Bare breasts = liberation?

Bare breasts = liberation?

A discussion of the tensions between western and Muslim

feminism

Anna Hagberg, 19871128-1926

Memo, Universal Values

Human Rights III, Department of Global Political Studies

09/10/2022

1 Table of Contents

1 TABLE OF CONTENTS II

1 INTRODUCTION 1

1.1 THE CATALYST: AMINA’S BARE BREAST 1

1.2 STRUCTURE 2

1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS 2

1.4 MATERIAL 2

1.5 THEORY 3

1.5.1 ORIENTALISM 3

1.5.2 ORIENTALIST FEMINISM 3

1.6 DEFINITIONS 4

1.6.1 “WESTERN COUNTRIES” 4

1.6.2 “WESTERN FEMINISM” 4

1.6.3 “MUSLIM FEMINISM” 5

2 “GLOBAL JIHAD DAY” AND “MUSLIMAH PRIDE DAY” 5

3 ANALYSIS 6

3.1 UNIVERSALISM AND GROUP RIGHTS 6

3.2 THE DIVISION BETWEEN EAST AND WEST 9

4 CONCLUSION 10

5 BIBLIOGRAPHY 12

Anna Hagberg19871128-1926

1 Introduction

“My body is my own and not somebody's honour”

1.1 The catalyst: Amina’s bare breastEarlier in 2013 the newspapers, TV channels and websites of

the world showed images of the Tunisian young woman Amina,

posing topless with “My body is my own and not somebody's honour”

written in Arabic on her chest. The media coverage of her case

increased significantly after she received death threats,

notably from Almi Adel, the head of the Commission for the

Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice, who called for

Amina to be “stoned to death.”1

The Ukrainian-founded feminist organisation Femen answered

with support for Amina and a call for topless protests that

Muslim feminists later denounced for being islamophobic and

based on orientalist assumptions of Muslim women.

Questions regarding universalism and group rights are actively

and often passionately discussed in the field of human rights.

From idealistic ideas of a world government to the dismissal

of international conventions, as well as attempts to find a

middle ground between the two antipoles; the topic challenges

our ideas regarding the most efficient strategies for human

rights protection.

1 (TAYLER, 2013)

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This memo will discuss the tensions between so called western

feminism and Muslim feminism, using mainly the criticism

towards orientalism as the point of departure. The memo will

discuss the aforementioned manifestation of these tensions:

the Ukrainian feminist organisation Femen’s “Topless Jihad

Day” and the subsequent respond from Muslim feminists, mainly

through the Facebook group “Muslim women against Femen” and

their “Muslimah Pride Day”.

The aim of the memo is to investigate and discuss a conflict

between western feminism with liberal, universalist values and

the claims and believes of Muslim feminists. It will achieve

its aim through the use of a number of theories and apply

their arguments to the case, producing an analysis that can

contribute to an enhanced understanding of the tensions

between the two groups. Hence, the aim is not to propose a

solution but rather to engage in a discussion of this current

and complex topic.

1.2 StructureThe memo is divided into three main parts. The introductory

part describes the research questions, discusses the material

and theories and, lastly, provides definitions to central

concepts. The second part describes the background and the

facts of Femen’s protest action as well as the response from

Muslim feminists. The third part analyses the case using the

theories mentioned in the introduction and summarises the

findings in the conclusion.

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1.3 Research questions

1. What are the tensions between western and Muslim feminism?

2. How can the tensions be discussed departing from a

criticism of orientalism?

1.4 Material The memo will mainly use newspaper articles, interviews and

academic literature as sources. Newspaper articles and

interviews will be used in order to gain an understanding of

the background of the case. As newspapers articles are

considered a second-hand source, and some of them are written

by women active in the Muslim feminist movement, they have to

be critically examined.

Edward Said’s work on orientalism has been highly influential

in social sciences in general and oriental studies and post-

colonial theory in particular. In this paper, orientalism will

form the theoretical backbone. Although Said’s ideas have had

an immense impact, criticism has been raised, mainly

suggesting that in the process of addressing the concept of

“West and East”, Said is actually participating in the

promotion of the separation of the two. Another criticism,

that is highly applicable in this memo, is his silencing of

the gender component in the concept of orientalism.

The book “Is multiculturalism bad for women?” begins with an analytical

discussion of group rights by Okin, and follows with critical

responses from a number of scholars. Okin was a liberal

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feminist and naturally, that influences her work.

Correspondingly, some of her critics are basing their

arguments on more culturally sensitive ideas, inspired by

criticism towards orientalism. These, sometimes transparent

and sometimes subtle, views, need to be taken into

consideration in the analysis.

Social media is not the most desirable source in an academic

text, as information rapidly changes and can disappear.

However, Facebook, blogs and Twitter are Femen’s and Muslim

feminists main channels for distributing their ideas and will

thus be used, but with cautiousness.

1.5 TheoryThe theory has been chosen considering its possibility to

contribute to an interesting analysis of the tensions and the

case.

1.5.1 Orientalism

Edward Said argues that the “Orient” is constructed by

European states and that there is an artificial separation

between the civilised and strong Occident: the West, and the

uncivilised and weak East: the Orient. In the historical

process of defining the Orient and its people as “the other”,

the Europeans defined themselves as rational, civilised and

sophisticated. This constructed separation was an important

alleged motive for colonising missions.

Contemporary orientalism manifests in generalisations based on

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values from the colonial times. Current western descriptions

of Arabs include adjectives such as irrational, menacing,

untrustworthy, anti-Western and dishonest.2 The discourse

regarding the “Other” affects the media image, policy-making

and the general view of the Muslim world.

1.5.2 Orientalist feminism

The view of the “women of the Orient” has gone through

several, often contradictory, stages. From the view of the

western “explorers” who were fascinated by the “exotic” women

of the harem to the currently dominating view of the Muslim

woman as veiled, oppressed and voiceless, the dramatic shift

is evident. The feminist oriented reading of orientalism

focuses on this western fascination with the veiled woman of

the Orient and her embedded “otherness”.3 An important part of

the western feminist discourse is the focus on the process of

liberating Muslim women in the name of modernity and progress.

Marina Lazreg discusses feminist scholarship and argues that“…

this bias is imbedded in the objectification of ‘different’ women as the unmediated

‘other’, the embodiments of cultures presumed inferior and classified as ‘traditional’

or ‘patriarchal.’”4

1.6 DefinitionsSeveral concepts used in this memo are debated and there are

often no unanimous definitions. Therefore, a clarification of

how they are understood in this paper is necessary.

2 (Sered, 1996)3 (Yegenoglu, 1998) page i4 (Lazreg, 2001) pg. 282

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1.6.1 “Western countries”

The concept “western” is used here according to Said’s

acknowledgment of the artificial separation between the “West”

and the “East.” Ukraine, Femen’s country of origin, could be

questioned in regards to whether it is considered “western” or

not due to its previous domination by other states, notably

the Soviet Union and Austria-Hungary. In this memo, however,

Ukraine is considered a “western country” based on its

geographical location in Europe. Femen is represented in,

first and foremost, European countries and thereby stands as a

relevant example of an organisation created in a western

country.

1.6.2 “Western feminism”

Liberal feminism has it roots in the second wave of feminism

that first and foremost focuses on achieving legal equality

with men. It is believed that equality in society will be

accomplished when there is equality under the law. Liberal

feminism has a clear focus on individual rights, and is thus

not concerned over the effects of the underlying social

structures in society. “Western feminism” is sometimes used as

a label by postcolonial feminists to highlight the fact that

it is rooted in the western, European historical context. This

memo will use the term “western feminism” as a reminder of the

origins of orientalism, since the division between West and

East is a vital component of this theory.

The criticism towards liberal feminism emphasises on its

attempt to universalise western understandings of a singular,

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“right” feminism, applicable to all regardless of geographical

location, time, culture and religion. According to critics, it

is not flexible and fails to realise the needs of non-western,

non-white women. The criticism often draws on the theories of

third wave feminism, post-colonialism, intersectionality, and

orientalism.

1.6.3 “Muslim feminism”

Muslim feminism is thus a response to western feminism and a

part of the post-colonial or third wave feminists who

emphasises intersectionality and highlights the importance of

an awareness of post-colonial patterns and factors such as

class, race, ethnicity and sexual orientation. “Muslim

feminism” is a term that has no unanimous definition, but a

general feature is the view that the “correct” interpretation

of the Quran is not anti-feminist but can rather function as a

progressive force regarding women’s rights.5 In this paper,

the Muslim feminist are not represented under a single formal

organisation, but are more to be seen as an informal movement

organised, in this case, in the Facebook group “Muslim women

against Femen.”

In this case, the orientalist division between West and East

becomes visibly problematic since there are Muslim feminists

living in the West, and, respectively, feminists inspired by

Western feminism living in the East. Hence, orientalism is

5 (Svensson, 2009), pg 97

7


guilty of generalising and oversimplifying. These tendencies

will be further explored in the analysis.

2 “Global Jihad Day” and “Muslimah Pride Day” Femen is a global organisation, founded in Ukraine, using the

method of so called “sextremism” which is “serving to protect women's

rights, democracy watchdogs attacking patriarchy, in all its forms: the dictatorship,

the church, the sex industry”6

After Amina Sboui, a Tunisian Femen-supporter, posted topless

pictures on Femen’s Tunisia Facebook page, she received

multiple threats and consequentially, the organisation

announced a “Topless Jihad Day”, where they requested women to

perform topless protests “against Islamism.”7 They wrote

slogans such as “Fuck your morals!” “Muslim Women, Let’s Get Naked”, “Nudity,

Freedom” and “Viva Topless Jihad” on their bare breast and staged

public protests in several cities, mainly in Europe and

Tunisia. Amina Sboui was detained in Tunisia for a total of

three months and other Femen activists were subjected to legal

repercussions. Amina Sboui left Femen later in 2013, stating

that “we must respect everyone’s religion” and that she did

not agree with Femen’s islamophobic actions, including the

chanting of “Amina Akbar, Femen Akbar” in front of the

Tunisian embassy in Paris.8 Femen stated “differences of

6 (FEMEN)7 (Shevchenko)8 (France24) “Amina Akbar, Amina Femen” referring to “Allahu Akbar”, an expression to praise God in Islam.

8


opinion on tactics in the Islamic countries” as the reason for

the break with Amina.9

Muslim feminists organised counter-protests, mainly through

the Facebook group “Muslim Women Against Femen”10 Their main

protest was the “Muslimah Pride Day” protest, where women

posted texts and pictures on social media, criticising Femen.11

Their messages included “Nudity DOES NOT liberate me and I DO NOT need

saving!”, “I’m a proud Muslimah, I don’t need ‘liberating’, I don’t appreciate being

used to reinforce western imperialism. You do not represent me!” and “I can

support women’s rights with my clothes ON!” Additionally, Muslim

feminists were active on Twitter and on blogs, were they

elaborated on their critical arguments against Femen’s

actions.

3 Analysis The analysis consists of two parts: the first treats the

different views of universalism and group rights and the

second discusses the division between East and west and its

implications on feminist movements.

3.1 Universalism and group rightsIn “Is Multiculturalism bad for Women”, Susan Okin, discusses the

reasonableness of multiculturalism and group rights, based on

the explanation that not all groups adhere to basic women’s

rights. She claims that group rights can be antifeminist in

9 (Femen, 2013)10 (Muslim Women Against Femen)11 (Al Jazeera)

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cases of societies with strong patriarchal structures since

they “limit the capacities of women and girls of that culture to live with human

dignity equal to that of men and boys, and to live as freely chosen as they can.”12

Okin’s book also includes replies from scholars from other

traditions, such as Azizah Y. Al-Hibri who is the founder of

Muslim Women Lawyers for Human Rights. She claims that Okin is

using stereotypical views of the “Other” and is writing from a

western dominant point of view.13 The critique of Femen from

Muslim feminists is identical, as seen in the previously

mentioned messages posted online by Muslim feminists. They

reject what they perceive as Femen’s attempt to “save” them

from their own men, religion and culture. Al- Hibiri believes

that “a true feminist call to reform in Muslim countries or among Muslim

immigrants must respect their religious and cultural sentiments, while recognizing

the sanctity of the first and flexibility of the second.”14 Hence, the claim of

universalism on the one hand and sensitivity to, and respect

for, religious and cultural differences on the other can be

identified as the main clash between western feminists and

Muslim feminists. Seen from a post-colonial feminist

perspective it would be articulated as western feminism’s

inability to acknowledge that women, depending on factors such

as culture and religion, can have diverse ultimate values.

Femen’s protest actions against certain groups fits in well

with Okin’s non-acceptance and proposed extinction of groups

12 (Okin, 1999) pg. 1213 (Okin, 1999) pg. 4114 (Okin, 1999) pg. 43

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who are conducting oppressive practices. In an interview for

Aljazeera, Inna Shevchekno, one of the founders of Femen, was

asked if feminism can differ depending on cultural and

religious contexts. She answered, “There are no different idea of

freedom of our people, or European people, or Americans. There are universal ideas,

there are universal human rights that everyone has to have the right to use.”15 It

is thus clear that Femen are using liberal, universalist views

of feminism and women’s rights. Inna has responded to “Muslim

Women against Femen”, claiming that there are “bearded men

with knives” behind them, calling Allah and Jesus “fantasies”,

and claiming that a secularised world would mean a “world without

Serbs, Croats and Muslims being massacred, without 9/11, without witch-hunts,

without 7/7, a world without suicide bombers and without the Taliban, without

Israeli/Palestinian wars, without persecution of Jews as 'Christ-killers', without

Northern Ireland troubles, without Crusades, a world where are no public

beheadings of blasphemers and no flogging of female skin for the crime of showing

an inch of it.”16 In another interview, Shevsheko declares that

Femen are “against all religions” and adds that “Where religion is starting,

feminism is finishing.”17

In her reply, she presumes that Muslim feminists lack agency,

and are in need of “bearded men with knives” to speak for

them. Thus, she uses an orientalist view of Muslim women as

unable to raise their voices and in need of western

organisations to liberate them. Jonas Svensson, a professor of

Islam and gender, explains that Muslim feminism has existed

15 (Al Jazeera)16 (Shevchenko, Huffington Post , 2013)17 (Euronews, 2013)

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for at least 100 years, but did not receive international

attention until the 1990’s.18 Hence, Femen displays a lack of

knowledge and therefore understanding of the long history of

feminist movements, including Muslim feminist movements, in

the Muslim world. They thereby disregard the possibilities of

cooperation between feminist groups with different backgrounds

and ideologies. They furthermore ignore the potential of

showing solidarity for other movements as well as the

possibility for Muslim women themselves to participate in

women’s rights activism.

Moreover, the announcement that Femen are against all

religions, prevents any form of overlapping consensus19, where

different groups with different values can agree on certain

aspects, since Femen are against the very existence of

religion and thereby fails to recognise that different groups

may have different ultimate values. This vehement condemnation

of religions could function as a scarecrow for many feminists

who hold personal religious convictions. Ultimately, it could

lead to the misrepresentation or, possible exclusion of,

religious feminists from the feminist movements. Moreover,

there is a possibility that religious women, not identifying

themselves as feminists, perceive feminism in predominantly

negative terms after initiatives such as “Topless Jihad Day.”

In an Al Jazeera interview, Hajer Naili discusses the issue

18 (Svensson, 2009) pg. 9819 For further reading on ”overlapping consensus” , see John Rawls ”A Theory of Justice” and ”Political Liberalism”

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that Femen’s strategies have the stated purpose of ending

oppression of women everywhere, but in the process insults

Muslim women. She says, “From one side Femen wants to help Muslim

women, but on the other side they are using ways of expression and tools that are

going against the understandings of Islam. When you go and stage protests in front

of mosques, it is insulting. When you draw the Islamic crescent on your nipples, it is

insulting Muslim women.” Hence, there seems to be an evident

discordance between Femen’s stated mission of wanting to help

women and, simultaneously, their failure to respect the

religious beliefs of the women that they are attempting to

help.

3.2 The division between East and WestAihwa Ong argues in “Feminism and ‘Race’” that a great deal of

feminist oriented research makes a distinct separation between

“us feminists and them oppressed women”20, a legacy from colonial times

and western “explorers” of the Orient. Similarly, Gayatri

Chakravorty Spivak’s draws on orientalism and post-colonial

theory in “Can the Subaltern Speak?” She coins the expression “white

men saving brown women from brown men”, as a method of explaining

post-colonial relationships.21 Inspired by Spivak and with a

modification, the expression can be translated to the context

of Femen: “White non-Muslim women who are trying to save Muslim women from

Muslim men.” Femen’s visions and strategies are permeated by a

paternalistic view where western feminists are seen as

enlightened; conscious that the ultimate sign of liberation is

20 (Ong, 2001) pg. 10921 (Spivak, 1994)

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the engagement in the process of using ones body as a

political tool by displaying ones breasts in public. The

postcolonial feminist problematises the equal sign between

bare breast and liberation, arguing that the naked body

possibly could be an efficient instrument for some women,

sometimes, in some contexts, but it would not be accepted as a

universal truth, a practice that would be successful for all

women, all the time, everywhere.

The artificial separation between the Occident and the Orient

is a crucial factor contributing to the ideological clash

between western and Muslim feminism. The creation of western-

oriented, “universal values”, generalisations and stereotypes

contributes to an environment of hostility between feminist

groups grounded in different understandings of feminism.

Furthermore, the distinct separation between West and East

creates an incapability of moving beyond the strict

generalisations and recognise that there are Muslim feminists

in the West and Western-inspired feminists in the East. The

orientalist generalisations and thereby, the creation of a

distinct separation, can thus be seen as a main cause of the

tensions between the two movements.

The potential consequences for divergences within the feminist

movement is less cooperation and solidarity, but it might also

function as an opening towards the realisation that mutual

respect and interchanges are vital parts of any political

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movement. Perhaps it is time for some soul-searching within

the feminist movement.

4 ConclusionThis memo has highlighted a current discussion in the field of

human rights: the on-going tensions between western and Muslim

feminism. At the core of this discussion lie fundamental

questions regarding the very existence of universal values and

the plausibility of group rights. In order to concretise these

tensions, the memo has investigated and discussed a current

case: Femen’s “Topless Jihad Day” and Muslim feminist’s

“Muslimah Pride Day”. The protests were mainly taking place in

social media: in Facebook groups and profiles, on blogs and on

Twitter. The messages, however, were extremely different,

clearly displaying the diverse underlying ideologies of the

groups.

As this memo has shown, there is a major difference between

the groups regarding the most efficient strategies to promote

and implement women’s rights. Many western feminists, often

inspired by liberal and universal ideals, believe that the

universality is absolute and there is no room for cultural and

religious sensitivity. Postcolonial feminists, including

Muslim feminists, often attack the very core of universal

values: its existence. Postcolonial feminists are aiming to

highlight that the “universal values”, including values

regarding women’s rights, were created in the European

environment and are thereby disregarding class, race, sexual

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orientation, ethnicity and the personal experiences of non-

Western women.

The consequences of orientalist views have been explored. I

have argued, based on the criticism towards orientalism as the

theoretical tool in the analysis of the case, that the

artificial separation of the Occident and the Orient, creating

exotic ideas of “women of the Orient” as well as cognitive

legacies of colonial times affect how women organise today.

The creation of different ideologies within feminism is the

most evident result, creating diversity on one hand, but

increasing the distance between different groups, on the

other.

Hind Makki, a leadership associate at the Interfaith Youth

Core in Chicago, specialised in interfaith dialogue,

summarises her personal view on feminism, clearly inspired by

the theories applied in this memo:

“I am a feminist, and my feminism doesn’t demand all women take off their clothes –

whether they want to or not. My feminism doesn’t demand all women to conform to

Western beauty ideals before they can be heard. My feminism is intersectional in

nature, amplifying the voices of all women and our male supporters, who work

toward building just societies where the lives of women and girls are protected

equally under the law; where women and girls have equal access to health care,

education and the work force; where women and girls have the choice to live the

lives they want to live – without interference from their family, society or

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government. My feminism does not require me to turn my back on my Creator. My

feminism is for everybody.”22

5 Bibliography

Al Jazeera. (2013, April 5). Al Jazeera. Retrieved September 24, 2013 from Who speaks for Muslim women?: http://stream.aljazeera.com/story/201304050033-002265922 (Makki, 2013)

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Euronews. (2013, June 19). I Talk. Retrieved September 30, 2013 from Femen’s breast bearing: firebrand feminism or foolish fad?: http://www.euronews.com/2013/06/19/femen-s-breast-bearing-firebrand-feminism-or-foolish-fad/FEMEN. (n.d.). FEMEN. Retrieved September 24, 2013 from About:http://femen.org/en/aboutFemen. (2013, August 20). Femen. Retrieved October 3, 2013 from FEMEN brakes up with Tunisian activist: http://femen.org/en/news/id/535#post-contentFemen. (2013, September 14). Femen. Retrieved September 24, 2013 from Femen: http://femen.org/en/news/id/551#post-contentFrance24. (2013, August 20). France 24. Retrieved September 24, 2013 from "Tunisia's Amina quits ‘Islamophobic’ Femen": http://www.france24.com/en/20130820-jailed-tunisia-activist-amina-leaves-islamophobic-femen-organisationLazreg, M. (2001). Decolonizing Feminism. In K.-K. Bahvani, Feminism & 'Race' (pp. 281-293). New York: Oxford University Press.Makki, H. (2013, September 4). Hindtrospectives. Retrieved October3, 2013 from Femen Unveiled: http://www.patheos.com/blogs/hindtrospectives/2013/09/femen-unveiled/Muslim Women Against Femen. (n.d.). Facebook. Retrieved September 24, 2013 from Muslim Women Against Femen: https://www.facebook.com/MuslimWomenAgainstFemenOkin, S. M. (1999). Is Multiculturalism Bad for Women? Ong, A. (2001). Colonialism and Modernity: Feminist Re-presentations of Women in Non-Western societies. In K.-K. Bhavnani, & K.-K. Bhavnani (Ed.), Feminism and 'Race' (pp. 108-118). New York: Oxford University Press.Sered, D. (1996). Postcolonial Studies @ Emory. Retrieved September 28, 2013 from Orientalism: http://postcolonialstudies.emory.edu/orientalism/#ixzz2fj6ShAGnShevchenko, I. (2013, April 8). Huffington Post . Retrieved September 26, 2013 from Topless in the Country of Hijab?: http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/inna-shevchenko/femen-topless-in-the-country-of-hijab_b_3034211.htmlShevchenko, I. (2013, March 26). Huffington Post. Retrieved September 24, 2013 from Topless Jihad!: http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/inna-shevchenko/femen-topless-jihad_b_2954862.html

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Spivak, G. C. (1994). Can the Subaltern Speak? In B. G. Ashcroft, Post-Colonial Studies Reader (pp. 24-28). London: Routledge.Svensson, J. (2009). Att tolka Bibeln och Koranen. In J. Svensson, Trender i muslimsk feminism (pp. 97-114).TAYLER, J. (2013, March 22). The Atlantic. Retrieved October 3, 2013 from Tunisian Woman Sent to a Psychiatric Hospital for Posting Topless Photos on Facebook: http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/03/tunisian-woman-sent-to-a-psychiatric-hospital-for-posting-topless-photos-on-facebook/274298/Yegenoglu, M. (1998). Colonial Fantasies: Towards a Feminist Reading of Orientalism. Cambridge University Press.

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