1. CESI Registration Number -- 14152

2. Name -- KARTHIK VENKATESH

3. Designation and Institutional Affiliation – Director, Guru Ram Dass Public School, Lehra Mohabbat, Bathinda, Punjab

4. Phone Number – 94631-44744

5. Email ID – venkkarthik@gmail.com

6. Address – 210, Phase 2, Model Town, Bathinda -- 151001

7. Title of the Paper -- EDUCATION FOR LIBERATION: EXPLORING MAHATMA PHULE’S WORK IN EDUCATION

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EDUCATION FOR LIBERATION: EXPLORING MAHATMA PHULE’S WORK IN

EDUCATION

ABSTRACT

This paper attempts to dwell on four aspects specific to

Mahatma Phule’s work in education:

1. Mahatma Phule’s own social and educational background

which undoubtedly had a fair degree of influence on his

subsequent social activism. – Origins

2. The paper will also attempt to explore Phule’s

educational activism in terms of his founding and

establishment of schools and other aspects connected to

the continued functioning of the schools. – Doings

3. The key to understanding Phule’s views on education would

necessarily involve paying close attention to two of his

most important works – Ghulamgiri (Slavery) and Shetkaryacha Asud

(The Cultivator’s Whipcord). An exhaustive scrutiny of all of

Phule’s writings which constitute a fairly extensive

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canon to gather his views on education, is too wide-

ranging. Instead, an attempt will be made in this paper

to gather in one place his work specific to the

educational field as gleaned from his more famous

writings. – Musings

4. Many of Phule’s ideas were something of a first. An

attempt is made to draw a parallel between Phule and his

ideas of education and some of today’s educational ideas.

– Contemporary relevance

Keywords – Phule, educational activism, shudra atishudra,

Maharashtra, 19th century

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Origins

The world into which Mahatma Phule was born in 1827 was in the

throes of change. Following the establishment of a Maratha

kingdom in the last quarter of the 17th century by Shivaji,

power had later effectively slipped from the grasp of

Shivaji’s successors based in Satara into the hands of the

Peshwas, based in Pune, who ruled in the name of the monarch,

but effectively controlled all decision-making. Pune, the city

of Phule’s birth therefore had been the stronghold of the

Peshwas for well over a century and this had come to an end

only a few years before Phule’s birth. In February 1818, the

East India Company took over the administration of the

territories that formerly came in the ambit of the Peshwa. The

Peshwa himself was formally removed and Maratha chiefs

(Scindia, Holkar and others) entered into treaties that

formally subordinated them to overall British control and were

rewarded with princely states (Gordon, 2012 ) as a result.

It is a fact that Peshwa controlled society was relatively

‘closed’ (O’Hanlon, 2002) and there was virtually no scope for

upward mobility for members of the lower castes. But, East

India Company rule also did not automatically result in the

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opening up of opportunities for the lower castes. However, the

influx of Protestant missionaries into areas that had earlier

been a no-go for them resulted in the opening of a number of

schools and colleges that were open to all, including the

lower castes. The missionaries’ motive was largely conversion

and while they did win over some, their overall success is a

matter of debate that is beyond the scope of this paper. On

the other hand, British administration created a number of

administrative and clerical positions requiring a degree of

fluency in English, a professional qualification and some

experience in administration (O’Hanlon, 2002). Brahmins were

quick to grab these opportunities and in time, came to

dominate the lower echelons of the administration. Having done

that, they guarded their privileges jealously and were quick

to block entry to other castes.

Phule’s family who were gardeners by caste (Malis in the local

parlance) hailed from a village near Satara, about eighty

kilometres from Pune. Having found favour with the Peshwa,

Bajirao II for services rendered, Phule’s father was rewarded

with a land grant, to sell the produce of which, he opened a

shop in Pune. Jotirao Phule was born in 1827 then to a family

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of some means. Changed political circumstances enabled him to

go to school, which he did, in a Marathi medium institution at

first and later in the Scottish Mission’s High School in Pune.

It is essential to dwell briefly on what was taught at the

Scottish Mission school as this no doubt contributed to

Phule’s world-view and influenced his career as an educational

and social activist and reformer. English was an important

subject as were Science and Theology. The study of Theology

was no doubt part of the overall mission to encourage gradual

acceptance of the ‘Christian Truth’ and conversion thereof.

The school also gave the young Phule and his peers the

opportunity to engage in discussion. Phule completed his

course of study in 1847/48. Two important incidents occurred

soon after which set the scene for his life’s work. Firstly,

he chanced to read a number of works by Thomas Paine’s (Age of

Reason, Rights of Man among others) and secondly, he was insulted

and excluded from a brahmin acquaintance’s wedding procession

on account of his lower caste origins.1

The influence of Thomas Paine (1737 – 1809) is of particular

significance in the development of Phule’s world-view. In a

very religious time, Paine questioned the supremacy of the

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scriptures, argued for a robust individualism and belittled

the importance of tradition. He was an iconoclast forever out

of favour with the conservatives, but retaining to the very

end his independent mindedness. Paine spoke of natural rights

and civic rights and held that natural rights of freedom and

equality were inalienable. Phule appears to have imbibed

Paine’s assertions on this count. He also questioned the

validity of Hindu religious texts (elaborated in Musings), the

role of the brahmin and the nature of the caste system. He

rejected all of these and his objections were detailed in his

various works. He encouraged the members of the shudraatishudra 2

community to think for themselves and break free from the

shackles of religious tradition that sought to limit their

potential.

Missionaries who had perhaps hoped that Phule would convert to

the Christian cause were also disappointed. Phule in the

manner of Paine appears to have rejected all organised

religion altogether. He was favourably disposed towards both

Christianity and Islam and even refers to Christ as the second

‘Bali Raja’ (the idea of Bali Raja is discussed in the Musings

part of the paper) and stray references to God do occur

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throughout his writings. So it may therefore be reasonable to

assume that while rejecting religion, he perhaps did not

become a complete atheist in his beliefs. But, his

complimentary references to Christianity and Islam are to be

seen more in the context of their having created a situation

wherein they displaced brahminical superiority. Whether this

admiration extended to the religions’ theology and world-view

can only be matter of speculation because the evidence is

sketchy.

Phule’s expulsion from the wedding procession coming as it did

when he was deeply steeped in Paine’s works was perhaps just

the motivation he needed to embark on a life of iconoclasm and

deep social engagement. Phule’s life-mission had been set on

course.

Doings

Phule opened his first school for low caste (shudraatishudra)

girls in 1848. In his Memorial Addressed to the Education Commission,

Phule gives the date as 1854. (GP Deshpande however, states

that 1854 is a typographical error and gives the date as 1851

[Deshpande GP, 2002]) In this endeavour, he had the support of

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his wife, Savitribai (Phule had been married in 1840). This

act on the couple’s part resulted in their estrangement from

Phule’s father who was no doubt under pressure from the

conservative elements both from within his own caste and other

notables in Pune’s casteist society. In 1851, he established

another school for girls of all castes and in 1855, an evening

school for working people. (O’Hanlon talks of Phule opening

night schools for the 200 labourers he employed for his

various construction contracts. This was probably the school

referred to. [O’Hanlon, 2002]) In Memorial, Phule talks in all of

establishing six different schools at various points of time

during this period of his life. In 1856, an attempt was made

on his life. In 1858, Phule retired from the managing

committee of the schools.

Post 1858, Phule’s activities went beyond education and

encompassed a number of activities including writing most of

which countered the prevalent brahminical theology that sought

to justify the workings of the caste system. He also engaged

in a vigorous social activism, aimed at empowering the

shudraatishudra masses on the one hand and exposing both

brahminical orthodoxy and attempts by a section of the

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Brahmins (the so-called progressive brahmins) to ‘reform’

Hindu society from the top. But, it would be correct to say

that though Phule did not consciously work in education after

1858, he kept an eye on the progress of the educational

progress within the shudraatishudra community. Both his key

works, Ghulamgiri and Shetkaryacha Asud while not being

specifically about educational matters alone have much to say

about education and how it was key to the liberation of the

shudraatishudra community (this aspect is covered in the

Musings part of the paper).

But it is pertinent to note that on two separate occasions,

Phule took it upon himself to write specifically on

educational matters. This is evidence of the important place

Phule assigned to education in his life and activism. In 1869,

he authored a ballad Brahman Teachers in the Education Department which

sought to detail the ill-effects of brahmin domination of the

education department, brahmin attempts to discourage education

of the lower castes and the two-faced nature of brahmin

‘progressiveness’. (Brahmins were portrayed as showing

themselves as ‘progressive’ in front of the British while

clinging to their orthodox practices in private.)

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In October 1882, Phule prepared his well-known Memorial Addressed

to the Education Commission in English. The commission in question

was the Hunter Commission constituted by the Viceroy, Lord

Ripon. This short text is of much importance inasmuch as it

gathers together Phule’s views on education and its various

aspects and makes a strong case for further boosting the

educational cause of the shudraatishudra community. (The key

points of this work are discussed in the Musings part of the

paper.) This was pretty much his last significant educational

intervention. Phule passed away in 1890.

That Phule began his activism with education is of

considerable significance. He was in all probability part of

the first generation of the shudraatishudra community to

benefit from an excellent education. It is possible to

conjecture even, that a lower-level bureaucratic post with the

British administration was well within his reach. His father’s

wealth which was considerable by the time Phule completed his

studies reduced Phule’s need to seek employment. Business

ventures were there for the asking and Phule did undertake

business activities throughout his life. While the abiding

theme of his life was his ceaseless activism for the rights of

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the shudraatishudra community and this began with a school for

lower caste girls, Phule articulated several times over his belief

that, in education, lay the road to shudraatishudra

liberation.

Musings

What did Mahatma Phule posit education to be, specifically the

education of the shudraatishudra community? Why did he lay so

much stress on enabling shudraatishudra education? To answer

these questions effectively, it is necessary to delve a little

bit into Phule’s most important works, Ghulamgiri and Shetkaryacha

Asud. Both these works clearly lay out Phule’s world-view

including his assessment of the historical origins of the

caste system, reasons for the continued enslavement of the

shudraatishuras and most importantly, these works also attempt

to prepare the ground for a plan of action towards improving

the condition of the shudraatishudras. The plan of action

calls for as much effort on the part of the shudraatishudras

to rise up from their condition of slavery as it calls for

administrative actions on the part of the British.

Ghulamgiri (Slavery)

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Ghulamgiri published in 1873 is a work of seminal importance in

understanding Phule, his world-view, his social activism and

also, his views on education. It is an analysis of the

contradictions that abound in the casteist Hindu society of

Phule’s time and dare one say it, even today. Irreverent and

unsparing in his construction of arguments Phule in Ghulamgiri

subjects Hindu mythology, texts and practices to close

analysis. In doing so, the contradictions therein are exposed

and laid threadbare with a view to rallying together the

shudraatishudra community to fight to improve their living and

social conditions. The final aim is complete liberation from

the prejudices and misapprehensions that in Phule’s view keep

them in a condition of slavery, subject to Brahmin injunctions

and trickery.

Ghulamgiri begins with a exposition of how brahmins came to be

in India tracing as he does their Central Asian origins which

at that time was receiving linguistic support, their

usurpation of land through deceitful means and the early

establishment of brahmin hegemony through the insertion of

several convenient passages (to the brahmins, that is) in the

‘sacred’ texts and the institutionalization of several

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practices that pushed shudraatishudras into the abyss of a

‘divinely sanctioned’ slavery.

Phule then goes to examine the Dasavatara myth in some detail

reading into the myth the arrival, usurpation and subsequent

domination saga of the brahmins. He is in effect using brahmin

myths themselves to prise out the ‘real’ brahmin story and in

doing so, undermining the ‘sacredness’ of the texts and laying

the ground for shudraatishudra rejection of these texts. These

texts were, atleast for the shudraatishudras, not memories of

a happy time. They were in effect narrating the story of

shudraatishudra loss and defeat through brahmin trickery and

subtefuge.

As part of his examination of the Dasavatara myth, Phule

discusses the story of Vaman and Bali Raja. In particular,

Phule’s celebration of Bali Raja deserves to be examined

further as several times in the course of Phule’s

extraordinary career, he sought to invoke the memory of Bali

Raja as a rallying point for all shuraatishudras. Phule

celebrated Bali Raja as opposed to the brahmin’s

characterisation of Bali Raja as an evil figure who was cast

into the nether-world by the pious brahmin, Vamana.

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Bali in Ghulamgiri is shown as a descendant of Prahlad (a key

figure in the earlier Narasimha avatara story). Prahlad in

Phule’s telling was deceived by the evil Narasimha, an Aryan3

chieftain into slaying his father, Hiranyakashyapu. Later,

Prahlad attempted to undo his mistake by reclaiming power from

the Aryans and his successors continued in this vein. Vaman

alarmed by the power of Bali Raja attacked and defeated him.

Bali Raja was a symbol of shudraatishudra ownership of land

and Vaman’s defeat of Bali Raja was in effect brahmin

usurpation of those ownership rights through trickery and

force. The earlier Dasavatara myth of matsya (fish) is symbolic

of brahmin arrival in India by sea in ancient times. The Vaman

myth is the final nail in the coffin sealing Brahmin

displacement of the aborigines and their setting up of

themselves as lords and masters, a position that they

continued to hold in modern times.

Phule’s scientific interrogation of ancient Hindu texts also

deserves our close attention. On several occasions, Phule

demolishes the ‘sacredness’ of Hindu texts and questions their

motives. Instead, he sees these texts as unscientific. He

questions the scientific possibility of Vaman’s foot covering

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the sky and the earth before coming to rest on Bali Raja’s

head thereby pushing into the abyss of the nether world. In

another part of the text, he questions the basis of the origin

of the myth that brahmins emerged from Brahma’s mouth

wondering at the body structure that would have made this

possible.

Phule is also attentive to the possible ‘hidden’ messages

embedded in the ‘sacred’ texts. In one instance, when

narrating the story of how the brahmin sage Bhrigu kicked

Vishnu in the chest and Vishnu began to massage his foot,

Phule sees this instance not as an act of magnamity on

Vishnu’s part. He sees as this as a hidden message to the

shudra – when the Lord himself accepted the kick of the

brahmin, how then could the shudra even contemplate

resistance? Acceptance of brahmin superiority is implied as

the only way out. Thus, age-old myths and stories are cast in

a new light by Phule. He himself is ‘seeing’ afresh and trying

to get other shudras to do so as well. To see through these

myths and stories was perhaps one step towards liberation.

Ghulamgiri does not stop here. It goes on to cast Christ as the

second Bali Raja, praises the attempts of the Buddha and

16

castigates Shankaracharya for his re-establishment of

brahminical superiority again through trickery. In modern

times, the Peshwa is seen as the new trickster who amassed a

fortune on the back of shudra labour.

In British times too, the brahmin in Phule’s telling continues

to exercise great power. He prevents shudra children from

acquiring an education by denying them admission in school. He

abuses his government positions and exploits the farmer in

several ways. In this, he is helped in no small measure by the

indolence of British officers who rely on brahmin advice

entirely and do not bother to assess the circumstances for

themselves. Yet Phule sees hope in British rule. He believes

that continued appeals will eventually force the British to

act in favour of the shudraatishudra community and in this

light, Phule has a few concrete proposals that he believes

will set society on the right path. He opines that British

officers need to do away with their reliance on brahmin

intermediaries. In the short-term, he advocates that brahmins

in government service be replaced with Britishers to ensure

justice for the shudra. He rails against the complicity of

17

educated shudras and calls on them to act honestly and

truthfully.

Ghulamgiri is a manifesto for rebellion and an altogether

radical view of society that seeks to be the starting point of

shudraatishudra resurgence towards reclaiming their rightful

position in society.

Shetkaryacha Asud (The Cultivator’s Whipcord)

Shetkaryacha Asud published in 1883 looks closely at the material

condition of the shudraatishudra community who are largely

dependent on agriculture and the reasons for their poverty.

The book commences with Phule lamenting the shudra farmer’s

lack of knowledge and as to how this lack of knowledge leads

to myriad problems for them. That this has led to the current

poverty-stricken state of farmers is one of Phule’s important

contentions.

To begin with, Phule dwells at length on the ritualistic

nature of religion as it was practised then and seeks to

demonstrate brahmin complicity and duplicity in keeping

religion this way. Apart from a discussion of ritual, there is

a discussion on how brahmin–run schools don’t admit shudra

18

students and the few that do, do not transmit knowledge of

value. Value to Phule meant education that would enable

shudras secure government employment which Phule believed was

the way out for shudras to secure their financial status as

well as protect their rights as cultivators.

It moves on to discuss brahminical double-dealing in

government departments which results in shudra exploitation.

It blames the indolence of English higher officials being

partly responsible for the domination of Brahmins. It calls

for a more active English role in administration. Phule also

makes some bitter remarks about the Hunter Commission. Phule’s

own representation to the commission (Memorial Addressed to the

Education Commission) had been ignored and these comments need to

be seen in this light. (The issues articulated in Memorial

Addressed to the Education Commission are discussed in point no.6 of

this section.)

The book provides something of a historical perspective of the

world. It is selective with numerous references largely

seeking to establish the aryabhat brahmin’s Iranian origins,

his arrival in India and dispossession of the dasyus through

deceit.

19

One entire chapter (Chapter 4) discusses farmer poverty at

length. The role of expenditure for religious rituals is

discussed and their role in farmer impoverishment. Perhaps the

most significant part of this chapter is the question that

Phule poses in all seriousness – why does the government

collect taxes from farmers, but do nothing for their welfare,

choosing instead to spend on things that benefit the brahmin

who has not actually paid these taxes? (The exact words of

Phule’s text as articulated more effectively in Ghulamgiri are

to be found in point no.1 below. But this point is made in

Cultivator’s Whipcord as well.)

In the final chapter, Phule is dismissive about brahmin-shudra

rapprochement. The historical context in which the brahmin

subdued the dasyu is discussed. Phule also discusses how

technology is transforming America. In this chapter, more than

one complimentary reference is made about Muslims – for having

shown brahmins their place at one point, for their monotheism

(implied in this is the lack of religious ritual) and for

their attempts at ending brahminical Hinduism. Surprisingly,

Phule is less impressed with Shivaji who he claims as a

shudra, but also as one who perpetuated brahminical ritual and

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tyranny. Equally, the Peshwas’ role in tricking Shivaji’s

successors and usurping their power is also forcefully made.

Here, Phule also makes his case for teachers to be drawn from

among the shudras themselves who in his opinion would better

understand the shudra plight and therefore, deliver an

education of value. Phule also argues for a temporary freeze

on recruitment in order to end brahmin domination of

government departments till such time that educated shudras

don’t emerge in sufficient number. Phule also makes a number

of suggestions for improving the financial condition of

farmers. There are suggestions for improving irrigation, the

introduction of mechanisation in agriculture, training of

farmer children in vocational trades etc. That the farmer is

paying tax and therefore truly deserving of some kind of

direct benefit from government action is stressed repeatedly.

There is considerable repetition in Shetkaryacha Asud. On a

number of occasions, Phule is going over the same ground as

Ghulamgiri. This needs to be given context. The second half of

the 19th century saw considerable movement in Maharashtrian

politics. Attempts were made by upper-caste reformers to

reform Hindu society. Phule however remained suspicious of

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these attempts. He was firm in his belief that shudraatishudra

society needed to move ahead on its own steam and its own

efforts. He was not angling for crumbs. He was striving for

equality and brahmin admission of the injustice of their

practices. Both Shetkaryacha Asud and Ghulamgiri are calls for

action on the part of shudraatishudra society.

Throughout both these works, there is a strong anti-

brahminical streak. Brahmin cunning, their usage of religion

to acquire wealth and power are mentioned several times. In

particular, Phule is dead against the usage of the so-called

‘sacred’ texts to impose rules on shudras. Phule is not

enamoured of these texts. He clearly was not interested in

shudras being ‘allowed’ to learn these texts because these

texts held no value for him. In effect, Phule was trying to

give shudraatishudras a firm world-view which was

fundamentally opposed to the brahminical world-view. This more

than anything else considerably influenced his educational

views.

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In the next few paragraphs, an attempt has been made to gather

in one place and categorise Phule’s views on the place of

education in shudraatishudra life and liberation. Gail Omvedt

talks of Phule stressing on education “as the key to the uplift of the

oppressed masses” (Omvedt, 2008, pg.174). Education to Phule was

the Trutiya Ratna, the third jewel that opened doors to unseen

vistas and visions 4. The education that he desired was one that

would ensure the material well-being of shudras, one that

would make them aware of their own illustrious past and one

that would challenge the self-important views of the sacred

texts as they stood. This then would have to be an education

modelled on the western fashion with a stress on Science.

Education in the brahminical fashion where the stress was on

studying the ‘sacred’ texts held no attraction for Phule.

Since Phule himself has not authored any seminal educational

tract or work that puts together all his ideas on the theory

and the practice of education in a single volume and his views

on education are scattered in a number of works – Slavery

(Ghulamgiri), Cultivator’s Whipcord (Shetkaryacha Asud), Memorial Addressed to the

Education Commission and Brahman Teachers in the Education Department, what

I have put down henceforth have been sourced from his main

23

works (the first three works as previously mentioned) and my

own interpretations thereof. They give us an overall picture

of his views on education.

1. Phule viewed education of the shudraatishudra community as

essential from a point of view of social justice. He

fervently believed that the labour of the shudraatishudra

contributed to the coffers of the Empire. “It is an admitted

fact that the greater portion of the revenues of the Indian Empire are derived

from the Ryot’s labour—from the sweat of his brow.”(Deshpande GP,

2002, pg.33). Given this, he acutely felt the injustice

of the British government’s decision to spend the revenue

so derived on “the education of the higher classes”.(Deshpande GP,

2002, pg.33)

2. While on the one hand, there was the issue of social

justice, Phule also keenly felt the hidden hand of

brahmin conspiracy manifesting itself in British

administrative decisions. A theme that is repeated

constantly in Cultivator’s Whipcord is brahmin duplicity in

preparing reports for British officials. Phule contended

that brahmins twisted facts to suit their own ends. The

24

British forced as they were to rely on brahmins for

ground-level knowledge were unaware of the real situation

and went by whatever brahmins said. Phule clearly talks

in terms of brahmin dominance of the Revenue department

and the resultant misinformation about the plight of the

tiller that was often communicated to British

authorities. Phule made two radical suggestions in this

regard –- firstly, the appointment of an English or

Scottish preacher in villages to offer an alternative

point of view and secondly, the need to ensure that the

job of the village accountant (patil and kulkarni) not be the

preserve of one caste alone. In this regard, Phule

proposes the establishment of schools with government aid

that would admit students of all castes and train them to

clear the examinations that would be held for various

government posts. Phule’s ultimate objective, one can

readily conjecture from this proposal was to ensure that

Brahmin monopoly in government jobs was brought to an end

and this, he believed would ultimately benefit the

tiller. (Deshpande GP, 2002). Phule’s concern was

social reform in this case.

25

3. Phule also viewed education as necessary for the

shudraatishudra community to realise their sense of self-

worth. “…they still remain ignorant and captive in the mental slavery which

the brahmans have perpetuated through their books.” (Deshpande GP,

2002, pg. 45) As stressed previously, brahminical

cultural and religious hegemony was sought to be upturned

and replaced.

Phule strongly resented the scriptural hold that brahmins

exerted over the shudraatishudra community. Indeed, the work

from which the above quote was taken – Ghulamgiri (Slavery) –

is a fiery polemic against the Vedic and brahmin world-

view. Ghulamgiri, written in the form of a dialogue between

Jotirao (presumably Phule himself) and Dhondiba tears

apart prevailing orthodox views of caste origin (brahmins

from Brahma’s mouth, shudras from his feet etc.), upturns

the myth of Vaman and the banishment of Bali, delves deep

into Vishnu’s Narasimha avatar and questions a number of

other myths that sought to justify the caste hegemony

perpetuated by the brahmin. Given this, it would not be

26

improper to state that Phule, with his own thinking

grounded in the Missionary tradition that owed something

to the Enlightenment (Science was one of the subjects

that Phule studied at school), felt keenly the

humiliations that his community had to undergo on account

of the low status assigned to it by scriptures that were

perceived to be holy, but which Phule himself felt to be

works of manipulation aimed primarily at ensuring the

continual domination of the higher castes, particularly

the brahmins. Education therefore was a way out. Through

education, the shudraatishudra community would be empowered

to disregard the supposed superiority of the scriptures

and also see through the hollowness of the brahminical

claim of divine punishment that was supposed to accompany

disregard for the scriptures. The community would realize

the depth of its own contribution and cease to regard the

Brahmin as a superior and ‘higher’ figure. One sees here

the influence of Paine in Phule’s world-view. Paine

questioned the right of the so-called ‘enlightened’

nobility, necessarily a minority to abrogate to itself

the right to govern the masses. It is likely that Phule

27

saw brahmins in a similar light and by questioning the

scriptures, he was essentially questioning therefore the

basis of their perceived superiority.

4. As previously stated, Phule studied Science as a subject

in the Scottish Mission school. As an educated 19th

century individual, he was also likely to have been aware

of the goings on in the western world. Living in Pune

handicapped him to some extent since he was probably

unable to observe at first hand the manufacturing

industries that had begun to make their appearance in

Bombay in the early 1850s. But, he was not unaware of

their impact. Gail Omvedt refers to Phule’s being aware

of the fact that artisans and skilled workers were

forging ahead in the western world through the ‘power of

learning’ (Omvedt, 2008). He also appears to have had

some ideas in terms of vocational education training for

children of shudraatishudra caste groups. Phule also held

strong views on the irreconcilability of western science

and native Brahminical tradition. His preference was

never in doubt. One could even perhaps connect Phule’s

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emphasis on science to the previous point – the non-

divine origin of the Vedas, their dating etc. One sees

here a very modern approach to education influenced in

part by his own educational background and also seemingly

influenced by his view that Science was a key vehicle of

progress for the shudraatishudra community.

5. Having established the practical need for education in

terms of social justice and social reform, Phule also

made some hard-boiled suggestions for the actual

operationalisation of these educational reforms so as to

ensure ground-level change. In this respect, Phule talks

in terms of two important steps that needed to be

undertaken:

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a. Brahmin teachers were unwilling to or incapable of

honestly educating the shudraatishudras. Phule

sees this in terms of Brahmins wishing to keep

their scriptural and material power intact. Phule

therefore emphasized the need for teachers to be

drawn from the farming community who would be

better disposed to both disseminate education as

well as appreciate the lot of the tiller and be

able to understand the background of his students.

b. Phule castigates educated peasants for shunning

their lot by as he puts it by being “abject slaves to

brahman employees” (Deshpande, GP, 2002, pg. 186). He

believes it necessary that they publicly discuss

ways to ensure that education reaches their

brethren. Clearly, Phule saw a greater role for

educated people from the non-brahmin castes. He

held them to account for participating in ensuring

the greater good of their community.

6. As previously stated, in October 1882, Phule prepared his

well-known Memorial Addressed to the Education Commission in

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English. In this brief tract can be found the sum total of

Phule’s views on education. Phule in this petition

emphasises the need for immediate attention to primary

education. The need for non-brahmin teachers is also re-

emphasised along with a laundry list of subjects that in

Phule’s view needed to be taught in primary school: some

history, geography and grammar, some agriculture, lessons

in moral duties and sanitation and lessons in technical

education. In this brief write-up, Phule also shares his

thoughts on school fees, the modalities of school

inspection and states clearly his proposal for

municipalities to maintain schools. He also expresses his

deep concern over the existence of indigenous schools

which are run in his words by people from the dregs of

Brahminical society. He also argues for governmental

involvement in higher education to ensure that the profit

motive is kept out of education and also to ensure that

education has a wide reach. Clearly, Phule saw

governmental involvement as a bulwark against brahminical

domination of education which already existed to a great

extent and was proving difficult to dislodge. Lastly,

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Phule stresses that the government needs to pay special

attention to the education of women.

Contemporary relevance

Phule’s relevance for today lies in the fact that despite the

fact several of his educational ideas were pioneering ones, he

has perhaps not received adequate credit for them. While he

is universally acknowledged as a social reformer and a fiery

writer, his pioneering work in education appears to have been

overlooked. Many of his ideas were something of a first. That

he began his work with starting a school for girls is an

indication of his sensitivity to the gender issue. He also

withstood considerable social pressure to marry a second time

since his wife could not conceive which further underlines his

commitment to the cause of gender equality.

Phule believed that the teacher needed to understand the

student’s world to be able to teach effectively. His objection

to brahmin teachers teaching shudraatishudra students was

precisely on this account. By and large, the brahmin in the

19th century was far removed from the exigencies of

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shudraatishudra life. He retained a superior attitude and

looked down upon the shudraatishudra. His was a patronising

and condescending attitude at best and an attitude of complete

denial of the shudraatishudra’s humanity at worst. For Phule,

the chasm was far too wide to be bridged. It would therefore

be appropriate to state that Phule seems to have held very

enlightened ideas of the place of the teacher in the student’s

life. Traditional views eulogize the teacher, place him on

something of a pedestal and seem to hold him in a state of

reverence. But, while not underestimating the role of the

teacher, Phule’s views about the teacher’s role seem to have

been more in tune with modern views. He was to be one with his

students without losing his ability to instruct them.

In Ghulamgiri, Phule proposed the idea of testing for ability and

then admitting aspirants into government service, instead of

following the caste-based (read brahmin) model that appears to

have been the norm then. He is likely to have been one of the

first advocates of the idea of the competitive examination. He

also spoke in terms of the need for affirmative action aka

reservation. Phule’s actions of opening schools for girls and

for working class people were radical actions cocking a snook

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at convention on the one hand while also seeking to

operationalise his ideas on the other. Equally noteworthy is

Phule’s stress on the role of the administration in providing

education both at the school-level and higher education. Phule

was extremely suspicious of private initiative in education as

he was of the opinion that the profit motive would harm its

sincerity.

Also, what is important to stress are Phule’s very modern

views on education. His was a view of education that empowered

the individual to think and disagree with the status quo. The

power and ability to dissent and disagree with existing

cultural norms was key, in his view. His discourse on

education can in effect be said to constitute an alternative

educational view even in the modern context. That, alternative

educational thinkers do not pay sufficient attention to Phule

as a well-spring of non-mainstream thoughts is a significant

omission and perhaps, can be said to constitute something of a

bias against Dalit thought processes even (Rege, 2010). It is

something that awaits redressal.

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Mahatma Phule deserves his place in the educational pantheon

as a thinker very much in tune with modern ideas and as a

practitioner who sought to implement his ideas.

References

1. GP Deshpande, (2002), edited by , Selected Writings of

Jotirao Phule, Memorial Adressed to the Education Commission,

Leftword Books

2. Gordon, Stewart ( 2012 )The Marathas (part of The New

Cambridge History of India series) pgs.176-177. Cambridge University

Press

3. O’Hanlon, Rosalind (2002) Caste, Conflict and Ideology Cambridge

University Press

4. Omvedt, Gail (2008) Seeking Begumpura, Navayana

5. Rege, Sharmila (2010) Education as Trutiya Ratna: Towards

Phule-Ambedkarite Feminist Pedagogical Practice. Economic

and Political Weekly, October 30, 2010

Endnotes

1. O’Hanlon says that this incident was probably

‘embroidered’ both by Phule himself and his biographers.

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But, in popular accounts, it is described as a turning

point in Phule’s life.

2. Phule’s term for the lower castes. Roughly equivalent to

the term ‘bahujan samaj’ today. It can be said to

encompass Dalit and Other Backward Communities(OBC). I

use this term throughout the paper.

3. Phule does not use the term ‘Aryan’ specifically in

connection with the stories of Narasimha and Bali Raja.

He uses the term ‘dvija’ and ‘vipra’. But, it would not

be wrong to use the term ‘Aryan’ on account of the fact

that Phule does use the term ‘Aryan’ in other places when

referring to the Brahmins who in his narration cam to

India from Iran.

4. Trutiya Ratna (The Third Jewel) was the name of a play

authored by Phule in 1855. It was among other things a

critique of the Hindu religious practices and how

Christian missionaries lead shudras on the path to Truth.

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