oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces
which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo
ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media
insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of
Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which
had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should
be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see
Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on
LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and
left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and
language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their
grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be
marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also
because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of
striking oil workers in Kazakhstan
Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to
access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers
(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have
sympathized
The same commentator also wrote
Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good
thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope
we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the
other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already
perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People
and Nature 2012)6
Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected
new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The
information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often
relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the
acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo
28 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a
cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action
often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization
that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new
social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed
so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound
social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the
1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic
and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of
organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci
1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as
seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of
society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought
to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding
the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of
resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity
autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of
the message
The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital
ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline
choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at
the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and
promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical
part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the
Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances
had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church
the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious
symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious
institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban
performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful
and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing
one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition
was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements
(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and
post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of
radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew
dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at
eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was
to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in
the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were
the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the
foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)
Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global
phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve
as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic
devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)
In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to
Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many
superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)
Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility
because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)
and forms of representation
Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo
that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of
contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media
of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have
become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative
and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst
1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous
and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures
In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in
politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing
social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more
importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and
power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo
(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo
writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world
where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash
intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the
same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking
place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or
shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when
Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos
1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience
As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on
smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images
get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in
the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is
important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a
ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The
first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary
culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with
which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social
networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third
trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing
that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov
the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in
August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the
trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New
York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and
Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot
30 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who
pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim
Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is
ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the
instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became
instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product
Conclusion
The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist
plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War
framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the
social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help
to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in
Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice
media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-
industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of
post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target
Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot
have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist
society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by
global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to
gender
The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it
demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not
ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods
And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the
delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with
instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments
are also part of global media capitalism
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their
comments
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author
NOTES
1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot
feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and
class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31
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nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)
for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova
eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the
Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in
2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)
3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper
4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian
economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans
discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to
become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)
5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential
elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV
anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of
the general context (Vesti 2012)
6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were
used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four
according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the
participants (Wikipedia 2014c)
REFERENCES
ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of
Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications
AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in
Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and
Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press
BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor
Detroit MI
BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and
Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press
BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy
Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241
BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003
BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge
BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube
video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE
CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of
Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104
CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth
of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate
DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments
Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html
32 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class
Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton
184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell
ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524
Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww
youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ
EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply
Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb
rublogspussyriots5124php
EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]
Oktyabr 9 158ndash165
FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]
Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog
52030
FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova
Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww
fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml
FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure
Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books
FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition
and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson
vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press
GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo
[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki
7 (4) 465ndash484
GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe
Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)
Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794
GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of
Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom
reflections-on-receptions
HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine
Toronto Toronto University Press
HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media
New York Routledge
ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru
February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048
KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-
wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13
KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and
State 52 (2) 232ndash270
KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power
Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press
KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed
September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm
KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations
Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152
22286
KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014
httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html
LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]
Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww
levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot
MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor
MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New
Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113
MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York
Cambridge University Press
MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and
Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58
NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino
livejournalcom921808htmlcomments
NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo
[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14
Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html
PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers
toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809
support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot
livejournalcom15189html
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi
Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]
Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html
RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh
institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http
wciomruratings-social-institutions
RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August
22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic
pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta
November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119
samutsevich
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us
the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17
2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en
SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica
connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-
riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958
SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31
Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html
34 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what
nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014
httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo
THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18
2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot
TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House
TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO
Westview Press
TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins
of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512
VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15
million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww
vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720
VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty
Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]
Moscow Yury Levada Center
WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo
The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012
0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents
WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global
Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press
WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014
httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot
WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki
Jane_Fonda
WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki
Жанаозен
YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo
Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610
ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v
sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal
issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322
ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]
Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom
newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197
Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before
joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the
European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender
nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich
edu
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
- Abstract
- The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
- Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
- ``New Class and New Media
- Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- References
-
[N]owadays the concept of the ldquoleftrdquo is much broader than it was 70 or 80 years ago
[ ] My base is not workers My base is young people who think and who want to live in a
different Russia [ ] I am suspicious of the very concept of class struggle We can now
have a classless society [ ] I donrsquot want any class struggle My parents generally
speaking are bourgeois [ ] I canrsquot imagine that I would go fight against my parents [ ]
We are a different generation We are a generation of people who donrsquot have the kind of
schizophrenia that was necessary in Soviet times like the generation of our parents [ ] It
is our honesty our sincerity that is important not our political programs or speeches
[ ] I personally do not want to be in power (Artem Temirov 2012)
This distancing from ldquoworkersrdquo is evidence of a political division leftist and
working-class parties and groups argue that the standoff between the authoritarian
Russian government and the protest movement to which Pussy Riot belongs is a power
struggle between two bourgeois factions (eg during the 2012 presidential elections the
oppositional candidate Mikhail Prokhorov was an oligarch) The Forum of Left Forces
which took place in 2012 and included independent trade unions ldquoThe Left Frontrdquo
ldquoWorking Russiardquo and other organizations but was hardly noticed by mainstream media
insisted that the dividing line between ldquostylish protestersrdquo and the working people of
Russia was to be found in their attitudes towards the privatization of the 1990s which
had launched brutal inequalities Left Forces argue that the goal of social protest should
be wealth redistribution and not just moving power from one faction to another (see
Evgenia Zharkova 2012) In this context Pussy Riot and other organizations focusing on
LGBT or feminist issues were seen as participating in a ldquolifestylerdquo struggle Workers and
left movements tend to organize and frame their issues with the structures and
language inherited from the era of ldquotraditionalrdquo capitalism and to express their
grievances in terms of economic matters However such ldquoeconomicrdquo protests can be
marginalized by global media not only because of the issues that they raise but also
because of their ldquoplainrdquo looks As one blogger put it comparing Pussy Riot to a group of
striking oil workers in Kazakhstan
Pussy Riot are cool and photogenic the oil workers are not The Pussy Riot trial is easy to
access for Western journalists based in Moscow Not only the liberal newspapers
(Guardian Independent etc) but even the right-wing Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail have
sympathized
The same commentator also wrote
Young people all over Europe have demonstrated in support of Pussy Riot and a good
thing too The band has received support fromMadonna and other pop celebrities I hope
we can build the same level of support for Roza Tuletaeva [a leader of the strike] and the
other activists in Zhanaozenmdashon whom the Kazakh authorities having already
perpetrated the dreadful massacre of 16 December are exacting vengeance (People
and Nature 2012)6
Thus the Pussy Riot affair reveals a class division between the globally connected
new class and the ldquomassesrdquo immersed in more ldquomaterialrdquo economy and lifestyle The
information economy cannot be sustained without traditional workers but it often
relegates them to subaltern positions and their protests rarely get the same visibility as the
acts of those who are ldquocool and photogenicrdquo
28 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a
cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action
often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization
that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new
social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed
so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound
social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the
1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic
and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of
organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci
1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as
seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of
society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought
to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding
the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of
resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity
autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of
the message
The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital
ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline
choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at
the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and
promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical
part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the
Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances
had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church
the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious
symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious
institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban
performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful
and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing
one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition
was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements
(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and
post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of
radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew
dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at
eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was
to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in
the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were
the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the
foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)
Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global
phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve
as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic
devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)
In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to
Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many
superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)
Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility
because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)
and forms of representation
Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo
that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of
contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media
of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have
become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative
and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst
1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous
and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures
In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in
politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing
social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more
importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and
power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo
(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo
writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world
where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash
intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the
same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking
place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or
shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when
Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos
1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience
As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on
smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images
get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in
the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is
important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a
ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The
first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary
culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with
which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social
networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third
trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing
that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov
the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in
August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the
trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New
York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and
Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot
30 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who
pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim
Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is
ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the
instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became
instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product
Conclusion
The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist
plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War
framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the
social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help
to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in
Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice
media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-
industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of
post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target
Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot
have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist
society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by
global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to
gender
The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it
demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not
ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods
And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the
delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with
instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments
are also part of global media capitalism
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their
comments
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author
NOTES
1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot
feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and
class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)
for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova
eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the
Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in
2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)
3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper
4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian
economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans
discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to
become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)
5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential
elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV
anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of
the general context (Vesti 2012)
6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were
used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four
according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the
participants (Wikipedia 2014c)
REFERENCES
ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of
Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications
AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in
Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and
Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press
BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor
Detroit MI
BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and
Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press
BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy
Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241
BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003
BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge
BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube
video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE
CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of
Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104
CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth
of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate
DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments
Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html
32 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class
Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton
184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell
ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524
Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww
youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ
EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply
Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb
rublogspussyriots5124php
EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]
Oktyabr 9 158ndash165
FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]
Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog
52030
FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova
Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww
fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml
FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure
Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books
FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition
and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson
vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press
GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo
[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki
7 (4) 465ndash484
GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe
Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)
Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794
GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of
Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom
reflections-on-receptions
HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine
Toronto Toronto University Press
HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media
New York Routledge
ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru
February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048
KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-
wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13
KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and
State 52 (2) 232ndash270
KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power
Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press
KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed
September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm
KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations
Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152
22286
KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014
httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html
LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]
Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww
levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot
MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor
MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New
Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113
MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York
Cambridge University Press
MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and
Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58
NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino
livejournalcom921808htmlcomments
NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo
[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14
Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html
PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers
toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809
support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot
livejournalcom15189html
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi
Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]
Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html
RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh
institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http
wciomruratings-social-institutions
RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August
22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic
pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta
November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119
samutsevich
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us
the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17
2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en
SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica
connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-
riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958
SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31
Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html
34 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what
nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014
httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo
THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18
2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot
TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House
TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO
Westview Press
TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins
of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512
VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15
million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww
vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720
VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty
Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]
Moscow Yury Levada Center
WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo
The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012
0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents
WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global
Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press
WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014
httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot
WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki
Jane_Fonda
WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki
Жанаозен
YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo
Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610
ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v
sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal
issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322
ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]
Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom
newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197
Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before
joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the
European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender
nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich
edu
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
- Abstract
- The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
- Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
- ``New Class and New Media
- Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- References
-
Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
Pussy Riotrsquos protest performance was a communicative act its goal was to sustain a
cultural event to send a message and make a statement Contemporary collective action
often assumes forms which do not fit with the categories and instruments of mobilization
that were described in the classical study of Charles Tilly who witnessed the rise of new
social movements and pointed out at the very end of his book ldquoAs the world has changed
so has its collective actionrdquo (1978 242) New social movements resulted from profound
social restructuring and cultural transformations in advanced capitalist societies in the
1960s and 1970s and they arose around youth urban ecological pacifist womenrsquos ethnic
and other ldquonon-economicrdquo issues They may not coincide with either the traditional forms of
organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of representation (Melucci
1996 97) as their focus has been displaced from such ldquorational institutionalrdquo goals as
seizing power rather they challenge cultural codes and the symbolic construction of
society and re-appropriate the meaning of action (182) New womenrsquos movements sought
to display the features of the female condition and to claim difference including re-coding
the dominant language In a similar fashion Pussy Riot pursued a cultural mode of
resistance one that is organized around the agenda of recognition (of onersquos identity
autonomy difference or lifestyle) and maintaining solidarity and of wide visibility as part of
the message
The visibility of Pussy Riot resulted from an intersection of the physical and the digital
ie from the use of physical space and new media This distinct onlinendashoffline
choreography follows the pattern that is characteristic of flash mobs they also emerge at
the intersection of new communications media through which they are organized and
promoted and physical space where they take place (Molnar 2013) Analyzing the physical
part first the venue of the performance was crucial for whatever happened in the
Cathedral of Christ the Savior would have become news (Pussy Riotrsquos earlier appearances
had not elicited comparable reactions) Sixty-seven percent of Russians named the Church
the institution they trust (RCSPO 2013) and having played a ldquoprankrdquo on its liturgy religious
symbols and sacred meanings Pussy Riot exploited the social capital of a prestigious
institution and a very visible space Artistically their act drew on the tradition of urban
performances that dates back to the early twentieth century the idea of bringing playful
and subversive acts into streets and public places and the ldquoguerilla tacticsrdquo of appearing
one moment and disappearing the next was put forward by Italian futurists This tradition
was later picked up by Dadaists and other avant-garde and countercultural movements
(Molnar 2013) and then by second-wave feminists contemporary culture jammers and
post-Soviet actionists Urban performances were sometimes devised as a convergence of
radical art and political Marxismmdashan obvious case would be Bertolt Brecht with his ldquonew
dramaturgyrdquomdashas revolutionary agitators who preached countercultural rebellion aimed at
eliminating the very line between art and politics The idealistic goal of such agitation was
to incite a popular revolution in which an urban underclass would pour into the streets in
the powerful strife of a riot a pogrom mutiny Indeed ldquorebellion pogrom mutinyrdquo were
the words that Nadezhda Tolokonnikova used to explain the meaning she ascribed to the
foreign word ldquoriotrdquo used in the grouprsquos name (ldquoDoprosrdquo 2013)
Urban performances be it political rallies or pillow fights became a global
phenomenon with the advent of social media as digital communication devices can serve
as the instruments of social activism The Internet created a venue for sharing the message
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 29
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic
devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)
In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to
Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many
superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)
Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility
because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)
and forms of representation
Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo
that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of
contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media
of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have
become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative
and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst
1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous
and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures
In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in
politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing
social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more
importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and
power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo
(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo
writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world
where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash
intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the
same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking
place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or
shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when
Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos
1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience
As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on
smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images
get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in
the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is
important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a
ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The
first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary
culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with
which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social
networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third
trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing
that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov
the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in
August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the
trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New
York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and
Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot
30 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who
pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim
Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is
ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the
instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became
instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product
Conclusion
The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist
plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War
framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the
social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help
to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in
Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice
media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-
industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of
post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target
Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot
have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist
society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by
global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to
gender
The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it
demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not
ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods
And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the
delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with
instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments
are also part of global media capitalism
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their
comments
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author
NOTES
1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot
feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and
class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)
for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova
eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the
Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in
2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)
3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper
4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian
economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans
discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to
become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)
5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential
elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV
anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of
the general context (Vesti 2012)
6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were
used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four
according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the
participants (Wikipedia 2014c)
REFERENCES
ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of
Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications
AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in
Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and
Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press
BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor
Detroit MI
BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and
Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press
BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy
Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241
BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003
BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge
BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube
video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE
CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of
Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104
CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth
of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate
DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments
Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html
32 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class
Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton
184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell
ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524
Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww
youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ
EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply
Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb
rublogspussyriots5124php
EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]
Oktyabr 9 158ndash165
FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]
Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog
52030
FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova
Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww
fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml
FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure
Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books
FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition
and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson
vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press
GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo
[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki
7 (4) 465ndash484
GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe
Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)
Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794
GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of
Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom
reflections-on-receptions
HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine
Toronto Toronto University Press
HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media
New York Routledge
ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru
February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048
KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-
wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13
KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and
State 52 (2) 232ndash270
KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power
Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press
KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed
September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm
KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations
Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152
22286
KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014
httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html
LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]
Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww
levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot
MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor
MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New
Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113
MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York
Cambridge University Press
MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and
Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58
NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino
livejournalcom921808htmlcomments
NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo
[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14
Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html
PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers
toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809
support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot
livejournalcom15189html
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi
Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]
Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html
RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh
institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http
wciomruratings-social-institutions
RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August
22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic
pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta
November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119
samutsevich
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us
the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17
2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en
SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica
connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-
riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958
SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31
Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html
34 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what
nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014
httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo
THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18
2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot
TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House
TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO
Westview Press
TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins
of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512
VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15
million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww
vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720
VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty
Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]
Moscow Yury Levada Center
WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo
The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012
0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents
WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global
Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press
WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014
httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot
WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki
Jane_Fonda
WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki
Жанаозен
YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo
Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610
ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v
sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal
issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322
ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]
Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom
newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197
Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before
joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the
European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender
nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich
edu
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
- Abstract
- The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
- Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
- ``New Class and New Media
- Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- References
-
with a wider public making it visible to a diffused audience which relies on electronic
devices and numerous media sources (Nicholas Abercrombie and Brian Longhurst 1998)
In the public sphere of the information society this diffused audience fulfills according to
Yochai Benkler a ldquowatchdog functionrdquo by directly commenting posting (often on many
superstar websites) liking and creating shortcuts to wide attention (2006 13)
Contemporary agents of protest can potentially create their own machinery of visibility
because they do not have to depend on traditional media (which have concrete owners)
and forms of representation
Relying on these instruments Pussy Riot staged a ldquoGreenpeace style media eventrdquo
that commanded attention (Carroll and Hackett 2006 87) Such events are a feature of
contemporary media society where a large amount of time is spent on consuming media
of different types In this media-saturated environment prominent issues in the media have
become constitutive of everyday life At the same time society has become performative
and spectacular and individuals are increasingly narcissistic (Abercrombie and Longhurst
1998 175) As they act on the Internet they get an impression that they are autonomous
and powerful ie they can act on their own and they can challenge power structures
In the information age people shop start relationships (and make love) engage in
politics and get pleasure online (Aaron Ben-Zersquoev 2004) They also work online producing
social relations images and signs rather than material objects As more and more
importance is ascribed to signs codes and symbols ldquosigns become interchangeable and
power operates through the languages and codes which organize the flow of informationrdquo
(Melucci 1996 9) and cyberspace becomes a new ldquorealityrdquo In 2011 Russian ldquoconceptualrdquo
writer Victor Pelevin published a novel of ideas that was titled SNUFF It satirizes the world
where the real and the digitalmdashreal events as well as news and movies about themmdash
intertwine in a phantasmagoric way a real event which is reported in the news is at the
same time staged as part of a movie about the event shot at the very moment it is taking
place Thus the real is not perceived as real (and remains unknown) unless it is reported or
shown via electronic media One could argue that this is exactly what happened when
Pussy Riot produced a video showing them punk-praying in the church Like in Orwellrsquos
1984 they modified the past turning it into reality for their audience
As contemporary audiences live in a message-receiving environment and rely on
smart-phones tablets or iPads for access to ldquorealityrdquo signs cultural symbols and images
get an ever-greater presence and significance As John Hartley (1992 114) has argued in
the post-modern world the image has triumphed over the world and this insight is
important for understanding the ldquoPussy Riot effectrdquo In the long run Pussy Riot produced a
ldquoglobal signrdquo which invoked three powerful trends at work in the post-material world The
first one is the general politicization of the (female) body or bodily image in contemporary
culture bodies are used for political purposes and become a powerful instrument with
which a message can be sent The second trend is the visibility that digital media (social
networks blogs text messaging etc) can create for particular events And finally the third
trend is the new importance of culture and signs in the post-material world Recognizing
that signs and images can be particularly valuable in the information society Petr Verzilov
the husband of Tolokonnikova applied for the registration of the ldquoPussy Riotrdquo trademark in
August 2012 Lawyer Mark Feygin and two other group members also tried to register the
trademark abroad (Samutsevich 2012a) In 2012 colorful balaclavas were featured at New
York Fashion Week (Sharon Weissburg 2012) and at other events In June 2014 Masha and
Nadya were photographed for several commercial projects including the album Pussy Riot
30 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who
pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim
Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is
ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the
instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became
instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product
Conclusion
The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist
plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War
framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the
social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help
to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in
Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice
media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-
industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of
post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target
Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot
have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist
society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by
global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to
gender
The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it
demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not
ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods
And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the
delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with
instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments
are also part of global media capitalism
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their
comments
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author
NOTES
1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot
feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and
class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)
for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova
eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the
Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in
2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)
3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper
4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian
economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans
discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to
become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)
5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential
elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV
anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of
the general context (Vesti 2012)
6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were
used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four
according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the
participants (Wikipedia 2014c)
REFERENCES
ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of
Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications
AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in
Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and
Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press
BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor
Detroit MI
BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and
Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press
BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy
Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241
BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003
BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge
BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube
video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE
CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of
Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104
CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth
of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate
DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments
Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html
32 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class
Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton
184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell
ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524
Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww
youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ
EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply
Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb
rublogspussyriots5124php
EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]
Oktyabr 9 158ndash165
FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]
Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog
52030
FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova
Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww
fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml
FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure
Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books
FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition
and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson
vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press
GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo
[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki
7 (4) 465ndash484
GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe
Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)
Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794
GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of
Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom
reflections-on-receptions
HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine
Toronto Toronto University Press
HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media
New York Routledge
ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru
February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048
KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-
wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13
KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and
State 52 (2) 232ndash270
KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power
Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press
KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed
September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm
KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations
Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152
22286
KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014
httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html
LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]
Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww
levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot
MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor
MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New
Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113
MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York
Cambridge University Press
MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and
Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58
NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino
livejournalcom921808htmlcomments
NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo
[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14
Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html
PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers
toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809
support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot
livejournalcom15189html
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi
Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]
Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html
RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh
institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http
wciomruratings-social-institutions
RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August
22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic
pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta
November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119
samutsevich
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us
the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17
2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en
SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica
connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-
riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958
SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31
Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html
34 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what
nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014
httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo
THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18
2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot
TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House
TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO
Westview Press
TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins
of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512
VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15
million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww
vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720
VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty
Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]
Moscow Yury Levada Center
WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo
The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012
0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents
WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global
Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press
WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014
httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot
WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki
Jane_Fonda
WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki
Жанаозен
YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo
Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610
ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v
sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal
issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322
ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]
Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom
newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197
Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before
joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the
European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender
nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich
edu
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
- Abstract
- The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
- Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
- ``New Class and New Media
- Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- References
-
Unmasked by sixty-year-old Dutch entrepreneur and millionaire Bert Verwelius who
pursues erotic photography and opened his own modeling agency in Ukraine (Yefim
Schumann 2014) Such integration of the sign of protest into global consumer culture is
ironic Appealing to spontaneity anti-authoritarianism and anti-hierarchism and using the
instruments that provide visibility and an impression of autonomy Pussy Riot became
instrumentalized by global media capitalism of which their protest was a product
Conclusion
The content of the Pussy Riot affair was represented all over the world as a feminist
plight for rights and freedom of speech and thus reduced to ldquohuman rights and Cold War
framesrdquo (Kolesova 2013 9) This paper shows that such a narrow interpretation misses the
social context of the case a more careful analysis of the polemic around the group can help
to uncover the reasons why Pussy Riot were rejected so fiercely by some social groups in
Russia These reactions are related to two factors On the one hand Pussy Riot practice
media activism and belong with new social movements a phenomenon of the post-
industrial era They challenge cultural codes messages and the dominant language of
post-Soviet society and express their grievances with signs and concepts that target
Western rather than post-Soviet audiences At the same time and this is key Pussy Riot
have come to symbolize the new social divisions and boundaries that arise in post-socialist
society They are perceived by many ordinary Russians as cosmopolitan elites produced by
global capitalism and the reaction to them is just as importantly related to class as it is to
gender
The analysis of the case also makes a contribution to feminist scholarship as it
demonstrates albeit not for the first time that the meanings and goals of feminism are not
ldquouniversalrdquo and that they depend on particular locations social contexts and time periods
And finally the case can inform the study of new media as scholars seek to uncover the
delusions and illusions that arrive with the information age Digital media provide us with
instruments of representation that were unthinkable before however these instruments
are also part of global media capitalism
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issuersquos editor for their
comments
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author
NOTES
1 Some ideas presented in this paper were initially articulated in my essay ldquoDelo Pussy Riot
feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo (ldquoThe Pussy Riot affair feminist protest and
class contextrdquo) (Elena Gapova 2012)
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 31
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)
for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova
eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the
Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in
2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)
3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper
4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian
economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans
discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to
become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)
5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential
elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV
anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of
the general context (Vesti 2012)
6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were
used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four
according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the
participants (Wikipedia 2014c)
REFERENCES
ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of
Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications
AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in
Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and
Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press
BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor
Detroit MI
BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and
Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press
BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy
Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241
BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003
BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge
BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube
video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE
CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of
Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104
CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth
of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate
DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments
Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html
32 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class
Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton
184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell
ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524
Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww
youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ
EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply
Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb
rublogspussyriots5124php
EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]
Oktyabr 9 158ndash165
FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]
Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog
52030
FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova
Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww
fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml
FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure
Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books
FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition
and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson
vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press
GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo
[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki
7 (4) 465ndash484
GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe
Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)
Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794
GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of
Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom
reflections-on-receptions
HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine
Toronto Toronto University Press
HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media
New York Routledge
ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru
February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048
KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-
wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13
KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and
State 52 (2) 232ndash270
KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power
Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press
KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed
September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm
KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations
Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152
22286
KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014
httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html
LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]
Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww
levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot
MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor
MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New
Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113
MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York
Cambridge University Press
MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and
Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58
NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino
livejournalcom921808htmlcomments
NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo
[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14
Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html
PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers
toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809
support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot
livejournalcom15189html
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi
Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]
Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html
RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh
institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http
wciomruratings-social-institutions
RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August
22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic
pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta
November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119
samutsevich
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us
the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17
2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en
SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica
connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-
riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958
SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31
Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html
34 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what
nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014
httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo
THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18
2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot
TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House
TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO
Westview Press
TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins
of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512
VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15
million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww
vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720
VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty
Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]
Moscow Yury Levada Center
WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo
The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012
0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents
WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global
Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press
WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014
httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot
WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki
Jane_Fonda
WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki
Жанаозен
YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo
Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610
ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v
sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal
issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322
ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]
Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom
newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197
Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before
joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the
European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender
nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich
edu
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
- Abstract
- The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
- Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
- ``New Class and New Media
- Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- References
-
2 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova had a reputation as a member of the actionist group Voina (War)
for her participation in a copulation performance with naked actionists Tolokonnikova
eight months pregnant engaged in sex with her husband in front of a stuffed bear in the
Natural History Museum in Moscow during Dmitry Medvedevrsquos presidential campaign in
2008 (Medvedevrsquos last name derives from the word ldquobearrdquo)
3 For lyrics see Bernsteinrsquos (2013) paper
4 The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which advised on the Russian
economic reforms of the 1990s initially required as a condition for getting Western loans
discontinuing support for childcare centers and social services that were supposed to
become self-reliant (see Elena Kochkina 1999)
5 At the time of the Pussy Riot affair and the popular protests for transparent presidential
elections e2 million in cash was discovered in the house of Ksenia Sobchak a popular TV
anchor and a protest persona While not related to the Pussy Riot case this fact was part of
the general context (Vesti 2012)
6 On December 16 2011 oil workers in Zhanaozen Kazakhstan went on strike guns were
used against them and fifteen workers were killed (the number was as high as sixty-four
according to some sources) The strike was followed by multiple arrests and torture of the
participants (Wikipedia 2014c)
REFERENCES
ABERCROMBIE NICHOLAS AND BRIAN LONGHURST 1998 Audiences A Sociological Theory of
Performance and Imagination London Sage Publications
AKULOVA VERA 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Gender and Classrdquo In Post-Post-Soviet Art Politics amp Society in
Russia at the Turn of the Decade edited by Marta Dziewanska Ekaterina Degot and
Ilya Budratskis 279ndash287 Warsaw Museum of Modern Art and University of Chicago Press
BBC NEWSHOUR 2012 NPR April 19 Accessed on WUOM Michigan Public Radio Ann Arbor
Detroit MI
BEN-ZErsquoEV AARON 2004 Love Online Emotions on the Internet Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
BENKLER YOCHAI 2006 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and
Freedom New Haven CT Yale University Press
BERNSTEIN ANYA 2013 ldquoAn Inadvertent Sacrifice Body Politic and Sovereign Power in the Pussy
Riot Affairrdquo Critical Inquiry 40 (1) 220ndash241
BOTTERO WENDY 2004 ldquoClass Identities and the Identity of Classrdquo Sociology 38 (5) 985ndash1003
BOURDIEU PIERRE 1984 Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste New York Routledge
BYKOV DMITRY 2012 ldquoGrazhdanin poet pro Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoCitizen Poet on Pussy Riotrdquo] YouTube
video 222 Accessed June 7 2014 wwwyoutubecomwatchvfrac14hHzVXedvVNE
CARROLL WILLIAM AND ROBERT HACKETT 2006 ldquoDemocratic Media Activism through the Lens of
Social Movement Theoryrdquo Media Culture amp Society 28 (1) 83ndash104
CHULOS CHRIS 2000 ldquoOrthodox Identity at Russian Holy Placesrdquo In The Fall of an Empire the Birth
of the Nation edited by Chris J Chulos and Timo Piirainen 28ndash50 Farnham Ashgate
DANILIN PAVEL 2012 ldquoO Stinge i Chilly Pepperzahrdquo [ldquoAbout Sting and Chilly Peppersrdquo] Comments
Accessed June 23 2014 httpletehalivejournalcom1547375html
32 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class
Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton
184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell
ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524
Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww
youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ
EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply
Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb
rublogspussyriots5124php
EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]
Oktyabr 9 158ndash165
FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]
Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog
52030
FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova
Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww
fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml
FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure
Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books
FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition
and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson
vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press
GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo
[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki
7 (4) 465ndash484
GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe
Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)
Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794
GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of
Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom
reflections-on-receptions
HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine
Toronto Toronto University Press
HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media
New York Routledge
ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru
February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048
KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-
wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13
KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and
State 52 (2) 232ndash270
KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power
Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press
KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed
September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm
KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations
Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152
22286
KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014
httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html
LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]
Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww
levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot
MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor
MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New
Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113
MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York
Cambridge University Press
MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and
Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58
NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino
livejournalcom921808htmlcomments
NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo
[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14
Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html
PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers
toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809
support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot
livejournalcom15189html
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi
Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]
Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html
RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh
institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http
wciomruratings-social-institutions
RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August
22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic
pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta
November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119
samutsevich
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us
the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17
2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en
SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica
connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-
riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958
SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31
Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html
34 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what
nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014
httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo
THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18
2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot
TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House
TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO
Westview Press
TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins
of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512
VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15
million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww
vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720
VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty
Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]
Moscow Yury Levada Center
WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo
The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012
0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents
WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global
Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press
WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014
httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot
WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki
Jane_Fonda
WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki
Жанаозен
YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo
Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610
ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v
sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal
issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322
ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]
Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom
newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197
Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before
joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the
European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender
nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich
edu
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
- Abstract
- The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
- Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
- ``New Class and New Media
- Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- References
-
DEVINE FIONA AND MIKE SAVAGE 2000 ldquoConclusion Renewing Class Analysisrdquo In Renewing Class
Analysis edited by John C Scott Mike Savage Fiona Devine and Rosemary Crompton
184ndash199 Oxford Blackwell
ldquoDOPROS TOLOKONNIKOVOI PUSSY RIOTrdquo [ldquoQUESTIONING OF TOLOKONNIKOVArdquo] 2013 YouTube video 524
Uploaded by Der Deri December 15 2013 Accessed August 21 2014 httpswww
youtubecomwatchvfrac14QX96DnGGbbQ
EKHO MOSKVY 2012 ldquoOtvet gruppy Pussy Riot Moskovskomu Patriarchurdquo [ldquoPussy Riot reply
Patriarch of Moscowrdquo] March 26 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwechomskspb
rublogspussyriots5124php
EPSTEIN MIKHAIL 1996 ldquoPost-ateism ili bednaya religiardquo [ldquoPost-Atheism or Poor Religionrdquo]
Oktyabr 9 158ndash165
FAIBISOVICH ILJA 2012 ldquoEta dorogamdashk drugomu narodurdquo [ldquoThis is the road to new commonersrdquo]
Snob August 23 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwsnobruprofile11632blog
52030
FASHION ROTATION 2014 ldquoNadezhda Tolokonnikova snyalasrsquo dlya Trends Brandsrdquo [ldquoTolokonnikova
Modelled for Trends Brandsrdquo] January 4 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwww
fashion-rotationcom201401trends-brandshtml
FLORIDA RICHARD 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and How It Is Transforming Work Leisure
Community and Everyday Life New York Basic Books
FRASER NANCY 1998 ldquoSocial Justice in the Age of Identity Politics Redistribution Recognition
and Participationrdquo In The Tanner Lectures on Human Values edited by Grethe B Peterson
vol 19 1ndash67 Salt Lake City University of Utah Press
GAPOVA ELENA 2009 ldquoItogi srsquoezda eshche raz o klassovom projecte post-sovetskogo feminismrdquo
[ldquoOn the Class Question in Post-Soviet Feminismrdquo] Journal issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki
7 (4) 465ndash484
GAPOVA ELENA 2012 ldquoDelo Pussy Riot feministskii protest v kontekste klassovoi borrsquobyrdquo [ldquoThe
Pussy Riot Affair Feminist Protest and Class Contextrdquo] Neprikosnovennyi zapas 85 (5)
Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnlobooksrunode2794
GRADSKOVA YULIA IRINA SANDOMIRSKAIA AND NADEZDA PETRUSENKO 2013 ldquoPussy Riot Reflections of
Receptionsrdquo Baltic Worlds 6 (1) Accessed October 8 2014 httpbalticworldscom
reflections-on-receptions
HANKIVSKY OLENA AND ANASTASIYA SALNYKOVA eds 2012 Gender Politics and Society in Ukraine
Toronto Toronto University Press
HARTLEY JOHN 1992 The Politics of Pictures The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media
New York Routledge
ISCHENKO ELENA 2014 ldquoTakova tsena populyarnostirdquo [ldquoThis is the price of popularityrdquo] Coltaru
February 1 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwcoltaruarticlesart2048
KARATSUBA IRYNA 2011 ldquoPravoslavie blagoslavlyaet otstalostrdquo [ldquoOrthodoxy breeds back-
wardnessrdquo] Harvard Business Review Russia March 13
KARPOV VYACHESLAV 2010 ldquoDesecularization A Conceptual Frameworkrdquo Journal of Church and
State 52 (2) 232ndash270
KING LAWRENCE AND IVAN ZSELENYI 2004 Theories of the New Class Intellectuals and Power
Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press
KOCHKINA ELENA 1999 ldquoGender Reversal of the World Bankrdquo Open Women Line Accessed
September 17 2014 httpwwwowlruwinbookspolicyworld_bankhtm
KOLESOVA EKATERINA 2013 ldquoDefending Pussy Riot Metonymically The Trial Representations
Media and Social Movements in Russia and the United Statesrdquo Masterrsquos thesis University
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 33
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152
22286
KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014
httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html
LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]
Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww
levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot
MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor
MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New
Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113
MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York
Cambridge University Press
MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and
Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58
NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino
livejournalcom921808htmlcomments
NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo
[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14
Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html
PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers
toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809
support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot
livejournalcom15189html
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi
Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]
Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html
RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh
institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http
wciomruratings-social-institutions
RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August
22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic
pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta
November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119
samutsevich
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us
the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17
2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en
SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica
connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-
riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958
SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31
Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html
34 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what
nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014
httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo
THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18
2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot
TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House
TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO
Westview Press
TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins
of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512
VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15
million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww
vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720
VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty
Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]
Moscow Yury Levada Center
WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo
The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012
0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents
WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global
Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press
WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014
httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot
WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki
Jane_Fonda
WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki
Жанаозен
YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo
Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610
ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v
sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal
issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322
ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]
Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom
newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197
Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before
joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the
European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender
nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich
edu
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
- Abstract
- The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
- Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
- ``New Class and New Media
- Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- References
-
of Texas Accessed September 19 2014 httprepositorieslibutexaseduhandle2152
22286
KURAEV ANDREI 2012 ldquoMasljanica at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviorrdquo Accessed June 23 2014
httpdiak-kuraevlivejournalcom285875html
LEVADA CENTER 2012 ldquoRossiyane o dele Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoRussians about the Pussy Riot affairrdquo]
Analiticheskii centr Yuriya Levady July 31 Accessed September 17 2014 httpwww
levadaru31-07-2012rossiyane-o-dele-pussy-riot
MCLUHAN MARSHALL 1964 Understanding Media The Extensions of Man New York Mentor
MCMICHAEL POLLY 2013 ldquoDefining Pussy Riot Musically Performance and Authenticity in New
Mediardquo Digital Icons 9 99ndash113
MELUCCI ALBERTO 1996 Challenging Codes Collective Action in the Information Age New York
Cambridge University Press
MOLNAR VIRAG 2013 ldquoReframing Public Space through Digital Mobilization Flash Mobs and
Contemporary Urban Youth Culturerdquo Space and Culture 17 (1) 43ndash58
NINAZINOLIVEJOURNALCOM 2012 ldquoCommentsrdquo Accessed August 21 2014 httpninazino
livejournalcom921808htmlcomments
NOVAYA GAZETA 2013 ldquolsquoGomofobiamdashreligia bydlarsquo na Krasnoi ploshchadi vystupili LGBT-activistyrdquo
[ldquolsquoHomophobia is the religion of cattlersquo LGBT activists stepped out on Red Squarerdquo] July 14
Accessed September 16 2014 httpwwwnovayagazetarunews72407html
PEOPLE AND NATURE 2012 ldquoSupport Pussy Riot by all means But support the Kazakh oil workers
toordquo Accessed September 17 2014 httppeopleandnaturewordpresscom20120809
support-pussy-riot-by-all-means-but-support-the-kazakh-oil-workers-too
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2011 Graniru Accessed September 17 2014 httpgraniruuserspussy_riot
PUSSY RIOT (BLOG) 2012 ldquoPussy Riotrdquo LiveJournal March 4 Accessed May 7 2014 httppussy-riot
livejournalcom15189html
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PRESS SERVICE 2005 ldquoOsnovy sotsialrsquonoi kontseptsii Russkoi
Pravoslavnoi Tserkvirdquo [ldquoBasics of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Churchrdquo]
Accessed September 18 2014 httpwwwpatriarchiarudbtext141422html
RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH CENTER (RCSPO) 2013 ldquoOdobrenie deyatelrsquonosti obshchestvennyh
institutovrdquo [ldquoAttitudes to public institutionsrdquo] Accessed September 17 2014 http
wciomruratings-social-institutions
RYZIK MELENA 2012 ldquoPussy Riot Was Carefully Calibrated for Protestrdquo The New York Times August
22 Accessed September 19 2014 httpwwwnytimescom20120826artsmusic
pussy-riot-was-carefully-calibrated-for-protesthtml_rfrac140
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012a ldquoYuristami oni ne bylirdquo [ldquoThey Were No Lawyersrdquo] Lenta
November 19 Accessed September 18 2014 httplentaruarticles20121119
samutsevich
SAMUTSEVICH EKATERINA 2012b ldquoDlya nas amvon v khrame Christa Spasitelya byl scenoirdquo [ldquoFor us
the ambo in the cathedral was a performance platformrdquo] Rain TV Accessed September 17
2014 httptvrainrustorysamutsevich_vernulas_k_hramu_hrista_spasiteljalangfrac14en
SCHUMANN YEFIM 2014 ldquoPussy Riot pozirovali lyubitelyu erotokirdquo [ldquoPussy Riot posed for erotica
connoisseursrdquo] Deutsche Welle Online Accessed June 23 2014 httpwwwdwdepussy-
riot-позировали-любителю-эротикиa-17711958
SINEOK ELENA 2012 ldquoAntipussing v Krasnodarerdquo [ldquoAntipussing in Krasnodarrdquo] Yugaru March 31
Accessed May 7 2014 httpwwwyugaruphoto1196html
34 ELENA GAPOVA
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what
nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014
httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo
THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18
2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot
TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House
TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO
Westview Press
TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins
of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512
VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15
million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww
vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720
VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty
Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]
Moscow Yury Levada Center
WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo
The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012
0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents
WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global
Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press
WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014
httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot
WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki
Jane_Fonda
WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki
Жанаозен
YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo
Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610
ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v
sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal
issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322
ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]
Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom
newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197
Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before
joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the
European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender
nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich
edu
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
- Abstract
- The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
- Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
- ``New Class and New Media
- Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- References
-
TEMIROV ARTEM 2012 ldquoProtest ushel v otpusk chto dalrsquosherdquo [ldquoThe protest is on holiday what
nextrdquo] Discussion moderated by Natella Boltyanskaya August 8 Accessed May 7 2014
httpechomskruprogramsexit916979-echo
THE NEW YORKER 2014 ldquoDavid Remnick Interviews Pussy Riotrdquo May 10 Accessed September 18
2014 httpvideonewyorkercomwatchdavid-remnick-interviews-pussy-riot
TILLY CHARLES 1978 From Mobilization to Revolution New York Random House
TONG ROSEMARY [1989] 2008 Feminist Thought A More Comprehensive Introduction Boulder CO
Westview Press
TURNER FRED 2005 ldquoWhere the Counterculture Met the New Economy The WELL and the Origins
of Virtual Communityrdquo Technology and Culture 46 (3) 485ndash512
VESTI 2012 ldquoPolicia obnaruzhila v kvartire Sobchak 15 milliona eurordquo [ldquoPolice discovered 15
million euro in Sobchakrsquos apartmentrdquo] June 6 Accessed October 8 2014 httpwww
vestirudochtmlidfrac14818720
VOLKOV DMITRY 2012 Protestnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v kontse 2011ndash2012 istoki dinamica resulrsquotaty
Analiticheskii doklad [ Protest Movement in Russia 2011ndash2012 Origins Dynamics Results]
Moscow Yury Levada Center
WEISSBURG SHARON 2012 ldquoNew York Fashion Week Four Fresh Shows Straight From the Tentsrdquo
The BU Quad online September 17 Accessed October 8 2014 httpbuquadcom2012
0917fashion-week-four-fresh-shows-straight-from-the-tents
WELLMAN BARRY 1999 ldquoThe Network Community An Introductionrdquo In Networks in the Global
Village edited by Barry Wellman 1ndash48 Boulder CO Westview Press
WIKIPEDIA 2014a ldquoDelo Pussy Riotrdquo [ldquoThe Pussy Riot Caserdquo] Last modified September 12 2014
httpsruwikipediaorgwikiДело_Pussy_Riot
WIKIPEDIA 2014b ldquoJane Fondardquo Last modified September 17 2014 httpenwikipediaorgwiki
Jane_Fonda
WIKIPEDIA 2014c ldquoZhanaozenrdquo Last modified September 12 2014 httpsruwikipediaorgwiki
Жанаозен
YUSUPOVA MARINA 2014 ldquoPussy Riot A Feminist Band Lost in History and Translationrdquo
Nationalities Papers 42 (4) 604ndash610
ZDRAVOMYSLOVA ELENA AND ANNA TEMKINA 2004 ldquoGosudarstvennoe konstruirovanie gendera v
sovetskom obshchestverdquo [ldquoThe Construction of Gender in Soviet Societyrdquo] Journal
issledovanii sotsialrsquonoi politiki 1 (34) 299ndash322
ZHARKOVA EVGENIA 2012 ldquoLevye vzbuntovalisrsquo protiv liberalovrdquo [ldquoLeftists rise against Liberalsrdquo]
Obshchestvennyi control vlasti Accessed September 25 2014 httpobkonucozcom
newslevye_vzbuntovalis_protiv_liberalov2012-09-10-197
Elena Gapova is Associate Professor of Sociology at Western Michigan University Before
joining WMU she was founding Director of the Center for Gender Studies at the
European Humanities University (BelarusLithuania) Her research focuses on gender
nation-building and class in post-socialist societies E-mail elenagapovawmich
edu
BECOMING VISIBLE IN THE DIGITAL AGE 35
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Wes
tern
Mic
higa
n U
nive
rsity
] at
19
59 2
1 A
ugus
t 201
7
- Abstract
- The Religious Context and the Criminal Aftermath
- Between Recognition and Redistribution Feminist (Mis)Understandings
- ``New Class and New Media
- Media Activism Visibility in the Digital Age
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- References
-