Analyzing Mexico Demonstrations through Structural Violence Theory, Social Conflict Theories and...

Analyzing & Resolving the Mexico

Demonstrations against Government

through the Structural Violence The-

ory, Social Conflict Theories and

Theory of Social Justice

Mexico Demonstrations’ Conflict Analysis

ABSTRACT Problem Statement: Sustained unre-

solved issues of organized crime, drug

cartels, entrenched gang violence,

structural violence, police-linked cor-

ruption, impunity, human rights

abuses, insecurity and the lack of the

rule of law in Mexico has led to deep

rooted grievances, and the presumed

murder of 43 students thereby provok-

ing public outrage in passionate

demonstrations. Resolving the situa-

tion will require an efficient analysis

and research methodology which can

serve as the basis of the application of

an equitable resolution practice model

because fragmented understanding of a

conflict situation can only produce

fragmentary solutions.

Maiwa’azi Dandaura Samu, DCAR

Conflict & Security Consultant

Graduate School of Humanities and Social

Sciences

NOVA Southeastern University.

Justice & Human Security Initiatives. USA.

March 2015

Mexico Demonstrations against Government

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Conflict Analysis Focus: Intergroup conflict between the government and the demonstrating

social movement activists (includes students, relatives and parents of the slain 43 students)

Problem Statement: Sustained unresolved issues of organized crime, drug cartels, entrenched

gang violence, structural violence, police-linked corruption, impunity, human rights abuses,

insecurity and the lack of the rule of law in Mexico has led to deep rooted grievances, and the

presumed murder of 43 students thereby provoking public outrage in passionate demonstrations.

INTRODUCTION & CONTEXT

Mexico has struggled with the age long issues of corruption, impunity, injustices, drug

cartels, and gangs that have wreaked havoc to the political, legal, economic, and social life of the

nation, and have gone unchecked. Gangs are known to kidnap, behead, and kill opposition gang

members and members of the public. Unfortunately, the municipal and state police have been

known to corruptly collude with these gangs (Archibold, 2014). This has allowed gangs to

continue business uninhibited, unimpaired and without prosecution because the courts are also

compromised and justice is for the highest bidder. In the present conflict situation, Police

collusion with the gangs led to the disappearance and presumed murder of 43 student teachers in

the state of Guerrero in September 2014 (LaFranchi, 2015), which has inspired the social

movement demonstrations and widespread reactions from the public in many cities and villages

(Grillo, 2014). The students from the teachers college were taking part in a demonstration

demanding better rural teachers college facilities when they were seized by the police at the

Mayor’s instructions, police claimed to have handed them over to a gang as rival gang members.

The gang claims to have killed and burned their bodies (Archibold, 2014). The spates of

spontaneous demonstrations all around the nation that answered this event is been powered by

social movements, students, and teachers unions, supported by the public (Pastrana, 2014).

This paper aims at analysing and researching the demonstration and the events behind it so

as to resolve the issues with the many enmeshed actors. The demonstration is using the

opportunity of the disappearance and presumed murder of 43 student to vent out long standing

anger over deep rooted grievances and neglect by succeeding governments of the Mexico. This

conflict has in the real sense been dormant and festering, waiting for a trigger, which it found in

the 43 missing students. The system is regarded to have failed the people, and social justice is

completely absent in the distribution of resources. Because of serious class inequalities and

oppressions, the people suffer disadvantages and vulnerabilities, consequently, poverty seems set

to continue permanently.

Drug cartels exacerbate matters, entrenching gang violence, as the cartels struggle for

supremacy and dominance. As a result, the people suffer kidnappings and death. Local people in


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different municipalities have therefore been forced to create their own vigilante groups to cater for

their protection, because government is unable to support their security (BBC, 2014). Structural

violence and systemic corruption, have prevailed through most of the government regimes, the

rich are protected, but the poor are victimized. Rural schools are oppressed, and neglected to the

detriment of the poor. The public has always complained about police-linked corruption, impunity,

lawlessness, insecurity, and absence of the rule of law (Archibold, 2014). There are inequities in

the justice system, so, miscarriage of justice in the courts are normal (Justicia, 2014). When people

are unable to trust the justice system of the nation, the only alternative left is to demonstrate, and

possibly initiate an “Arab Spring style revolution.”

I shall analyse these situations using the structural violence theory, social conflict theories,

and the theory of social justice, to explain and enable my audience understand the conflict, and its

actors, which will also enable the creation of a fitting methodology for researching the conflict,

and support the consequent creation of an appropriate practice model to resolve the situation.

The main point of this paper is that, because successive governments have failed to address

the issues of organized crime, drug cartels, entrenched gang violence, structural violence and

systemic failures and corruption, police-linked corruption, impunity, lawlessness, insecurity, and

absence of the rule of law in Mexico, the people are forced to use any window of opportunity like

the disappearance and presumed murder of 43 students to lash out at the government and demand

for changes that will be lasting. This paper through its practice model will be aimed at resolving

the situation, so as to reduce poverty, the gap between the rich and the poor, ending corruption,

structural and systemic oppressions, and enabling social justice, to better everyone’s life. I will

begin with the structural violence theory so as to understand the root causes of the disappearance

of the 43 students and the demonstrations as shown in societal interactions.

THEORIES

Essentially speaking, a theory is a system of ideas, evidential framework for analysing,

explaining, or resolving a situation. It is a worldview, the lens through which one sees and

organizes experience. Allan (2006) says theories are how different components of societal

interactions are used to construct provable ideas about a people. We shall use structural violence

theory, conflict theory, and the theory of social justice to explain and understand the different

testable aspects of the social interactions occurring in the Mexico demonstrations against

government so as to know how to research the root issues and resolve them with a practice model.

Structural Violence Theory

Structural violence suggests the simultaneous use of the established institutions like the

social, political, educational, religious, judicial, and scientific arrangements to justify

discrimination against targeted individuals or groups in the society. The major thinker of structural


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violence I shall use is Johan Galtung, who identified structural, cultural and direct violence

theories (Galtung, 1969, p. 167). He used a triangle to describe these three types of violence,

placing structural and cultural violence at the base, one on the left angle, and the other on the right

of the triangle, with direct violence at the top of the triangle. They impact or influence one another

in their action on the population. Galtung’s (1969) structural violence theory explains well what

the state institutions have done to the people of Mexico provoking current demonstration.

Demonstrators in this conflict feel the established structures and systems — social,

political, economic, legal, and not keeping the rule of law, normally favour the privileged who

have the bargaining power to circumvent and go around these structures with impunity. These

include corrupt politicians, privileged businessmen and drug lords (Justicia, 2014). Structural

violence is mostly subtle, sometimes even invisible, and normally have no specific responsible

individual who may be held accountable. The leaders of the current demonstrations, not knowing

who exactly to hold accountable for the death of the students and past injustices, have made non-

negotiable demands that the 43 students must be produced alive, President Enrique Peña Nieto

must resign, and they equally have attacked police, and government properties in different cities.

The office of the President and the police are part of the institutions or structures and systems of

governance. Their services inadvertently emit variants of implicit violence against the wellbeing

and development of the society which the officers may not even be aware. Galtung (1969) argues

that structural violence may result in creating harm, yet it is not caused by one obviously

recognizable party. Successive governments in Mexico have by different institutional or power

arrangements not favoured the masses but the top few. Yet no one single president, or government

officer can be said to have been the problem by his direct and singular behaviour, action or

inaction. This is because the problem is in the structures and systems. If the present president is

removed without affecting the structures and systems abusing the people, the problems will

continue into the next regime, and future generations. A structure is simply the pattern or

organization, framing, design or arrangement of and relations between the parts or elements of

government’s complex organism. Whereas a system is a set of principles or procedures according

to which government work and services are done, an organized scheme or method. When these

structures and systems are not helping but offending and oppression the public, structural violence

is said to be happening.

Structural violence in many nations as in Mexico has had the effect of inducing general

poverty, fuelling sustained public anger, dissatisfactions, and hindering stability and prosperity. In

many ways this has caused unintentional harms to the people. Many live under the poverty level

without the hope of appropriate daily meals, adequate health services, and the required capacity to

attend schools of their choice. When the structures of governance are not right, they encourage


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unequal distribution of resources. Structures, and systemic violence cause physical, psychological,

social, or environmental loss, which prevent the ordinary Mexicans from attaining their best

potentials for life purposes and their personally desired outcomes. This is the reason for all the

anger in the current Mexican demonstrations. It is in recognition of these harms that President

Enrique Peña Nieto has proposed broad-based initiatives that will overhaul the police system,

hopefully eliminate systemic corruption and poverty, and initiate the enforcement of the rule of

law (Archibold, 2014).

Structural violence is found in arrangements, influences, opinions, and attitudes that

disenfranchise the people while favouring a few. Since structural violence is a root cause of

conflict, it impacts the structure of relationships. There has been a disconnect between the

government and its people, indicated by the history of persistent demonstrations. The Mexican

people and their political leaders know that the issues at stake in the present demonstration are far

beyond just the disappeared students. Uncountable deaths have occurred all over Mexico due to

the systemic corruption involving the police and the judicial systems, which have allowed drug

cartels to operate with impunity through the years (Al Jazeera and Agencies, 2014). These

oppressions negatively affect the advantages and opportunities of the people. It affects the socio-

economic, political, religious, and cultural lives in different local communities. Thus the

synchronous and simultaneous eruption of demonstrations in many communities in Mexico.

Galtung (1969) says structural violence has the capacity to form and direct behavioural reaction to

given conflict situations. The behaviour of the demonstrators in burning government buildings,

police vehicles and other sensitive public property is because of the deep seated nature of the

issues and structural violence involved. Though these actions are reprimandable and amount to

self-destruction, they are egged on without thought of personal loss by the impact of past

structural violence. The government properties burnt belong to the same people burning them.

Because government is not the president or the police but the people themselves. However

oppression is orchestrated by the successive operators of government instrument who have used

their offices selfishly, therefore the reason for the widespread nature of poverty and deep rooted

grievances.

According to Galtung (1969), structural, or cultural violence cause direct violence, as

exemplified in the violence of the police seizing and handing over the 43 students to the gang. The

structure or institution of the police, gave police the impudence to use their government instrument

of the police office to do as they wished. When government and public officers do as they wish,

the rule of law is defeated and structural violence is happening. Even if these students were

members of a rival gang, the police were the right institution to prosecute them, and not hand them

over to a rival gang which only perpetuates and validates gang violence. It was direct violence the


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Mayor of Iguala and his police committed against the 43 students. Galtung (1969) argues that

direct violence reinforces structural violence. In that sense, Mexican authorities have been getting

away with killings, because they were protected by the system. However, their direct violence,

according to Galtung (1969) has also given birth to the physical and verbal violence that has been

noticed in the behaviour of the demonstrating crowds. The people’s actions can also be said to be

rooted in structural violence since they were motivated by institutional direct violence. Structural

violence theory says direct violence comes in different forms which may include “physical force,

killing, torture, rape, sexual assault, beatings, and verbal violence, like humiliation or put downs”

(Galtung, 1969). These have been suffered by the population of Mexico in the hand of drug lords,

and the different institutions that are supposed to protect their interests. The human needs of the

people have long been neglected. Johan Galtung (1969) argues that direct violence is the

immediate result of the preventable denial of meeting the people’s basic human needs. When

people find it hard to meet essential needs and lack the opportunities to develop to achieve their

full potentials, they are necessarily forced to go on rampage in direct violence as has happened

during the demonstrations.

In this conflict, as also proved by past public demonstrations in Mexico, it can be seen that

the police, or military structural violence or state powers historically commit direct violence, like

the October 2, 1968 massacre of students in Tlatelolco square in Mexico City (Pastrana, 2014).

The 1968 massacre is comparable to the present disappearance of the 43 rural college students.

The policemen who handed over the 43 students to the gang can be blamed for their attitude, and

immediate actions, but the factors at the background that empower the police to do such acts are

complex systemic problems and failures, which includes the existing institutional passivity to

impunity. Structural violence limits personal agency of individuals, hindering access for the less

privileged to legal, social, scientific, and economic progress. It grants greater access to privileged

classes like corrupt politicians, drug lords, and privileged businessmen to goods, services,

resources, and opportunities, while other classes are denied. Such unequal arrangements can be

seen built tightly into the fabric of the social, economic, and political structures and systems that

control outcomes in the Mexican society. When a section of a population is given privileges above

another, or watched patronizingly and silently by the legal authorities as they take advantage of

the system or others in the society, it is subtle and wicked violence. The Laws of the land also

seem to advantage the same group of privileged people – land, property, economic, and legal

rights to the disenfranchisement of the average man.

Structural violence experienced in the many senseless killings by the police, army, and the

gangs using impunity in many cities and villages of Mexico are due to the use of the privileges

granted the favoured class. The cumulative impact of structural violence and its deprivation mean


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less health security, and poor services leading to untimely death of the innocent all over Mexican

villages and cities. The people of Mexico feel severely incapacitated by the structural violence that

has encouraged cycles of violence from the different institutions of governance and drug cartels. I

shall endeavour to identify by the chosen research methodology the felt needs of the people, and

the specific structural injustices, and oppressions that they feel which require both instant and

gradual changes so as to transform the situation of the poor using appropriate practice models.

Blaming structural violence for the personal failures in the life of the oppressed where they

could have used personal agency to improve on their opportunities but failed, may encourage

backwardness and unproductivity among the population. Everyone must make efforts to rise above

the tide of oppression where they can. They must not seat back and expect to be pampered and

given things instead of applying themselves to productive personal labour. This could be of major

disadvantage to them. Everyone in the society must be encouraged to make efforts to develop

himself, and his potentials, and better his/her life so as to contribute to society. Having seen how

structural violence harms the people, we will now use conflict theories to analyse and understand

the harms, imbalances and inequalities in the Mexican society, which have motivated the current

demonstrations.

Conflict Theory

Conflict theory as a part of social conflict theories analyses the inequalities in society,

which include social, and political systems. It looks at power balance, or power differences like

class conflict, contrasting dominant ideologies from history. This theory captures the realities of

this current Mexican conflict, because these issues are the endemic problems at the root of this

Mexican demonstration situation. The first thinker of social conflict theory, Karl Max, explained

the ideological facets intrinsic in the traditional concept of social conflict (Knapp, 1994). He

criticized capitalism, that it would be destroyed by its own internal tension dynamics, as did the

other socio-economic systems before it. These tensions of capitalism, where the rich continue to

get richer, and poor get poorer is what is at the heart of the conflict in Mexico. Karl Marx

therefore proposed a revolution that will free the masses from the ruling class. He thought the

wealthy believed their riches came out of their personal great efforts and learning, whereas the

underprivileged lacked such skills. Karl Max rejected this kind of thinking, explaining that social

problems were not because of the poor’s inadequacies, but the failings of the established systems

and order.

Modern conflict theory is considered to have been shaped by C. Wright Mills (Knapp,

1994). I shall use C. Wright Mills conflict theory approach for this analysis. In his view, social

structures are created out of the interactions of society stakeholders with differing resources and

interests. The susceptibility of Mexico to the deleterious effects and powers of global capitalism


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and many national historical dynamics and societal interactions have shaped the social structures

of the Mexican society that has resulted in many communal weaknesses and oppressions. These

factors have influenced unequal resource distribution, which have contributed to social conflicts

and the destabilization of society. Conflict theory believes that the interests of the powerful in

society oppose those of the masses which result in the intensification and escalation of societal

conflicts. The rich are seen as exploiting the poor, this is what has informed the reaction of the

public to the purchase of the white house by the wife of President Enrique Peña Nieto, which is

part of the criticism being made by the demonstrators. While students are dying for asking for

good school infrastructure, the first lady is busy buying an ultramodern home at $7 million dollars

(Archibold, 2014). Such corrupt realities and ostentations by the rich and privileged create and

intensify societal conflicts. Mexico is known with the history of age long class conflict, the

domination by the Whites over the Mixed race, Spanish, and Indigenous Mexicans. The

respectability and classifications of the society are in that descending order. This impacts how

resources are distributed, of course the privileged top class Whites get the best jobs, own the best

businesses, and live in the best neighbourhoods. The lower class made up of the Spanish and

indigenous Mexicans, feel gravely disenfranchised, and resentful. They occupy the shanties, do

the meanest jobs and /access the poorest feeding regimes. The demonstrations were triggered by

the presumed death of the 43 ‘normales’ rural indigene students, who are considered the lowest

class of society by the privileged class. The students were from a rural Raúl Isidro Burgos teachers

college in Ayotzinapa, so they were despised and treated badly. This class consciousness conflict

has inspired the heated violence in the demonstrations. The first lady’s white house just happened

to be a good reference point for the rich oppressing the poor at this material time of the

demonstrations, but many other realities of the rich dominating the poor exist in both the past, and

present situations of Mexico. The feeling of being oppressed by the privileged is an unbearable

pain that can lead to fatal violence against the perceived enemy. Mill’s conflict theory argues that

there are power differences between social classes (Knapp, 1994). Special interest groups

therefore compete for limited resources of society, each interest group struggles to achieve

advantages over the other. The 43 presumed dead students represented a special teacher’s interest

group struggling to keep their teacher’s colleges open and not converted into some work yard.

This got them into class clash with the Mayor, police and the systems supporting them. The

students were handed over to the gang, who eventually killed them, while they were protesting

poor infrastructural, and demanding resource support for rural teachers colleges (Pastrana, 2014).

Resources had been denied the rural teachers colleges by the ruling class in government who are

accused of corruptly enriching themselves with the funds instead of using them to develop the

schools (Pastrana, 2014). Students have been forced to constantly fight since 1999 to make sure


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rural teachers colleges are kept open, or risk being out of school, or be converted into vocational-

technical schools, and rural elementary schools may have no trained teachers since it is from the

rural teachers colleges that the rural elementary schools get their trained teachers (Pastrana, 2014).

Conflict theory assumes that instead of order and consensus, societies are normally

characterized by inequalities that create conflict. To resolve these inequalities, there must be a

fundamental transformation of the existing societal power relations, so as to create relationships

that would be productive. Mexico has a long history of inequalities which have raised violence in

the timeline of its development. An example is the anger of the people of Tepatepec who held 61

state policemen on February 19, 2000, half-dressed and tied up in Tepatepec town square, in the

central state of Hidalgo. The people were angry because police had occupied the ‘normales’ Rural

Luis Villarreal teachers college in El Mexe, after arresting 176 students for being on strike against

government’s planned reduction in student enrolment (Pastrana, 2014). The unequal use of

resources was placing the city schools at advantage over the rural schools. Such inequalities and

unfair distribution of resources cause constant conflict. Pastrana (2014) also says the children of

the small farmers who are the poorest of society have been historically and continually suppressed

and criminalized by the system. Therefore conflict theory insists the only way to settle this

injustice is to find ways of transforming existing power relations imbalances, which our research

and practice models in this paper will seek to identify and accomplish.

Conflict theories believe that structural interests held by the poor that are contrary to the

status quo, once assumed could become agents of social change, instead of objects of sympathy

and antagonisms by the rich and powerful. However society is dominated by constant resentment

and hostility. The desire of the rural students to keep enrolment open in teachers colleges is noble,

though contrary to the status quo of the powers in the state, according to conflict theories, instead

of the authority antagonizing them, they should have encouraged them to learn and become the

supportive human capital that the rural elementary schools need. Human capital or creativity are

important potentials in an unequal society, such capacities could be used for innovations. Instead,

they are being inhibited by the forces of exploitation and oppression, such as the planned

reduction of student enrolment in rural teachers colleges in El Mexe. If the desire to go to school

and train to be teachers is encouraged, conflict theory believes, will develop creativity, which can

be an engine of social change, and economic development for the disadvantaged and vulnerable. It

should therefore not be hindered by civilizing progressions, or systemic corruption and

oppression. Such oppressions and hindrances by authority only cause class tensions that result in

greater insecurity. The issues of inequality and insecurity implicated in the complaints of

demonstrators will necessarily need to be investigated by planned research methodology, the

resulting data can then be used to resolve the conflict through appropriate practice models.


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Conflict theories believe that to settle such class conflicts as exhibited in this conflict,

societies should be helped in the effort to realize both implicit and explicit potentials of

individuals which may lead to the transformation of society and not encourage power imbalance

structures as has been the history with the Mexican structural and systemic oppressions that abort

sustainable development.

The demonstrators have rejected President Enrique Peña Nieto’s reform agenda sent to the

Mexican congress, because they believe it is just window dressing and does not go far enough.

They view it as is argued by conflict theory that the rich and powerful impose their will and ideas

on society, making society take their approach to standards, ideals, beliefs, or ideology. Therefore

consensus doesn’t normally encourage the preservation of the social order, nor unity formed round

shared interests, but entrenches instead, stratification. To the masses, consensus is a substitution

for ideology. It is not consensus with the poor but a creation of the rich force-fed to the poor.

Therefore, people are weary of any bills passed by consensus, because to them it is just another

way of the ruling class forcing their will, ideology, and approach to things down on the masses,

and maintaining oppressive stratification, or further arranging society into classes, castes, or social

strata. They want change now, action that will transform the existing imbalances, giving them a

voice in determining directly the things that affect them. The demonstrators seem to believe as is

stated by conflict theories that state processes may seem to be a participatory processes that

include all (as in the president going to the congress to seek approval of the proposed wide ranging

reforms), but in the actually sense, the ideas mostly favour the interests of the powerful, though

indicating that they are representing everyone’s interests, but they are illusory, the masses are

mostly disenfranchised by these so called consensuses. The Mexican masses have seen these types

of facades dressed as reforms in the past, but they were all illusory, no real change came out of

such plans (Archibold, 2014), only more violence against the masses as indicated in the 6 year

government of president Felipe Calderón (2006-2012), which lashed out against the organised

social movements (Pastrana, 2014). To support the conflict theories, the social justice theory

advocates for the creation of equal opportunities to enable the possibility of equal outcomes.

Social justice will explain equal opportunity issues in the society, and in conjunction with the

chosen practice models treat the diagnosed imbalances of society explained by the conflict

theories, and the structural issues discussed in the structural violence theory.

Theory of Social Justice

Social justice advocates equality in opportunity creation, a level playing field, and

consequently equality of outcome. This theory diagnoses accurately the lack of space and

opportunity for the poor in the Mexican society, which is behind the demonstrations. Social justice

proposes the creation of enabling societal environment where everyone can have equal starting


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point and participation to mutually meet individual and group needs. It encourages the provision

of equal space that allow human development. It also anticipates the establishment of fair

institutions that enable balanced human development such as education, human rights, good health

support, social welfare, security, employment rights, wide-ranging systems of communal services,

broadminded taxation, and market regulation, which guarantees all a fair share of the common

wealth, equal opportunity, eliminating any major inequality in process outcomes. Social justice

encourages wealth redistribution by social methods such as fair taxation, good monetary policies,

welfare arrangements, land reforms, etc. It doesn’t advocate for hand-outs but for the provision of

enabling environment and investment in human capital so each person can build his potentials so

as to contribute his part into the national economy.

Social justice was first clearly stated in the 1840s by Catholic thinkers like Luigi Taparelli,

a Jesuit priest (Zajda, Majhanovich, & Rust, 2006). The American legal scholars Louis Brandeis,

and Roscoe Pound used the term throughout the late industrial revolution period. The International

Labour Organization states "universal and lasting peace can be established only if it is based upon

social justice" (ILO, 2010). Rawls (1971) made social justice central to the social contract

philosophy. I will use the social justice principles of John Rawls for this analysis.

Social justice is shown by how human rights are demonstrated in the daily lives of all

members of the society at all levels. The human rights abuses that have trailed the history of

Mexico as a nation has kept its people in fear, and forced many to take the dangerous journey of

migrating to the USA. The demonstrating crowds in this conflict have lost faith in the capacity of

the government to regulate the behaviour of government system actors to respect human rights,

and dignity of every citizen, so they insist that President Enrique Peña Nieto must go. The demand

which also doesn’t show social justice by the people. However, social justice requires that the

system effectively regulate the actions of corrupt government officials, the drug lords, mayors,

police officers and privileged business people, and not just that of the masses, which seems to be

the only one being regulated. Government doesn’t seem to be in control. The drug gang wars that

have abused the human rights of many and caused thousands to perish is a good example of such

failure (BBC, 2014). It is not social justice for government to muscle the masses but watch

helplessly gangs and police impunity, which have been proved in the presumed Iguala massacre of

the 43 students. Communities have lost faith in the structures and systems of governance, and have

had to establish their own vigilantes (BBC, 2014) to support their security, because of

government’s failure to defend their rights.

Social Justice as a theory, challenges both Socialism and Capitalism, and the idea that

Socialism and Capitalism are mutually exclusive. Social justice encourages the provision of basic

amenities, yet it is not exclusively a socialist or capitalist ideology. It values human life above


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material possessions. The root causes of the Mexican demonstrations include the loss of value for

human life in place of materialism by the rich and powerful. It is not uncommon to see the very

rich in Mexico flashing their great opulence while the very poor can hardly afford a meal. Because

of the greater value placed on materialism, social services are sacrificed so the rich and powerful

can gather their millions. Basic amenities such as food, water, good roads, electricity, appropriate

shelter, efficient transportation, and communication etc. are denied the people, but the rich make a

show of their wealth, living extraordinarily pleasurable lives beside mass poverty in the nation.

The poor live in ramshackle huts littering the environment. These root issues trigger anger in the

demonstrators against the system – political, economic and legal (Justicia, 2014). Finding ways to

reduce such glaring disparities will support public healing and deescalate the demonstrations

sustainably. Anything less will be temporal window dressing. It may quieten the present

demonstrations down, but as soon as another trigger happens again, more fatal riots will occur.

Social justice believes in the inviolability of life and the intrinsic dignity of all human

beings. It gives special preference for the poor and vulnerable. It encourages the creation of

suitable environment that can sustain human life, economic fairness, equal opportunity, equality of

employment outcome. Meritocracy is encouraged, so everyone attains any office or position in the

society by the capacity of his/her potentials and gifting, not by nepotism and feudalism. The

system where the vulnerable live as perpetual tenants to the nobles, giving them homage, labor,

and a share of their meagre income and farm produce in exchange for favours and military

protection can make many mad and reactively violent. If everyone is given equal opportunity to

start well on his journey to finding his dreams in life, then the outcomes each person gets will be

determined by his potential. But where some are given advantages over others because they have

connections and contacts doesn’t support meritocracy but nepotism, prejudice and preferential

treatments. Demonstrators are furious about the pervasive corruption, avoidable violence, and

disappearances endured during the past years of the desecration of human lives and bloodshed by

drug wars, which have largely remained un-investigated and not prosecuted (Grillo, 2014). Where

corruption exists as it is in Mexico, feudal classism, nepotism, unemployment, and pitiable wages,

and poverty reign. Corruption steals the resources that can be used to give people jobs and living

wages. Unemployment and poverty have always contributed to past protests known in the history

of Mexico, including the present demonstrations. When class favouritism, and corruptions are

happening, the rich and powerful don’t pay appropriate taxes which affects the capacity of the

state to provide basic services and adequate welfare. The environment therefore becomes toxic to

human development, economic fairness, and equal opportunity. Social justice requires a fair

system of taxation, based on income levels, so that those who earn more, carry more weight, so

workers earn living wages, but governments must operate incorruptible fiscal fairness. This then


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allows government to provide fair services and impartial distribution of resources to all sections

and classes in society.

Social justice encourages the creation of just economic public policies that inspire the

eradication of poverty, give access to affordable health support, particularly for households and

families who earn low wages. The proposed reforms by the President don’t seem to cover these

areas, therefore, protesters who have their minds focused on social justice are rejecting his reforms

because they don’t go far enough (Al Jazeera and Agencies, 2014). The protesters would want to

see judicial reforms affect the vested interests of politicians, and economic reforms also affect

vested interests of big businesses. The government can achieve this by bolstering the powers of

the accountability and transparency institutions. Others would prefer to see a limit placed on the

allowed period for electoral campaigning, to reduce on the pressure on politicians to corruptly

enrich themselves at the expense of the public to run long drawn out campaigns. And the

elimination of impunity and the observance of the rule of law (Justicia, 2014). These reforms from

the social justice lens will enable job creation, eliminate poverty, and provide access to affordable

health care, especially for households earning low wages. It builds a society that is socio-

economically fair, grounded on the values of impartiality and solidarity (commonality), which

understands and prices human rights and honours the dignity of everyone.

Social justice forms a good lens to connect the methodology and practice phase of this

approach to resolving the demonstrations and the root issues. The research methodology allows

me to find out from the demonstrators what their view of social justice could be. Social justice

works well with the planned practice models of shuttle diplomacy and mediation, where the

researched interests of protesters can be addressed together with the relevant government

institutions by dialogue, encouraging solidarity action, promoting agreed transformative activities

that can better the lives of the people, and help the people and government cultivate the empathy

that says, what affects one affects all, what harms one, harms all. My intended practice models

will also agree with social justice lens that encourages collaboration and partnership building,

unity, encourages addressing differences and finding common ground for all stakeholders, just as

problem solving mediation my practice model, therefore creating positive change, which will

benefit all stakeholders, instead of the continual burning and destructions. Social justice as

mediation, gives everyone a voice through a more inclusive approach to decision making, goal-

determination, and action. It also encourages the use of fair conflict transformation approaches

like mediation, shuttle diplomacy, and restorative justice etc. to form agreements, therefore

supportive to minorities and the disenfranchised. It requires comprehensive positive change that

benefits everyone. Social justice encourages the use of democratic offices, to enable and allow

everyone space to contribute to the development of the society. It advocates systemic change


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rather than individual change using diversities of systems strategies, and understanding of

different positions and privileges in society, and balancing stakeholder’s worldview. It helps

people gain awareness of the social realities in society, by helping them analyse the situations

effectively.

The disadvantage of social justice is that, many think it too idealistic, it seems to be a fix-

it-all solution wandering around looking for issues to repair. So no one seems to believe in all the

tenets of social justice, so its capacity to really fix problems may be limited, however, it serves

well the purpose of analysing the issues involved in this conflict. We shall now use the research

concepts identified in the structural violence theory, conflict theory, and social justice theory to

discover what the population feels are the felt structural violence issues, the issues that cause class

conflict, and hindrances to social justice, which will enable the design of the practice models.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY: QUALITATIVE METHOD – CASE STUDY

All research aims at gathering and making the most out of data, questions are therefore

framed and data collected for optimal outcomes. However, it must be understood, important as the

processes may be, they may not necessarily influence every aspect of one’s chosen practice

models to be used in resolving any given conflict. The processes of research holds the advantages

of making actors find some degree of satisfaction, because they feel something is being done

about the situation already, this then gives room to de-escalate existing tensions. Deep rooted

causes of this demonstrations require practice models based on research, for an effective and

informed resolution of the situation. In this paper, I have chosen the qualitative research method

for data collection because it allows the gathering of enough information to support efficient

resolution, and it also fits well with the planned research question. Qualitative case study research

supplies thick volumes of rich data that can be very revealing about the conditions on ground, the

different layers of grievances, positions, interests and priorities of actors. This will then point the

way to, and enable an effective creation of relevant systems and tools for resolving this conflict

sustainably. From the theoretical and experiential discourses, and evidence in the preceding pages

of theoretical analysis, this research will investigate and identify the different structural violence

grievances, perceived inequalities, and how to shape social justice in the society, to support both

the expressed and analytically identified needs of all recognized actors, by using appropriate

practice models.

Type of conflict: Intergroup conflict between government and demonstrating social movement

activists (including students, the public, relatives, and parents of the slain 43 students).

Problem Statement: Sustained unresolved issues of organized crime, drug cartels, entrenched

gang violence, structural violence, police-linked corruption, impunity, human rights abuses, lack


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of security and lack of the rule of law in Mexico has led to deep rooted grievances, and the

presumed murder of 43 students thereby provoking public outrage in violent demonstrations.

Research Question: What factors motivated the killing of 43 teachers college students, the

subsequent public protests and unrest, and how are structural violence, corruption, human rights

abuses, instability, deep grievances, class oppression, and poor resource distribution implicated in

the situation?

Qualitative methodology: This is the method of thinking about, and investigating a social

phenomenon. Qualitative research methodology allows the researcher discover the ‘how’ and the

‘why’ research participants communicate the things they do. The qualitative approach allows for

efficient observation and rich descriptions of the social experience of respondents which are

valuable for the study of such deep rooted conflict, especially from the background that if there is

one thing which differentiates human beings from beasts, it is the capacity to communicate

meaning and ideas through both written and oral interview data. Patton (2001) says the basis for

selecting a qualitative method should be the pragmatics that accompany it rather than just the

nature of the research questions. He suggests three conditions for choosing qualitative methods,

out of which the following two informed my choice of the case study qualitative approach. These

include, when a more acceptable, valid, reliable, and appropriate quantitative approach is not

available, then, qualitative methods may be preferred to achieve the desired outcomes of a study;

and secondly qualitative method approach may be necessary to add depth to a desired study. Yin

(2009) suggests three case study research approaches which include, explanatory, descriptive, and

exploratory. My chosen approach is explanatory Case Study, which inquires into the hows and

whys of the phenomena. The scholar has no power or control on the actual happenings. It gives

attention to the contexts in the lived experiences of the event, providing deep rich information

using interviews, experimentations or simulations, etc.

Explanatory Case Study Method builds capacity on how to address conflicts in a

participatory and equitable manner. It gives readers a concise, contextual report on interests,

problems, and options useful to resource managers and other stakeholders in various

circumstances. Case studies are stimulating learning tools. This method will allow in-depth

investigation of the Mexico demonstration phenomena, and its observations in real-life context for

the purposes of examination, or simply as a learning instrument to enable an informed resolution

of the issues that provoked the demonstrations. A disadvantage of case study though, is that data

collected may be too large for analysis unique to the studied event or process. According Yin

(2009), case study design should be used when: (a) the focus of the learning is to answer the

“how” and “why” questions in the context it is located; (b) researcher doesn’t need to manipulate

the behaviour of study participants; (c) covering contextual circumstances are relevant to the study


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phenomenon; or (d) boundaries between the phenomenon and context are not clear-cut. I have

chosen to use exploratory case study because contextual circumstances are relevant to the

resolution of this conflict. This then will inform the sampling strategy.

Sampling strategy: I plan to use purposive sampling, using snowballing strategy. I would

begin by identifying at least two individuals in each of the groups involved in the situation who

are relevant to the issues in the study, such as group and sub group leaders, and influential

community members. Then I will ask them to connect me to other useful informants. The

advantage of this method is the ease of connection by the current subject to other informed and

relevant people, allowing me good entrance, and head-start to the next interview. Data Sampling

will come from the arrested Iguala Mayor, arrested Iguala Police officers, arrested gang members,

students and teachers from the Raúl Isidro Burgos teachers college, Ayotzinapa, social movement

activist leaders, some demonstrators and leaders, Mexico Attorney general, justice department

officers, high government officers, and members of the public. These will all tell us the contextual

factors in their situation which made them take their individual actions.

Data collection procedure: I plan to use semi structured interviews for data collection.

For the interviews, the inclusion criteria will be the students and teachers of the Raúl Isidro

Burgos teachers college, Ayotzinapa, social movement activist leaders, some demonstrators,

Mexico Attorney general, justice department officers, government officers, community leaders,

leaders of sub cultures (who are prone to be used for violence), and local people in the general

population. They all represent different interests. In conflict such as we have in this case, using a

wide range of individuals and leaders that cut across the population will provide rich credible and

valid data. Access to participants will be by direct visits or telephone calls. Sample size will be set

initially at up to ten people per group. During interviews, if I feel I haven’t reached saturation with

the ten people, and new content can still be elicited, I shall continue till saturation happens.

Research Instrument: The interview questions that will be used will explore individual

and group experiences, grievances, felt structural and systemic oppressions, corruptions, impunity,

insecurity, and absence of rule of law, class struggle issues, positions, interests, priorities,

perceptions on justice, and how the situation can be ended as theoretical analysis and this research

would indicate. These will be open-ended questions. After gaining consent from participants, they

will be encouraged to give full account of their narratives in response to the interview questions.

The instrument will be tested prior to final use to determine appropriateness and efficiency.

Interview questions include: “In your experience how do you think this conflict was bred? To the

best of your understanding why have protests become so persistent through the years? Discuss any

grievances, problems and concerns of your family or group. How has your group being affected by

unmet needs and interests? Mention these interests? Mention any government institutions that


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offend, and hinder you from becoming your true self. How do they do this? What will make you

feel satisfied to live in Mexico? How can justice be satisfying for you and your group? How would

you want to be governed? If you were in power, how would you strategize to meet the needs, and

the will of the citizens? How would you like to be involved in the policy, government and

resource distribution processes of your nation? How would you make sure others get equal space

if you were in government? What is your perception of justice? What political structures and

strategies must be engaged for your perceived more inclusive governance? How can we achieve

equality and impartiality in society where all will have their fair share and contribute their fair

share to the economy? How is this realizable in the Mexico context? How can social and

economic relations, where people earn their livings in socially equal and shared spaces be created?

Where are the 43 students? In your view why were they killed? Since the 43 students can’t seem

to be found, how would you want this situation handled? How can justice be done in this matter?

What are your priorities in meeting identified problems and needs? As a semi-structured

interview, more questions may be elicited during discussions to unearth hidden motivations and

interests. Once data is collected, it will be analysed and findings interpreted.

Data Analysis Procedures: The intended strategies for ensuring trustworthiness in this

planned qualitative research shall incorporate measures that deal with the issues and concepts of

validity and reliability. As in consonance with case study processes, I will use credibility as

opposed to internal validity, which seeks to ensure that studies measure or test strictly what is

actually intended. Credibility, according to Merriam (1998) in qualitative study, researcher asks

the question, “How congruent are the findings with reality?” In a sense, how plausible are the

findings. According to Lincoln (1995) and Guba (1981) trustworthiness can be established by

assuring credibility. Credibility shall be pursued through triangulation by using interviews, and

focus groups discussions. Triangulation will also be achieved by returning to participants to

confirm my written data and interpretations from their interviews. Where error is detected, the

interpretation will be amended to agree with the subject’s views or discarded if unamendable.

Academic peer scrutiny of the research processes, and data collection, and interpretation will be

elicited from colleagues. Perspective from colleagues may challenge my assumptions, since my

closeness to the study may inhibit my ability to view things with real detachment, thus enabling

me to refine employed strategies, and create different approaches in research design and devise

new arguments in the light of the comments from colleagues. The analysis of the qualitative data

written transcripts from face-to-face interviews with respondents will begin by coding for themes,

identification of emerging patterns from the themes, which would then be analysed and interpreted

into findings. As already stated, data triangulation, participant confirmation, and academic peer

review will be used to authenticate interpretations, findings and final report. Coding for themes


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will be done by isolating, examining, and recording patterns in datasets. Themes are patterns in

datasets that are significant for the explaining of the phenomenon of research and linked to the

specific research question of this conflict.

Ethical Considerations: Creswell (2009, p. 87) suggests that “researchers need to

anticipate ethical issues that may arise during their studies” because research “involves collecting

data from people, and about people. Protecting research participants, gaining their trust and

confidence will ‘promote the integrity of research.” I plan therefore to support respondent’s

human rights, as a fundamental right, who deserve to be respected as having equal agency with

rights, privacy, freedom from harm, rights to be told the truth; and using approaches that don’t use

people to achieve goals. Creswell (2009) says ethical questions today include issues of personal

disclosure, authenticity, biases and credibility of the research report. Among measures to handle

ethical issues are sharing the control of the interpretation process through breaking down the

hierarchical relationship between researcher and the subjects, to prevent participant exploitation.

This can be done by the triangulation processes planned for this research, by a follow up visit to

subjects to reconfirm collected data, its interpretations, and findings. This research will provide for

us conflict issue details which will need to be addressed eventually by the chosen practice models.

PRACTICE MODELS: MEDIATION AND SHUTTLE DIPLOMACY

Practice models planned to be used in this conflict, even if optimally sufficient to resolve

the situation, may also serve as a means to an end in some regards, triggering additional rich

unplanned chains of positive events and reactions that may lead to other positive unplanned

resolution dynamics. This then becomes a positive groundwork and catalyst for actors to learn

how to engage on intentional conflict resolution habits in the future on other types of conflicts.

The deep rooted neglects of the masses, by successive governments, have led to the escalation of

the violence that took the lives of 43 students, and sparked rolling demonstrations across Mexico.

To sustainably settle the situation, it will be necessary to address root factors (as have been

revealed by the above theoretical analysis, and research), as well as the proximate causes of the

deaths of the 43 students through direct, face to face problem solving mediation. Un-facilitated

negotiation alone in this conflict situation may disadvantage the powerless and voiceless. Deep

rooted problems cannot be solved by long distance advocacy, so problem solving mediation must

be engaged with facilitators to make the mediation more-inclusive, productive, targeted, and

engaging. The research data would have established the needs and true issues involved, and also

the necessity for international NGO participation in the resolution of the situation. The immediate

cause of the demonstrations is the presumed death of the 43 students, but the root issues are deeper

than the deaths of the students. The arrest of the Mayor of Iguala, and his police officers is a good

step in the right direction, however, it is a different thing to fully prosecute, and make them take


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full responsibility for their actions in the presumed death of the students. Assuming this will be

done, it will still be necessary to mediate on the greater issues of structural violence, corruption,

human rights abuses, instability, deep rooted grievances, class oppression, and poor resource

distribution. This will enable a turn in the decades of oppressions, by establishing social justice,

achieving systemic changes using agreed strategies. Understanding of the different interests and

priorities for all in society, and balancing stakeholder’s worldview can then be achieved. This is

hoped will help stakeholders gain awareness of the social realities in the society, by analysing

situations appropriately.

While prosecutions of the arrested actors is happening, mediation and shuttle diplomacy

must continue with identified stakeholders. This will build community integrative power, and

repair breaches, even if all the problems are not immediately solved. Believing that research will

prove the need for active understanding of the two main actors, that is, demonstrators and

government’s viewpoints, I would use problem solving mediation to do so, this will enable actors

to reach mutual agreements on systemic changes necessary to avert future demonstrations

sustainably, find mutual ways of enabling equitable resource distribution, and balance the

production processes to benefit all. There is the need for public discussions or national

conversation on these issues, so all may have satisfactory input, understanding and outcomes.

I will initiate shuttle diplomacy to begin the processes, which will then be followed by

problem solving mediation. Because of space availability, I will only discuss the problem solving

mediation model. Our discoveries from the structural violence theory, conflict theories, and social

justice theory, and case study research agree with the application of both problem solving

mediation and shuttle diplomacy. Class conflict, insecurity, human rights abuses, equal

opportunities, how to enable jobs, and pay living wages, can all be mediated, and aided with

shuttle diplomacy for suitable mutual resolutions.

Shuttle diplomacy is a sort of assisted negotiation. A bargaining process between parties to

settle disputes. It supports third party involvement unlike direct party negotiation which does not

require a facilitator. However, where direct party negotiation is not practicable, shuttle diplomacy

can be used to initiate mediation processes. In the present scenario where government and

demonstrators are speaking over one another’s heads, they may not immediately want to meet

directly, hence the need for shuttle diplomacy. My plan is to use shuttle diplomacy to break

grounds with all parties, and make ways for joint meetings in the mediation room. Shuttle

diplomacy is effective when parties do not wish to interact directly, the facilitator shuttles between

them to assist in bargaining primary issues. Once some level of understanding have been achieved,

and parties are prepared to meet to mediate, I will use problem solving mediation to get parties to

reach agreements on changes and approaches to the deep rooted grievances and create some


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understanding for the parents of the 43 students, and the demonstrators. Mediation must include

resolving the missing 43 students’ issues, then moving on to deep rooted causal issues.

Problem Solving or interest based Mediation: This model is grounded in principles

espoused by Getting to Yes: Negotiating Agreement Without Giving In by Fisher, Ury, and Patton

(1992), and fully developed in Christopher Moore’s book – The Mediation Process (1996). I have

selected problem solving mediation because it inspires resolution and reconciliation. By just

accepting to meet, on an equal basis with one’s perceived enemies to discourse, reconciliation is

already begun (Cloke, 2001, p. 19). The plan will be to engage an international non-governmental

organization (INGO) to carry out the mediation processes. This allows trust and confidence

building, interest, legitimacy and credibility in the process for all parties.

I chose problem solving mediation because it allows for an independent third party not

directly involved in the conflict to guide, effectively manage, and move all parties through the

processes to achieve mutually acceptable outcomes. The use of a third part produces

accountability and transparency. Leaders from each group that research has proved to have

grievances, interests neglected, and voices not heard, will be included in the mediation. Part of the

aim is to find some level of interactions with actors including the families of the 43 students to

provide available answers. So, they will be included in the mediation with government

representatives, leaders of the demonstrations, and police representatives, other mediation parties

will include selected demonstrators, and influential local public figures (not politicians), to address

the interests of the demonstrators and government, address police violence, the student

disappearance and lack of security, rural teachers college reduction issues, and set an agenda

together for growth for the poor by an inclusive determination of the way forward as indicated by

the theoretical analysis and research findings. Agreements from mediation must be implemented

directly without consulting the congress, so as to create party outcome satisfaction. The politicians

in congress and other politicians generally have been discredited, and are seen as corrupt and

unjust, and as part of the class oppressors, and the structural and systemic problems (Grillo, 2014).

Steps: As a problem solving process, the mediator will need to be empowered by all parties to use

his position to guarantee that all voices are represented and heard, and everyone’s interests,

grievances and positons are fully engaged in the discussion and implementation phases. Mediation

processes are normally modified as may be necessary by the local culture, situations, settings, and

conflict dynamics, which may necessitate distinctions of both roles and processes (Moore, 2003, p.

43). The mediator is required to be neutral and purposeful. Though it is difficult to maintain

objectivity and neutrality, mediators are expected to be fair without selective bias, and must be

“omnipartial” (Cloke, 2001, p. 13). Cloke (2001, p. 177) states that Mediators must walk conflict

stakeholders through the different stages of dialogue with questions that transit from one context


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to the next. The mediator manages the procedures to stimulate and encourage dialogue not debate.

Dialogue is a didactic narrative process. Contributions are made in the order of validity following

emerging discussion reasoning, not people’s status, or position, or power of contributions. Cloke

(2001) reveals four forms of dialogue which, ask what is wrong, what is true, what is possible, and

what is going to happen? (Cloke, 2001, pp. 176-177). But debate is an adversarial interactive or

representational argument, engaging the emotions, rather than logical reasoning and persuasion. It

stirs up differences. However, dialogue moves the process to the “possible” and “going to happen”

platforms, taking conflicts from issues to potential solutions.

In the pre-mediation process, it is necessary to confirm each party’s interest as revealed

from the research phase. Such interests must be carefully analysed for efficient and productive

dialogue. Mediators analyse interests to determine if there are common grounds, and to evaluate

how much ‘pure conflict’ exist (Kriesburg, 1973). It is always advisable to first settle the easier

points of interests where there are commonalities. This encourages and makes all parties hopeful

through the rest of the difficult phases of dialogue on the more difficult aspects or ‘pure conflicts’

of the problem solving mediation process. When all interests are incompatible, a pure conflict

exists, meaning that there are no resolution alternatives open that every party may find satisfying

for his interests without giving up such interests. However, where each person can get some of his

interests met, then it is a mixed conflict (Moore, 2003, p. 105). Mediation will be tailored

between the relationship and settlement oriented approaches to meet the needs of any existing

“pure conflict.” At the beginning, the mediator must jointly, with all parties, establish ground rules

to be sure the sessions and environment will be predictable, controlled, and safe. This ensures all

to use effective behaviour in mutually agreed ways.

The scenario, may occur where powerful individuals may want to use ineffective

behaviour, and may want to dominate discussions, the mediator moderates by balancing power,

giving everyone equal time and space to talk. Often in the narrative stage, people say things that

are highly provocative. Mediator should assure the other party that their turn is coming, and soften

provocative comments with a neutral paraphrase. If one party says the other party is inconsiderate

and totally irresponsible, it helps to ask for specific examples. The mediator could respond by

saying, please give us a specific example of what you have in mind. If name calling or swearing is

becoming a prominent feature of the discussion, the mediator can propose a new ground rule that

such behaviour be avoided, and get the commitment of all parties to observe this new ground rule.

If an emotional explosion takes place and the mediator feels he has no other means of regaining

control, he can give a brief break, and ask to meet separately with each of the parties in caucus.

Mediation can be used even where common grounds don’t exist, because mediation

processes themselves can produce common ground. Social justice theory had earlier analysed the


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inequality issues, it also requires the finding of common ground. It is necessary, however that the

representatives, and the people they represent are willing to find common ground and cooperation.

A pre-mediation needs-assessment and interviews should have helped all to know the research

discoveries and the level of “conflict purity” that exist, and potential barriers. This enables

informed approaches to handling such areas of contention or pure conflict.

Problem solving mediation has many advantages, it lays foundation for amicable and

workable, long-lasting relationships, improving access to just processes, promoting community

service, reducing escalation of conflict, helps disputants know how to resolve their own issues in

the future. Its flexibility allows learning opportunities, eliminates the need to achieve goals by

violent means, and reduces unnecessary involvements and costs from violent behaviours.

Before the mediation seating, intragroup pre-mediation will be used to balance intragroup

understanding, before bringing all groups to the multi-party dialogue table. Problem solving

mediation for conflicts like this Mexico deep rooted conflict would need time, efforts, and major

procedural planning and logistical arrangements. Once the intragroup pre-mediation clearances are

done, then the procedural planning phase of the meeting can begin with the selection of a neutral

venue acceptable to all stakeholders (an unconducive venue can compromise the mediation

process), and a joint setting of agenda to guide the mediation process. Once all these procedural

processes have been fulfilled, and the mediation seating begins, stakeholders will be helped

through these steps: identify and define the problems and interests, analyse the problems and

interests, identify possible solutions, select the best solutions, evaluate solutions, develop ranges

of action plans, reach agreements on specific solutions, and begin the phase of implementing the

agreements.

The mediator’s opening statement will set the climate of the whole mediation process. The

mediator must confront conflict issues rather than just seek for compromises just to reach an

agreement. Mediation is not all about agreement, but healing interactions. Compromise may look

good on the surface but it may not really change the situation, nor heal deep seated wounds or

reconcile long torn relationships. Cloke (2001) contends that in handling brutal conflicts like

fascism, oppression, structural violence, or tyranny, compromise should never be used to

prematurely end them. He instead suggests, there should be a fair and candid scrutiny of the

underlying problems, with the full involvement of people whose lives will be irrevocably affected.

He opines that compromise injures parties ultimately and proliferates and entrenches animosities

(Cloke, 2001, pp. 132-133). Kenneth Cloke (2001) believes no conflict is beyond mediation with

the right tenacity by the mediators. Though conflict parties frequently take seeming inflexible

positions, the mediator can skilfully use simple questions to reveal underlying interests driving

each party’s seeming inflexible stance (Schrage & Giacomini, 2009). Mediators must be culturally


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grounded, separate people from issues, focus on underlying problems, rather than the broader

issues related to each party’s identities and transient relationships. The mediator must identify

interests, wants and varieties of solutions, encouraging parties to explore researched data available

and the experiences related to the problems at hand. Bargaining and confronting issues are the

main goal, he must ask open-ended questions, advocate active listening and paraphrasing (Schrage

& Giacomini, 2009). Solutions should be implemented as soon as possible. Follow-up, monitoring

and evaluation plans must also be mutually created during the mediation process.

CONCLUSION

Through the theoretical analysis we have discovered that no single theory can fully clarify every

conflict. The Mexico demonstration is quite complex because of the deep rooted nature of its

causation, therefore would need patient, relentless efforts to resolve. Conflict should determine

how theories can be applied and not vis-à-vis, therefore, every theory has the potential value and

use in different conflict situations. All theories are basically a worldview, driven by different

motivations, cultures, interests, and agendas, thereby allowing us entrance into how to research the

analysed conflict and how to resolve it. Mediation and shuttle diplomacy agree fittingly with the

chosen analytical theories and case study qualitative research method. Even if mediation and

shuttle diplomacy don’t achieve full settlement of the situation, parties would have moved further

towards understanding one another, and improving on their relationships, which may reduce on

existing hostilities, creating other potential peace possibilities and opportunities for the benefits of

the progressive healing dynamics of mediation.

Efforts must be made not to sweep issues under the carpet, by rushing towards ending the

problem in compromise. Root problems must be fully determined, explored and addressed to the

satisfaction of all parties. Cloke (2001) infers that compromise at the expense of order, safety, and

security of the society cannot be an alternative. Every leading actor involved in the Mexico

demonstration against government must appreciate the need to reach appropriate agreement that

challenges issues, meets needs and incorporates interests, and creates inclusion in the political,

governmental, and policy processes. Such solutions allow each party get at least some of what

they want, and own the ultimate solution and agreement. Such all-inclusive agreement would give

voice to all group’s perceived priorities. The bottom line is to achieve peace, establish order,

security and safety for all.

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Kriesburg, L. (1973). The Sociology of Social Conflicts. Upper Saddle River: Prentice Hall.

LaFranchi, H. (2015, January 6). Mexico's president talks economics with Obama, but

lawlessness still presses. The Christian Science Monitor. Retrieved January 20, 2015 from

http://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Foreign-Policy/2015/0106/Mexico-s-president-talks-

economics-with-Obama-but-lawlessness-still-presses-video

Lincoln, Y. S. (1995). Emerging criteria for quality in qualitative and interpretive research,

Qualitative Inquiry 1 (1995), 275–289.

Merriam, S. B. (1998). Qualitative research and case study applications in education, San

Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

http://www.nytimes.com/2014/11/28/world/americas/mexican-leader-facing-

http://www.nytimes.com/2014/11/28/world/americas/mexican-leader-facing-

http://www.economist.com/news/americas/21635520-president-proposes-laws-fight-crime-

http://www.economist.com/news/americas/21635520-president-proposes-laws-fight-crime-




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Moore, C. (2003). The Mediation Process (3rd ed.). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

Pastrana, D. (2014, October 17). Mexico’s Cocktail of Political and Narco-Violence and

Poverty. Retrieved January 20, 2015, from http://www.ipsnews.net/2014/10/mexicos-

cocktail-of-political-and-narco-violence-and-poverty/

Patton, M., Q. (2001, October). Qualitative Research & Evaluation Methods. 3rd edition. SAGE

Publications, Inc. ISBN-10: 0761919716, ISBN-13: 978-0761919711

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Massachusetts. ISBN 0-674-00077-3 (cloth : alk. paper),

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Sage. ISBN 978-1-4129-6099-1 (pbk)

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ISBN 1-4020-4721-5

CASE 1: “Mexico Demonstrations Against Government”

The conflict issues this paper has tried to resolve are found in the following case articles:

1. Mexico’s missing students: Protestors clash with police

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-30475977

2. Justicia! Protests in Mexico

http://www.economist.com/news/americas/21635520-president-proposes-laws-fight-crime-mexi-

cans-want-more-justicia

3. Mexico protestors call on President to resign

http://www.aljazeera.com/news/americas/2014/12/mexico-protests-president-

20141221252768334.html

4. Mexican leader, facing protests, promises to overhaul policing

http://www.nytimes.com/2014/11/28/world/americas/mexican-leader-facing-protests-promises-to-

overhaul-policing.html?_r=0

5. A Mexican Spring?

http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/regions/americas/mexico/141204/disappeared-

ayotzinapa-mexican-students-protest-movement

6. Mexico’s president talks economics with Obama, but lawlessness still presses

http://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Foreign-Policy/2015/0106/Mexico-s-president-talks-economics-

with-Obama-but-lawlessness-still-presses-video

7. Who is behind Mexico’s drug related violence?

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-10681249

8. Mexico’s Cocktail of Political and Narco-violence and poverty

http://www.ipsnews.net/2014/10/mexicos-cocktail-of-political-and-narco-violence-and-poverty/

Question Instructions





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Write an essay showing that you can connect theory, research and practice. You may focus your

approach on any level of conflict (interpersonal, organizational, or international) you are most

confident with. You are not required to do outside research on the background of the case you se-

lect.

This question has three integral parts that address theoretical analysis, research and practice. The

first part is focused on analysing and understanding the conflict and includes both theory and re-

search elements. Provide the context for the case analysis and then present three fully explained

relevant theories that are useful in this case. Include an explanation of the theories you have cho-

sen and why they help us understand the conflict. Cite major thinkers in the field regarding those

theories and connect the substance of the theory to specifics of the conflict.

In the second part of your paper, develop a plan to research some aspect of the above conflict. In-

clude a problem statement related to the context and identify a research methodology appropriate

to address that problem. Select one research methods (e.g., phenomenology, case study, grounded

theory, survey research, experimental, and so on). Explain what that method is and why you have

selected it to help us better understand the nature of the conflict. Be sure to include the research

steps you would include. That is, formulate a research question, describe your sampling strategy,

as well as how you would collect and analyse data. For example, for a quantitative study, what are

your hypotheses, what are the independent and dependent variables and how will you operational-

ize those variables? What statistical test might you run and why? If you are taking a qualitative ap-

proach, how would you collect data (interviews? focus groups? participant observation?) How

would you analyze the qualitative data? Why is this the choice that makes the most sense? The gist

of this part of the essay is to communicate how you would go about understanding or “diagnos-

ing” the conflict.

In the third part of your paper, provide a practice application related to this issue, including

appropriate practice model/s and sample scenarios to show you understand and know how to apply

the model/s. Would you facilitate? Mediate? Negotiate? Advocate for policy changes? Employ

dispute systems design or non-violent direct action? Describe in detail why you have chosen the

practice application that you have chosen and cite major thinkers associated with that method.

Discuss how you would go about implementing your chosen method. For example, if you’re

choosing mediation, you might cite Ken Cloke. If you have decided on nonviolent action, you

might cite someone like Gene Sharp. The idea here is to convey, now that you diagnosed the

conflict above, what you think should be done to resolve or transform it.

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