An Exploratory Study into Work-Life Balance Mechanisms of Women in the Nigerian Banking Industry

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EPRA International Journal of Economic and Business Review Vol - 3, Issue- 4, April 2015

e-ISSN : 2347 - 9671, p- ISSN : 2349 - 0187

ABSTRACT

AN EXPLORATORY STUDY INTOWORK-LIFE BALANCE MECHANISMS

OF WOMEN IN THE NIGERIANBANKING INDUSTRY

Onyeka Uzonwanne3

Godfrey Uzonwanne1

Francis Uzonwanne2

1University of Leicester,Leicester, United Kingdom.

2Department of Psychology,University of Ibadan, Nigeria3Doctoral Researcher, LawSchool, De MonfortUniversity, Leicester,United Kingdom

Purpose: This study is an exploratory study of working women in the

Nigerian banking industry.

Design/Methodology/Approach: The study employed a survey

methodology to gather empirical data from women working in the industry

with a view to testing the applicability of certain concepts found in theory

within the context of a developing country. A sample of 10 respondents

were interviewed to seek their views on how women balance family life

with the demands of a successful career in the Nigerian banking industry.

The data gathered was analysed by qualitative thematic analysis.

Findings: The views gathered demonstrated a variety of opinions across

the sample. The survey revealed that various constraints were faced by

these women, some of which the women felt were gender specific and

others they felt were culturally imposed on them.

Originality/Value: This study brings into perspective aspects of work-

life balance not previously investigated in literature. Studies of this nature

on work-life balance in emerging markets are not very prevalent in the

work-life balance literature.

KEY WORDS: Work-life balance, gendered organizations, cultural perceptions, women in banking,children and career, glass ceiling.

1.0 INTRODUCTIONOne of the most fiercely debated topics in

the feminist literature is gender discrimination. Anexploration into gender related issues is indeed onewhich is sensitive to many facets of society dependingon the social, cultural and political values of thewriter, the reader and the observer(s). Kane andSanchez (1994) argue that within the family structure,the female gender is dominated by the male genderthereby creating perceived inequalities between bothgenders. Women in Nigeria and indeed mostdeveloping countries have always played a significantrole in providing subsistence for the family whilealso nurturing their offspring (Lupri, 1983).

The economic reality in today’s Nigeria,however, has seen women taking up more graduateand management positions than they ever did in thepast. Kane and Sanchez (1994) theorize that workingwomen in marriages with children are least likely tocriticize male dominance at home or strive foregalitarianism in the place of work due to a consciousneed to preserve their family balance and maintaina smooth transition between family and workresponsibilities. In their view, this reluctance tochallenge dominance by the male gender is amagnification of the already existing inequality.Agonito (1993) refers to this acquiescence by marriedwomen as being “a nice girl.” Nice girl in this contextrefers to subordination to the male gender andacceptance of an auxiliary role in family and worksituations.

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All over the world, the banking and financeindustry is known to be a highly intensiveenvironment demanding long and tedious hours ofwork to ensure that clients are kept happy and thebank is kept relatively profitable and safe from risk(with interest rates, exchange rates and stock priceschanging so frequently). In order to maintain thislevel of corporate demand, bank staff, both male andfemale need to “bend over backwards,” oftensacrificing family life to compensate for the longhours spent at work. Culturally, the Nigerian societyassigns a significant percentage of childcare tomothers in the belief that women are better equippedfor the day-to-day demands of childcare (Awe 2001).Fuegen et al (2004) argue that women’s career progressin the place of work is ultimately dampened whenthey have children and attempt to balance theircaregiving role with a semi-breadwinning role.

Another empirical study by Berdahl andMoon (2013) argued that this apparent careerdampening experienced by working mothers was alsofound to be applicable to working fathers who swappedtheir traditional breadwinning role for apredominantly caregiving role in support of raisingtheir children. Conversely, Berdahl and Moon (2013)also observed from their survey that women withoutchildren or women with children, who had more ofthe breadwinning role than the caregiving role(whether or not they had children)_did not experienceany drawbacks in their career progress. This indicatesthat the problem of career progress and childbirth/caregiving was not directly associated with genderbut was more closely associated with role assignment.In Nigeria, a society with more conservative valuesthan most western countries, role assignment tendsto be more defined with both men and womenperforming some caregiving and breadwinning rolesbut with the balance of caregiving tilting towardswomen and the balance of breadwinning tiltingtowards men.

In contrast, most Western societies such asthe United Kingdom tend to present a relativelyequitable distribution of role assignment across themale and female gender between the caregiving/childcare and breadwinning roles in contrast todeveloping societies like Nigeria. These societallyassigned roles of women to the greater proportionof childcare/caregiving according to Greer (1970) andCalas and Smircich (1996) are being stronglychallenged by the increased influx of women into t

he workplace. This study therefore leverages this viewto examine how a career in the Nigerian bankingindustry can alter the work-life balance of womenworking in the industry. Our study is novel in itsattempt to explore the views of respondentsempirically within the context of a developing country,while testing the validity of certain theoreticalstandpoints generated through observations in moreadvanced societies with less conservative values. Noprevious study has conducted such an empiricalanalysis of work-life balance of working women withinthe Nigerian banking industry.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDYA significant level of interest currently exists

across various disciplines and professions in thechallenges faced by women in traditionally male-dominated industries (Gedro 2010; Germain et al..2012). Over the last fifty years, female education hasincreased significantly across disciplines therebypaving the path for women to function in career rolesacross various industries. The central purpose of thisarticle therefore is to examine how much culturalvalues interfere with the rise of women to the tophierarchy of the banking industry in a developingcountry where traditional family values and genderrole assignment influences may still be dominant.

2.0 CONCEPTUALIZATION ANDTHEORY

While there remains a substantial amountof work to be done in aligning work roles along aframework of skill sets, rather than along gender lineswithin male dominated industries, the push foregalitarianism of gender roles in male dominatedindustries has taken on an increasing tempo in thelast few years with studies such as Carlan andMcMullan (2009) examining the ability of womenpolice officers in coping with the tough demands offighting crime and Germain et al (2012) looking atdiscriminatory practices toward female pilots in theaviation industry.

The Glass Ceiling and Work-LifeBalance

A very commonly discussed concept in thegender literature relating to limitations in the careerprogress of working women in today’s organizationsis the concept of the glass ceiling. The glass ceilingis described in literature as a perceived obstructionto career advancement for women high up on thecareer ladder (see Lyness & Kroft 2005, Hewlett 2007;

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Traditionally, the balancing of family andwork roles was distributed across genders with mentaking charge of work roles while women took chargeof family roles (Awe, 2001). The increasing need fordouble income to support families due to pressingeconomic conditions has meant that women spendmore time at work and less time at home (Elloy &Mackie, 2002). In the face of the foregoing evidence,Tausig and Fenwick (2001) argue that certainindividual and job characteristics may affect theattainment of work-life balance. Their findingsdemonstrate that increased family responsibilities,such as having a spouse/partner and children, tendto have a negative impact on the satisfactorymaintenance of a work-life balance. Gregory andMilner (2009) argue in favour of this balance tiltingas a result of children and spouses, however newevidence from Berdahl and Moon (2013) suggests thatthe work-life balance was equally prone to affect menwith family responsibilities as much as women withfamily responsibilities.

and Eagly & Carli, 2007). Some authors such as Hewlett(2007) argue that several glass ceilings exist in thecareer path of a woman preventing her from risingfrom one level to the other in her career. Theprovision of federal legislation to curbdiscriminatory policies against the female gender,in a country such as Nigeria where no such lawscurrently exist, may be a way forward to ensure thatthe glass ceiling is shattered (Lyness & Kropf, 2005).Madichie (2009) is of the view that Nigerian womenhave successfully shattered the ‘glass ceiling’ andare therefore as capable as Nigerian men in attainingtheir desired career oriented goals. Burchielli et al.(2008) however maintain that the vast amount ofevidence in the management literature indicates thatwomen in the labour market continue to besubstantially marginalized.

Guillaume and Pochic (2009) carried out anempirical study in a French utility company to testthe existence of the ‘glass ceiling’. The survey samplecomprised a selection across men and women frommiddle to top management, a total of 60 respondents.In addition to their survey data, they also employeddata from the human resources database of the utilitycompany to examine gender-based progressiontrends. The survey revealed that a substantial amountof women who were earlier featured in junior andmiddle management subsequently fizzled out andwere not represented in senior management whichwas dominated by men. They further observed thatwomen of natural child-bearing age tended to haveconstant family-related difficulties which tended toaffect their efficiency at work resulting in most ofthese women not making it to senior managementwhich was composed of about 10% women. With thesefindings, Guillaume and Pochic (2009) concluded thatin the case reviewed, the ‘glass ceiling’ was indeedevident.

Work-life balance for working women istherefore a relevant concept in the glass ceilingdebate. If family commitments have a demonstratedimpact on the ability of female professionals to riseto the top of their professions, the question of howan appropriate balance between family and workcommitments can see female professionals equitablycompeting with their male colleagues for leadershiproles in organizations becomes inevitable. Greenhausand Singh (2003) defined work-life balance as themeasure of satisfaction individuals derive from boththeir roles within the family and at work. Hill et al.

(2001) further define work-life balance as the degreeto which an individual is able to simultaneously copewith the physical, mental and emotional demands ofpaid employment and family responsibilities.Kirchmeyer (2000) qualifies this balance by indicatingthat the degree of satisfaction an individual derivesfrom both work and family life is essential to theprovision of an overall fulfilling life. Due to theessential nature of work and family life to bothgenders, the act of effectively balancing these twoaspects to create the adequate level of satisfactionfor oneself is indeed very sensitive (Gregory & Milner,2009).

Gendered Organizations and CulturalInfluences

Acker (1990) theorizes that culturalperceptions of gender in the society tend to bereproduced in organizations. Powell et al. (2008)provide further evidence of societal gender-basedcultural values seeping into organizations andorganizational role assignment mechanisms, therebycausing cultural role assignments to prevail withinthe organization. Acker extends the role assignmentof women as caregivers and men as breadwinners tothe organization highlighting how limitations tendto be imposed on women within the organizations.Following Acker’s argument, a gendered organizationis one in which assignments are based on pre-supposed gender roles thereby causing restrictions

Godfrey Uzonwanne, Francis Uzonwanne & Onyeka Uzonwanne



to be imposed on one gender in certain areas orfunctions of the organization.

Acker bases her theory of genderedorganizations on the concept of a male dominatedorganization where important roles and functionsare occupied and carried out by male workers. Dueto the culturally assigned role of women as caregiversand homemakers, the balance is therefore one of asacrificial nature (Chapman, 2004). Under thiscircumstance, women who wish to have a normalfamily life while pursuing an active career within agendered organisation may no doubt faceconsiderable difficulties in rising through theorganization’s hierarchy. The nature of the sacrificeentailed for women to compete effectively in a maledominated organization may mean that the womenshed some of their culturally imposed femininequalities and take up male social characteristics as acoping strategy (Sorenson, 1984). Acker (1990) agreeswith the feminist concept of gender, which expandsfar beyond the primary concepts of identity andimage.

The defining facet of gender is culture. Thisis because gender roles are learnt and are influencedby powerful cultural constraints (Acker, 1990). Thesecultural constraints in turn are replicated in the valuesand expectations of women’s responsibilities in thefamily and place of work. The culture of a peopleessentially identifies the value system of the peoplein relation to their belief systems, norms andattitudes towards issues, roles and functions withinthe society (Powell et al., 2008). Furthermore, culturalvalues and beliefs in relation to gender are usuallythe basis of gender conceptions in organizationswhich are microcosms of the broader society. Culturaleffects transmitted from the broader society thereforewill play a significant role in how women are perceivedin the place of work. This perception may beaccommodating or otherwise, depending on thevalues that drive the culture of the society inquestion. Another way of looking at Acker’s argumentof organizations being male dominated is to arguethat organizations are not structured to favourcaregivers. Berdahl and Moon (2013) quite clearlyindicate that both men and women who havecaregiving assignments are hindered from smoothgrowth within the work environment. FollowingBerdahl and Moon’s view, in a society wherecaregiving roles are assigned to women, the likelihoodof career progression for women within the workplace may be questionable.

An essential part of Acker’s argument is theseparation of work from family in order to erase theemphasis of culturally assigned gender-specific rolesfrom filtering through to the work place. To separatework from family in this way, an organisation wouldhave to be gender neutral. However, though allegedlygender neutral, masculine norms and practicescontinue to prevail in organizations making thempredominantly gendered (Kelan, 2008). Agonito (1993)highlights that the gender dominance problem is sodeeply rooted in the female gender that most womentend not to clearly understand the issues that thegender inequality debate is all about. Most Nigerianwomen see childbirth as essential in order to beculturally accepted in the Nigerian society. As amother herself, she acknowledges the constraints ofpursuing a career as a university professor while goingthrough gestation, childbirth and caregiving. In spiteof being a mother, Agonito argues that the societalview of motherhood being a part of the feminineidentity should be challenged by all women. In thislight, women who choose not to have children canfit perfectly into the gendered organizations describedby Acker (1990) and qualified by Berdahl and Moon(2013).

To support Agonito’s (1993) view, Gherardi(1994) further stated that “the way we do gender” canhelp to either reduce or increase gender inequality.According to Gherardi (1994) and Kelan (2010) “theway we do gender” can be interpreted to mean theamount of cultural influence each society deemsacceptable in its gender role debate. These culturalinfluences can be attributed to the direct influenceof traditional values existing within each society.Such value systems will restrict or promote the rightsof women to equal opportunities as men at work.Powell et al. (2008) conducted an empirical study toinvestigate the views of female engineering studentstraining for a career in the engineering industry, atraditionally male dominated industry. In conductingthe study, they adopted a two-part, semi-structuredinterview method to gather reflective data on theindustrial placement experience of a sample of 26second-year students. The first set of interviews wasconducted prior to the placement while the secondset of interviews took place after the placements. Thestudy also conducted two focus groups after theplacement to further explore if any career changeshad occurred as a direct outcome of being exposedto a traditionally male-dominated industry. The study


e-ISSN : 2347 - 9671, p- ISSN : 2349 - 0187concluded that the female placement students, inorder to seek acceptance within the industry, tendedto conduct themselves in a manner that gained themmale acceptance and approval. This was done throughthe following masculine lenses: acting boyishly,condoning gender discrimination and criticizingfeminism. It is however essential to critically examinethese coping mechanisms highlighted in Powell etal. (2008). Safety concerns control what people mustwear in certain situations, and neither men norwomen dress as they normally would in particularworkplaces. In response to Powell et al. therefore,the mannerism and conduct of the engineeringindustry is set by the work environment rather thanthe societal cultural values of role assignment.

Etzkowitz et al. (1994) provide furtherevidence in support of the premise that organizationsare not entirely gender-neutral and that barriers tocareer advancement clearly do exist for women inprofessions that have been culturally assigned tomen. Women are often required, as argued in Powellet al. (2008), to demonstrate their masculinity in orderto be accepted as pseudo-men in the higher echelonsof male-dominated professions. Pseudo-masculinityin effect is a denigration of their original gender, thefemale gender. Burchielli et al. (2008) conducted asurvey of five female senior managers in a majormetropolitan bank in Australia to seek their viewson the specific mechanisms they adopt in balancingfamily and work requirements. While the women didnot agree with the specific existence of the notion ofa balance between family and work requirements,they admitted that support from family members,friends and paid child carers was essential to theirability to remain significant and relevant toprofessional workplace demands. Other mechanismsadopted by women to cope with work requirementsinclude staying single till much later in life or gettinginto marriage with a specific agreement with theirspouse to delay childbirth until later in their career(Guillaume & Pochic, 2009). Technologicaladvancements such as In Vitro Fertilization (IVF)now provide the means for women to delay childbirthtill much later in their career. A significant balancingfactor that may facilitate the work-life balance ofworking women is government policy and legislationto compensate working mothers for time spent awayfrom work in gestation and childcare. Lyness andKropf (2005) provide evidence that in the presence ofvisible national policies protecting working mothers,organizational culture will be inevitably moulded toemulate the national policies.

Summary of Conceptualization andTheory

The foregoing review of literature highlightssome key themes such as perceived linkages betweengender roles and cultural values in society, seepingthrough to organizations and encouraging theenforcement of these culturally imposed roles onwomen in male-dominated organizations. Otherthemes emerging from the literature also indicatethat as a result of the culturally assigned gender rolesadopted within organizational frameworks, theprogress of women within male-dominatedorganizations may prove difficult (the glass ceilingconcept). It is therefore inevitable that women inperceived male-dominated careers will have to devisecoping strategies in order to make progress in theircareers. In the data analysis section, these two leadingthemes are further broken down into sub-themes toenable a broad exploration of the culture-genderrelations, concept of the glass ceiling, industryspecific traditions and coping strategies employedby a sample of successful female executives in theNigerian banking industry.3.0 METHOD AND DATA

3.1 Research Design:-

This study followed a survey research designby employing semi-structured interviews toinvestigate the views of respondents around the keyissues identified in literature such as the factorsaffecting the work-life balance mechanisms of workingmothers in the Nigerian banking industry. Thisresearch design is supported by Stanley and Wise(1993), Eriksson and Kovalainen (2008) and Brymanand Bell (2011) as being appropriate for gatheringprimary data in a study measuring humanperceptions and societal values. The interview toolleveraged on the themes emerging from the literatureto tease out individual and group-oriented balancingmechanisms, as well as general views about theculturally-assigned gender role of caregiver associatedwith the female gender in the Nigerian society.

The surveys were conducted across fiveNigerian commercial banks all based in Lagos,Nigeria. A total of 10 respondents were interviewed,two from each of the five banks. All the respondentswere married, working mothers aged between 40-50years and were all employed at senior managementlevels to ensure that they fit the profile of the




“married, working, career driven family woman andmother who had risen through the hierarchy of theNigerian banking industry”.

3.2 Data and MeasuresThe data collection instrument was designed

to tease out views on the significance of societalculture of a male dominated society seeping into thebanking culture and environment. It is common fororganizations in modern societies to portray theperception of gender neutral institutions; are there,therefore, any roles within the Nigerian bankingindustry that indicate that women who have beenassigned the caregiver role may not be able to copewith the demands of the industry? If so, whatmechanisms are in place to overcome these industry-specific barriers to enable women with families toattain the peak of their careers simply based on merit,without the fear of a glass ceiling cutting short theircareer ambitions. Access to these respondents was

through existing contacts of one of the authors inthe Nigerian banking industry. The aims andobjectives of the study were discussed with therespondents; and anonymity of individuals andorganizations was guaranteed prior tocommencement of the interviews, although tworespondents expressly indicated that they were notbothered about keeping their identity secret as theybelieved that they were entitled to their views on theissues discussed. In consideration of the broaderethical implications of disclosing identities, it wasdecided to maintain anonymity on all the subjectsand organizations involved in the survey.

Table 1 provides a general profile of thesurvey respondents. The organizations were taggedA, B, C, D and E and respondents from organizationA were tagged A1 and A2, respondents fromorganization B were tagged B1 and B2 and so on.

Table 1: Profile of Interview RespondentsRespondent Identity Level Within

OrganizationOrganizational

TypeA1 Senior Manager Commercial BankA2 Executive Director Commercial BankB1 Assistant GeneralManager Commercial BankB2 Deputy General Manager Commercial BankC1 Executive Director Commercial BankC2 Assistant GeneralManager Commercial BankD1 Senior Manager Commercial BankD2 Senior Manager Commercial BankE1 Senior Manager Commercial BankE2 Assistant GeneralManager Commercial Bank

Although the interviews were scheduled to last 30minutes each, all the interviews lasted a little aboveone hour each. The interviews were conducted face-to-face in the respondent’s offices in Lagos, Nigeria,in August 2011.The respondents were asked tocomment on each of the issues structured alongthemes generated from the literature. This allowed afree flowing discussion from the respondents. At theend of the discussion on each specific issue, therespondents were asked to summarise their views inone specific sentence before moving on to the nextissue for discussion.

4.0 THEMATIC OUTLINE OF SURVEYDATA

The data gathered was sorted out intomanageable themes following issues identified in theliterature such as gender and culture, industry specifictraditions, the concept of the glass ceiling, etc. Thedata collected was analysed by thematic analysis.Under each theme, respondent’s views were outlinedand discussed in relation to existing views in thegendered organisation literature. The purpose ofexamining the data along these themes was to enablethe study to establish trends between the data andexisting literature in order to explore the compatibilityof existing views in relation to the context underreview.

(Respondent A2)


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Respondent Identity Level WithinOrganization

OrganizationalType

A1 Senior Manager Commercial BankA2 Executive Director Commercial BankB1 Assistant GeneralManager Commercial BankB2 Deputy General Manager Commercial BankC1 Executive Director Commercial BankC2 Assistant GeneralManager Commercial BankD1 Senior Manager Commercial BankD2 Senior Manager Commercial BankE1 Senior Manager Commercial BankE2 Assistant GeneralManager Commercial Bank

4.1 Gender and CultureIn exploring how much of the impact of the

broader societal culture and gender role assignmentof caregiver and breadwinner was seeping into thefabric of the Nigerian banking industry, theinterviewer asked the respondents:

In the broader society, in our villages, townsand cities in Nigeria, there is a generalexpectation that women should provide carefor children while men go out to work. Doyou feel that your presence in this bank as asenior executive is frowned upon by men oreven women in less demanding roles? Asyou rose through the hierarchy of the bank,did you at any time feel that certain roleswere reserved for men and others forwomen? Culturally, yes, women are expected to raisechildren while men go out to work but thesedays, men do not really want to carry all thefinancial burden of running the family ontheir own. My husband is always very happywhen I pick up a bill that he is meant to pickup, but he still expects me to make thechildcare arrangements. Once that is done,he doesn’t really mind if I am away at workall day. In the banking industry, I think bothmen and women have an equal chance ofsucceeding in their career to any level theydesire. People still look at you funny as afemale in a top executive position, and allsorts of speculations go on behind you aboutthe dirty things you may have done to riseup there, But as an organization in theprivate sector, the bank in my view is moreconcerned with who can contribute to itsbottom line rather than what gender theybelong to. You know men are always boys: Ialways used to be at logger heads with myhusband earlier on in my career till I learntto treat him as one of my little boys andpamper him by seeking his approval. I canlook back now and say that he wasinstrumental to my success.

You know, as much as we may be educatedin leading Western Institutions, Nigeriaremains a male-dominated culturallysensitive society. I am not sure that thereare specific roles within the bank that a

(Respondent A2)

woman cannot fit into, but the long andshort of it is that she will have to makesacrifices to get there: perhaps have just onechild, in some cases separate from herhusband etc., but you know, a lot dependson how each woman works around her manthough.

(Respondent A1)

My husband is quite homely you know, hestill makes me breakfast in bed and all thoseromantic little gestures. He is very good withthe children. But when his mum is around,and he still wants to make breakfast on aSaturday morning, common sense tells meto hurtle him out of the kitchen. Otherwise Iwill not hear the last of it from his mum. Inthe office, there is an expectation that womenlower down the ranks tend to depend a loton their femininity to get transactionsthrough; I must say the guys tend not to takesuch women seriously when they rise up theranks. But for women who are genuinely goodat what they do, properly educated andembody self-respect, there is a significantamount of respect for them and nobodymesses with them.

(Respondent B1)

Rising to this position was not without itschallenges! I recall rumours going aroundthe bank a few years ago attributing mysuccess to bedding most of the men insenior management. Then the rumoursuddenly shifted to tagging me a lesbian,saying that was the reason why I had no needfor my husband and children, so I spent allmy time in the bank. Male colleaguessuddenly started asking after my husbandand children, and soon enough, rumourswere spreading that I was separated from myhusband, etc. I can tell you that I madesacrifices but all supported by my husbandto rise to this level. I am still with myhusband and have four lovely children withhim, and we are one big happy andcomfortable family. The men could notunderstand how a woman could remain inher marriage and still spend such long hoursin the bank, so they concluded that she mustbe divorced; what man would accept thatfrom his wife? My man did because we always




talked things over, and I continually assuredhim of my love for him and neverdisrespected him, that’s how I did it.

(Respondent C1)

The banking environment is a boys’ club,has been a boys’ club and will be a boys’club for a long time to come. It is a highstress environment which is really easier formen to succeed in rather than women whotake time off to have babies, snatch 10minutes here and there to call home,children’s schools, etc. I don’t think the bankreally reserves any roles for men or women;but if you are unable to demonstrate that200% commitment the job demands, thenyou may not be able to rise into certain rolesin the bank. Now if you are snatching 10minutes here and there as a woman tobalance your family needs with your workneeds, then your commitment will diminish;and this may affect your career progression.If your husband, however, is taking some ofthe pressure off you, then perhaps yourcommitment at work can increase.

(Respondent C2)

There are still quite a few very traditionalmen around who think a woman’s placeshould be in the kitchen. I run into themnow and again. but my thinking is that theyare everywhere, really. It’s a changing worldfor women all over the world. I can imaginehow shocked my managing director will beif he heard that a woman who couldcontribute to the bank’s profit was denied aposition due to her gender! He would sackeveryone involved in that decision. Don’tget me wrong, though, women do still needto prove themselves a little bit harder byshowing that their family life will notinterfere with their job function; but inNigeria, it is quite easy if you are married toan educated man who is also pursuing acareer. We have a nanny and a driver. In themorning we all leave for work and school;and at lunch time, I stop by at home forlunch with the kids when the driver picksthem up from school. My husband is happywhen I do that, and when an engagementcuts across my lunch hour and he is free, he

pops home. I am not saying it works sosmoothly, but at least it works.

(Respondent E1)

The views expressed by the respondentsunder the foregoing theme resonate strongly withAcker (1990) in demonstrating the strong culturalinfluence on gender role assignment in the Nigerianbanking industry. The respondents clearly accepttheir gender-imposed roles of caregivers but furtherdemonstrate that even though society has placed thisexpectation on them, economic conditionsconfronting the family and profit-oriented privatesector organizations means that these roles do notnecessarily restrict their careers or seep into the roleassignment structure of their respectiveorganizations.

4.2 Industry Specific Traditions – LongOffice Hours

This theme explored how working mothersand wives cope with the long hours and intensepressure associated with a career in the Nigerianbanking industry. The Nigerian banking industry ischaracterized by long working hours and intense workpressure due to a proliferation of banks in theNigerian economy, leading to intense competitionand rivalry between banks. Longer opening hours isperceived as a means of improving customer serviceas the provision of ATMs tends to be risky in a widenumber of locations due to poor national securityissues. The survey asked respondents:

A career in banking at any level is indeed ahighly demanding career in terms of the longhours spent at work and the sheer pressureand pace of the day. How do you manage tocope with this and manage your familyrelations, time with your loved ones, etc.?

I used to work for an investment bank inLondon for a couple of years before joiningthis bank. A career in banking is not for theweak or faint hearted! My husband is also abanker. and so he understands the traditionand is fine with it. We have a nanny and adriver who we consider to be part of ourfamily because they basically run our home,and my husband and I provide financial andemotional support for the home. It all boilsdown to respecting one another really, we

(Respondent C1)

(Respondent B1)


e-ISSN : 2347 - 9671, p- ISSN : 2349 - 0187have our difficult times, but we talk it throughand get back on track. During the week wetry to have lunch together as many times aswe are both free at lunch time, and I ask thedriver to drive through my office when hepicks the kids from school so that I canspend 15 minutes with them in the car park.My husband and I try to be home (at leastone of us) before the kids get into bed, andwe have breakfast together every day and sayour morning prayers together as a family.These little times are significant and havekept us together and strong. Our annualvacation is also a special period for thefamily, and we all respect its importance.

(Respondent C1)

It is a wrong perception to think that bankersfinish late every day! Some days, I can getaway from my desk by 18.00 hours while onother days I pull myself away by 22.00 hours!It all depends on the time of the year, theintensity of transactions and the efficiencyof your team! Earlier on in my career, Iworked with a team that was always in thebank by midnight. But later on, when I gotto head the team, we were always done by17.00-18.00 on a daily basis, and this earnedme the nickname ‘iron lady’. The ‘boys’ gotto respect the ‘iron lady’ due to the efficiencywith which I dispatched my duties.

(Respondent B1)

A career in banking does take its toll onfamily life. No matter what mechanisms youhave in place to cope, a woman is still awoman; I miss my husband and kids all daylong. It is not the same talking to them onthe phone. I miss spending the afternoonswith my kids helping them with theirhomework; even though the nanny helpsthem, I feel that I should play that role astheir mother. My husband is not alwayshappy with the long hours, but he issupportive though, which makes me feel badsometimes. I just try to make it up to him asmuch as I can; you know sometimes he wantsto be intimate with me at times that I reallydon’t want to, but I give in to him to stophim sulking for days on end (laughs).

(Respondent D1)

From time to time I do look back and feelthat urge to be a simple mother but overall,I have had a very good career rising to seniormanagement; the job is tough but the rewardis substantial, it just balances out really.

(Respondent E2)

Some of the views expressed by theserespondents resonate quite strongly with Agonito(1993), who argues that the gender inequality debatehas left many women accepting blame for theirinability to comply with the expectations of theculturally imposed caregiver and homemaker rolesimposed on them. There was, however, an innatefeeling expressed by some of the respondents thatthey felt they did need to be more supportive of theirchildren’s development as mothers. This wasperceived to come directly from within them ratherthan imposed externally by society.

4.3 Out of Office Engagements –Business Development Networking

Banking as a service rendered for the publicgood extends beyond the four walls of the bank, asNigerian bankers tend to provide extra services fortheir most valued customers outside traditionalbanking hours. Senior executives are required toattend social functions organized by such valuedcustomers as well as socialize with them at clubsand parties over the weekend. Under this theme, thesurvey sought the views of these female executives todetermine how this aspect of their work fits with familylife.

In this job, a lot depends on what you areprepared to accept or not accept! There isnowhere in my contract that says I have tohang out with clients over the weekend. Yes,the odd weekend, I don’t mind, but it can’tbe every single weekend. I compensate for itduring the week by having lunch with someclients, stopping by at their offices or havinga quick evening drink. Clients are moreinterested in you delivering value to theirbusiness rather than hanging out with them,really…

(Respondent A1)

As an executive director, I get to do somethings my own way; but looking back on theway up, you had to do things against yourwill. These days, it is not so tough, but thereare times the managing director requires that




you mingle with some clients in order tosecure a deal. That’s bank business, you justget on with it.

(Respondent C1)

The socializing is a good opportunity tonetwork and close very good deals. Theproblem is that men tend to view you as aloose woman hanging out and laughingpleasantly with other men when you areexpected to be with your husband. In allsincerity, I know a couple of colleagues whoended up going the extra mile with theirclients (chuckles) in order to close a deal;well, that’s what they chose to do, it doesn’tmean all women are like that. You know, somebanks will not hire you as a married womanwith principles because there is always thatsubtle expectation by your boss that if aclient wants a little more than banking, thenyou should compromise!

(Respondent E1)

Respondent E1 makes very bold assertionswith respect to views held of women in the Nigerianbanking industry. These views are not far-fetchedfrom the point of view of the authors. One of theauthors, who worked over a significant period of timein the Nigerian banking industry, is of the view thatthe norms highlighted in the assertions are quitereal. Female bank officers and executives tend toreceive unsolicited sexual overtures from clients, andif this means increased income for the bank, andincreased bonuses for the boss, then there is atendency for the boss and the bank to look the otherway. There is however an element of choice imposedon the female in question as highlighted by therespondent.

4.4 Work-Life BalanceUnder this theme, respondents were asked

specifically how they balance work and familycommitments and how, if at all, the intense pressurewithin the banking environment is managed anddissipated to make room for a family life.

You can’t imagine how lucky we are aswomen in this country, paying a nanny tolook after my children while I am at workand having a driver to do the running aroundlike dropping and picking the children fromschool, taking the nanny shopping andrunning general house errands costs just

peanuts! The only problem is being able tofind trusted people who you can trust to takecare of your home and family when you areoff to work. I just make sure I employ somesupport checks like stopping at homeunannounced for lunch, calling homeseveral times a day and closing early nowand again to maintain the balance. My hubbyis my strength, without his support, it maynot have been so smooth.

(Respondent D1)

Nannies, that’s how we all cope! From thebanking officer to the executive director,that’s how we all cope! They are cheap toemploy, but if you get the wrong one it couldrip your family apart! A colleague of minewho was married with three kids had to resignfrom the bank recently when she found outthat her nanny was pregnant for her husband!It wasn’t just her nanny who was pregnantfor him, it was rumoured that he even hadanother family with another woman. Thiscolleague used to work so hard and neverleft the bank before 20.00-22.00 hours everyday; she would also come in on someSaturdays and Sundays. We all felt sorry forher, but the rule of the game for a marriedwoman in this industry is to give the bank apart of you but not all of you. Now she isseparated with three children, and the bankis still operating without her! At the end ofthe day, you do need to remember that as awoman, your family is as important as yourcareer because we do get lonely without ourmen, and you want to know he is therewaiting for you… A lot depends oncommunication between a couple. If younegotiate well with your husband, he willallow you more room than you thoughtpossible. We used to argue a lot earlier onin our marriage, but these days, if he says“no” to something and I don’t argue, yousee him looking so guilty all over his being,and he eventually comes round trying to benice to me…

A successful career in any industry for aman, for a woman involves sacrifice of somefamily time doesn’t it? I recall when we weregrowing up, my father was never home. We

(Respondent C1)

(Respondent B2)

(Respondent C2)


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(Respondent C1)

(Respondent E1)

(Respondent D1)

lived in this really big house and had manynice cars, clothes, everything; but whendaddy was home, which was seldom, he wouldalways fall asleep on the sofa. And this usedto upset us so much, but mum would alwaysstand in for him and say “your daddy is tiredbecause he works so hard to buy you all thenice things you have, so don’t disturb hissleep.” I have ended up working so hardmyself in this career and not spending asmuch time as I would have liked to spendwith my kids and husband; but I have noregrets though. These days, I don’t leavehome before the kids, I go with the driver todrop them off at school before I head off towork. I also normally leave the bank andarrive home in time for dinner at least twicea week; this was, however, not possibleearlier on in my career. But being at the topnow, it feels ‘a bit cooler’, now and again(reference to the pressure of work).

(Respondent C1)4.5 The Glass Ceiling

This theme set out to investigate whetherorganizational cultures in the Nigerian bankingindustry favour male-dominated genderedmanagement structures. The concept of the glassceiling preventing skilled females from rising to thevery top of the organization’s hierarchy was put before10 female respondents at senior management level.

The glass what? (laughs hysterically). That’swhat lazy people blame their failure on(laughs again). Let us imagine the scenarioin this industry: you are given a target, male,female, everybody! The rule of the game isso simple, your promotion and bonus is tiedto your performance. Let us assume that Imeet and exceed my target, and my employerrefuses to promote me because I am female.I can walk into at least 30 other banks with alist of my high performing clients andnegotiate any position I want. So why do youthink my employer will let me go because ofa silly glass ceiling? The only ceiling in thisbank, as far as I know, is your performance:hit the targets and up you go, full stop…

(Respondent C2)

(Respondent B2)

(Respondent C2)

I am an executive director with several malemanagers reporting to me, does that implya glass ceiling? No, I don’t think there is

any such thing. The banking industry isdominated with men because of the long andtedious hours of work. The problem withmost women feeling frustrated is that theytry to do it the way the men do it, thinkingthat that is the only way up. No, womenshould use their own strength rather thantrying to be men.

(Respondent C1)

I don’t think there is a glass ceiling, but as awife and a mother, there is only so muchyou can give. And the industry demands thatyou give more than 200% of your life.Successful bankers, both male and female,don’t have a great deal of family life; the menare more willing to make that sacrifice thanthe women. That’s why there are fewer womenat the top. I am not that keen to rise so highanymore. As a senior manager in a bankthis size, I think I have had a successfulcareer and will give more to my family thanmy career going forward.

(Respondent D2)

The views expressed under this theme reflectthose of Berdahl and Moon (2013) who argue thatmen are equally likely to be affected by familyconsiderations in their career growth as women are.Acker (1990), Powell et al. (2008), and a host of otherswho argue that organizations deliberately place a glassceiling above female professionals do not find muchsupport in the context of profit-oriented privatesector organizations.

5.0 DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

The survey was conducted under five majorthemes: gender and culture, industry tradition (longwork hours), out-of-office engagement (businessdevelopment networking), work-life balance and theglass ceiling. Each of these themes emerged fromthe literature covered in the conceptualization andtheory section. These themes existing in currentliterature emerged from a different cultural contextfrom the context studied in this survey, thus makingthe views generated from the survey quite interesting.The table below is a summary of the survey findingsunder the five themes adopted.




Theme Summary of FindingsGender and Culture On average, respondents felt that the culturalimpact of the broader society was still felt withinthe banking industry and women in banking werestill viewed as ‘betraying their families’. However,in a broader sense, the perceived cultural sentimentwas fast receding as economic reasoning meant thatwomen also had a breadwinning role to play inaddition to their culturally assigned caregiving role.Industry Tradition (Long Work Hours) The culture of long hours in the bank meant ameasure of sacrifice of quality family time withspouses, partners and children, but this was madeup for by adopting various strategies such asemploying paid helpers to look after children andcarry out family chores. All the women interviewedstated that finding the appropriate help was theirresponsibility as the culturally assigned role ofcaregiving was still imposed on them therebymaking it their role to put an alternative measure inplace while they go out to work. Most of the womenidentified significant levels of conflict within thefamily and with spouses in early years of family lifewhile trying to find the right balance; but once thebalance was found, they collectively agreed that lifewas considerably more functional.Out-of-Office Engagements (BusinessDevelopment Networking)

Most of the respondents found this aspect of theirjob function to be an intrusion in their private lifebut admitted that they just had to get along with itas part of the ‘baggage’ associated with success.Some indicated that out-of-office socializing withclients earned them derogatory names and oftencaused friction with their spouses/partners.Work-Life Balance The view here with all the respondents wasunanimous. Nannies and drivers saved the day!They all employed nannies and drivers to stand infor them while they worked. They all felt slightlyuneasy ceding the responsibility of caregiver, whichthey all believed was theirs, to third parties. Theyfelt the nannies were playing the mother role totheir children, and a few of them felt quiteuncomfortable with the idea of delegating thecaregiver role.The Glass Ceiling This felt like a huge joke to most of the respondents.They all agreed that the Nigerian banking industrywas performance-driven and that the only ceilingthat could hinder one’s growth in the industry wasone’s very own performance.


e-ISSN : 2347 - 9671, p- ISSN : 2349 - 0187Under the gender and culture theme, the

effect of societal culture on gender role assignmentwithin the Nigerian banking industry was examined.The respondents did not feel that their organizationswere gendered, in contrast to Acker (1990), Powell etal. (2008) due to their profit-oriented goals but didfeel that women working within the organizations inthe Nigerian banking industry had to provethemselves that little bit more to demonstrate thatthey were capable of surviving in what one respondenttermed a boys’ club.

Some of the respondents also acknowledgedthe existence of erstwhile societal stereotypes ofwomen being at work while their husbands andchildren were at home, as still being encounteredquite frequently with male colleagues andoccasionally with female colleagues further down thehierarchy. This was consistent with Acker’s theory ofsocietal culture seeping into the role assignmentstructure of organizations. The overall view was thatwhile the general perception of traditional, socially-accepted gender role assignment is still looming overthe Nigerian society, the role of women asbreadwinners is increasingly being accepted by mendue to the harsh economic pressures that the familyas an institution is frequently confronted with inNigeria.

These economic pressures include the costof provision of basic amenities such as housing,transportation, provision of a decent education forchildren, power supply, etc. The role of caregiver was,however, still far from being accepted by the men incontrast to Berdahl and Moon (2013), leaving career-oriented mothers and wives the sub-role of cedingthe responsibility of caregiver to paid caregivers. Withthis mechanism in place, a balance was oftenapproached with a few hiccups now and again. Dueto the cheap cost of child care and other home careassistance such as drivers in Nigeria, these workingmothers and wives, with cooperating husbands, wereable to pursue a career in a supposedly male-dominated industry, facing a reduced level of societalconstraints.

The second theme discussed the traditionallong hours of work associated with banking. Quite afew of the respondents felt that with careful planningand an early start to the day, that the hours could beeffectively reduced leading to an early finish (earlyin the context of the Nigerian banking industrymeans between 18.00-20.00 hours). When it was not

possible to get away early, the respondents were ofthe view that the next best thing was their mobilephones which helped them to keep in touch with theirchildren and husbands to keep their relationshipsand family lives from going cold. The respondentsall agreed that they sometimes questioned if the harshworking conditions were worth the price they had topay for a career, but noe of them had any regrets, asthey felt that the tough times had paid off. Hiowever,they also recognised that they were a select few, asmost women who set out to pursue a career inbanking found that it sometimes meant sacrificingthe family they had worked long and hard to secure.

The third theme examined how theseexecutives managed out-of-office businessdevelopment networking which was an essential partof their roles as senior executives. They all indicatedthat their husbands were uncomfortable, mostly dueto male pride, with the idea that they were socializingwith other men. Apart from the discomfort displayedby their husbands, they all felt that evenings andweekends was their time to return to their caregivingrole which they all felt that they owed their children.There was a resounding impression with all therespondents that by pursuing a career in banking,they were giving up something which they felt quitenaturally to be their responsibility, the role ofcaregiving which Acker (1990) broadly argues to beculturally imposed on women. There was an air ofguilt, some regret and perhaps dejection with a fewrespondents when they talked about ceding this roleto a paid caregiver. They all felt that it was a woman’srole and joy to watch and experience every stage oftheir children’s growth.

Under the fourth theme, a very interestingdialogue emerged. This theme examined work-lifebalance mechanisms employed by these femaleexecutives to maintain a reasonable balance betweentheir work and family responsibilities. All therespondents interviewed depended on femalenannies to care for their children and male driversto support other family functions. Asked if they wouldconsider employing a male nanny and a femaledriver, in the reverse order, they all delivered aresounding, “No!” The reason for this was that theyall felt that women were “better wired” to providechildcare than men, and they felt that men were betterat doing other things than females such as spendinglong hours behind the wheel driving through thedense Lagos traffic. This theme reflected the societally




assigned gender roles discussed in the literature asbeing relevant in the Nigerian context. For thesewomen to pursue a career in a male dominatedindustry, other women had to play their roles, roleswhich they accepted as being gender-specific. Theydid not think that banking was a masculine role, butthey felt that they had to employ other women to takeup their gender role of caregiver to enable them tosucceed in an overwhelmingly male but “gender-neutral” banking industry.

Following the gender neutral argument ofthe Nigerian banking industry, the fifth themeexplored the concept of the glass ceiling. Theresponse here was unanimously. “No,” as all 10successful respondents identified that the industrywas performance driven; where only high performers,irrespective of their gender, rose to the top. A fewrespondents however agreed that women facedsignificant difficulties rising to the top in bankingbecause of the emotional guilt they felt as mothers“abandoning” their families in pursuit of a career inbanking. One respondent said that men could begone for months working away from their wives andchildren without a huge sense of guilt as long asthey were achieving financial and career-enhancinggoals, but that it wasn’t quite the same for women.She indicated that she constantly missed being a“real mum” and was looking forward to an earlyretirement from banking to start a business fromhome.

Beyond these five themes, respondents alsodiscussed other socio-economic constraints causingextreme difficulties for them to survive working inan already traditionally harsh industry. Oneimmediate problem the women collectively faced wassexual harassment occurring often directly andindirectly. Women working in such a highlycustomer-intense environment were often subjectedto sexual advances by superiors, peers and clients.There was an expectation by the men around themthat they all had a price and hence were “up for grabs.”Some of the respondents blamed this expectationon the women themselves, as in their view, somefemale colleagues did actually depend on theirfemininity to advance their careers rather than astrong toolkit of skills. This view resonates Agonito’s(1993) view that women themselves failed tounderstand the gender inequality debate,subordinating themselves to culturally assignedgender roles. Because of this, the men they associated

with had a blanket opinion of women in customer-driven white-collar roles. One respondent pointedout that a major reason why these unruly sexualadvances had not been checked is that nobody everwent to court for sexual harassment. With the lack ofan effective enforcement mechanism, there was noreason why men should cease harassing the women.Furthermore, issues such as incessant traffic jams,power failures and a host of other infrastructuralproblems made it difficult (but not impossible) forbusy mums to effectively maintain a work-life balance.In the face of some of these difficulties, the vastmajority of women often “throw in the towel” settlingfor the caregiving role.

6.0 CONCLUSIONThe foregoing study examined the

mechanisms employed by working mothers and wivesin their bid to remain relevant in, and pursue a careerwithin, the Nigerian banking industry, an industrythat is currently male-dominated. The study followedan exploratory methodology to investigate themesgenerated from existing literature.

The themes generated were explored throughsemi-structured interviews with 10 respondents, allfemale, all married with children and all in seniormanagement roles within the Nigerian bankingindustry. The study revealed that these females wereaware that certain roles and functions were gendersegregated within the wider society but did not thinkthat this was the case within the Nigerian bankingindustry as the industry was clearly performancedriven. They further felt that the glass ceiling wasnot applicable to women pursuing a career withinthe Nigerian banking industry but acknowledged thatsome women tried to pursue their careers using “malestrategies” which the respondents admitted did notwork for women.

Mechanisms employed to maintain the work-life balance were basically common to all therespondents which was mainly the employment ofcaregivers and home assistance staff as well asfrequent negotiation and dialogue with spouses, mostof whom were happy to have a second income cominginto the home.

Overall, this study validates the occurrenceof most of the themes emerging from the literature(gender and culture, gender role assignment andcultural influence) but disputes the concept of theglass ceiling in the Nigerian banking industry. Theoverall outcome of this study provides further


e-ISSN : 2347 - 9671, p- ISSN : 2349 - 0187empirical evidence in support of the findings ofMadichie (2009) who argues that Nigerian women haveeffectively shattered the glass ceiling and are ascapable as their men folk. In spite of the limitedsample size adopted in this study, the wealth ofqualitative data embodied within the study providesa significant contribution to the literature on genderdiscourse in a politically evolving economy. Theauthors therefore hope that while the findings maynot be generalizable due to the limited scope of thestudy and sample size, future studies can evolve fromour findings to provide a broader and deeper context-based body of academic and policy evidence.

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An Exploratory Study into Work-Life Balance Mechanisms of Women in the Nigerian Banking Industry

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