Abstract Majolica workshops in Faenza produced the fi rst bianchi wares in 1540 using a delicate recipe that represented a technical breakthrough in stabilizing white enamel. The celebrated bianchi di Faenza quickly came to symbolize a superior quality so that the neologism faience became the most used synonym for majolica throughout Europe. The appearance of the new technology coincided with a period of intense and extreme heretical activity in Faenza, which culminated in 1567–69 and resulted in the inquisition and expulsion of ca. 200 persons, among them many potters. Some 600 miles to the northeast, in Moravia, about 18,000 Anabaptists (mostly from Germany, Switzerland and the Tyrol) found refuge, and started producing bianchi wares that were highly esteemed by the local nobility. The fi rst surviving pieces from 1593 feature infl uences of both German and Italian majolica, thus the question remains: what was the mechanism of the diffusion from Italy to Moravia? My chapter will illustrate several theories formulated mainly by art historians, and supported by archival materials, will argue for a direct link between Italy and Moravia.

INTRODUCTION The diffusion of technology is understood as an uncertain and complex process in which the encounter of diverse experiences and the special environment of individual countries lay the ground for particular development paths. 1 Similarly, the history of

Anabaptist Migration and the Diffusion of the

Maiolica from Faenza to Central Europe

EMESE BALINT European University, Florence

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science and technology has shown that, rather than simply being a source of progress or a means of Western domination, knowledge is a dynamically co- evolutionary product of the encounters between representatives of various cultures. For this reason, learning and the mobility of skilled personnel who transmitted knowledge have also become important aspects for research. Recent scholarship, critical of both the ‘old picture’ and visions of cultural opposition, has given way to an increasing volume of new narratives deploying terms such as ‘networks of circulation’ and ‘local sites of encounter’. 2 Circulation along trading networks is a well- known phenomenon in the history of technology; this chapter will introduce technological transfer via the circulation of practitioners and artisans based on a model that operates with notions like ‘carriers’, ‘receivers’ and ‘contact zone’.

My chapter will present the European eastward dissemination of the maiolica wares via the migration of Anabaptist artisans in the sixteenth century. I will take one maiolica type, the Faenza whiteware ( bianchi di Faenza ), to illustrate how religious factors and migration played a signifi cant role in the circulation of maiolica from Italy to the eastern parts of Central Europe. In the mid- sixteenth century, the production of the bianchi was specifi c to Faenza, a middle- sized ceramic centre in the province of Romagna. With the spread of the Reformation, Anabaptist and so- called ‘Lutheran’ ideas made their way into the town, and into the ceramics workshops. Important professional- organizational and social changes occurred exactly during this time inside the workshops: egalitarianism disappeared while hierarchy and professional differentiation took over. Workers belonging to the lower classes were more receptive to evangelical messages carried by itinerant preachers and missionaries, thus young workers readily received the message of the new teachings. The severe retaliations and expulsion of these ‘heretics’ from Faenza coincided with a period of unique religious toleration in the Margraviate of Moravia, land of the Bohemian Crown, where Italian exiles ended up through the migration channels established by religious migrants from the Tyrol, Carinthia and northern Italy.

We do not have direct evidence of faentini in the Moravian Anabaptist settlements; therefore it would be diffi cult to establish a direct and linear transfer model of the technique that locates the transfer zone in Moravia. Nevertheless, archaeological and archival evidence indicate the presence of knowledge and skills related to the bianchi di Faenza in the faience production centres of Moravia. The fi rst surviving Moravian whitewares that were made with patterns similar to the bianchi date in 1593, twenty- four years after the expulsion of the ‘heretics’ from Faenza. These vessels, known in the literature as Haban faience/Haban pottery/Habaner Keramik/Haban tin- glaze earthenware, 3 have the characteristics of the bianchi technique mixed with some typically German and Swiss stylistic elements. The circulation of maiolica makers of Faenza as well as the Anabaptist networks, a more probable diffusion model thus implies transfer zone(s) in northern Italy and in the Tyrol, where knowledge was carried by maiolica makers from Faenza and received by local potters familiar with German types of pottery, and who later also became carriers and took the technique to Moravia along the Anabaptist networks.

The eastward movement of the whitewares presents an unusual model of dissemination through the religious migration of peasants, artisans and other types

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of skilled personnel. It is noteworthy mentioning that there was an important push factor that conditioned the immigration of potters from Faenza. Since the 1540s, the town had been the centre of an intense and extreme heretical activity, probably infl uenced by Anabaptism. It is believed that the unorthodox ideas fi rst reached the town in 1534 and again in 1538 with the itinerant preacher Bernardino Ochino of Siena, who later died among the Anabaptist Brethren in Moravia (1567). 4 The seeds of his preaching fell on fertile grounds: in 1547 and again in 1550 the Church arrested and imprisoned 155 suspected Lutherans. The sheer number of the prosecuted provides an almost complete picture of the vastness of the evangelical movement in a city of only 15,000 inhabitants. All social categories were represented among them: nine ecclesiastics, a tailor, a smith, painters and several ceramicists as well as three notaries and three physicians, along names from the prominent families, many of whom were members of the government and city councils. 5 As Faenza belonged to the Papal States, a ferocious repression followed with imprisonments, tortures and death sentences. The repression culminated in 1567–69 and resulted in the inquisition and expulsion of circa 200 persons. 6 Fleeing artisans could surely follow the migration channels previously established by fellow citizens, but a new channel opened up with the migration of persecuted Anabaptists from South Germany, Switzerland, and from the Tyrol towards the Margraviate of Moravia.

From 1526 to 1622 Moravia stood as a ‘Promised Land’ for the Anabaptists; and this period coincides approximately with the fi rst century of Habsburg rule over the lands of the Bohemian Crown (Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia and Lusatia). In 1526 the last king of Bohemia (and king of Hungary), Louis II, fell in a battle against the Turks, and his successor Archduke Ferdinand of Austria tried to make Moravia thoroughly Catholic. Nevertheless, this was an endeavour in which all Habsburgs failed up to 1620. The centralizing tendencies of the Habsburg politics were met with the critical loyalty of the Moravian lords, articulated so as to defend their liberties and privileges. So when Emperor Charles V’s brother Ferdinand became Bohemian King in the fall of 1526, the Moravian estates recognized him but required to confi rm their traditional rights, including religious freedom. The local lords, some of them Protestants, practised such a degree of religious toleration that Moravia stood out as a unique area where the exiled religious radicals established their communities. Noteworthy among the tolerant lords were Leonhart von Liechtenstein, lord of Nikolsburg, where the very fi rst Anabaptist settlement was established; Ulrich von Kaunitz, lord of Austerlitz; the Abbess of Maria-Saal at Auspitz; Johann von Liepniek (Lipna), lord of Kromau and Schakowitz; and Heinrich von Lomnitz, lord of Jamnitz. But the local pride in independence and the attempts at aggressive interference on the part of the government triggered permanent strains between the Catholic overlords and the predominantly Protestant estates. These tensions fi nally culminated in the battle at the White Mountain in 1620. The defeat of the Protestants was followed by drastic enforcement of the Counter-Reformation, and the non-Catholics confronted the alternatives of conformity or emigration. In 1622 all Anabaptists had to leave Moravia. 7 They took the skills with them to the new localities in the Hungarian Kingdom (today Slovakia and Northern Hungary) and Transylvania.

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The fi rst religious migrants in south- eastern Moravia were Protestants fl eeing persecution to this haven of refuge where confessional pluralism was a legal guarantee left over from the Hussite Wars (1419–36). The ability of hosting a large number of religious migrants (Utraquists, Bohemian Brethren, Lutherans, Calvinist, Anti-Trinitarians and Anabaptists) was the strength of Moravian religious liberty, while the fragmentation of these groups remained its weakness: the Moravian estates paid little attention to Protestant organizational unity and remained dispersed into different faiths. 8 According to contemporary sources, at least twenty Anabaptist sects could be distinguished in the area alone. 9 The diffi culties in the fi rst decades of the Reformation decimated these sects; by the 1550s most Anabaptists in Moravia were affi liated with one of the following major groups: the Sabbatarians, the Austerlitz Brethren, the Hutterite Brethren and the Swiss Brethren. 10

Following bitter internal strife among various Anabaptist groups, the Hutterites became dominant in the region and managed to survive while other sects (like the Sabbatharians, the Gabrielites, the Philippites or the Austerlitz Brethren) disappeared. The Hutterites questioned the civil authority and practised adult baptism, were persistently non- violent and practised the community of goods (where there was no individual ownership). They lived in Bruderhofs separated from the local population and their lives were guided by their own social and religious codes taken from the New Testament. These so- called ‘courts’ that the Anabaptists were permitted to start were in fact groups of buildings, consisting of their dwellings and workshops. Social and economic pressure in the immediate environment, as well as sporadic persecutions and two major campaigns by the imperial government in Vienna in 1535–37, and again in 1547, starkly affected the course of the Anabaptist history by disrupting their settlements. During the second half of the sixteenth century most groups in Moravia dwindled away, but the Hutterite Brethren became the strongest and most dynamic sect in the region, and survived a series of forced migrations towards Eastern Europe, fi rst to Royal Hungary, Upper Hungary and Transylvania in 1622, then into South Russia in 1767, and eventually to the United States and Canada, where Hutterite colonies have persisted since 1874. 11

Based on the wide diversity of crafts – well documented through the numerous extant Hutterite craft ordinances 12 – the Bruderhof developed an economic profi le that posed a competitive threat to the traditional guilds in the region they settled. 13 The essence of this semi- industrial mode of production was to produce everything within one roof. Since the ‘Golden Years’ (1565–92) of the communities in the last third of the sixteenth century, Hutterite craftsmen concentrated on the production of luxury goods targeted especially for the aristocracy. They produced high- quality coaches and wagons, shoes, leather furniture, knives and tableware but were most famous for their white faience wares. In the following centuries the production of luxury faience items became one of the trademarks of these religious settlements, not only in Moravia but in the Hungarian Kingdom and in Transylvania as well. For the most part, they produced bespoken goods to the orders of their customers; nevertheless, their products were also present on the local fairs and supplied the castles of the lower nobility and the houses of the wealthy bourgeoisie. 14

Two important strands of research precede my inquiry. The presence of Anabaptists in East Central Europe has attracted the attention of church historians

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ever since the late 1800s, who collected and published numerous surviving documents (chronicles, epistles, theological argumentations, hymnal books) written by the Hutterite communities. 15 Much about the same time, art historians recognized the importance of the surviving material culture of the Hutterites and started the fi rst Haban pottery collections. A revived interest in Haban ceramics in the 1960s has resulted in further studies enriched with archaeological fi ndings. 16 In the most recent studies 17 the enigma of the technological travel between Faenza and Moravia has always been a central question and presented in different theories with hypothetical itineraries that led Italian artisans to Moravia. 18 With this chapter I would like to draw attention to the importance of migratory networks that aided the transfer of knowledge.

THE ART OF THE BIANCHI : THE ITALIAN CONTEXT Maiolica is the conventional name for tin- glazed earthenware that originated in the Islamic world and diffused to Renaissance Italy through Spain, while the same technique used outside Italy is known as faience (faïence) and delftware. As Piccolpasso describes, the making of maiolica began with the digging of clay from river beds and its purifi cation. Faenza was fortunate in both its clay rich soil and geographic location which served as a crossroads for the cultures of the Po Valley and the region of the artistically advanced cities of Tuscany. The clay was then shaped either on a foot- powered wheel or in moulds. Spouts, handles, or other decorative elements were applied to the still- damp clay using slip, clay thinned with water. The pieces were fi red in new types of wood- fuelled kilns that could be heated to about 1,000 degrees centigrade. The Faenza clay, while a superior medium for modelling, had to be covered with a white background to amplify the decorations that made the wares so desirable. Thus, after cooling, the semiporous wares were dipped into a white glaze mixture (made of sand, wine lees, lead compounds and tin compounds) that when fi red in the kilns would melt and adhere to the clay providing a smooth glossy surface. Painted decoration followed atop this glaze, using a reduced range of colours: copper green, manganese purple, and brown, cobalt blue, antimony yellow, and antimony- iron orange. Finer works were coated with a second clear glaze called coperta , which added sparkling fi nish that enhanced the colours beneath. The second fi ring then took place at a slightly reduced temperature. Two fi rings represented a technical innovation but increased the costs of labour and fuel, and the risk of wastage. 19

The success of tin- glazed maiolica was continuous from the last quarter of the fourteenth century well into the seventeenth century, along the desire to create hard, opaque white wares that resembled porcelain. Maiolica designers in Italy drew their inspiration from the Spanish lustre wares, from Asian textile decorations such as Persian palmettos and peacock- feather patterns, while vigorous curling leaves derived from Gothic sculpture and manuscript illuminations. Chinese porcelain and its imitation by the Iznik workshops in the Ottoman Empire had also signifi cant impact on the industry in Italy. The biggest maiolica- producing centres were in Urbino, Pesaro, Montelupo, Deruta and – most important for our case – Faenza. Before the appearance and spread of tin glazing, Spanish lustre wares had been on

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136 HISTORY OF TECHNOLOGY

the top of the European market, but during the course of the sixteenth century Italian potters created a range of innovative products which kicked the Spanish lustre ware off its leading position. One of these successful innovations was the bianchi technology that originated in Faenza.

In 1540 Faentine masters came up with a new style. They found the perfect proportion of tin, earth, sand and lead, which fi red at a very precise temperature produced a thick, richly opaque and pure glaze of a rare warm shine that enabled making unusual objects to emulate silver: the crespina (ribbed bowl) or the traforata (pierced fruit- bowls) fi rst, and later more monumental pieces copied from metal works like basins, inkstands, obelisks, large vases etc. The glaze, called bianco , was made with expensive tin imported from England by Flemish merchants via Venice or Livorno, and from Saxony via Bolzano, since the metal was not common in Italy. Applied in several layers, the thick white glaze had a remarkable appearance and shine. The pigments applied atop the dried glaze were made from metallic oxides and represented a restrained palette: blue, yellow and orange. Unlike the previous styles of the maiolica, the decoration was uncomplicated on the whitewares: simple and small fi gures, putti, coats of arm, garlands of leaves and fl owers, all characterized by a brief, light composition. They are just barely sketched, ‘abbreviated’ or compendiato in Italian, and thus the adoption of the term compendiario to describe this type of maiolica painting.

What was the secret of their success? To use the words of Liverani, one of the ground- breaking scholars to study the white wares, the bianchi were a revolution and not only a style out of many, as it is the case of the fi orito , the alla porcellana or the berettino . True, the delicate recipe of the white glaze represented a technical breakthrough; but the trademark on its own would not have been enough to create a revolution. Coupled with unique diffusion in spatial, quantitative and temporal terms, the impact of the white ware produced in Faenza was remarkable. 20 The fi rst large service of 138 pieces was produced in 1540 by Francesco Mezzarisa (assisted by Pietro di Francesco Zambaldini, a craftsman who specialized in glazes and paints) in partnership with the merchant Pier Agostino Valladori. Long after the introduction of the whitewares, the Mezzarisa workshop still received large orders for the famous istoriato -style maiolica. Among the most important commissions was an order in 1546 for more than 7,000 articles for a Genoese merchant in Palermo. Mezzarisa continued the production of the istoriato until ca. 1550, when he discontinued his exuberant narrative designs in favour of the compendiario . 21 The other famous ceramics workshop in Faenza, the Bettisi workshop, also known as the bottega of Don Pino, manufactured at least fi ve whiteware table services and four credenza displays, a total of 600–700 pieces in fourteen years, for various noble families inside and outside Italy. 22

Needless to say, the workshops in Faenza received numerous orders for large credenza displays from Italy and from abroad. In Italy, the biggest commissions came from the Gonzaga, Este, Medici, Farnese, Orsini, Aldrobandini, Pallavicini and Altieri families. 23 Further prestigious bianchi services were ordered by Alberico Alberici in Bologna and Paolo Dandolo in Venice, as well as by Camillo Gonzaga, count of Novellara, the cardinal Guastavillani, and Cavalier Girolamo Michelozzi and his wife Caterina Alberti. 24 Outside Italy, Bavarian, Swiss and Austrian noble

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families placed large orders with workshops in Faenza. Among the most prestigious tableware commissions were the spectacular and varied sets made in 1576 for Albrecht V, Duke of Bavaria, for his successor William V in 1590, and for the wedding of Archduke Ferdinand II of Austria with Anna Caterina Gonzaga in 1582. 25 Later pieces, commissioned at the workshops in Faenza between 1619 and 1636, were decorated with the coat of arms of the Electorate of Saxony. 26

With this remarkable spread of objects it is quite easy to understand how the celebrated bianchi di Faenza quickly came to symbolize a superior quality. The fortune of the bianchi put in motion a rapid technological progress that gave strength to the workshops most of all through the process of quick moulding. This production process led to an industrial innovation: from then on the workshops were able to please the exigencies of their customers who – beside the representational function of these vessels – required objects inspired by metallic prototypes. This market requirement was decisive until well into the seventeenth century, and detemined the technological apparatus of the Faentine potters.

The impact that these brilliantly painted wares had upon their contemporary culture may not be fully appreciated today in an era deluged with commodities and images. Humbler than the gold and silver vessels, white majolica was nonetheless a valued product in a luxury economy that was unprecedented since antiquity. 27 Richard Goldthwaite believes that the Renaissance can be distinguished from previous periods by a great new demand for secular architecture, comprising not only civic monuments but also private residences. These structures were now gathered in urban centres rather than in the countryside, and one result of this new construction was that ‘furnishings of every kind, from pottery and beds to painting and frescoes, proliferated to fi ll up interior spaces’. 28 This new need for objects not only redefi ned spending habits but also changed the way the upper classes claimed their place in society via a display of erudition, taste and splendour. 29 The Faenza white wares fi tted well into a widespread European fashion that characterized the triumph of the white over chromatic shades. Much about the same time, the production of the white opaque milk glass started in Venice, and in Limoges the traditional chromatic shades gave way to the grisaille technique. 30

Many developments of luxury consumption played a role in making the white glaze so popular in Europe. Besides the current interest in luxury, this technical breakthrough combined most unexpectedly with variations in the general diet 31 and with the general fashion. More elaborate meals required more specialized table settings, including dishes and drinking vessels. Many dozens of dishes were served during one meal and the frequent changing of plates, besides a new preoccupation for refi ned cooking and elegant serving, required large table services. Sixteenth- century documents report of table services ranging from 150 to 600 separate items. Such a bountiful production of table wares – serving the middle as well as the upper class – was only possible with materials that were less expensive than silver or gold, commonly used for luxury plates. Clay was just that material: aside from tin, the substances making up majolica were cheap. The pigments applied atop the dried coating were made from metallic oxides: copper, manganese, cobalt and antimony. Of course, majolica was cheap especially when compared with the porcelain it supposed to imitate or with precious metals it replaced. Even a glamorous maiolica

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138 HISTORY OF TECHNOLOGY

service was much cheaper than a credenza in precious metals: one silver- gilt salt cellar cost about twice as much as a 100-piece maiolica credenza . 32

MAKERS OF THE BIANCHI : CIRCULATION OF THE ARTISANS

Besides the wide diffusion of whiteware objects, the circulation of craftsmen was an important factor in the dissemination within Italy and to other parts of Europe. Typical examples of transfer in the early modern period were based on the relocation of knowledge by individuals, as craftsmen readily travelled to take their skills to new markets. It was the case of ceramicists as well. Alessandro Ardente of Faenza was working in Turin from 1572 to 1595, and produced maiolica that is scarcely distinguishable in style from Faenza wares. His active presence – supposedly – opened a migration channel from Faenza to Turin. 33 Similarly, Francesco Mezzarisa’s sons, Giovanni and Antonio Mezzarisa, opened a pottery workshop in Venice. 34 Another faentino , Vincenzo di Benedetto Gabellotto, was working in the same city in Bastiano dei Raspi’s shop; his father was Casparo the bochaler , active in the parish of San Barnaba in 1546. 35 A recent two- volume study accompanying an exhibition held in 2010 on the Italian whitewares gives a comprehensive picture of the northward spread and production of the bianchi. 36 The essays in the volumes reveal an intense diffusion of the technology in different places of north Italy where the use of the engobe (a liquid clay slip) and of the sgraffi to technique had been dominant before the maiolica production was introduced by immigrant masters from Faenza. A considerable circulation of potters can be traced in the regions of Lombardy, Piedmont, Trentino and Veneto, of Faentine maiolica makers on the one hand, and on the other hand, of subsequent generations of local potters who learned the technique. For example, Tadea di Dus of Lodi, the daughter of Matteo Cavalari, ‘fi gulum faentino’ and married to a local potter called Antonio Dusi, received privileges in 1613 from the Duke of Savoy to produce maiolica: ‘ di fabricar dove meglio le parerà maiorica et in quelli introdurre o sia rinnovare essa arte .’ 37 After ca. 1630, there was a considerable movement of maiolica makers of Lodi and Pavia hired in manufactures in Torino and Bassano. 38

Maiolica craftsmen of the sixteenth century travelled not only from one Italian centre to another, but to Spain, France, the Low Countries, and Central Europe as well. To the north of the Alps, faïence/delftware was produced in Nevers, Lyon and Delft since the second half of the sixteenth century. Domenico Tardessir moved to Lyon, and Giulio Gambini to Nevers. As a high proportion of Nevers production in the fi rst half of the seventeenth century was plain white, in the tradition of ‘Faenza white’, the term faïence became gradually established in French and spread on the continent. 39 More to the north, maiolica makers from all around Italy marketed their skills in trading cities with signifi cant Italian merchant communities: in Antwerp, in Bruges, in Amsterdam, and culminating in the great ceramic industry of Delft. From northern Europe, the industry was taken to England. Upon the privileges granted by Queen Elisabeth in 1570, descendants of Italian potters established industries in England, and produced the so- called ‘English delftware’. 40

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A technique similar to the Faenza bianchi was put into practice in the Hutterite exile colonies in Moravia in the second part of the sixteenth century. The fi rst surviving pieces from 1593 show a great mastery in fi nishing; thus they are believed to be produced by potters familiar with the technique, and exclude the imitation of original Faenza pieces already in the possession of Moravian aristocrats. They feature infl uences of both German faience and Italian whitewares. The rounded jugs with pewter on top, the beer mugs, the hexagonal fl asks as well as the tendency to decorate the pieces with inscriptions, with dates, with names or initials and coat- of-arms of the nobles who ordered them, the use of gothic German letters in a coarse and heavy manner, and the combination of sharp colours are characteristics that link the pieces produced in Moravia to the Austro-German and Swiss infl uence. On the

FIGURE 1: Whiteware showing Austro-German and Swiss infl uence. (Source: Private Collection, Réti-Kulcsár).

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140 HISTORY OF TECHNOLOGY

other hand, the perforated dishes as well as the use of a perfect white tin glaze, the use of moulds instead of the wheel to produce perforated or undulated plates lead us in the direction of the Faentine heritage.

All researchers agree that the pieces originating in Moravia (as well as those prepared in the Hungarian Kingdom and in Transylvania) were made locally in the Hutterite communities and show basic stylistic and technical analogies with the bianchi of Faenza. 41 It is worth considering the kind of vessels that were most frequently produced in Moravia. The best known of all were dishes, particularly those shaped like a cardinal’s hat, with small, shallow bowls and very wide rims, known in Italy as tondini. Also strongly Italian in character were the small dishes for fruit or sweet meat of which there were two distinct types. First, the so- called crespina , was moulded in the shape of a shell, with a narrow bowl and curved edges. In the other type, the bowl was made to resemble basket- work and the rim was fi ligreed, displaying a high degree of technical virtuosity. The wide variety of drinking vessels (cups, jugs, mugs, pots and jars) are mostly rounded with short necks and wide mouths, and usually fi tted with a pewter lid. There is also a typically German form, the melon- shaped ribbed jug which later became more elongated and slimmer. Anabaptist potters also produced apothecary’s albarello vessels and rectangular or hexagonal bottles for travelling medicine chests. Vessels specially made for Anabaptist physicians were the wash- basins with water containers, bleeding cups, shaving- bowls and jars to contain ointments. The Hutterie ceramists’ advanced technical skills made possible to make ceramic blocks for fl oors and building materials. They produced hollow tiles, conical water pipes and paving tiles. Among the fi nest discoveries are the glazed- tile stoves. 42 All the beautifully decorated vessels were either custom made for the local aristocracy or sold on local markets; the tableware made for their own use inside the Bruderhof was lead- glazed and unadorned.

The extensive archaeological excavations by He r man Landsfeld and Ji r í Pajer, as well as the grandeur of the specimens preserved in the castles, are evidence that ceramics was not a peripheral or marginal activity of the Hutterites in Moravia. The archaeological research has documented twelve Moravian production centres, and written sources refer to three others. 43 The most important centre, fi rst mentioned in the Great Chronicle in 1571, was in Wätzenobis (now Vacenovice), a village on the estate of the Zerotin family. The Bruderhof was plundered and burned down in 1605 by marauding troops, in 1619 by Austrian troops, in 1620 by Polish troops, and in 1621, after being rebuilt, raided again by imperial troops. Extensive fi nds revealed ceramic shreds and a high- capacity kiln, confi rming the exceptional technical advancement that is evident from the inventive range and technological sophistication of perforated tazzas and ribbed vessels. From the Moravian period of the Eastern European Faience, the perforated vessels are the most representative, which clearly indicates the consumer preference of the time. Altogether nineteen different patterns have been identifi ed and documented in this archaeological site, and this number outshines the Italian models, the prime inspiration. 44 Second in size and production was the pottery center in Tracht (now Strachotín), a market town where the Anabaptist presence is dated from 1551. 45 This served as a training centre at the beginning of faience production, thus reaching the highest artistic level of all. The oldest faience centre, and third in rank, was in Teickowitz (now Tavíkovice),

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which kept the most conservative decorations. 46 The biggest pottery- producing centres were Alexovice (now Alexowitz), Podivín (now Kostel), P r ibice (now Pribitz) and Tracht with approximately 600 members. Further nine communities were middle- sized (with 300–400 members) and two with 200 members.

The Haban faience is now dispersed in various collections, mainly in the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Austria, Hungary and Romania. Since no production marks are present on vessels, the hardest task is to defi ne their exact provenance. For example, the National Hungarian Museum possesses a perforated Anabaptist tazza with the inscription of the date 1610, but the origin of the work has been unknown until the archaeologist Ji r í Pajer unearthed a mould in Vacenovice that must have been used to make the dish. Similarly, few objects survived in their original milieu. One rare exception is a set of eight tazzas from 1598 and fi fteen dishes from 1610, which survived in the Lobkowicz family collection. Other preserved family collections are more fragmentary in character. They feature coats of arms and attached monograms

FIGURE 2: Perforated tazza, 1610. Whiteware in the manner of the Faenza bianchi. (Source: Hungarian National Museum, Budapest).

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142 HISTORY OF TECHNOLOGY

of the local nobility, often made for weddings. 47 Written documentation comes from the inventories of many Czech, Moravian and Hungarian manors. This is how we know that in 1608, the Teickowitz workshop supplied pottery to the manorial pharmacy in T r ebo n (Wittingau) in Bohemia. We also know that Anabaptists found refuge on the lands of Baron Ferenc Nyári (Franz Niary von Prantsch) in Sabatisch (now Sobotiste) and in Horné Orešany, on the domains of Peter Bakith in Holic and Sassin, as well as on the Nádasdy estates where they worked in the service of their protectors. 48

Haban faience differed from local pottery in design, in motif and in manufacture. 49 Judging from the examples that have been preserved, it is likely that the white faience produced at the Moravian sites in the last quarter of the sixteenth century was Italian-German in style. Later, however, as the industry tended to spread, native infl uences as well as Ottoman stylistic elements and formal design began to make themselves felt. The decoration was also determined by the taste of the landlord, as long as it did not clash with the Hutterites’ strict, fundamentalist principles. 50 They were not allowed to use production marks in order to curtail in- house competition, and it was forbidden to shape their vessels in the forms of books, boots or the like ‘enticing the users to even more drunkenness’. 51 Only fl oral motifs were permitted by the strict regulations, thus Biblical themes, putti, war scenes, etc. were strictly forbidden; human fi gures, animals and buildings only appeared on Haban ceramics after the colonies were forcibly broken up ca. 1670 and Anabaptist potters became independent and converted to Catholicism.

In some aspects, Haban pottery differed from the Italian bianchi as well. Above we have seen how the Italian morphological and stylistic means were applied in the workshops of Moravia. Archeometric measures revealed that the thickness of the glaze on whiteware shreds found in Faenza vary from 0.5 to 1 mm, unusually thick when compared to previously used maiolica glazes (0.4–0.5 mm). 52 Using multiple layers of glaze to increase thickness (thus use less tin) was a new technique that revolutionized the production of the bianchi . Later Haban wares produced after 1645 at the Sárospatak castle in the Hungarian Kingdom reveal lots of similarities with the Italian maiolica, but also expose a higher tin content of the white glaze (16–20 wt% compared to the 8 wt% of the bianchi ), which implies that glaze was applied in one layer, thus reducing thickness. In fact, their glaze is similar to the typical tin oxide contents of the glazes of the sculptural ceramics of the della Robbia workhop in Florence, 53 which had strong ties with the maiolica workshops in Faenza. The deliberate use of different composition glaze in order to achieve the same result is a noteworthy aspect that could provide clues regarding the spread and the transfer process towards Central Europe.

So far, we know little of the way Italian potters circulated north of the Alps. Unlike the dissemination to the west, the eastward trajectory of the faience technology is not so well documented, therefore researchers have made hypotheses based on the morphologic and stylistic concordances between the Moravian and Italian ceramics. In trying to explain this similarity, some researchers attempted to build a direct link between Faenza and Moravia. Béla Krisztinkovich (1887–1969), a Hungarian authority on Anabaptist ceramics, believes that knowledge related to ceramics was brought to Moravia and to the Hungarian Kingdom by

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the fi rst generation of Anabaptists ( nuovi cristiani ) from Faenza who fl ed the Inquisition. 54

There are two problematic points in Krisztinkovich’s approach. On the one hand, Haban wares were not the fi rst maiolica objects to reach Central Europe. Italian maiolica had been a highly esteemed commodity in Central Europe almost a century before the production of the Haban wares started. In 1486 the Ferrarese ambassador to the court of Matthias Corvinus, King of Hungary, wrote to Eleonora Duchess of Ferrara saying that if she wanted to make a gift to her sister Beatrice of Aragon, Queen of Hungary, she should send her some Faenza pottery. Not long afterwards a maiolica service was made for Queen Beatrice bearing the impaled royal arms. It was not, however, made in Faenza, but by potters from another booming maiolica centre, Pesaro. 55 This was the fi rst important royal order from Central Europe with which Pesaro assured its role among the principal maiolica- making centres of Italy. Italian masters established a workshop in Buda and produced table services and fl oor tiles for the aristocracy. 56

On the other hand, the written sources record potters in the Hutterite communities but all of them have German names. There is no evidence of Faentine or Italian potters in the Hutterite settlements in Moravia, although we know of many Italians exiles who joined the Anabaptist settlements. Among others, Andrea Lorengo from Padua, the nobleman Gian Giorgio Patrizi of Cherso, the weaver and painter Marcantonio Varotta, 57 Francesco della Sega of Rovigo who served as a pastor in one Anabaptist community and was sent to Italy as a missionary, and the itinerant preacher Bernardino Ochino who also preached in Faenza and died in Moravia. The Hutterite missionaries Antonio Rizzetto of Vicenza and Giulio Gherlandi of Spaziano, near Treviso, were sent back to northern Italy. 58 Although this theory of direct transfer cannot be buttressed, it directs our attention towards the importance of the missionary work of Italian exiles in Moravia.

Pietro Marsilli, a specialist in the bianchi di Faenza , has propagated a different transfer theory. Based on the surviving whiteware pieces in Trentino, his theory sustained that the transfer was indirect, meaning that fi rst generation ceramicists from Faenza followed commercial and professional channels to the South Tyrol where they settled and established workshops in the region, more specifi cally in Malles/Mals in the Val Venosta. Accordingly, their craft must have been carried further by individual German- speaking Anabaptist potters, religious refugees on their way to Moravia. This model would explain the German infl uence on the Haban wares and the troubling time gap of almost thirty years between the heretics’ expulsion from Faenza and the presence of the technique in Moravia. With a somewhat different placement of the contact zone, Imre Katona also claimed that the carriers of the technology were Swiss, Tyrolean, Styrian and Bavarian Anabaptist potters, already in the possession of the secret of the bianchi when arriving to Moravia. Neither Marsilli nor Katona have found direct evidence to support their theses; nevertheless they are equally useful because they highlight the signifi cance of the Anabaptist religious migration on the one hand, and the circulation of the craftsmen on the other hand.

The circulation of maiolica makers in the northern regions of Italy is especially interesting because it compares well with the circulation of Moravian Hutterite

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missionaries and with the migration of Anabaptists from northern Italy to Moravia. To combine these two important aspects drawn from different theories, the following part of this chapter will concentrate on the missionary work of the Moravian Anabaptists and the organization of migration of the Anabaptists from the northern parts of Italy and from the Tyrol.

NETWORKS OF RELIGIOUS MIGRATION Although their communities were situated in Moravia, the Hutterites systematically sent out missionaries and were active in a larger area than any other religious group in the sixteenth century. The 1520s saw a lively spread of Anabaptism throughout the Austrian territories of the Habsburg Empire, especially in Tyrol and Carinthia. In Tyrol in particular, Anabaptism was by far the strongest trend, and remained so until far into the second half of the sixteenth century, in spite of a government that ruthlessly fought all ‘heretics’ wherever they could be ferreted out. In the other German lands of the Empire, Anabaptists further roused powerful movements in Swabia and Hesse, and Hutterites sent missionaries into the Rhine valley, Bavaria and Switzerland. Only Franconia and Thuringia remained largely untouched by their infl uence. 59

The infl ux of religious refugees to Moravia resulted in a rather heterogeneous collective of radical believers, some of them Anabaptists, some anti-Trinitarian, and some evangelical. After several internal crises, the Hutterite movement acquired a stable character, which meant that it became ideologically and structurally integrated. This kind of homogeneity formed a strong identity, and a big number of incoming refugees could be accommodated. The Hutterites’ appeal was to live in religious and social exile, since joining a community in Moravia involved extreme risks, abandonment of property and a dramatic change of identity. By retaining their original German language, their original garments, and living in a strictly closed social organization ( Bruderhof ), the Anabaptist colonies were cultural and social enclaves amidst the local population. Strict religious principles drove these groups to give up their material effects and to conceive life as earthly exile, constantly awaiting the fi nal union with God. Since Hutterites refused to swear oaths, they excluded themselves from the possibility of gaining municipal citizenship rights. Nor did they become regular subjects of the local lords on whose domains they lived. Instead, they entered into a contractual relationship with the aristocracy, according to which they were freed from feudal labour obligations. 60 They contributed to the income of their protectors with taxes, with precisely determined quantities of luxury goods and other types of services.

According to their agreements with the protecting patrons in Moravia, the Hutterites had to refrain from proselytizing among the local population, thus they had to engage in missionary works that targeted faraway lands. This became a standard principle, as their mission activities mobilized to assemble the elect in the last days awaiting Christ’s imminent return. At the same time, the organized migration proved to be a survival strategy: in order to sustain these dynamics and a steady number of members, there was need for organized emigration.

In the Tyrol, the Anabaptists’ infl uence on both sides of the Alps turned the Brenner Pass into a constant channel of migration and mutual stimulus between the

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small clandestine communities. 61 Persecution of the Anabaptists could be extremely bloody. One contemporary source claimed that prior to 1530 no less than one thousand had been executed, and that stakes were burning all along the Inn Valley in the Tyrol. 62 Because migration was dangerous, it was carried out in small groups called Völker . These small groups travelled the Tyrolean river routes on the Inn and the Danube, and then proceeded on foot through the forests to Moravia. Once in Moravia, the groups were integrated into the existing colonies, some prosperous, others almost extinct, and yet others completely new. From this point on, the identity of the refugees was formed by the integrating force of religion. They left Tyrol as Anabaptists (whatever that vague term meant) and in Moravia became Hutterites with very well defi ned internal rules and moral conduct.

Massive migratory reinforcements proved indispensable for the long- term survival of the Hutterites. Those Anabaptist groups in the Bohemian Lands who had remained integrated into their urban or rural social context, or who pursued a course of de- radicalization and social reintegration, were far less exposed to governmental persecution than were the Anabaptists living in the Bruderhofs. This was evident during the two big waves of fi erce persecution in 1535 and 1548. 63 As a consequence of the revolt of the Anabaptists in Münster (1534–35), the Bohemian King Ferdinand of Austria demanded the expulsion of the Hutterian Brethren with such persistence that the Moravian nobles did not dare to refuse his orders. Anabaptists used a survival strategy that proved fruitful, dividing the congregation into small groups of six to eight persons to seek employment and shelter. Bigger groups retreated into the forests and hid underground in caves. Within a decade they found it possible to return to their abandoned houses and even establish more communities.

By the beginning of the second persecution in 1548 the Brethren had twenty- six colonies in Moravia. For a short time they found refuge in Hungary, particularly on the estates of Baron Ferenc Nyári (Franz Niary von Prantsch) in Sabatisch (now Sobotiste) and in Horné Orešany, on the estates of Peter Bakith in Holic and Sassin, as well as on the Nádasdy estates. 64 Within a short time the Brethren established in Hungary twelve congregations. After they were forced to depart, a chronicler related, there were many ‘who united with the Church, became pious, amended their lives and took upon themselves the cross’. 65 The end of the second major wave of persecution brought about the ‘Golden Years’ for the Hutterites, a period that allowed the establishment of thriving new settlements. The (re)population of these new settlements required a new technique in organizing migration. In order to be able to fulfi l the proselytizing task laid upon them by Jesus’s Great Commission, the congregation semi- annually (usually in the spring and fall) chose from the preachers a number of Brethren to perform a widespread missionary service in all directions, to preach the Gospel in accordance with the commandment of Christ, and to lead the converts to the ‘Promised Land’ of Moravia. Each missionary had his fi eld assigned to him; thus Brethren went out to all parts of Germany (Bavaria, Würtemberg, Hesse, Thuringia, Rhineland, also Silesia and Prussia), to Switzerland, to Poland, to the Tyrol and also to Italy.

About four- fi fths of the missionaries who were sent out were martyred, but most of their converts managed to arrive in Moravia. The numbers leaving sometimes

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were so large or resources taken along so great that the civil authorities took steps to stop the movement, both by counter- persuasion and by penalties, including confi scation of property and imprisonment. But the missionaries could always be found where magisterial mandates threatened the lives of the Anabaptists and invited the harried families to settle in Moravia, promising toleration and the security of a large group fellowship. Each brother had epistles and tracts in his knapsack beside a small notebook in which they took down notes during their mission trips, such as reports on prospective emigrants. 66 Following the missionary work of Francesco della Sega, who engaged on several trips between 1559 and 1562, almost all inhabitants of Cinto, a little borgo situated on the road between Pordenone and Portogruaro in northern Italy, converted and migrated to Pausram (now Pouzd r any) in Moravia. 67

Among the Italian Anabaptists who joined the Hutterite communities in Moravia in the mid- sixteenth century and were sent back to missions, the following were outstanding: Francesco della Sega or Franciscus von der Sach (from Rovigo), Giulio Gherlandi (from Treviso, called Julius Klampferer or Trevisano), Antonio Rizzetto (from Vicenza, called Antonius Wälsch meaning Italian), and Gian Giorgio Patrizi (from Cherso). When arrested and imprisoned by the Venetian Santo Uffi zio in 1561, the missionary Gherlandi, originally a tinsmith and lantern maker, had been sent from Pausram to northern Italy, and he carried a long list of more than forty places and contact persons to be visited during his travel. 68 During his many missions Gherlandi was imprisoned several times, last in October 1561, and was drowned a year later.

With a careful mapping of these places, one can see that Gherlandi’s mission covered a large part of northern Italy. A concentration of missionary sites is observable around Venice and Padua. Another, albeit smaller, intense missionary site is visible in Emilia and the Romagna, around Bologna and Ferrara, while a third group can be discerned close to the border with Switzerland. Because of the risky nature of moving big numbers of refugees, the Anabaptist missionaries also had to think of safe routes, and used some sort of channels to take the refugees from the origin to the destination. Accordingly, the missionary sites had to correspond with the different migration channels and perhaps act as pooling locations for those wishing to migrate towards Moravia. One such channel led eastward from Venice: large numbers of Venetians and Friulans headed to Moravia via Trieste after Pietro Manelfi , a former Catholic priest who became Anabaptist and returned to the Catholic Church again, had named fellow Anabaptists in his depositions. 69 In December 1551 orders for the arrest of the persons named by Manelfi were sent to the political authorities at Padua, Vicenza, Treviso and Asolo, and arrests and recantations followed. Many persons were forced to hide or fl ee the country; some went as far as Thessalonica, while some found refuge in Moravia with the Hutterites. 70 Another migration route ran through the Tyrol. The chronicles of the Hutterite Brethren mention three valleys with extensive Anabaptist movements: the Puster Valley, the Adige Valley and the Inn Valley. These valleys served as natural channels to take the migrants through the mountains either to Innsbruck or to Hall and down the Inn river to Passau and further down on the Danube to Krems. Since migration itself is not unambiguously linear and unidirectional, it is highly probable that those

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expelled from Faenza were accommodated in the Italian Anabaptist communities in the north. The so- called chain migration, typical for the Hutterite strategies, involved sets of related individuals or households who moved from one place to another through a set of social arrangements in which people along the way and at destination provided aid, information and encouragement to the newcomers.

Once the direct link between Faenza and Moravia has been dismissed, it is more logical to consider alternative theories to explain the transfer. Migration to the new settlements and the networks maintained by the Hutterite missionaries were braided in intricate ways. Networks are essential sources of social organization and resource mobilization and direct our attention towards a broad context of migration: to kinship groups, communities and economic activities in both countries of origin and settlement, and in between. If we see migration as a network- based process, we are better able to emphasize its embedded quality in a series of political, ethnic, familial and communal relationships and environments. 71 The Hutterite case is an outstanding example for understanding migration as not only the rational and economic outcome of individual agency but as a interlaced implication of a broader range of social, cultural, religious and symbolic issues.

The elaborate Anabaptist networks in central and northern Italy were developed in territories that also boasted ceramic centres where knowledge related to the Faenza bianchi was put into practice. The territories between Venice and Torino and stretching up to the Alps were intensely penetrated by Anabaptism, and religious migration took place throughout the second half of the sixteenth century. It is most probable that we have to shift our attention to these regions when looking for the transfer zone(s). This is a working hypothesis; further research needs to be done in this respect. One important aspect has been highlighted, however, namely the non- economic factors that play a signifi cant role in the circulation of objects, of knowledge and of craftsmen in the sixteenth century.

NOTES 1. Nathan Rosenberg, ‘Economic Development and the Transfer of Technology: Some

Historical Perspectives’, Technology and Culture , 11 (1970), pp. 550–75; Liliane Hilaire-Pérez and Catherine Verna, ‘Dissemination of Technical Knowledge in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Era. New Approaches and Methodological Issues’, Technology and Culture , 47 (2006), pp. 536–65.

2. Lissa Roberts, ‘Situating Science in Global History. Local Exchanges and Networks of Circulation’, Itinerario , 33 (2009), pp. 9–30.

3. This class of pottery should in fact be called ‘Hutterite’ or ‘Anabaptist’, but the term ‘Haban’ is well accepted in the ceramics art literature in all countries and all languages. See Eugene J. Horvath and Maria Krisztinkovich, A History of Haban Ceramics. A Private View (Vancouver, 2005), pp. 4–6.

4. Francesco Lanzoni, La Controriforma nella città e diocesi di Faenza (Faenza, 1925).

5. Salvatore Caponetto, The Protestant Reformation in Sixteenth- century Italy (Kirksville, MO: Thomas Jefferson University Press, 1999), p. 246.

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6. Pietro Marsilli, ‘Da Faenza in Moravia: ceramiche e ceramisti fra storia dell’arte e storia della riforma popolare’, Atti. XVIII Convegno Internazionale della Ceramica (1985), p. 11.

7. Martin Rothkegel, ‘Anabaptism in Moravia and Silesia’ in J. D. Roth and J. M. Stayer (eds), A Companion to Anabaptism and Spiritualism, 1521–1700 (Leiden: Brill, 2007), pp. 163–215.

8. Winfried Eberhard, ‘Reformation and Counterreformation in East Central Europe’ in Handbook of European History 1400–1600 vol. 2. (Leiden: Brill, 1995), pp. 551–84.

9. Claus-Peter Clasen, Anabaptism. A social history, 1525–1618 (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1972), p. 32.

10. Rothkegel, ‘Anabaptism in Moravia’, p. 167.

11. Astrid von Schlachta, From the Tyrol to North America (Kitchener, Ontario: Pandora Press, 2008).

12. Robert Friedmann, ‘Gemeindeordnungen (Hutterite Brethren)’ Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. Available at: www.gameo.org/encyclopedia/contents/G4535.html (Web. 16 April 2013.)

13. Rothkegel, ‘Anabaptism in Moravia’, p. 203.

14. Béla Krisztinkovich, Haban Pottery (Budapest: Corvina Press, 1962), pp. 9–10.

15. Josef Beck, Die Geschichtsbücher der Wiedertäufer in Oesterreich-Ungarn, betreffend deren Schicksale in der Schweiz, . . . und Süd-Russland in der Zeit von 1526 bis 1785 (Wien: Druck von Adolf Holzhausen, 1883); Rudolf Wolkan, Die Lieder der Wiedertäufer (Berlin, 1903); A. J. F. Ziegelschmid, Die älteste Chronik der Hutterischen Brüder (Philadelphia: Carl Schurz Memorial Foundation, 1943).

16. Krisztinkovich, Haban Pottery ; Imre Katona, A habán kerámia Magyarországon (Budapest, 1974); He r man Landsfeld, ‘Thirty Years of Excavation’, Mennonite Life , 4 (October 1964), pp. 167–73.

17. Ji r í Pajer, Studie o novok r t e ncích (Strážnice: Nakladatelství Etnos, 2006); Ji r í Pajer, Anabaptist Faience from Moravia 1593–1620 (Strážnice: Etnos Publishing, 2011); Marsilli, ‘Da Faenza in Moravia’; Anna Ridovics, ‘A Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum habán kerámiái a 17–18. századból’, Folia Historica , 23 (2002), 1, pp. 67–87.

18. Marsilli, ‘Da Faenza in Moravia’, p. 20.

19. Hugo McK Blake, ‘Medieval Pottery: Technical innovation or economic change?’ in H. Blake, T. W. Potter and D. B. Whitehouse (eds), Papers in Italian Archaeology I: the Lancaster Seminar . BAR Supplementary Series 41 (1978), pp. 435–73.

20. Pietro Marsilli, ‘Bianchi mitteleuropei’ in Carmen Ravanelli Guidotti (ed.), Faenza- faïence. “Bianchi” di Faenza (Ferrara: 1996), pp. 51–62.

21. Gordon Campbell (ed.), The Grove Encyclopedia of Decorative Arts , Volume 2 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), p. 102.

22. Pietro Marsilli, ‘Ceramiche e ceramisti fra Italia, Austria e Germania alla metà del XVI secolo’ in B. Roeck, K. Bergdolt and A. J. Martin (eds), Venedig un Oberdeutschland in der Renaissance. Beziehungen zwischen Kunst und Wirtschaft (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1993), pp. 183–96.

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23. Ravanelli Guidotti, Faenza- faïence , p. 42.

24. Carmen Ravanelli Guidotti, Thesaurus di opere della tradizione di Faenza (Faenza: Scientifi cs, 1998), p. 420; Marsilli, ‘Ceramiche e ceramisti’, p. 186.

25. Timothy Wilson, ‘Le maioliche’, in Franco Franceschi, Richard A. Goldthwaite, Reinhold Mueller (eds), Il Rinascimento italiano e l’Europa. Volume Quarto. Commercio e cultura mercantile , (Costabissara,Vicenza: Fondazione Cassamarca, 2007), pp. 227–45; Ravanelli Guidotti, Faenza- faïence , p. 42; Marsilli, ‘Ceramiche e ceramisti fra Italia, Austria e Germania’, pp. 184–89.

26. Marsilli ‘Ceramiche e ceramisti’, pp. 188–89.

27. Wendy M. Watson, Italian Renaissance Ceramics. The Howard I. and Janet H. Stein Collection and the Philadelphia Museum of Art (Philadelphia: Philadelphia Museum of Art, 2001).

28. Richard A. Goldthwaite, ‘The Empire of Things: Consumer Demand in Renaissance Italy’ in Frances W. Kent and Patrick Simons (eds), Patronage, Art, and Society in Renaissance Italy (Canberra, 1987), pp. 153–75.

Richard A. Goldthwaite, ‘The Economic and Social World of Italian Renaissance Maiolica’, Renaissance Quarterly , 42 (1989), pp. 1–32.

29. Catherine Hess (ed.), The Arts of Fire: Islamic Infl uences on Glass and Ceramics of the Italian Renaissance (Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2004), p. 11.

30. Pietro Marsilli, ‘I «bianchi» in Germania e in Mitteleuropa’, in Vincenzo de Pompeis (ed.), La maiolica italiana di stile compendiario. I bianchi , vol. 2 (Turin, London, Venice, New York: Umberto Allemandi & C., 2010), pp. 23–8.

31. Hess, The Arts of Fire , pp. 23–7.

32. Wilson, ‘Le maioliche’.

33. Ravanelli Guidotti, Faenza- faïence , p. 44.

34. Campbell, The Grove Encyclopedia of Decorative Arts , p. 102.

35. Francesca Saccardo, ‘Venezia e il Veneto’, in Vincenzo de Pompeis (ed.), La maiolica italiana di stile compendiario , vol. 2, pp. 21–5.

36. Vincenzo de Pompeis (ed.), La maiolica italiana di stile compendiario , vols. 1.

37. Raffaella Ausenda, ‘I bianchi in Piemonte’, in Vincenzo de Pompeis (ed.), La maiolica italiana di stile compendiario , vol. 2, p. 9.

38. Sergio Nepoti, ‘I «bianchi» di Pavia e le conoscenze su altre manifatture lombarde’, in Vincenzo de Pompeis (ed.), La maiolica italiana di stile compendiario , vol. 2, pp. 11–15.

39. Wilson, ‘Le maioliche’, p. 14.

40. Ibid., p. 13.

41. Marsilli, ‘Da Faenza in Moravia’, p. 17.

42. Diána Radványi and László Réti, A habánok kerámiam u vészete (Budapest: Novella, 2011), p. 259.

43. Pajer, Studie o novok r t e ncích , pp. 135–46.

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44. Pajer, Anabaptist Faience from Moravia , pp. 3–4.

45. The Chronicle of the Hutterian Brethren vol. I , translated and published by the Hutterian Brethren (Rifton, NY: Plough Publishing House, 1987), p. 363.

46. Pajer, Anabaptist Faience from Moravia , p. 4.

47. Idem.

48. Anna Ridovics, ‘A habán kerámia a 17. században’, in Árpád Mikó and Mária Ver o (eds), Mátyás király öröksége. Kés o reneszánsz m u vészet Magyarországon (16–17. század) , vol. 2 (Budapest, 2008), p. 88.

49. John A. Hostetler, Hutterite Society (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974), pp. 44–53.

50. Horvath and Krisztinkovich, A History of Haban Ceramics , pp. 6–7.

51. Maria H. Krisztinkovich, ‘Wiedertäufer und Arianer im Karpatenraum’, Ungarn-Jahrbuch , 3 (1971), pp. 50–68.

52. Amato et al., ‘La rivoluzione tecnica dei “bianchi” di Faenza’, in Vincenzo de Pompeis (ed.), La maiolica italiana di stile compendiario , vol. 1, pp. 33–8.

53. Bajnóczi et al ., ‘A sárospataki ágyúönt o m u helyben feltárt 17. századi habán kerámialeletek mázának mikroszerkezete és összetétele’, Archeológiai M u hely , 1 (2011), pp. 1–16.

54. Krisztinkovich, Haban Pottery , p. 7.

55. Wilson, ‘Le maioliche’.

56. Gabriella Balla (ed.), Beatrix hozománya. Az itáliai majolikam u vészet és Mátyás király udvara (Budapest: Iparmm u vészeti Múzeum, 2008).

57. Caccamo, Domenico, Eretici italiani in Moravia, Polonia, Transilvania (Chicago: The Newberry Library, 1970), pp. 194–210.

58. Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Santo Uffi cio , busta 18, fols. 2–3.

59. Clasen, Anabaptism , pp. 35–6.

60. Frantisek Hruby, Die Wiedertäufer in Mähren (Leipzig: Verlag M. Heinsius, 1935), pp. 1–20.

61. Massimo Firpo, Riforma protestante ed eresie nell’Italia del Cinquecento (Roma: Laterza, 2009), pp. 9–25.

62. Clasen, Anabaptism , pp. 224–32.

63. Rothkegel, ‘Anabaptism in Moravia’, p. 198.

64. Ridovics, ‘A Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum habán kerámiái’, p. 67.

65. Beck, Die Geschichtsbücher , pp. 181–6.

66. Astrid von Schlachta, ‘ “Searching through the Nations”: Tasks and Problems of Sixteenth-Century Hutterian Mission’, The Mennonite Quarterly Review , 74 (2000), p. 43.

67. Firpo, Riforma protestante ed eresie , pp. 151–2.

68. Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Santo Uffi cio , busta 18, fols. 2–3.

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69. Aldo Stella, Anabattismo e antitrinitarismo in Italia nel XVI secolo (Padua: Liviana, 1969), p. 55.

70. Henry A. DeWind, ‘Manelfi , Pietro (ca. 1519-after 1552)’, Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online . Available at: www.gameo.org/encyclopedia/contents/M356.html (Web. 23 June 2013).

71. S. J. Gold, ‘Migrant Networks: a Summary and Critique of Relational Approaches to International Migration’, in M. Romero and E. Margolis (eds), The Blackwell Companion to Social Inequalities (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2005), pp. 257–77.

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