1

An Introduction to X-Jendā:

Examining a New Gender Identity in Japan

S.P.F. Dale Originally published in Intersections, issue 31, December 2012

http://intersections.anu.edu.au/issue31/dale.htm

1. Genders, or ways of being, that are neither explicitly female nor male have

existed historically in various cultures and societies. From the hijras in India,[1] to the

Native-American two-spirit,[2] to the Thai kathoey—configurations of gender that do

not fit into the male/female binary have been popular subjects of research in western

academia.[3] More recently, work has been done looking at the impact of modernisation,

globalisation, as well as modernity on traditional constructs of non-male/female

gender,[4] as well as the creation of new genders, gender identities, and

gendered/non-gendered ways of being.[5] The most prolific of these perhaps (at least

within the academic sphere) is research that has been done by self-identified

transgendered individuals examining issues of transgender.[6] However, existing

research in English that looks at the construction of new genders and trans- or

non-male/female gendered ways of being do so primarily from an American context,

and research that looks at non-Anglophone cultures tends to focus on traditional or

folkloric genders, for example those outlined above. Gender itself is a malleable concept,

and what it means to be female, male, neither, or both, changes and evolves within one's

culture, and with the times. In this paper, I look at the concept of x-jendā—a recent term,

or one may say identity/way of being, that has developed within the past decade or so in

Japan, and refers to a gender that is neither male nor female, or, depending on the

definition, both.

2. This paper attempts to trace the historiography of the development of x-jendā

through looking at three 'contact zones': the queer communities of Kansai, printed

material and the media, and the Internet.[7] Through laying out how x-jendā has

emerged in these various forums, this paper seeks to introduce a non-Japanese

readership to x-jendā, and is also intended as a backdrop for my current research, which

further explores the concept of x-jendā as identity, and makes use of interviews

conducted with individuals who identify as x-jendā. I seek to lay out the background for

further research on the topic, as well as provide an introduction to the term and how it

has been utilised. Owing to the lack of research as well as publications surrounding the

term x-jendā at present, it should be noted that this paper presents a tertiary

historiography at best, and should by no means be taken as authoritative. The paper

ends with some speculative thoughts about the current development of x-jendā, and how

further research on the topic can be pursued.

Introducing a term: X-jendā / X-Gender? 3. Jendā is the Japanese loan word for 'gender,'[8] and its meanings in an academic

as well as political context can be understood as paralleling that of gender as it is

2

commonly understood in English; that is to say, as referring to socially constructed 'sex'

and the implicit order that it implicates in society (gender roles, work division, etc).

However, it should be noted that outside of these contexts (political, academic) it is not

really used—'jendā' is not a term that one finds on forms requiring personal information,

and in such cases seibetsu (often interpreted as referring to biological/physiological sex,

although there does not exist a neat distinction between seibetsu, sex, and gender) is

used. X-jendā (read ekkusu jendā), through the inclusion of the term jendā, would

appear to be a loan word, and can be taken to signify that one's gender is neither female

nor male, but 'x.' However, as may be noted, although an ostensible loan word the term

'x-gender' is not used (or rather, has not up until present been used) in cultural contexts

outside of Japan. As such, it may be insinuated that x-jendā is an original Japanese term,

and in order to emphasise this x-jendā will be utilised throughout this paper, rather than

rendering it into the English 'x-gender.' This is meant to highlight the fact that the term

cannot be easily translated, and that jendā may have different connotations in a Japanese

context although ostensibly having the same meaning as 'gender'.

4. Jennifer Robertson writes that with regards to androgyny in Japan, the two

most-frequently encountered terms are ryōsei and chūsei.[9] These terms also occur

frequently in the discourse pertaining to neither explicitly male/female ways-of-being,

as well as the x-jendā discourse. In addition to these two, another frequently

encountered term is musei. All three terms contain the word sei, which in this context

can be understood as having something to do with either sex (biological/physiological),

or gender, or even both simultaneously—there does not exist a prerequisite distinction

between sex and gender when the term sei is employed. Chū means 'middle,' and as

such a literal translation would be middle-sex/gender. Ryō means 'both,' and so

'both-sex/gender,' and musei would be 'no-sex/gender.' According to Robertson, ryōsei

tends to refer to possessing both male and female genitalia, or someone possessing both

masculine and feminine characteristics.[10] Chūsei tends to be translated as

'androgynous,' and this is certainly the definition that Robertson has stuck with, writing

that it has been used to mean 'neutral' or 'in between,' as such neither male nor

female.[11] However, owing to observations of the current usage of these terms by

Internet users and communities, it would seem that there is some incongruence. Ryōsei

can be taken to mean that one has periods where one feels male, and others where one

feels female, or that one feels that one has both male and female attributes. Chūsei,

rather than indicating 'neutrality,' refers not only to an androgynous appearance but also

to feeling not quite female/male, but somewhere in-between. Musei seems to fit more

with the conception of neutrality, and is a complete rejection of being gendered.

However, it should be noted that although there is a general understanding of these

terms, their usage depends on the individual. As these terms do not have direct English

counter-parts, in this paper I will stick to using the Japanese terms, once again to

emphasise that they are not easily translatable into English, and also in an attempt to

retain their meanings from the Japanese linguistic context.

Context: between and beyond genders, transgender, gender-identity disorder 5. X-jendā is often considered a sub-group of transgender, and this is evident in

how x-jendā individuals frame their identity, using terms such as FtX, MtX, or XtX,[12]

following the model of sex assigned at birth to sex 'transitioned' used by transgendered

3

individuals (i.e. male to female (MtF), female to male (FtM)). It should be noted that in

Japan, transgender as a term is hardly used in popular discourse, and what one

encounters instead are terms such as seidōitsuseishōgai (a translation of Gender Identity

Disorder (GID)), nyū-hāfu,[13] okama, and onabe.[14] In recent years, GID has by far

become the most dominant of these discourses, and the most well-known. The first

legally recognised sex re-assignment surgery took place in 1998, and in 2001 the

popular television drama, Sannen B-gumi Kinpachi-sensei, that featured a transgender

teenager (FtM) helped spread the knowledge of the term and bring it into public

awareness. Since then, it has firmly lodged itself into the public consciousness, to the

extent that most non-explicitly female/male ways of being have been subsumed by it.

6. Transgender as a loan word (toransujendā) only became known in Japan

following the wave of the queer movement/queer studies movement that came to Japan

in 1996.[15] Along with the concept of 'queer' (which has its roots in

deconstructionalism and postmodernism) came the concept of transgender, which

brought a post-structural aspect to the formulation and analysis of such identities. This

is not to say that transgender (i.e. 'shifting away' from one's assigned gender at birth)

identities had not existed in the past, but only that they were not called as such.

Eventually the use of the term 'queer' (kuia in katakana) subsided, and is now mostly

used in academic/literary circles, and not very well-known either. In the Anglophone

context, the word 'queer' can be seen as an umbrella term for all non-heteronormative

sexual and gender identities, but increasingly the term also seems to be used to refer to

fluidity in one's sexual orientation or gender identity. As such, a person who is 'queer'

has no specific sexual orientation (to be distinguished from bisexuals as 'bi' seems to

implicate two (i.e. female and male) sexes—the model of sex espoused here is

non-polarised, non-binary), and a gender queer identity is similar to that of x-jendā, that

is to say, neither distinctly male/female. However, perhaps owing to the fact that the

concept of 'queer' has not really caught up in Japan at a popular level, these

formulations of sexuality and gender identity have not really done so either.

7. The prevalence of the GID discourse starting from the late 1990s has had

ramifications for not only the framing of transgender identities, but that of sexuality as

well. The significance of GID is that whilst allowing individuals to 'change' sex, it

simultaneously enforces a strictly male/female gender dichotomy, and in order to be

'permitted' to change sex officially one must conform to the societal expectations of the

desired sex physically (by undergoing surgery), 'mentally' (by 'feeling' like a

'man'/'woman'), and most importantly, visibly (to be judged 'male'/'female' by the

doctor). One may see this as an exercise of what Michel Foucault has called 'bio-power,'

whereby a population is regulated through the monitoring of bodies through discipline

and reproduction.[16] GID functions as a subservient to bio-power in that it ensures the

adherence to a female/male binary system (an image necessary for controlling

reproduction) and, through medicalising the crossing of gender, maintains discipline

and power relations through the act of confession needed in obtaining a diagnosis

(individual relinquishing gender to 'specialist').

8. Contemporary Japanese society can be characterised by the 'heterosexual matrix'

that Judith Butler has prescribed,[17] and ways of being and sexual relations that fail to

4

obey the imperatives of this system are seen as abnormal and in need of 'rectification.'

For example, in accordance with the pro-natalist and eugenic thinking prior to the

Second World War, castration or the removal of one's sexual organs was made illegal,

and although the name of the law has changed since then the law itself continues to

exist today.[18] As such the removal or reconstruction of sexual organs was only

permitted once such a desire was defined as an illness, by proxy making surgery an

imperative.

9. Judith Halberstam has written that 'the invention of transsexuality as a medical

category has partly drained gender variance out of the category of homosexuality and

located gender variance very specifically within the category of transsexuality.'[19]

Given the predominance of the GID discourse in Japan and taking into consideration the

discussion that will be presented henceforth, it would seem that x-jendā has been

framed by many individuals as an aspect of GID or transgender, and scarcely associated

with homosexuality or, for example, 'butchness.' Given the recent construction of the

term one may postulate that prior to GID gaining ground, similar ways of being may

have been framed differently. GID has also become more socially recognised and

accepted than homosexuality, and this can be understood to have affected personal

formulations of sexuality and identity pertaining to gender.

Community contact: x-jendā in Kansai 10. It can be assumed that the term x-jendā originated in the queer communities of

Kansai, specifically Osaka and Kyoto. Although it is impossible to pinpoint its exact

origins, the term started appearing in independently produced documentary productions

by and featuring transgender individuals, and also appeared in independent publications

by local queer organisations starting from the late 1990s.

11. G-Front Kansai is an organisation that was established in 1994,[20] with the aim

of 'positively highlighting (apīru) the existence of gays (gei) in society, to eliminate

discrimination and prejudice, and to actively promote a network and the sharing of

information for gays who may be isolated.'[21] 'Gay' in this context refers primarily to

male homosexuals, although it should be noted that the organisation has welcomed

participation irrespective of age, sex (seibetsu), and sexuality.[22] The organisation and

participation in the group has needless to say changed over the years, but since 1997 the

group has held gatherings for transgender individuals. It should be noted that G-Front,

like similar organisations in Kansai and elsewhere (for example QWRC in Osaka,

LOUD in Tokyo) makes use of a rented apartment for its gatherings, and as such access

outside of scheduled events is not possible. G-Front publishes a monthly newsletter, as

well as an annual journal called Poco a poco. Poco a poco has a different theme every

month, and consists mostly of interviews and dialogues with and between individuals

and members of the community. In 2000 (volume 15), the theme was Seibetsu to iu

mono, koto (That which is known as sex/gender), and focused on issues of transgender

and gender variance. The issue consists of interviews, personal accounts, and dialogues

between and of individuals who cross-dress, are transgendered, and in various ways

challenge understandings of gender and sex. Although it may be claimed that some of

the accounts resemble x-jendā individuals, none of the individuals in the issue used the

5

term in identifying themselves (identity was not always directly revealed either).

However, x-jendā is included in the glossary of useful terms at the back of the issue.

MtX/FtX As the narrow definition of MtF/FtM strongly indicates a desire to move

towards the opposite sex,[23] this term is used by individuals who do not fit

under the existing categories of male (dansei)/female (josei), or who are

unsure of their sex/gender.[24]

12. One of the individuals who appears in the issue, Morita Shinichi,[25] was one of

the founding members of G-Front, and can also be thought of as having had an

important role in the development of x-jendā. In this issue of Poco a poco, Morita is

described as a 'seidōitsuseishōgai gei' (gay with GID), whose political goal is for society

to be ultimately 'jenda-furi' (literally 'free of gender,' but see footnotes).[26] Morita has

appeared in the texts Toransujendā feminizumu and Seidōitsuseishōgai—seitenkan no

ashita (which will be gone through below), and also speaks about their[27] personal

experience in the documentary ♀？♂？※？ a twenty-minute production consisting of

three sections each featuring a different individual giving an account of their relation

with sex/gender/sexuality.[28] Featured are an intersexed individual, a transsexual FtM

individual, and a MTFTX who is a full-time 'male cross-dresser'.[29] The documentary

was produced in cooperation with G-Front and PESFIS,[30] and produced by Tanaka

Ray (author of Toransujendā feminizumu). The MTFTX in question is Morita,[31] and

Morita goes into more detail here about their relationship with gender and sexuality.

According to Morita, their gender (jendā) or seijinin[32] is close to being that of a

woman (josei), and from the standpoint of gender they could be seen as a transgendered

Figure 1. Cover of Poco a poco, vol. 15,

2000.

6

MtF. However, most MtFs desire to be taken as a woman in their sexual

relationships—be it with a heterosexual man or with a lesbian woman. Morita professes

to never have had such a desire, and is attracted by gay (gei) men, and says that their

erotic fantasy is similar to that of a gay man (gei danshi rashī). As such, Morita

describes their appearance as being designed to attract gay men, and to allow them to

engage in the sexual relationships that they desire. Morita describes the situation as

there being a split between their gender identity (seijinin) and sexual desire (sei yokubō),

and that the both are incompatible, and as such for the time being they have chosen to

privilege their sexual desire over their gender identity, dressing as a (specific kind of)

man to attract men, rather than becoming more 'womanly' as they desire to do. Morita

also speaks about the ideal of jendā-furi, describing it as getting rid of unnecessary

gender discrimination in society, for example by getting rid of the column for

sex/gender on public documents. Morita emphasises that they are not rejecting

sex/gender (seibetsu), but rather advocates eliminating prejudice and discrimination

based on sex/gender, for example the fact that same-sex marriage is not allowed,

amongst other things.

Media and print: growing awareness, emerging interpretations 13. X-jendā has appeared in several non-fiction texts, the first appearance possibly

being in 2000,[33] in Seidouitsuseishougai — seitenkan no ashita by Yoshinaga

Michiko.[34] The book is presumably written for a non-transgendered audience (written

by a non-transgendered person), and presents a study of sex/gender, as well as the

medical and societal aspects of transgender existences. One should note that the work is,

as the title might suggest, framed squarely within the GID discourse, and looks at

transgender through these lenses. X-jendā is not actually discussed, but only mentioned

in a quote by Morita (from G-Front), who is introduced as an individual who describes

self as x-jendā. Morita describes the situation as, 'there exists no word for transsexual or

transgendered individuals who do not clearly aim to be distinctly male or female. As

such, I just use the term "x-jendā" to talk about my way of being.' Officially, Morita is

'male,' and according to Yoshinaga, has all the appearance and mannerisms of 'a man'.

However, Morita hesitates in categorising self as male, yet alone female, and hence

refers to self as 'x-jendā.'[35] It should be noted that Yoshinaga conducted fieldwork in

Kansai, and also contributed a piece about her experience doing research about

transgender to the issue of Poco a poco mentioned above.

14. Tanaka Ray, the producer of '♀？♂？※？ wrote a series of essays about

transgender issues, and published them in 2006 as Toransujenda feminizum

(Transgender Feminism).[36] The text is based upon their own personal experiences,

and Tanaka introduces self in the text as a 'polygamous, pansexual, FTM-type

transgendered person,'[37] and although not mentioned in the book considers self as

fitting loosely into the category of x-jendā. In the preface, Tanaka writes about the

experience of producing ♀？♂？※？ and Morita (once again, the same Morita as

above, here referred to as KENN,[38]) stating that they were a big inspiration.[39]

Morita is described as a 'MTFTX gay,'[40] who actually desired to transition (toransu

shitai) to female (josei), but owing to their sexual preference for gay men was a

full-time male cross-dresser.[41] Tanaka's text is a radical argument against the gender

7

binary in place in society, and also advocates against the koseki,[42] as it enforces a

certain model of society.[43] X-jendā, not explicitly mentioned in the text, appears in

the glossary of terms at the end of the book, and is described as such:

FTX female to X efu tīekkusu A transgender individual who is described as

biologically female (F), but has chosen to live as a sex which is neither

(dochira demo nai), (X).[44]

MTX male to X emu tī ekkusu A transgender individual who is described as

biologically male (M), but has chosen to live as a sex which is neither

(dochira demo nai), (X).[45]

15. X-jendā is also briefly mentioned in Nakamura Mia's Kuia Sekusorojī (Queer

Sexology), a text that promotes a queer-ed understanding of sexuality and gender. In the

text, x-jendā is mentioned in a segment that discusses transgender and GID, and how

the two can be considered to differ, as well as the diversity (sexual and otherwise) that

exists between transgender individuals. X-jendā is presented as such:

There are individuals such as MTX and FTX, who do not shift from male or

female to the opposite sex, but who by using 'X' avoid being easily

classifiable by others.[46]

16. In 2007, the group ROS (Rockdom of Sexuality, intended to signify the 'fluidity

of sex'[47]) published the text Toransu ga wakarimasen!! (I don't understand trans!!),

which was a collection of personal accounts written by members of various genders,

writing frankly and candidly about, amongst other things, their bodies and sexualities.

The book was originally published as a zine and distributed at various transgender

events.[48] X-jendā is introduced in the opening chapter:

People who don't clearly understand which gender they are, or who aren't

believers in the system of two-sex/genders (seibetsu) are 'trans' or FtX

(something other than female/woman (onna igai no nanimonoka), or MtX

(something other than male/man).[49]

17. Featured in the collection are essays written by at least three individuals who

identify as FtX (gender-identity was in some cases not stated), one of whom admits to

having appeared in the Poco a poco edition discussed above.[50] It should be noted that

gender fluidity and variance is celebrated by the members of the group, and that the

publication promotes this variety rather than a set idea of what a 'transgendered person'

should be.

18. Tsuruta Sachie's Seidōitsuseishōgai no esunogurafue (An ethnography of GID),

a study consisting of fieldwork and research, also brings up x-jendā.[51] The fieldwork

consisted of interviews held with both MtF and FtM individuals over a span of years,

and in 2007 Tsuruta spoke with three individuals undergoing GID treatment who

identified as FtX. The description of these individuals was as such: 'Not female (onna)

but not male (otoko) either, if they were seeking to become anything it was "X" —the

8

newly established category of FtX—that these three individuals associated themselves

with.' Tsuruta does not go into any deep analysis, but does postulate as to how x-jendā

gained credence. According to Tsuruta, in 2005 the concept known as chūsei bōisshu

(boyish chūsei) appeared, and through magazines gatherings were organised for FtM

and FtX individuals. These gatherings have apparently drawn over a hundred people,

and it seems as though the number of people who choose to refer to themselves as FtX

is on the rise. Furthermore, in 2006 on an edition of the television programme Hāto o

tsunagou (Connecting Hearts) focusing on GID, an FtX individual was included.[52]

Tsuruta postulates that the influence of Hāto o tsunagou on spreading knowledge of not

only FtX but that of GID is more than considerable.[53] Tsuruta is currently conducting

further fieldwork with FtX individuals, and it should also be noted that she only

mentions the case of FtX here, and the possible existence of MtX is not even brought up.

19. Other than Hāto o tsunagou, x-jendā has not explicitly appeared in televised

media. However, in 2008 the popular award-winning television drama, Rasuto Furenzu

(Last Friends) featured a character who was questioning their gender. The character

(Ruka) was female-bodied, and 'boyish' looking, and also happened to be in love with

their (female) best friend. As Yuen Shu Min points out,[54] the actual 'gender identity'

of Ruka is not explicitly revealed in the series, although there is a scene where Ruka

goes to a gender clinic and is diagnosed as having GID. Yuen points out that Ruka can

be read as being FtM, lesbian, or even neither, that is to say, as a gender-variant in a

female body, depending on the position of the viewer. From my own research, I have

also encountered individuals who choose to read Ruka as x-jendā, and as having had an

influence in how they frame themselves. It is significant to note that the earlier

mentioned Sannen B-gumi Kinpachi-sensei and Rasuto Furenzu both feature individuals

who were assigned the female sex at birth. Gender variant male-bodied or MtF

characters have not yet been the subject of popular television dramas, although they are

present in manga and anime. There are several popular celebrities who cross-dress or

are transgendered (MtF) individuals, and there is also the popular term onē, literally

meaning 'big sister' and also as a term of reference for a young woman, that is used to

refer to such 'characters' and the specific camp way of speaking.[55] However, be it

intentional or not, there is a notable association of drama with FtM, and variety/comedy

with MtF. This also has potential significance for the influence that these media

productions have had on the framing of gender identities and sexuality, differing

depending on one's sex assigned at birth (male/female).

20. X-jendā has also appeared in manga, notably in the works of Arai Shō, an

intersexed person who considers self chūsei. Arai's manga (following the discovery of

being intersexed at the age of thirty) focuses mainly on real-life experiences as an

intersexed person, as well as transgender and 'sexually alternative' friends and their

various adventures.

Internet contact: the spreading of a term 21. The sources explored above have focused mainly in Kansai—not only the

community in which x-jendā as a concept was potentially formed, but also the texts

which feature x-jendā in them. It can be considered that the Internet played a big role in

9

spreading the use of x-jendā to other regions of Japan. One may note its current

presence in personal blogs, as well as social networking services (SNS) and online

message boards, each of which will be explored briefly in turn.

22. There are a number of personal blogs maintained by x-jendā individuals, with

individuals who identify as x-jendā writing about their personal life. Some of the blogs

are specifically about their experiences being 'x' and what this entails, although many

are regular blogs about mundane everyday life. These bloggers make their gender

evident by stating it in the title of their blog, for example 'FtX no chakuchiten o

sagase!!!'[56] (Let's find a place for FtX to land!!!) and 'FtX. Sei, musei. Seibetsu ga nai.

To iu kankaku' (FtX. Sex, no-sex. The feeling of being without sex), or by stating it in

their profile, which is often visible on the main page of their blog. One individual

describes self as 'MtX(F) 27 year old, aiming towards chūsei', and another as 'FtX rather

than FtM.' As evidenced, these individuals tend to make public their gender by openly

stating it, somewhat as an identification—name, location, (x) gender. At the same time,

in order to further clarify their identity they contrast it to other transgender

identities—such as MtF in the case of the above-mentioned MtX individual, and the

FtX individual describing self as being more accurately captured by 'FtX' than 'FtM.' On

certain blog sites, communities have also formed gathering together x-jendā individuals.

On the blogging site Ameba, for example, there are groups that cater to individuals who

identify as x-jendā, as well as to those who describe themselves as chūsei, ryōsei, and

musei.[57] Membership levels for these groups vary, but owing to lower usage numbers

are considerably fewer than the groups on Mixi that will be explored below. On the blog

ranking site Blogmura, there is also a ranking system that ranks the most-visited blogs

by theme. Under the 'mental health' category, there is a sub-category for

'seidōitsuseishōgai FtM/FtX' (GID FtM/FtX) as well as one for MtF/MtX,[58] and each

ranking lists close to 200 blogs each. There are two points that may be noted here: 1)

transgender has been subsumed by GID; 2) x-jendā has a significant enough presence to

be included in the category name.

23. A bulletin board service that is notorious amongst most Internet users in Japan is

2-channel (read as nichanneru in Japanese) which is a hotbed for gossip-mongering,

nationalist sentiment,[59] as well as more 'idle' banter. On 2-channel, one is permitted

complete anonymity, and it is possible for one to participate in discussion without

registering an account. The form of discussion is rather disjointed and sporadic, and

messages are posted under one thread, each thread running to around a thousand posts at

a time without any organisation. The frequency of discussion varies, but with regards to

the thread on x-jendā, a couple of new posts a week can be considered regular activity.

The first thread dedicated solely to x-jendā was entitled 'FtX', established in May 2008

and listed under the category for homosexuality, although discussion pertaining to

x-jendā took place on other threads prior to this.[60] After the close of this thread, a new

one was established, this time called '[FtX] X-jendā—chūsei / ryōsei / musei

[MtX],'[61] as such explicitly including MtX individuals. At the start of this thread are

explanations of what x-jendā is, as well as recommended links. Included amongst these

were the medical status of x-jendā, as well as the 'symptoms' and 'desires' (akogare) of

x-jendā individuals. Following this, a user also posted a 'gender scale' that users could

use online to measure their 'genderedness,'[62] and other users posted their results

10

following this. The topics of discussion on 2-channel tended to focus on issues of sexual

preference, dislike towards ones own body but no desire to become the 'other' sex,

marriage, as well as everyday problems, faced at work, school, or at home.

24. Mixi is an SNS ostensibly similar to Facebook in that you have 'friends' and can

write status updates and play games with them, but it differs in that it allows for a

greater sense of anonymity; most users use a nickname to identify themselves, and do

not tend to post their private photos online. On Mixi there are also user-created

communities that one can join, and these run from large groups of over 100,000

members to smaller groups of around a hundred or fewer members. There were seven

main groups (that is to say, that had members of over one hundred) that were created for

non-female/male-identified individuals (excluding GID/transgender groups).[63] The

first of these, called 'X Gender*,' was created in March 2005, and currently has over 400

members. The biggest two groups, 'The Sex That is Neither Male Nor Female' (otoko

demo onna demo nai sei) and 'A World Without Sex/Gender' (seibetsu no nai sekai)

were created in July 2005 and June 2006 respectively, and each has over 4500 members.

Groups that cater to a variety of gender identities/ways of being also attract more

members, as well as introduce these members to alternative identities. A number of my

informants said that they found out about x-jendā through Mixi when searching for

terms or joining communities pertaining to, for example, chūsei. Each community has a

message board, and the discussions on these boards vary slightly between groups. For

each community, there is usually a thread for self-introductions, and it is here that

people make their gender identity evident, introducing themselves as x-jendā, FtX, MtX

or otherwise, and sometimes going into more specific details as well. There is also

usually a topic for consultation, where individuals can post their problems and concerns.

If not, users also create topics pertaining to their concerns and to ask for advice. A

recent topic on the board for one group was about going to the gender clinic (where

transgendered individuals get diagnosed) for consultation. The individual who had

created the topic was asking for advice on how to get diagnosed as 'x-jendā.' One of the

responses came from an individual who had already been for consultation, and without

self bringing up x-jendā the doctor had said, 'Cases of x-jendā have increased recently,

you know. Wearing lipstick, putting on a skirt, but that doesn't mean that you want to

become a woman right?' (the user in question identifies self as MtX). Some of the other

questions run on the group message boards also pertained to questions of appearance

(how to 'cultivate' a chūsei appearance, for example), the use of personal pronouns,

advice pertaining to gender identity and relationships, as well as events where members

could meet up. As such, most of the discussion pertained to everyday matters, as well as

to means of procuring/ensuring an 'x-jendā' existence.

25. Posting messages on Twitter has a limit of 140 characters, which in Japanese

allows one to write a fair amount. One of my informants (MtX) said that Twitter is

preferable to Mixi for meeting new people, as on Twitter one can freely follow

individuals with the same interests (often made known in the user's profile) and directly

start up a conversation, whereas on Mixi one joins a community and waits for people to

contact them. As such, Twitter is more dynamic, and allows for more direct and

instantaneous communication. There have recently been several debates that took place

regarding x-jendā on Twitter, occurring between transgender individuals (particular MtF,

11

who were unsure as to what x-jendā was supposed to signify) and x-jendā individuals

themselves. One discussion, for example, questions what kind of medical recognition

x-jendā individuals seek,[64] which led to a discussion between x-jendā individuals

themselves regarding the issue.[65] Twitter has also been used to organise get-togethers

for x-jendā individuals,[66] and has served as a social function not only online but

offline as well.[67]

The state of x-jendā now and from now on 26. I end this paper by posing more questions than answers, and will seek to bring

out several strains of thought that are evident from the development of x-jendā as

discussed above, and which will pose points for further examination of the concept.

27. Although in some cases striving to overcome the societal category and division

of 'gender,' it can nevertheless be observed that 'gender' plays a significant role in

x-jendā. As the title of the original x-jendā thread on 2-channel as well as Tsuruta's

research indicate, FtX individuals were originally considered more prominent than MtX.

A potential reason for this could be the greater variety of established non-explicitly

female/male ways of being that are already available to individuals born 'male,' such as

the nyū-hāfu and recently established 'otoko no ko,'[68] as well as the greater visibility

of these personages. Male-to-female cross-dressers and 'questionably gay' celebrities

such as Matsuko Deluxe and Tanoshingo appear regularly on television and are

well-known and well-received, but there do not exist any non-feminine/'questionably

female' female celebrities. This also goes in hand with Tanaka's criticism that most

work done on transgender in Japan tends to focus on male-to-female transgendered

individuals.[69] I would also like to suggest, however, that the television drama

portrayal of GID and its favouring of FtM over MtF individuals may also have a role.

Since starting my fieldwork, I have met a number of FtX individuals who admit to

having had a period where they identified as 'FtM,' sparked by having watched either

one of the television dramas outlined above. In the framing of self and 'gender identity,'

it is necessary not only to consider media portrayals of variously gendered individuals,

but also existing gender relations in society, and how these may impact upon individual

experiences and personal narratives. Although not explored in this paper, language and

linguistic frameworks also have a considerable role in shaping the possibilities of

gendered existence. For example, the term 'seibetsu' and the ambiguity that it allows for

in thinking sex/gender may perhaps also have a role in how individuals frame their

gender identity, with certain x-jendā individuals aligning themselves with intersex

individuals. If one speaks of seibetsu and not having one, does it refer to cognition,

physiology, or both? The term allows for complex arrangements of gender, sex and

sexuality which need to explored further

28. As may be noted from the sources presented in this paper, transgender and GID

tend to be interweaved in discourse pertaining to x-jendā, and there was not a necessary

distinction between the two concepts, although some authors (such as Tanaka Ray) are

strongly against the medicalisation of transgender identities. The issue of x-jendā and

medicalisation is a tricky one, as there are individuals who seek to be diagnosed as

having GID, as well as those who refute the very concept of GID. The cases presented

12

here do not allow for much examination of this issue, but it is one that is of great

importance for the framing of gender variant identities, as well as the reception and

comprehension of gender variance in Japan.

29. 'X-jendā' is a term that exists (at present) only in Japan, and its absence (or

equivalent) is often a topic of discussion on the Internet. However the terms used to talk

about it are noticeably 'global'—transgender, Gender Identity Disorder, male-to-,

female-to-, and so on. The Wikipedia article on 'transgender' in Japanese includes

x-jendā in its description, together with the terms such as 'gender-blender' (jendā

burendā) and 'gender-queer' (jendā kuia), without providing any cultural context, hence

perhaps leading one to believe that it is a 'global phenomenon.'[70] The present entry on

transgender in Japanese also equivocates it to GID, whereas the transgender discourse in

Anglophone/western countries has strongly distanced itself from such a position.[71]

30. Evan Towle and Lynn Morgan write about how native/non-American

non-female/male gender identities have been over-generalised by American/European

anthropologists, sweeping them into the same category of 'transgender' whilst ignoring

cultural traits.[72] They also critique the invocation of historical/traditional

non-male/female gender identities from various cultures in outlining a common

'transgender history.' X-jendā presents an interesting twist to this argument, in that it

stems from 'transgender,' yet does not have a place in the 'global' transgender discourse.

At the same time, 'global' transgender debates and identities are invoked in attempting

to justify or question the validity of x-jendā.

31. As noted above, x-jendā can be claimed to have originated in Kansai, and the

publications that mentioned x-jendā were all written by individuals who had spent a

period of time in Kansai doing research. The term has since spread to other parts of

Japan, and has since become a recognised 'identity' for individuals within the queer

community—it is included as an option for 'gender identity' on surveys at queer movie

festivals, as well as included in the introduction of various genders/sexualities in the

pamphlet for queer events, for example this year's Sapporo Rainbow Parade. An

interesting process of events can be noted from how the term originated in the queer

community of Kansai, spread to the Internet, and in turn gave rise to the formation of a

new community, one that would appear to be primarily organised online.

32. Rather than looking at a static geographical 'contact zone,' this paper has

explored the ways in which individuals located within or engaging in various contextual

contact zones (community, print, media, internet) have interacted and played a role in

the formulation as well as the spread of an identity/term. Although limited to a

presentation of discussion pertaining to x-jendā, this has allowed for a useful

examination of how a general understanding of a concept emerges, as well as how

individuals can interpret and manipulate it for their own use.

13

Endnotes [1] Serena Nanda, Neither Man nor Woman: the Hijras of India, Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Pub., 1990.

[2] Will Roscoe, The Zuni Man-Woman, Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1991.

[3] Richard Totman, The Third Sex: Kathoey: Thailand's Ladyboys, London: Souvenir, 2003.

[4] Carolyn Epple, 'Coming to terms with Navajo "nádleehí": a critique of "berdache," "gay," "alternate

gender," and "two-spirit",' in American Ethnologist, vol. 25, no. 2 (May, 1998):267–90; Peter A Jackson,

'An explosion of Thai identities: global queering and reimagining queer theory,' in Culture, Health and

Sexuality, vol. 2, no. 4 (2000):405–24.

[5] Kate Bornstein and S. Bear Bergman, Gender Outlaws: the next Generation, Berkeley, CA: Seal,

2010; Joan Nestle, Clare Howell and Riki Anne Wilchins (eds), GenderQueer: Voices from Beyond the

Sexual Binary, Los Angeles: Alyson, 2002.

[6] Kate Bornstein, Gender Outlaw: On Men, Women, and the Rest of Us, New York: Routledge, 1994;

Leslie Feinberg, Transgender Warriors: Making History from Joan of Arc to RuPaul, Boston: Beacon,

1996; Susan Stryker, Transgender History, Berkeley, CA: Seal, 2008.

[7] This paper seeks to primarily make use of material that is in print and hence 'verifiable,' but also

(especially in the section on community in Kansai) makes use of fieldwork and interviews with

individuals in Kansai and Kantō.

[8] A loan word is one that is directly borrowed from another language, often known as katakana. These

words are integrated into the Japanese language, and over time become localised and in some cases

distanced from their 'original' meaning. Examples of common loan words from English are basu (bus) and

rajio (radio).

[9] Jennifer Ellen Robertson, Takarazuka: Sexual Politics and Popular Culture in Modern Japan,

Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998, p. 50.

[10] Robertson, Takarazuka, p. 50.

[11] Robertson, Takarazuka, p. 50.

[12] XtX tends to be used by individuals who describe selves as never having identified as either male or

female, or individuals, such as intersex individuals, who from the time of birth do not have bodies that are

easily categorised as male or female, and are seeking a means of existence that is not specifically

gendered.

[13] Nyū-hāfu (new-half) refers to an individual assigned the male sex at birth, but who undergoes

surgery for certain female body parts (example, breasts), without desiring to become a 'woman.' The term

also has strong connotations of the entertainment world.

[14] Wim Lunsing, 'The politics of okama and onabe,' in Genders, Transgenders, and Sexualities in

Japan, ed. Mark J McLelland and Romit Dasgupta, London: Routledge, 2005, pp. 81– 95. Lunsing goes

through some of the controversy surrounding the terms okama (originally used to refer to male-male

sexual acts, but later taking on a connotation of male-to-female cross-dressing as well), and onabe

(mostly used by female-to-male transvestites). The meanings of the words and what they signify have

changed with the times, and both carry a tinge of the entertainment world.

[15] Junko Mitsuhashi, Josō to nihonjin, Tokyo: Koudansha, 2008, p. 119.

[16] Michel Foucault, The Will to Knowledge, trans. Robert Hurley, London: Penguin, 1998, pp. 138–45.

14

[17] Judith Butler, Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of 'Sex, New York: Routledge, 1993, p.

24.

[18] Sabine Frühstück, Colonizing Sex: Sexology and Social Control in Modern Japan, Berkeley, CA:

University of California Press, 2003, p. 177.

[19] Judith Halberstam, Female Masculinity, Durham: Duke University Press, 1998, pp. 143–44.

[20] G-Front Kansai: The Rainbow Shining over you, online: http://www5e.biglobe.ne.jp/~gfront/, last

accessed 10 November 2011.

[21] Poco a poco, vol. 15 (2000), Osaka: G-Front Kansai, p. 134.

[22] Poco a poco, p. 134.

[23] The 'narrow definition' referred to is that of transgender, which is understood to refer to individuals

who identify as 'male' or 'female,' but do not desire to modify their bodies. This is contrasted to the 'wide

definition' that includes individuals who have undergone surgery (transsexuals), individuals who cross

dress (abbreviated as 'TV' for transvestites), the transgender individuals fitting under the narrow definition,

as well as anyone who feels 'confusion' or a 'gap' with regards to gender. Poco a poco, p. 130.

[24] Poco a poco, p. 128.

[25] Morita passed away in 2008.

[26] Jenda-furi has become a politically contentious term. Originally intended to refer to getting rid of

prescribed gender roles in the work-place and discrimination, it came to be (mis)represented by

politicians and the media as wanting to get rid of characteristics based on gender.

[27] I use third person plural pronouns—'they,' 'their,' etc, to refer to individuals who identify as neither

man nor woman. This is a linguistic issue that needs to be dealt with more seriously, but which I do not

have the space to do at present.

[28] ※ is intended to be a combination of the ♀ and ♂ symbols. Unfortunately the symbol is not included

in this edition of Microsoft Word. The documentary is available as part of the Terere Select series on

DVD. See カフェ放送てれれ for information, online, accessed 10 November 2011.

[29] Described in the text as 'MTFTX24 jikan dansou.'

[30] A self-help group for intersexed individuals. See Pesfis: Disorders of Sex Development, online:

http://www14.ocn.ne.jp/~pesfis/index2.html, accessed 14 November 2011.

[31] Introduced as KENN but credited as Morita Shinichi.

[32] Translatable as 'gender identity,' although taking note of the meaning of 'sei' discussed above the

differing connotation should be noted.

[33] It should be noted that texts dealing with non-female/gender identities and ways of being have

existed before and after this, but not explicitly mentioning the concept of x-jendā. For example, Tomomi

Sakura, Seidōitsuseishougai no sha kai gaku, Tokyo: Genjitsushoukan, 2006; Tetsuo Tsutamori, Otoko

demo naku onna demo naku, Tokyo: Keisoshobo, 1993; Izumi Yonezawa (ed.), Toransujendarizumu sen

gen (Transgender Manifesto), Tokyo: Sha kai hyou ka sha, 2003.

[34] Michiko Yoshinaga, Seidōitsuseishougai - seitenkan no ashita. (Gender Identity Disorder - the Day

After the Sex Change), Tokyo: Shueisha, 2000.

15

[35] Yoshinaga, Seidōitsuseishougai, pp. 159–60.

[36] Ray Tanaka, Transgender Feminism, Tokyo: Impact Publishing, 2006.

[37] Tanaka, Transgender Feminism, author's biography at the back of the book.

[38] KENN was Morita's pseudonym, and their real name was known even in cases of using the

pseudonym.

[39] Tanaka, Transgender Feminism, p. 2.

[40] Tanaka, Transgender Feminism, p. 2.

[41] Tanaka, Transgender Feminism, pp. 3–4.

[42] This refers to the family register system in place in Japan. All Japanese citizens possess the koseki,

except for the royal family. The koseki maintains that there is a head of the family, usually male, and

hence can be said to be patriarchal. Gender is made evident on the koseki through family relation, for

example 'eldest son,' and so on–male/female is not directly stated.

[43] Tanaka, Transgender Feminism, p. 106.

[44] Tanaka, Transgender Feminism, p. i.

[45] Tanaka, Transgender Feminism, p. ii.

[46] Mia Nakamura, Kuia sekusorojī (Queer Sexology) Tokyo: Impact, 2008, p. 101.

[47] ROS (ed.), Toransu ga wakarimasen!! (I don't understand trans!!) Osaka: At Worx, 2007, p. 4.

[48] 迫共, 'Mizukara uroko no sekushuaritei ROStte donna sākuru?,' Toransu ga wakarimasen!!, pp.

4–13, p. 10. Also see ROS, online: http://ros2002jp.org/pc/index.htm, last accessed 15 November 2011.

[49] Rupan 4 sei, 'Nyūmon! Toransu kouza,' Toransu ga wakarimasen!!, pp. 14–32, p. 25.

[50] Rupan 4 sei, 'Nyūmon! Toransu kouza,' p. 32.

[51] Sachie Tsuruta, Seidōitsuseishougai no esunogurafī (An Ethnography of Gender Identity Disorder),

West-Tokyo: Harvest, 2009.

[52] Hāto o tsunagou is a weekly documentary programme, which each week focuses on specific social

issues (such as sexual harassment, living with disabilities, and so on). It has been noted for being one of

the few television programmes to realistically portray LGBT individuals. It also hosts a web-site

specifically about LGBT issues. See NHK Online, online: http://www.nhk.or.jp/heart-net/hearttv/,

accessed 19 December 2011.

[53] Tsuruta, Seidōitsuseishougai no esunogurafue, p. 207.

[54] Yuen Shu Min, 'Last friends, beyond friends – articulating non-normative gender and sexuality on

mainstream Japanese television,' in Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, vol. 12, no. 3 (2011):383–400.

[55] See the following for a discussion of onē-kotoba: Claire Maree, 'Grrrl-queens: onē-kotoba and the

negotiation of heterosexist gender norms and lesbo (homo) phobic stereotypes in Japanese,' in

AsiaPacifiQueer: Rethinking Genders and Sexualities, ed. Fran Martin, Peter A. Jackson, Mark

McLelland and Audrey Yue, Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2008, pp. 67–84.

16

[56] Please note that owing to privacy issues, I have chosen not to include links to these blogs. However,

they can be found easily by performing a search for the blog title.

[57] Some examples of such groups can be found at the following Ameba group pages:

http://group.ameba.jp/group/sItAtg-X5J0k/, http://group.ameba.jp/group/mP76PitU71D8/,

http://group.ameba.jp/group/_Iv8QMpMghBU/, accessed 14 November 2011.

[58] These rankings can be found at the following links: FtM/FtX, accessed 14 November 2011;

MtF/MtX, accessed 14 November 2011.

[59] For example discrimination against Burakumin. See Nicole Gottlieb, 'Language, representation and

power: Burakamin and the Internet,' in Japanese Cybercultures, ed. Nanette Gottlieb and Mark J.

McLelland, London: Routledge, 2003, pp. 191–205.

[60] Examples of some of these threads are available from the following website:

http://unkar.org/r/gay/1209753297, accessed 14 November 2011; Such discussion took place for example

within discussions about being neither male nor female, without the term x-jendā explicitly coming up,

and were listed under different categories, such as mental health.

[61] This thread can be found here: http://unkar.org/r/gay/1265724719, as well as

http://kamome.2ch.net/test/read.cgi/gay/1288093232/ and

http://kamome.2ch.net/test/read.cgi/gay/1288093232/l50, accessed 15 April 2010.

[62] The gender scale can be found at this page: http://kamome.2ch.net/test/read.cgi/gay/1288093232/l50,

accessed 15 April 2011. The scale is based upon gender stereotypes, including questions about use of

make-up, clothing, hobbies, getting lost and asking for directions, how emotional one is, amongst other

things. The result one gets is a breakdown of 'manliness' (danseisei) and 'womanliness' (joseisei) based on

a scale of 100, as well as one's ranking of feminine sexual appeal.

[63] Mixi is a password-sensitive website—it is not possible to view Mixi groups without being signed up

to Mixi, and as such the links are not included here. In order to sign up to Mixi, it is necessary to have a

Japanese keitai (mobile phone) email address, and as such users are (ostensibly) limited to one account

per person. One can find the groups listed here once signed up to Mixi by searching for them. The

respective group pages were last accessed 14 November 2011.

[64] The tweets pertaining to this discussion have been archived by a user and are available at the

following website: http://togetter.com/li/134766, accessed 14 November 2011.

[65] This follow-up discussion has also been archived: http://togetter.com/li/135130, accessed 14

November 2011.

[66] An example of how individuals can use Twitter to organise gatherings can be found at:

http://topsy.com/tweetvite.com/event/x-gender003, accessed 14 November 2011.

[67] It should be noted that I have also used Twitter (and Mixi) for my own research, as a tool to inform

people of the x-jendā groups that I organise, as well as to find research participants.

[68] Written as 男の娘 —read as otoko no ko, boy (literally boy child), but using the kanji for 'daughter'

instead, hence 'boy daughter'. This term has only started to surface recently but is used to refer to male to

female part-time cross-dressers, often assumed to be bisexual or heterosexual.

[69] Tanaka, Transgender Feminism, p. 84.

[70] For the Japanese Wikipedia page on transgender see:

http://ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E3%83%88%E3%83%A9%E3%83%B3%E3%82%B9%E3%82%B8%E3

%82%A7%E3%83%B3%E3%83%80%E3%83%BC, accessed 10 November 2011.

17

[71] Readily evident, for example, in the edited collection of Susan Stryker and Stephen Whittle , The

Transgender Studies Reader, New York: Routledge, 2006. Also see 'Transgender,' in Wikipedia (English)

page for comparison: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transgender, accessed 14 April 2011.

[72] Evan B. Towle and Lynn M. Morgan, 'Romancing the transgender native,' in The Transgender

Studies Reader, ed. Susan Stryker and Stephen Whittle, New York: Routledge, 2006, pp. 666–84.