SPECIAL SECTION

Cultural Processes in Parenting and Youth Outcomes: Examining a Modelof Racial-Ethnic Socialization and Identity in Diverse Populations

James RodriguezColumbia University

Adriana Umana-TaylorArizona State University

Emilie Phillips SmithThe Pennsylvania State University

Deborah J. JohnsonMichigan State University

We review and summarize the findings across 7 studies contained in the special section titled, “Racial-Ethnic Socialization, Identity, and Youth Outcomes: Excavating Culture.” These studies represent asignificant advance for research in issues related to the impact of racial-ethnic socialization and identityon child outcomes. All 7 studies attempted to test in whole or part a hypothetical model in whichethnic-racial socialization in families of color is related to child psychosocial and academic outcomesdirectly and indirectly through effects on self-system variables such as racial-ethnic identity andself-esteem. Two types of racial socialization messages were of particular interest: messages that promotecultural pride (referred to as ethnic or cultural socialization) and messages that address children’sexposure to discrimination (referred to as racial socialization). Collectively, the studies suggest thatethnic-racial socialization processes are related to youth outcomes through indirect associations withethnic-racial identity and self-esteem. Findings were most consistent in the studies with AfricanAmerican youth and some aspects of the model were not supported for American Indian and Chineseyouth. Ethnic and racial group differences and directions for future research are discussed.

Keywords: racial-ethnic socialization, racial-ethnic identity, academic achievement, psychosocial out-comes

Although research on the relationship between racial-ethnicidentity development and socialization processes in families ofcolor has grown in the last three decades, studies of the impact ofthese processes on child adjustment have lagged behind. In con-trast to research on racial-ethnic identity development, dating backto the 1930s (Clark & Clark, 1939; Horowitz, 1939), the study offamily socialization processes that impact identity developmenthas emerged mainly over the last three decades. Although theevolution of research on identity processes has focused on thediverse dimensions of the construct, socialization research hasfocused mainly on issues related to operationalization and mea-surement. Notwithstanding these skewed and divergent researchtrajectories, findings from the extant literature consistently showthat racial-ethnic identity and socialization are indeed salient pro-cesses in the lives of children and families of color (e.g., French,Kim, & Pillado, 2006; Hughes et al., 2006; E. P. Smith, Atkins, &

Connell, 2003; Stevenson, McNeil, Herrero-Taylor, & Davis,2005; Umana-Taylor, 2004). Despite significant advances, re-search in the area of diverse racial-ethnic child development andpsychological adjustment must begin to address some criticalareas, including (a) both within-group studies that identify uniquedimensions of family processes as well as comparative researchacross racial-ethnic groups revealing distinctions and commonal-ities; (b) the relationship of socialization processes and identitydevelopment to child adjustment, development, and psychosocialfunctioning; (c) methodological rigor in the form of assessment,sampling, and study design (Hughes et al., 2006); and (d) cleartheoretical models for understanding how these salient constructsinteract with presumably “universal” constructs to influence childand adolescent adjustment (Ogbu, 1981). The collection of articlesin this special section titled “Racial-Ethnic Socialization, Identity,and Youth Outcomes: Excavating Culture,” address some of theseimportant areas of research on minority child development.

Garcia Coll and her colleagues (1996) proposed a complexintegrative model for child development that incorporates con-structs salient to youth and families of color along with presumeduniversal aspects of development. The model moves beyond socialaddress to posit that social position variables (e.g., race, gender,social class, immigrant status) indirectly affect developmentthrough the mechanisms of racism, prejudice, and discriminationthat result in residential, economic, social, and psychological seg-

James Rodriguez, Department of Child Psychiatry, Columbia Univer-sity; Adriana Umana-Taylor, School of Social and Family Dynamics,Arizona State University; Emilie Phillips Smith, Human Development andFamily Studies, The Pennsylvania State University; Deborah J. Johnson,Department of Family and Child Ecology, Michigan State University.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to JamesRodriguez, Columbia University, 1051 Riverside Dr., Unit 78, New York,NY 10032. E-mail: rodriguja@childpsych.columbia.edu

Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology © 2009 American Psychological Association2009, Vol. 15, No. 2, 106–111 1099-9809/09/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0015510

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regation and differential access to quality institutions such asschools, neighborhoods, and the health care system. As a frame-work for minority child development, the model is informative butfar too comprehensive to test in a single study. However, thestudies in this special issue of Cultural Diversity and EthnicMinority Psychology are guided by and test aspects consistent withthe model proposed by Garcia Coll et al., and address the impactof adaptive culture in the family system on child development. Thestudies presented here collectively advance the research agenda onminority child and adolescent development in a significant way byexamining processes central to Garcia Coll and colleagues’ pro-posed model. In this collection of articles, the researchers gobeyond deficit-oriented portrayals of children and families of colorto understand the role of race and ethnicity, the impact of immi-gration/migration, minority status, and/or discrimination on iden-tity and family socialization processes.

All of the studies in the special issue were expected to test inwhole or part a common heuristic model (see Hughes, Wither-spoon, Rivas-Drake, & West-Bey, 2009), that explores the link-ages between racial-ethnic socialization, the self system includingracial-ethnic identity, and self-esteem and child psychosocial de-velopment and adjustment among children and families of color.Specifically, the model tests the theory that racial/ethnic socializa-tion and child adjustment or psychosocial outcomes are mediatedthrough self-system processes such as self-esteem and ethnic andracial identity. Of the seven studies in the special issue, two(Hughes et al., 2009; Murry, Berkel, Brody, Miller, & Chen, 2009)tested all variables in the model including mediated relationshipsand both provided strong evidence in support for the hypothesizedpaths. A third (Stevenson & Arrington, 2009) examined the rela-tionship between racial identity and socialization processes. Fi-nally, four studies (Kim & Chao, 2009; Seaton, 2009; C. M. O.Smith, Smith, Levine, Dumas, & Prinz, 2009; Whitesell, Mitchell,Spicer, & the Voices of Indian Teens Project, 2009) examined theimpact of racial-ethnic identity on psychosocial outcomes.

In so far as the set of articles span a range of child outcomes,including academic or linguistic (e.g., Kim & Chao, 2009; Murry

et al., 2009; C. M. O. Smith et al., 2009; Stevenson & Arrington,this issue; Whitesell et al., 2009), behavioral (Hughes et al., 2009),and psychosocial (Hughes et al., 2009; Seaton, 2009; Stevenson &Arrington, 2009), these articles represent a promising direction fordevelopment among children and families of color. They allow forthe simultaneous examination of normative, potentially universalor culturally relevant developmental processes, and outcomesamong youth and families of color. The studies also span thedevelopmental spectrum from school-age children to late adoles-cence, offering some opportunity for comparison within a criticaldevelopment period for studying family processes, self-systemdevelopment, and outcomes. These studies address three criticalgaps in research identity and socialization processes in minorityfamilies and their impact on child development. First, they are allbased on a conceptual model that is used in four of the studies. Theauthors’ of the special section have identified key processes fromGarcia Coll and colleague’s (1996) well-regarded model andclearly specified the relationship among adaptive culture, self-system processes, and child outcome variables. Second, all of thestudies utilize multidimensional measures of identity developmentand socialization, thus, yielding a more nuanced examination ofthe constructs under study. Last, and notably, the studies highlightthe variability across ethnic-racial groups with regard to identityand/or socialization processes. Although the conceptual model isnot necessarily confirmed across all studies, this is expected giventhe emic nature of ethnic minority research and the inherent socialand historical distinction of ethnic group experiences.

Collectively, the studies support the hypotheses of direct andindirect relationships from ethnic-racial socialization to self-system identity processes and psychosocial or academic outcomes.Figure 1 displays Hughes et al.’s (2009) model and specifies thedirect and indirect paths in the model annotated with a list of thestudies in this collection that provide empirical support for aparticular path. In all, the model specifies 12 paths (includingmediated paths) among the predictor variables (ethnic/culturalsocialization, racial socialization, ethnic identity, and self-esteem)and psychosocial and academic outcomes. In the model, two aspects

Racial/EthnicEthnic

OutcomesPsychosocialEducational

Racial/Ethnic Identity

Ethnic Socialization

[ ]

[ ]

Self-esteemRacial Socialization

Figure 1. Studies demonstrating evidence for each path: 1. Hughes et al., 2009; Murry et al., 2009. 2. Hughes etal., 2009. 3. Hughes et al., 2009. 4. Hughes et al., 2009; Murry et al., 2009; Stevenson & Arrington, 2009. 5. Hugheset al., 2009; Murry et al., 2009; Stevenson & Arrington, 2009. 6. Hughes et al., 2009; Murry et al., 2009. 7. Hugheset al., 2009; Murry et al., 2009. 8. Hughes et al., 2009; Murry et al., 2009. 9. Kim & Chao, 2009; Murry et al., 2009;C.M.O. Smith et al., 2009; Seaton, 2009. 10. C.M.O. Smith et al., 2009; Seaton, 2009; Whitesell et al., 2009. 7./10.Hughes et al., 2009. 4./9. Hughes et al., 2009; Murry et al., 2009.

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of socialization are identified: ethnic/cultural socialization (i.e., mes-sages or attitudes that promote cultural pride) and racial socialization(i.e., messages or attitudes that promote increased awareness of rac-ism and discrimination). Racial or ethnic identity and self-esteem arehypothesized to be the mediating self-system variables. Outcomesrefer to adjustment with respect to factors such as psychosocial wellbeing (e.g., deviance, aggressive behavior, depression) and academicoutcomes (e.g., grades, self-presentations, engagement). Each directpath is numbered and indirect or mediated paths are identified by thecombination of the two direct paths predicting outcomes within brack-ets.

Overall, each of the studies in this special issue contributed toinforming some aspect of the conceptual model. The model hy-pothesized 10 direct and 2 indirect paths among the variables, andevidence was provided for each of them. Moreover, two studies(Hughes et al., 2009; Murry et al., 2009) using multivariate sta-tistical modeling techniques with strong measurement for all vari-ables found support for the overall hypothesized model examiningthe role of socialization on identity and adjustment. Two generalfindings are most notable. First, as expected, findings suggest thattwo types of socialization messages—those that promote culturalpride and those that prepare children for discrimination—havedirect and indirect affects on psychosocial and academic outcomes.Hughes and her colleagues found significant paths with differentialeffects between types of messages and outcomes. Youth whoreported cultural pride messages reported higher ethnic identityand self-esteem, which in turn were associated with more positivebeliefs about their ability to master academic work. Conversely,messages that focused on potential confrontations with racism anddiscrimination had the opposite effect, and were also associatedwith minor deviance. Murry et al. demonstrated that youth whoreported receiving a combination of message types had greaterself-pride (self-esteem and racial identity), were less likely todevalue their academic achievements, and were thus expected byteachers and parents to perform better academically.

Among the studies focused on discrete aspects of the model asa whole, Kim and Chao (2009) found an association betweenethnic identity exploration and school effort in second generationMexican American adolescents, C. M. O. Smith et al. (this issue)found similar relationships between racial identity and academicoutcomes such as listening comprehension among school-age chil-dren, and Seaton (this issue) found that African American youthalienated from their cultural identity were more like to show lowerself-esteem and depressive symptoms.

A second important finding from the collection of studies is thatthere were discrepant findings across racial and ethnic groups.Two noteworthy examples were the Whitesell et al. (2009) studyand the Kim and Chao (2009) study in which no direct or indirectrelationships were found between American Indian and Chineseyouth’s cultural identity and their academic outcomes. Surpris-ingly, though not necessarily discrepant, Hughes and her col-leagues (this issue) found no significant differences in the overallmodel fit between White and African American youth, suggestingsimilarities between the two groups for the proposed model. Futureresearch must focus on cross-cultural comparisons to better under-stand these apparently discrepant or unexpected findings.

Last, some differences in these processes were found as afunction of age, generational status, neighborhood context, gender,and grade in school (Kim & Chao, 2009; Seaton, this issue; C.

M. O. Smith et al., this issue; Stevenson & Arrington, this issue).These differences suggest both the challenge and promise ofconducting research on culturally bound constructs across differentethnic groups. Next, we will provide some highlights of how thearticles in this special section further our understanding of devel-opment in youth relative to racial-ethnic identity and socializationprocesses. We cover first the articles that address ethnic-racialidentity and child outcomes, then socialization and child outcomes,and last the studies that simultaneously examine all variables in theconceptual model.

Kim and Chaos’ (2009) paper explored the role of heritagelanguage fluency and ethnic identity in a cross-sectional study of561 first and second generation Chinese and first, second and thirdgeneration Mexican adolescent. Regression analysis indicated thatfor second generation Mexican adolescents, ethnic identity explo-ration, and native language fluency predicted school effort. ForChinese youth there was a strong association between languagefluency and ethnic identity in the first generation and no associa-tion in the second generation, but there was no association betweenheritage language fluency, ethnic identity, and school effort.Though the study establishes a link between heritage languagefluency, ethnic identity, and academic outcomes for Mexicanyouth, no such association was found among Chinese youth. Inidentifying divergent paths between Mexican and Chinese youth,this study highlights ethnic and generational differences in theprocess of adaptation and acculturation. Future research in thisarea would benefit from the inclusion of measures of socializationprocesses and acculturative stress to better understand the psycho-logical adjustment in immigrant families that derives from heritagelanguage.

Among African American children and youth, C. M. O. Smith etal. (this issue) examined early developmental correlates of identitydevelopment, and Seaton (this issue) examined the impact of racialidentity on later adolescent development. In a longitudinal study of678 school-age African American children, Smith et al. showedthat racial-ethnic preferences among African American childrenincreased in consistency and own-group orientation over time fromthe first to third grade. Although Grade 1 racial preferences did notemerge as a significant predictor, children in Grade 2 were moreconsistent in attributing positive traits to their race and ethnicityand those preferences significantly predicted racial-ethnic identitymeasured at Grade 3. As for child outcomes, racial identity wasfound to be a modest predictor of self-esteem and problem behav-ior (assessed by the CBC–L) but a strong and significant predictorof reading and listening comprehension.

Findings from Seaton’s (this issue) study indicated that adoles-cent perceptions of racism are associated with both decreases inself-esteem and increases in depressive symptoms. These resultssupport those from a number studies, including Stevenson andArrington’s (this issue). Findings from Seaton’s study indicatedthat, at high levels of individual racism, youth who felt alienatedfrom their racial group reported lower self-esteem and higherdepressive symptoms; these provide strong support for the con-ceptual model driving the studies in this special issue (see Hugheset al., this issue) and, in turn, aspects of Garcia Coll and col-leagues’ theoretical model. Specifically, these findings demon-strate the potential protective influence of racial-ethnic identity inrelation to the deleterious effects of exposure to racism amongminority youth, which have been demonstrated in research (see

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Brondolo, Brady ver Halen, Pencille, Beatty & Contrada, 2009 fora review). More research into the family processes that promoteidentity development in the face of discrimination would be help-ful, given recent studies that have identified the potential protec-tive role that family involvement plays in diminishing the effectsof exposure to racism (Brody et al., 2006).

Whitesell and colleagues (2009) tested a mediational modelwherein self-system characteristics (i.e., American Indian identityand self-esteem) both have direct and indirect associations withacademic achievement (i.e., grades and self-reported perceivedschool performance) through decreases in problem behaviors (an-tisocial behavior and substance use) and improved personal re-sources (locus of control, coping, competencies). Although therewas a modest association between American Indian cultural iden-tity and self-esteem, cultural identity was unrelated to academicsuccess, but self-esteem was indirectly related to academic successthrough the mediating effects on personal resources and problembehaviors. Results of the growth curve model examining all vari-ables simultaneously showed that cultural identity was not linkedto the other factors in the model. These findings suggest that theproposed model may be a better fit for explaining identity devel-opment and academic outcomes among African Americans thanAmerican Indian youth. This should not necessarily be considereda rebuke of the model necessarily, but merely highlights the factthat cultural adaptations related to identity and socialization pro-cesses in American society are embedded in unique social andhistorical contexts. As suggested by Whitesell et al., the relation-ship between cultural pride and academic outcomes for AmericanIndian youth may be different than that of other groups because ofthe history of forced assimilation through the boarding schoolsystem.

Stevenson and Arrington’s (this issue) paper addresses the re-lationship of racial socialization and racial identity developmentamong adolescents attending predominantly White independentschools. Their findings suggest a relationship between variousdimensions of identity and socialization experiences. For example,students who reported receiving messages that alert them to thebarriers resulting from racism in society believed that societygenerally holds negative beliefs about African Americans. Hughesand her colleagues (this issue) found a similar negative relation-ship. The unique contribution of the Stevenson and Arringtonstudy is the examination of the relationship of school and neigh-borhood social context variables to racial identity and socializa-tion. Thus, students in higher grades from predominantly Blackneighborhoods were more likely to espouse attitudes consistentwith a Black Nationalist ideology, and African American adoles-cents who were from neighborhoods with a lower percentage ofAfrican Africans tended to view their African American identity asless central to their overall identity. Neighborhood and schoolcontext were not consistently related to all indictors of racialsocialization and identity development but these findings provideimportant clues for contextual variables that may impact psycho-social processes among ethnic youth of color, even though theresearch in general is mixed on this topic in that some find thatintegrated settings make race and ethnicity more salient (Hughes,this issue; Tatum, 2004; Umana-Taylor, 2004). The important roleof neighborhood context and racial socialization is a topic deserv-ing more research and replication.

Hughes and colleague’s (this issue) study of racial socializationexplores the differential effects of two conceptually divergenttypes of racial socialization messages: cultural socialization andpreparation for bias. Her findings provide support for the concep-tual model in which racial socialization processes impact academicand behavioral outcomes through intervening effects of self-system variables like self-esteem. Two findings are of particularinterest in Hughes and colleagues’ study: First, the finding thatthere were no significant differences in model fit between AfricanAmerican and White adolescents with regards to the protectiverole of cultural socialization and, second, that racial socializationmessages—those regarding discussion about the potential for un-fair treatment—were more highly associated with minor devianceamong White youth than African American youth. These findingsquestion the assumption that racial socialization is unique to Af-rican Americans and members of other ethnic minority groups.Hughes and her colleagues suggest that in integrated communities,race-ethnicity may be as salient for majority youth as it is for theirminority counterparts. It is possible that cultural socialization playsas significant a role in reducing the vulnerability to negativestereotypes among White youth as it does among minority youth.This possibility is highlighted by the fact that there is someevidence in other indicators in the sample that perhaps as much ashalf the sample of White youths in this study were Jewish, mem-bers of a group with a history of exposure discrimination andanti-Semitism. It is possible that the use of messages that promotecultural pride or prepare children for discrimination are as salientamong some White ethnic groups such as those of Jewish descent,as it is in families of color. Other factors that may account forHughes and her colleague’s findings between African Americanand White students include those that might as yet be unmeasuredsuch as the confluence of socioeconomic status or the level ofintegration in the school or local community. As Stevenson andArrington (this issue) suggest, these contextual variables can playa significant role. The association between messages that prepareyouth for discrimination and minor deviance adds more evidenceto a growing body of research suggesting the possible deleteriouseffects of an overemphasis on these types of messages (Stevenson,1997; Stevenson, Reed, Bodison, & Bishop, 1997). However,evidence seems to suggest that when messages of cultural pride arecombined with messages that prepare youth for bias better out-comes might be predicted (Murry et al., this issue; Stevenson,Herrero-Taylor, Cameron, & Davis, 2002). Murry and her col-leagues seem to suggest that the combination of cultural pride andpreparation for bias messages also has a positive impact on aca-demic outcomes.

In Murry and colleagues’ (this issue) paper, racial-ethnicsocialization is thought to impact youth’s self-pride and, in turn,affect the youth’s academic self-presentations. Similar toHughes (this issue), they found support for the model in that thecombination of parental ethnic and racial socialization practiceswere significantly associated with youth self-pride (defined asself-esteem and racial identity) and, in turn, youth with higherself-pride were less likely to camouflage their academic abili-ties through negative academic self presentations. The additionof the self-presentation construct is particularly useful becauseit adds some interesting findings regarding a controversialtheory about Black child adjustment, namely the oppositionalculture theory developed by Fordham and Ogbu (1986).

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Fordham and Ogbu’s analyses focused primarily on the schoolas the context in which mainstream oppositional values in theform of devaluing educational attainment develop, presumablyresulting from perceived stereotyping. This theory has beenreferred to as the “acting White” phenomenon fostering thebelief that African American must acculturate to mainstreamacademic values to succeed in school. In a well-designed studyusing structural equation modeling, Murry and colleagues offerrobust findings that the relationship between parental socializa-tion practices and academic self-presentations—the masking ofeducational competence—among African American adoles-cents is mediated by self-pride. A strength of this study is theuse of teacher-report data to assess children’s educational out-comes. Much of the racial socialization studies that examinelinks to school academic outcomes are typically based on self-report data (Hughes et al., 2006). This study offers compellingsupport for the theoretical framework guiding the studies in thisspecial issue. Prior research has challenged the acting Whiteassumption by establishing a positive link between racial iden-tity and educational outcomes (e.g., Spencer, Noll, Stolzfus, &Harpalani, 2001), and Murry and her colleagues and Hughesand her colleagues have both added evidence that parentalsocialization processes are also involved in countering theacting White assumption.

The studies included in this special issue have informed atheoretically based model of development in families of color.They also have provided support for aspects of the integrativemodel of child development (Garcia Coll et al., 1996). This is acritical direction in ethnic minority research because it identifiessignificant links among socialization and identity processes as wellas child outcomes and highlights, in some cases, the relevance ofsocial position variables such as race and ethnicity and the rolethey play in increased exposure to racism and discrimination.Specifically, these studies suggest that the combination of racial-ethnic socialization and self-system processes such as identity andself-esteem contribute to child outcomes and in some cases iden-tity moderates the relationship. Together, these processes under-score the need to understand the development of adaptive culturalmechanisms that can promote positive developmental outcomesand adjustment. Future research should focus on strong theoreticalmodels similar to those outlined here. Hughes et al., (2006) arguedthat it is important to focus on the assessment of the dimensions ofethnic-racial socialization to better articulate the pathways to crit-ical outcomes among children and youth of color. The special issueprovides empirical support for this assertion and contributes todefinitional clarity of the cultural and racial socialization dimen-sions for future research. Whereas the combination of articles inthe special issue have highlighted how a common model can beused to excavate the analogous processes of culture, parenting, anddevelopment across groups and time, some of the studies thatfocused on Asian American and American Indian groups (Kim &Chao, 2009; Whitesell, et al., 2009) and the impact of adaptivecultural processes on Whites (Hughes et al., this issue) also simul-taneously reinforced the principal consideration of cultural varia-tion in meaning and social history. The importance of this volumeis also underscored by the current context of reduced federalfunding available for research and, specifically, to support emerg-ing and existing national data sets on children and families thatinclude cultural parenting elements as salient constructs. There is

a significant need for more opportunities and methods that willallow researchers to ask parallel questions (i.e., across multiple-ethnic groups) using existing data sets to continue to further ourunderstanding of the deep structure and multifaceted nature ofcultural parenting.

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Stevenson, H. C., McNeil, J. D., Herrero-Taylor, T., & Davis, G. Y. (2005).Influence of perceived neighborhood diversity and racism experience on theracial socialization of Black youth. Journal of Black Psychology, 31, 273–290.

Stevenson, H. C., Reed, J., Bodison, P., & Bishop, A. (1997). Racism stress

management: Racial socialization beliefs and the experience of depression andanger for African American adolescents. Youth and Society, 29, 197–222.

Tatum, B. D. (2004). Family life and school experience: Factors in theracial identity development of black youth in white communities. Jour-nal of Social Issues, 60, 117–135.

Tynes, B. M. (2007). Role taking in online “classrooms”: What adolescentsare learning about race and ethnicity. Developmental Psychology, 43,1312–1320.

Umana-Taylor, A. J. (2004). Ethnic identity and self-esteem: Examiningthe role of social context. Journal of Adolescence, 27, 139–146.

Whitesell, N. R., Mitchell, C. M., Spicer, P., & the Voices of Indian TeensProject Team. (2009). A longitudinal study of self-esteem, culturalidentity, and academic success among American Indian adolescents.Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psychology, 15, 38–50.

Members of Underrepresented Groups:Reviewers for Journal Manuscripts Wanted

If you are interested in reviewing manuscripts for APA journals, the APA Publications andCommunications Board would like to invite your participation. Manuscript reviewers are vital to thepublications process. As a reviewer, you would gain valuable experience in publishing. The P&CBoard is particularly interested in encouraging members of underrepresented groups to participatemore in this process.

If you are interested in reviewing manuscripts, please write APA Journals at Reviewers@apa.org.Please note the following important points:

• To be selected as a reviewer, you must have published articles in peer-reviewed journals. Theexperience of publishing provides a reviewer with the basis for preparing a thorough, objectivereview.

• To be selected, it is critical to be a regular reader of the five to six empirical journals that are mostcentral to the area or journal for which you would like to review. Current knowledge of recentlypublished research provides a reviewer with the knowledge base to evaluate a new submissionwithin the context of existing research.

• To select the appropriate reviewers for each manuscript, the editor needs detailed information.Please include with your letter your vita. In the letter, please identify which APA journal(s) youare interested in, and describe your area of expertise. Be as specific as possible. For example,“social psychology” is not sufficient—you would need to specify “social cognition” or “attitudechange” as well.

• Reviewing a manuscript takes time (1–4 hours per manuscript reviewed). If you are selected toreview a manuscript, be prepared to invest the necessary time to evaluate the manuscriptthoroughly.

111SPECIAL SECTION: CULTURAL POCESSES IN PARENTING AND YOUTH OUTCOMES

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