An Anthropology of Religious Experience:Spirituality, Gender and CulturalTransmission in the Focolare Movement

Fiono BowieUniversity of Bristol, UK

ABSTRAcT The monner in which o religious culture is tronsmitted ond internoliseddeftes cgnventionol ethnogrophic description. Exterior forms ofbehoviour, orticulotedexpressions ofmotivotion, observable rules ond appearonces con be described, butthe interior, oscetic dimensions of the experience ore /ess omencbl e to observotionond onolysis. ln this study the outhor uses A4ouss's notion of hobitus, the leornedbodily techniques thot often oppeor noturol, to discuss some of the woys in whichthe culture of the Focolore Movement is tronsmitted to its members. As o memberof the Focolore, the outhor hos internolised mony ospects of Focolore religious cul-ture, ond uses reflexive experience to discuss the methodologicol issues surround-ingspirituol relotionships with informonts. fhe orticle olso discusses the importonceof o gendenspecific onolysis ond the conseguences of doing'anthropology ot home'in o supposedly olien fieldwork setting, thot of the Focolore permonent Moriopolisot Fontem in South West Comeroon.

KEywoRDS F ocol ore, reflexive anthropology, Bongwo, hobitus

n anthropologist seeking to understand religion typically eschews idea-Iised textual prescriptions and interpretations ofwhat a religion oughtto be, and looks at how it is l ived and etcperienced by'real people'.

The approach is firmly inductive rather than deductive. Most anthropolo-gists characterise their methodology as ethically neutral. It is an etic ratherthan an emic perspective on a religious culture.l As anthropologists, we are in-terested in what people ra7 is the truth, the way people tltinfttheworld works,their understanding of the mysteries of God or gods, and their actual beltap-t'ourIn writing our ethnographies we do not normally regard it as our duty toformulate new ideas as to how a religion or society should operate - suchinnovations are left to the theologians and philosophers within a given soci-

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ety. This very neutrality makes it hard to communicate, or even appreciate,the flavour of a given religion and the inner experiences and motivations ofits followers. The facets that make religion come alive for individuals are theleast amenable to external scrutiny. A common refrain among religious peo-ple is 'come and see for yourself', 'you will understand when you experiencewhat I have'.2 Without this first-hand visceral, non-intellectual knowledge,how can we hope to interpret religion in a way that is not hopelessly reductive?

In this paper I attempt to find a way through this dilemma by developingour understanding of the body as a medium of interpretation for spiritualexperience.3 I do so by looking at the religious culture ofthe Focolare Move-ment from the perspective of both an anthropologist and an internal mem-ber oflong standing. I explore ways in which spirituality is transmitted throughinscription on the body as well as the mind, bridging external, observableaspects of religion and the interior realm of personal experience. I also lookat the role ofthe media in a global religious movement. Modern media facili-tate the replication ofthe personal relationships and experiences achieved inface-to-face contact. The internationalism ofthe Focolare Movement. an ec-clesial movement within the Roman Catholic Church, with a charism ofunity,is a key factor in attracting members and an important aspect of its self-un-derstanding. I start with a consideration of the ethical and methodologicalquestions that arise in studying a religious organisation with an insider's knowl-edge, for an external academic audience.

Refl exivity and Spirituality a

In the early r98os and mid r99os I spent a l itt le over eighteen months inCameroon, most of that t ime as a member of the 'permanent Mariapolis' orCatholic mission run by the Focolare Movement at Fontem in Cameroon'sSouth West Province. I was fulfilling a long-held desire to undertake what Isaw as 'proper mud-hut anthropology', and Fontem, situated in mountain-ous rainforest a day's walk from the nearest town, with its single unmaderoad, scattered mud-brick compounds and fast-flowing rivers, was all that Icould have hoped for. I had also come to test for myself the idealised pictureof harmonious development that had been presented to me over many yearsas a member ofthe Focolare's youth wing (or Gen), both in the United King-dom, and at their headquarters near Rome in Italy.

When I arrived in Fontem on r April rg8o as a young postgraduate stu-dent of anthropologv, what I knew of the Bangwa was gleaned mainly fromthe published works of Robert Braio (ry72;Brain & PollockryTr). My knowl-

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edge ofthe Focolare, however, was far more intimate. I had been dependenton their approval for my visit and had entered Cameroon under their'quota'as a member of the Catholic mission. I had been an internal member of theFocolare since the early r97os, and had known the Movement and partici-pated in its activities since my first encounter with itin ry66 at the age often.I had taken part in numerous meetings of formation in England and Rome,and had spent part ofa gap year at the permanent'town' (Mariapolis) ofloppi-ano near Florence, which trains young people for a consecrated life as foco-

larini.s To choose the Fontem Mariapolis as a fieldwork site was also, there-fore, to undertake fieldwork'at home'. The usual problems of gaining suffi-cient critical distance when researching a familiar topic were, however, com-pounded by the particular nature ofmy involvement with the Focolare. Spir-itual relationships with fieldwork subjects have not been discussed in the waythat issues ofgender, sexuality, culture and class have been (see, for instance,

Golde 1986; Bell, Caplan & Karim r993; Kulick & Willson 1995), and the ex-

cult genre is a readier source of material on the dynamics of membership ofreligious groups than the anthropological literature (see Urquhart 1995 and,for a response, Bowie ry96). To admit to a spiritual affinity with fieldworksubjects, rather than friendship, common interest, or perhaps advocacy, may

be to test recent subjectivist, relativist, stances to their limits, inviting the chargeof illegitimate bias and religious apologetic.6

The Narrative SelfBasing an academic study on a subject ofwhich one has prior knowledge

and experience is not in itself novel.Judith Okely, among others, has arguedfor the role of autobiography as a source of ethnographic data (Okely r978,

rggz, rgg4). The selfl not merely as conscious, intelligent mind or intellect,

but as experiencing embodied subject, has also been emphasised by Anthony

Cohen (tggr, ryg+).' Okely has extended the discussion of the'f ieldwork

senses'to include the non-verbal, the throw-away remark and full range of

sensory experience, stating that, 'The total experience of fieldwork is also

used in unconscious and unarticulated ways to make sense offieldnotes long

after the events. Linguistic utterance cannot be the sole route to others' ex-

perience' ft994:48-49). This was arguably always the case, but was seldomconscious or articulated, at least in print. A study in which the selfforms part

of the medium of interpretation and data is necessarily longitudinal and dy-namic, and not surprisingly, my understanding of the Focolare in Fontem

was open to continual reassessment in the light of my relationship with the

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Focolare in Europe, and my awareness of changing practices and develop-ments in the Movement as a whole.

The experiencing embodied subject is gendered, and engages with othergendered subjects in discourses framed by relations of power within a givencultural milieu (Bowie r993).t The experiences written in and on the mindand body of the anthropologist are a primary tool with which to recreate'disappearing epistemologies' (Hastrup ryg5.,++).In Fontem, and in Focolareculture in general, there is a markedly diflerent ethos in the male and femalebranches of the Movement. While these di{ferences are a frequent topic ofconversation among members, the separation ofmen and women within theMovement means that my knowledge of the men's branch remains at oneremove. Focolare notions of what it means to be a woman, however, havebeen lived, absorbed and experienced first-hand. During fieldwork I couldremain at some levels the disinterested observer, and regard all experiences,positive or negative, as relevant data, but I had also been formed, over manyyears, in Focolare spirituality, which included certain ways ofunderstandingthe self While I could choose to be critical and remain intellectually alooi Iwas also extremely vulnerable to any loss of relationship and sensitive to theethical constraints ofusing'inside information' in a way that might compro-mise Focolare goals and ideals.

Using the body as an interpretative medium highlights the existence ofmultiple narrative selves, and the delicate interplay between them. To thefocolarini and other members of the Fontem Mariapolis I was an internalmember of the Movement, even if the scope of my interests extended be-yond the bounds of the Mariapolis to a greater extent than was normal formariapolites in Fontem. To the Bangwa I was an anthropologist, a univer-sity-educated scientist, and a partial outsider to the world of the Focolare.The fact that I was English and Anglican, together with my respected an-thropological role, acted as distancing factors.e As a postgraduate student ofanthropology I was an ethnographer conductirrg a piece of doctoral field-work that would have to pass muster for academic mentors in the form anacademic dissertation. I was also a member ofa nuclear family, with a fianc6

at home in Oxford, with whom I maintained as close ties as the infrequentpostal service permitted. For each ofthese audiences I performed a differentaspect of the self, all genuine, but partial.

Methodologically, the use ofmy own experience to understand and relate

to the organisation of the Mariapolis meant that I was both a medium andsubiect of any written product. Mv intention here is not. however. to write

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autobiography, but to explore the transmission ofa religious culture, in whichthe self is part of the object of analysis. This involves a mental and stylisticdistancing from personal experience that carries with it certain communica-tive disadvantages. An emphasis on insider discourse, with frequent recourseto shared language and meanings, would be closer to hagiography or confes-sional apologetics. More neutral, observational language, acceptable in ananthropological article, carries the risk of reducing an experience involvingthe heart, body, emotions and soul, as well as the mind, to a purely cognitiveabstraction. As such, it is di{ficult to convey the beauty and attraction of aspiritual path or experience without making it appear quaint, baflling or sim-ply inexplicable.

Ethical ConstraintsDuring my time in Fontem I was particularly interested in areas ofconflict

as a mechanism for revealing social and conceptual boundaries and the dy-namics of the relationship between the Bangwa and Focolare. Focusing ondifficulties and disputes can, however, be interpreted as unduly negative. It isnot the picture ofmissionary work that the Focolare wished to convey to theoutside world, and does not represent the sum of their relationship with theBangwa. When writing up material, there are questions ofthe extent to whichit is legitimate to use insider knowledge. Does painting a picture that doesnot accord with the way the Focolare choose to present themselves consti-tute a betrayal oftrust, and could itjeopardise my relationship with the Move-mentl Anthropology is deconstructive, whereas the public narrative of theFocolare is unremittingly positive and constructive.

There is a tradition within the Focolare of submitting anything destinedfor public consumption to the authority of someone senior. Not to have donethis could have indicated that I was distancing myself, but finding someonewho could appreciate and comment objectively on a doctoral thesis was notstraightforward. In an ideal world consent should be sought from informants

and their hospitality and confidences respected. In practice, where informa-tion is largely gathered through observation and participation in informalsettings, discussion of confidentiality and consent is usually impractical.r0 Itis therefore abundantly clear that any finished product is the responsibilityofthe author alone, with little or no opportunity to hide behind a rhetoric ofshared authorship.

In the next section ofthis paper I look briefly at notions ofthe body in the

construction of religious experience, before moving on to examine the trans-

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mission of Focolare culture as manifested in techniques of the body. In sodoing I aim to find ways of narrowing the gap between the subjective worldof spirituality and the observable world of culture and social structure.

The Religious BodyAt the end of his brief but intriguing essay on what in contemporary ter-

minology might be called 'embodied knowledge', Marcel Mauss observedthat'at the bottom ofall our mystical states there are body techniques whichwe have not studied', adding that, 'there are necessarily biological means ofentering into "communication with God"' (r979:rzz). Attention to bodily tech-niques or habitus,learned ways of acting that become internalised and nor-malised so as to appear natural, is one potentially fruitful way to approachthe transmission of a religious culture.rr Deportment, gaze, specific gesturesand responses, all have a biological, a psychological and a social component,and are consciously and unconsciously transmitted and imitated or resisted aspart of religious socialisation.l2 Bodily techniques can be extended to includethe semiotics of external performance - how we dress and ornament our-selves, how we speak and what we say, to whom and in what circumstances.13

But what is the body to which Mauss refers? Physical-spiritual techniques,such as forms ofcontrolled breathing in Buddhist meditation, emphasise thecentrality ofthe 'lived body' (Leib), as opposed to the 'material body' (Korpe).t4The lived body is subjective - it is sensate and motile, forming the mediumthrough which we experience the world, but is itself virtually invisible. Notonly do we not see ourselves from the outside, as discrete objects, but usuallyonly encounter our own body as external to self when it becomes problem-atic.l5 The body is also the active agent through which we encounter otherbodies, and as such is something that we observe in interactions with others- a material body (Korper) as well as a subjective, lived body.t6 Our sense ofwho we are depends on the nature of these interactions. It is our subjectiveexperience that allows us to empathise with artd imagine the humanity ofothers, and the external, material bodies of others draw, in turn, on their in-ner, sensate world in order to empathise and communicate with us. Wherecommunication breaks down, or is never adequately established, the alien-ated 'other' may become an objectified victim ofthe fears and distorted pro-jections ofthose who enjoy physical and cultural hegemony (cf, Daly r987;Graham rygil.

Religion does not exist in some disembodied realm; the'soul'has no ma-terial substance or locus. The ascetic who mortifies the flesh in order to pu-

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rify the soul and achieve union with God (or in many Christian traditions, to

imitate the sufferings ofChrist), relates to his or her body very much as Korper,

or material, external object. Most religious traditions recognise the impor-tance of bodily postures and external environment in creating receptivity toan inner space in which dialogue with the supernatural selfor Other can takeplace. Religious experience is therefore dependent upon, but also transcends

the body.tT

Whether one takes an essentially Durkheimian, Marxist or Supernaturalist

view ofreligion, it remains the case that'experience ofthe divine' (in Focolare

terms, the 'presence ofJesus in the Midst') is perceived through the mindand body, but is seen to add up to more than the sum ofits parts. The materi-

al body, the l ived body and the 'senses ofthe soul'are only conceptually dis-

tinct, and are in fact engaged in a continual pen'cltoresis, to borrow the Greek

term used to describe the'dance of love' or mutual indwelling of the threepersons of the Christian tinity.

Attempts are often made to draw a line between experience and interpre-

tations ofexperience, with some theologians, philosophers and religious studies

scholars arguing for an essential core of universal experience with a variety

ofexpressions (Otto r9z3;James r958). A crit ic ofthis essentialist position is

Stephen Katz (tg78), who argr.res that language and culture have ontological

and well as hermeneutical salience. A Buddhist and a Christian will not just

describe a'mystical experience' in different terms, but experience the world,

including the interior world, diflerently.

To argue that behind all interpretations there is a common core is, at the

very least, unfalsifiable.Katz, however, focuses on religious traditions at the

expense of other aspects of culture in describing the ways in which experi-

ences are formed. An anthropologist is keenly aware that Islam, say, in Moroc-

co and Indonesia are not one and the same thing, despite sharing certain agreed

elements that allow these cultures to define themselves as Islamic (Geertz

1975). This is where the importance of a focus on the body becomes clear.

The body, particularly through a form of religious socialisation or habitus,

becomes the vehicle of a shared religious culture, and mediates the possi-

bility of a shared religious experience.

Within the Focolare, cultural and religious diversity do not disappear, but

are utilised as the raw material for a common experience ofthe religious life.

I experience other members ofthe Focolare as external to myselfl but also as

beings with whom I share a profound connection. This sense ofcommonality

is based on an assumption that my experience as a lived body is in some re-

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spects similar to that ofother members ofthe Movement, and in crucial waysqualitatively different from the experience of 'outsiders'to Focolare culture.I assume that when other members ofthe Movement describe their relation-ship with God (fesus, Mary, the Holy Spirit), their experience will not betotally alien to me. When I read or hear about other religious groups withintensive, charismatic forms of spirituality (and often strict, highly controlledforms of socialisation), I think that I can understand what it feels like to be aninsider in that group. I do so by drawing on aspects of my own lived bodyexperience, in much the same way that actors may draw on a personal rep-ertoire of emotions.

Semiotic Performance and Interior AscesisA religious culture operates on two levels. If we use theatrical language

there is both an internal narrative and an external performance; an observ-able, social level of religious culture and a spiritual or pietistic dimension.tsWhile the outward appearance of a religion is relatively easy to observe anddescribe, the internal, ascetic dimension is more personal and less visible oraccessible to external scrutiny. I am not arguing that the internal dimensionsof experience are not culturally constructed (and in that sense'public'), sim-ply that they are less easily observed and perhaps more poorly articulatedthan dimensions of religion characterised by external, often collective, per-formance. There is a danger when adopting a social scientific or phenomeno-logical approach to religion that only the semiotic level of external appear-ances and actions is described and analysed, leaving the level ofinner expe-rience and motivation somewhat opaque.re Hagiographical or theologicalwritings, on the other hand, may focus almost exclusively on an internal, idea-lised, form of spirituality. Asceticism is not an end in itself but a means bywhich a transformation is realised in the direction ofthe spiritually prescribedgoals. In the case of the Focolare Movement, the interior discipline requiredof members is understood to be a continual dying to self, in order to loveothers (orJesus in others), so as to reach unity both among people and withGod.20 While the purpose and the transformative effects of self discipline(whether these are perceived as positive or negative) are individual and in-terior, asceticism also has a public, formalised aspect. When a Benedictinemonk obeys a rule that may seem to him senseless or wrong, he does so notfor its own sake, but because for him obedience has an intrinsic value aboveand beyond the blind following of rules, freeing the individual from his owndesires in such a way as to facilitate union with God. In a secular organisa-

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tion, on the other hand, the following of rules that seem misguided is likelyto be viewed unsympathetically, signalling weakness, lack of moral fibre orapathy, rather than the fortitude and dedication that could be ascribed to themonk.

In the descriptions of the Focolare that follow it is important to bear inmind that the religious culture being transmitted has an explicit ascetic di-mension, and that individuals are taught to make use of all situations, posi-tive and negative, to further a personal'holy journey'towards sanctity. It isthrough an acceptance ('embracing') ofsuffering and a determination to lovewithout expecting any reward ('going beyond the wound' fofJesus on thecross]) that the individual findsjoy, peace, and the strength to continue onlife's'holy journey'. In practice this can be experienced as a'catch zz'situa-tion in which criticism of people or structures is nigh impossible. A judg-

mental attitude is regarded as a barrier to the achievement ofunity, and mem-bers of the Movement are encouraged to trust those in positions of respon-sibility2t and to carry on regardless of any difficulties that might arise.

Focolare ideology needs to be seen within the wider frame of reference orsemantic field of Roman Catholic, particularly Italian Catholic, notions ofgender, o{ficial papal pronouncements and praxis. Before looking at somedetailed examples of cultural transmission I therefore aim to give a thumb-nail sketch of the Focolare Movement in relation to its ecclesiastical setting.

The Focolare MovementThe Focolare Movement manages to combine a conservative image and

strong elements of pre-Vatican Two Italian piety with structures that antici-pated the reforms of the Second Vatican Council. Female lay leadership iswritten into the statues ofthe Movement, with Chiara Lubich as elected Presi-dent. Permanent Mariapoli, such as Fontem and Loppiano, are described assmall 'cit ies'whose'law' is mutual love, whose mission is to bear witness toa society in whichJesus is continually present among its members. There arealso courses of formation, retreats and holidays held in all parts ofthe world.These usually last for a week or so and are one ofthe main means of evange-lism, giving members of the Movement and newcomers an opportunity toput their spiritual ideals into practice in a supportive environment. Thesegatherings are also referred to as (temporary) Mariapoli, and attract hund-reds ofthousands ofpeople each year.

In Fontem there are usually focolare representatives ofaround a dozennationalities from four or five continents. This internationalism is extremelv

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important, although visa requirements and work permits make it difficult toestablish truly international centres in all countries. Where possible, focolarehouses consist ofmen orwomen ofdifferent nationalities who, through theircommon life, seek to express in microcosm the possibility of a united world.Most members ofthe Focolare Movement are Roman Catholic, although otherChristian denominations are also present.2? In its ecclesial structure the Foco-lare is Roman Catholic, with its statutes approved by the Pope. This has notprevented members of other religious traditions (and none) from also con-sidering themselves members of the Movement, and contact with Muslimsand Buddhists in particular have been growing rapidly in recent years.23

The Movement is divided geographically and socially into male and fe-male sections or'branches', reflected in their official statutes (although thereare signs that this distinction may become less rigid in the future). Focolarehousesrre single-sex, and permanent Mariapoli organised as far as possiblealong separate male and female lines. Within the Movement as a whole, tasksare usually allotted to either men or women. The publishing houses, for in-stance, are run by male members ofthe Focolare (although they may recruitsome women with experience in particular areas such as copy editing), whileCentro Santa Chiara, the unit responsible for film and audio documentation,is the responsibil i ty of female members of the Movement.

Inscribing the Body

Mauss stresses the importance ofeducation and imitation or mimesis whendiscussing the ways in which a society educates its members in the techniquesof the body. These have social, biological and psychological aspects. Thereis a tendency to imitate actions and attitudes of people in positions of au-thority, or of individuals in whom one has confidence and whom one wishesto emulate. The action may be biological, the way one walks or makes eyecontact with others, but the desire to imitate is social, and the element of in-dividual choice or coercion involved has a psychological element (cf Mauss

rgTgror-roz and Okely 1978). Whereas Mauss places greater emphasis onmale education, particularly adolescent initiation ceremonies (in an Africancontext), within the Focolare mimesis is most evident among the women,and for female members ofthe Movement the imitation ofthe founder, ChiaraLubich, can be taken to extremes. There is a noticeable conformity in dress,hair styles, the manner of furnishing houses and decorum, in which the spir-itual injunction to'be another Chiara'is taken as l iterally as possible, by someat least. Particularly among the focolarine (consecrated women living in com-

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munity) forms ofgreeting, the use ofpersonal space, degrees ofeye and bodycontact, tend to mirror one another. This imitation of Chiara has extendedthough the decades from Chiara's so-called 'first companions'to other membersof the Movement, and is sometimes explicitly articulated and encouraged.While for male members of the Movement being a spiritual child of Chiara(popo) is a desired state, among women a more physical identification withChiara can be interpreted as an outward sign of spiritual adherence.

As not even consecrated members of the Focolare wear a habit (unless

they are also members ofa religious order), some guidelines on dress are deemednecessary. The central principle is that clothes and houses should be'harmo-nious', neither too rich not too poor. Focolare houses and centres need to beable to welcome people of all social classes and backgrounds, appearing nei-ther wealthy nor shabby. They are usually located in middle-income areaswithineasy reach ofpublic transport. Although Chiara Lubich describes thefurnishings and appearance offocolares as examples ofa new style of art andd€cor, in practice the eflect is reminiscent ofHabitat or lkea, with clean sim-ple lines, pastel colours and a minimum of clutter. They are not as formal asmany convents, but tidier and less homely than most people's houses. A dirtymug or item of clothing, or even a book or magazine left lying about wouldmost definitely be viewed as 'matter out of place'. One reason for this is thatfocolares tend to be small for their dual roles as community house and public

meeting space, and the rooms, like the focolarini themselves, are constantlyon show. Both flocolarini, and where they live are expected to express theheart ofthe ldeal or charism, a witness to the presence and beauty ofJesus inthe Midst, available as a resource twenty four hours a day for the rest of theFocolare community and wider public.za

Members of the focolare learn to be self-contained and quietly friendly.

Basic modesty, the desire for purity, seriousness ofintention in living the present

moment'with serenity', and awareness of the body as a temple of the Holy

Spirit, are all reflected in deportment. I suspect that there is often the addi-

tional element of a degree of imitation of Chiara Lubich's quiet, rather shypersonality. It is very unusual to find internal members ofthe Movement who

are loud, noticeably spontaneous, particularly expansive in their gestures, orat the other extreme withdrawn and nervous (at least in public). Members

are drawn from all over the world and have different personalities and expe-riences, but internalise these ways of acting and dressing. For internal mem-

bers ofthe Movement, particularly those who are consecrated, dress is not amatter ofpersonal choice. Clothes are selected together with others, and are

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frequently circulated among members in an attempt to demonstrate detach-ment from personal goods, a style of dress that reflects ideals of simplicity,beauty and harmony, and to draw out the inner beauty of the wearer.

Characteristic focolare body techniques are clearly observed in the waysin which members make eye contact with and listen to one another. Whensomeone speaks, particularly at a public gathering, however informal, every-one else is expected to 'make unity' to them by listening intently, maintain-ing eye contact, responding with nods, smiles and audible encouragement,minimising body movements and ignoring other distractions. Internally thelisteners should try to 'be empty', which means that they should seek to cleartheir mind ofinternal thoughts and distractions. Once internalised, this formofcommunication becomes extremely characteristic ofmembers ofthe Move-ment. In one-to-one conversations direct eye contact is normal, which canbe a little unsettling for some people, who experience this as threatening oroverbearing. Chiara has described joy' as the (religious) habit of focolarini,which in practice means that people are expected to maintain a warm smilefor much of the time. After attending a week-long Focolare Mariapolis forthe first time, many people remark that one of the after-effects is an achingface from an unaccustomed amount ofsmiling. While this form ofbody lan-guage is sometimes regarded as superficial, or even instrumental, by somecritics or observers, there is an internal ascetic dimension to this behaviour,based on various passages ofscripture. Each person is regarded as'another

Jesus' (even ifhard to discern) who deserves complete attention in the presentmoment.25 When listening to others Chiara exhorts members ofthe Move-ment to act as ifthe interlocutor were angelic, that is to listen with reverence,lack ofjudgement and complete attention, being open to the other at thelevel of being, rather than just surface communication. This act in itself isthought to enable people to communicate at a deeper level, without trigger-ing defensive and destructive attitudes. Listening, therefore, is not passive,but an active and sacred act. A young woman attending her first week-long'holiday Mariapolis' in the English Lake District in zoor, for instance, ex-pressed her understanding of this attitude in the following manner:

I'm German and it's my first Mariapolis. I had to make an eflort to be part of thisunity, so I persevered. Then suddenly I realised that it's not about me making theeffort to give my time and my attention to other people but acknowledging thatwhat they are giving me is a gft. My part is just to accept that gift as a gift! It hastransformed me (Neu Ciry, October zoor:r7).

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According to Focolare teaching, behaviour towards others should not de-pend on our own feelings or moods so much as a desire to 'be love' for theother. If someone is suffering in some way this suffering should be accepted('embraced') with joy, then mentally put aside in order to love those withwhom one comes into contact. Thking'time off', spiritually (allowing ego-centred thoughts and actions take over from a disposition ofopenness to-wards others), is regarded in Pauline language as'havingthe old man'. Mem-bers ofthe Movement are urged to convert themselves and start again in thepresent moment to love, to put on St. Paul's 'new man' (also referred to as'being down' and 'being up', respectively). The internalisation ofdeportment,gaze, manner and verbal and facial characteristics is such that it is often easyto recognise members of the Focolare, whatever their nationality, as all op-erate within this fairly clearly defined, ifunarticulated, set ofrules on how to'be'with others.

The techniques of the body described above operate at the level of com-munication, people's interactions with one another in the here and now. Stylesof dress change over time, while the texts that dictate that members of theMovement dress both modestly and harmoniously are codified in the NewTbstament or writings of Chiara, to be reinterpreted by subsequent genera-tions. I will now look in more detail at some of the ways in which the reli-gious culture ofthe Focolare Movement is both communicated in the presentand transmitted and preserved for future generations, though texts, songs,oral teachings and via various modern media.

Transmitting a SpiritualityR6gis Debray in his work on the transmission of culture signals the im-

portance ofconsidering both communication - the synchronic thread ofcon-versation that runs between contemporaries, and the diachronic transmis-sion of culture (zooo:3). Communication aims at foreshortening time and isnormally measured in seconds, minutes or days according to the means ofsending and receiving messages. tansmission, on the other hand, prolongstime. Meanings are transmitted across decades, centuries or millennia. Weseek to transmit values that have meaning beyond the life span of an indi-vidual, even if in the condensed emblematic currency of a parable, image orgesture.26 Debray has coined the term mediologt to describe this attempt tounderstand how meanings are materially transmitted (zooo:vii), and he takessociologists to task for overemphasising the importance of institutional andsocial forces at the expense ofthe mechanical systems and networks (media-

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sphere) that actually sustain social systems and individuals (zooo:85).27 Frommy point of view the value of Debray's argument, and the usefulness of aneologism to focus attention on the question of cultural transmission, is thepotential it has for overcoming some of the divisions between cultural andsocial anthropology, as well as between the so-called 'hard' empirical sci-ences (evolutionary psychology, biology) on the one hand, and the socialsciences and theology on the other. Within the Focolare Movement multi-media are used both as important vehicles of communication among mem-bers and as a means of forming and preserving the Movement's spiritualityand history for future generations.

Chiara Lubich describes Focolare spirituality as communal or communi-tarian rather than individual, and technological means ofcommunication havebeen embraced eagerly as a means of building the Focolare family, and as apractical aid in spreading the charism of the Movement.2s Monthly interna-

tional conference calls (or'Link Ups') were introduced in the r98os, in which

Chiara, or her secretary Eli Folonari, reads a prepared meditation, followed

by news of the Movement from around the world. Zonal centres are some-times moved so as to improve access to the international telephone network.Internal members of the Movement with access to a linked focolare usuallygather for the fortnightly conference call, giving them the chance to 'sit atthe feet'of Chiara and to experience being part of the international focolare

family. For those who cannot be present in person, the Link Up is circulated

on video, and whenever possible watched together with others of the Move-ment. The Link Up has come to play a central role in transmitting and rein-

forcing a shared identity.Numerous letters, spiritual writings and the texts oftalks are published or

kept in the Movement's archives, and circulate in published and unpublishedformats, official and ad ltoctranslations. Film footage ofmany ofChiara's talksgiven at the Mariapolis Centre near Rome to di{Ierent groups exist from the

r96os, and by the r99os it was normal for Chiara to be accompanied on her

travels by a small film crew from the Movement's St Clare's Centre (Centro

Santa Chiara). There is no formal course or body of knowledge that is delivered

to members of the Movement, and no tests or badges of membership. In-

dividuals may choose to identifiT in some way with the spirituality of unity,and find the manner in which the members of the Focolare Movement at-

tempt to codi$ and live their interpretation ofthe Gospel congenial. A Scottishfocolarina, for instance, described how she was attracted to the Focolare by

the behaviour of one ofher school teachers who belonged to the Movement:

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She treated us as if we were all equal. It did not matter if one was better behavedor cleverer, there were no 'teacher's petsl We were all the same for her. That fas-cinated me. It made me believe in what she said about the Focolare. By the wayshe lived I could see it had to be true (Nnu City, October 2ooot7).

This informality allows people of all faiths and none to regard themselves asmembers of the Movement, or equally to drift away from it. The Bible andvarious Christian and non-Christian spiritual writings are utilised for spirit-ual formation, but the most important resource is Chiara's own words, whetherin print, on tape, video or the World Wide Web. Chiara regards herself as afaithful Roman Catholic, but she has a vision of her charism of unity that farexceeds the boundaries ofthe Roman Catholic or Christian Church. Her un-apologetic recounting ofher own spiritual journey as an Italian Catholic, andof the 'work of God' in the Focolare Movement, finds acceptance in a widevariety of situations. Whether talking to Bangwa chiefs in Cameroon, BlackMuslims in the United States or to Christian bishops, Chiara's main sugges-tion is always that those present'make a pact of love'with one another, anact that is not in itselfdependent upon any particular religious or secular for-mation.

Songs are another key way in which the spirituality is transmitted - mostofthe songs in Italian written by the two internationally constituted musicalgroups based at the Mariapolis of Loppiano near Florence (Gen Rosso andGen Verde) are translated into other languages. When performing outsideItaly, both groups usually sing most or all of their repertoire in the language

ofthe audience. Other songs are written by many individuals within the Move-ment and each country will have its own cheaply produced song books con-taining the most popular of these songs, updated as new songs are writtenand old ones lose their appeal. At almost all public gatherings there will be amusic group who will lead the participants in the singing that is used to be-gin and end most sessions, and to accompany the Mass. Singing is treatedwith the same seriousness as listening to some6ne speak. The songs are in-

tended to help those present 'buildJesus in the Midst', and it is not uncom-mon for a senior focolarina to admonish those who persist in talking throughthe singing sessions. The importance given to singing dates back to the startofthe Movement in the r94os, when Chiara and her companions would takelocal folk tunes and write their own words, in their native Trentino dialect, to

express the intensity of the new life they were living, their relationship withGod and withJesus. These songs are highly prized, forming part ofthe earlyhistory ofthe Movement, and the first focolarini teach them, usually in Tren-

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tino dialect rather than a translation. to members of the Movement aroundthe world.

As Chiara Lubich, who was born on zzJanuary r9zo, is still alive and ac-tive, she remains the main source ofauthority on all that pertains to the Focolareand its charism. The powerful presence of Chiara at the centre of the Move-ment does not allow for much critical reflection, and there is often difficultyin handling dissent. What is interpreted as unity may, in fact, be a simpleperformance of a well known and oft rehearsed script, with little or no feed-back to those in positions of responsibility.2e The Movement, like the Ro-man Catholic Church, sees itself as an instrument of revelation, a pyramid inwhich authority and grace flow downwards. The experiences communicatedfrom ordinary members to their'superiors'and to Chiara tend to be carefullyconstructed. By and large only good news and successful atternpts to live apoint ofthe spirituality, or to undertake a suggested initiative, are communi-cated.3o While humour is appreciated, a'failure'or disaster that is not markedby an attempt to 'embraceJesus Forsaken' is not ready for public consump-tion. The Centre will urge people to pray for members ofthe Movement caughtup in fighting or natural disasters, but even in the most desperate situationsit is people's success in living the spirituality of the Movement that counts.The Focolare is'young' in terms of a religious culture, dating its foundationto r94r.It has changed rapidly throughout its history as it expanded intonew countries and continents, and made new contacts. The impact of glob-

alisation and the extensive use of new technologies contrast with, but alsoreinforce, the familial metaphors and selflimage of the Focolare Movement.It is possible for a member of the Movement in China or the usa to see andread about the experiences of their 'brothers and sisters' in Africa or SouthAmerica, both on the World Wide Web and through the Link Up conferencecalls. A visit to a local Focolare centre is itself an experience ofinternational-ism and a challenge to cultural particularity.

ConclusionAs a member ofthe Focolare Movement I was a part ofthe Fontem Maria-

polis in Cameroon in a way that other visitors to Fontem, even other Euro-peans employed in the school or hospital, could not be. Having grown upwith and known the Focolare from the inside I had internalised many of itsvalues and knew by and large what was expected, and considered appropri-ate speech and behaviour in different situations. The fact that I might evalu-ate some experiences within the Movement negatively was beside the point.

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I had not been brainwashed - people come and go freely, and apart fromthose who take canonical vows there are no formal rituals of inclusion orexternal signs ofmembership. Many, perhaps the majority, of internal mem-bers of the Focolare spend much oftheir time wavering between staying andleaving. The formation of members is taken extremely seriously, and per-haps because the boundaries between member and non-member are fluidthere is considerable anxiety among some of those in positions of authorityconcerning members who step out of line. This anxiety acts as a block onfree communication, desired in theory, but seen as a threat in practice. Thoseresponsible for the formation of members see it as their task to help theircharges conform to the charism, which in practice means whatever ChiaraLubich is saying, thinking, feeling or experiencing at any given moment. Theyare encouraged to reflect this back to Chiara in the form oflife'experiences',relayed by fax, letter, phone and email. To anticipate Chiara's thoughts isregarded favourably as a sign that there is the presence ofJesus in the Midstamong members, and that the Movement is operating as one body.

Ethnographic fieldwork is concerned with participation and observation.Being an insider certainly helps in terms ofunderstanding the dynamics of asituation, but can lead to difficulties when it comes to moving from perform-

ance to text, from sharingthe lives ofothers to finding a critical distance fromwhich to discuss that experience in print. A professional training does notautomatically confer the ability to challenge assumptions that have becomenormative through long association, nor does it provide what might be de-scribed as objective neutrality. Readers are usually quick to pick up elementsofhagiography and a tendency to replicate an insider discourse. There is alsoa need to avoid compensation by going to the opposite extreme and adopt-ing a negative or satirical style, appearing overly critical or cynical. This mightcreate distance but would betray a lack of respect towards subjects, misrep-resent the situation on the ground and distort the core values ofmy relation-

ship with the Focolare. .

When advising anthropology students on the choice of fieldwork site andtopic, in the light of my own fieldwork experience I encourage a very carefulanalysis of the potential problems before embarking on any sort of anthro-pology'at home'. Personal involvement with a particular group is often whatmotivates a person to enter higher education with the long-term goal ofstudy-ing that group in depth. One must ask, however, 'do you want to continue tolive in that community?' 'Do you wish to remain a member of the group?''How will your membership aflect what you say and do, and what you feel

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able to write?' It is certainly tempting to choose the easier and probably wiseroption offindingsubjects towards whom one is sympathetic, but has no longer-term commitment. These problems are not unique to anthropology at home,as Laura Bohannan's classic novel of her life with the Tiv in Nigeria illus-trates so graphically, personal relationships and conflicts of interest are in-herent in all fieldwork.3t what is seldom discussed, however, is the addition-al element religious commitment and personal values bringto fieldwork, bothfrom the perspective ofthe anthropologist and ofthose *ho- they are privi-leged to study' My hope is that this paper will be seen as an attempt to findways of articulating that delicate relationship, in particular through a focuson ltabitus and religious socialisation, and that it will encour"g. furth., .o--parative studies and discussion.

AcknowledgmentsI am grateful to the editors of Ethnos andthe anonymous reviewers of this articlefor their many helpful comments, with particular ihanks to withelm ostberg forhis patience and encouragement. Gavin Flood, oliver Davies, callan Slipper,and Maya warrier have also played a varuable role in stimulating new lines ofenquiry and in challenging me to clarify my thinking.

Notesr. Russell Mccutcheon (1999) reviews various insider,/outsider positions in his re-

cent edited volume. I would not actually see my position as coterminous withany ofthose outlined by Mccutcheon. I diaw on aipects ofempathetic, descriptiveand ohjective, scientific perspectives, adopting u ,iu.r"" that is methodologicallyneutral in terms of truth claims, but politically aware and reflexive. M/u.g,r'-ment for an embodied approach to understanding a religious culture rests on adialogical hermeneutic that respects the inclividiality ; the ,other' while re_Tlting the possibilities for cultural interpretation and translation.

z. Cf. Maya warrier's account of an Indian Godperson, Mata Amritanandamayi,(zooo). First-hand experience of the Mata's embrace is for her devotees a mo-ment ofconversion and catharsis. Similar accounts offeeling drawn to the FocolareMovement (rather than the person of its founder), aniof an emotional self-emptying through this conract, are recounted by members ofthe Focolare Move-ment (see, for instance, McPhail zoor).

3. Terms such as 'religious experience'or'spirituality'are problematic and contested.Rather than go into lengthy discussions and attempts at definition here, I simplychoose to use the terms in an emic sense.

4' For a comprehensive discussion of the term 'spirituality' see Michel Dupuy'sentry in the Dictionnatre de Spirinuh'ti ft99o).

5. The structures of the Focolare Movemeni are explained in more detail below.See also Gallagher r997.

6. Students of anthropology are often sympathetic towards an anthropologist rr'hoadopts the cosmological understandings and practices of his or her hosts in the

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way that Paul Stoller did among the Songhay of Niger (Stoller & Olkes 1989),but there is a widespread bias in anthropological circles against Christianity, es-pecially mission Christianity (c[ Salamone 1983). Anthropologists studying amajor'world religion'commonly stress their distance from the beliefs and prac-tices of their informants (cf Csordas rggTixv; van Dijk & Pels 1996).

7. Kirsten Hastrup, with her interest in theatre, stresses the importance ofthe bodyand senses ofthe ethnographer as an interpretative medium: 'One does not havea body, one is a body. There is no manifestation of the self outside the body,even if our senses and words help us to project ourselves outward. Motivatedagents create theatres of self They stage themselves and meaning emerges inthe process... Enculturation implies internalization of local concepts, values andgestures. In the process "cultural givens" sink down below awareness' (1995:9).

8. For a discussion of gender in a mission context in Cameroon, see Bowie 1993.

9. In Fontem I was directed to many ofthe individuals who had acted as key inform-ants for Robert Brain in the r96os. His efforts to learn the language (Nweh) andto record Bangwa customs had been highly appreciated, giving anthropology agood name. It was also a positive advantage to be seen as British in anglophoneCameroon. Bangwa men who had served in the Mandated administration stillwore uniforms and insignia of office with pride on ofiicial and unofficial occasions.Although the Focolare community in Fontem was drawn from many countriesthe internal language of communication within the Mariapolis was Italian. Beinga native English-speaker conveyed high status, as well as serving as a marker ofnon-Italian (equated with non-Focolare) identity (Bowie 1985).

ro. A small number ofBangwa and some internal members ofthe Focolare read andcommented on my doctoral dissertation, confirming the accuracy of the data.Both Bangwa and focolarini found information concerning the 'other side' ofparticular interest but were usually less enthusiastic about the way their owncommunity had been portrayed. As it was impossible to please all three constitu-encies, an academic audience, the Focolare and the Bangwa, I had to take fullresponsibility for whatever I wrote and accept the consequences that this mighthave for my relationship with those concerned.

rr. Asad $998:47) points out that Mauss's concept of habitus invites analysis of thebody as'an assemblage ofembodied aptitudes not as systems ofsymbolic meanings'.This is not to devalue the work done by anthropologists on body symbolismand the symbolism of the body, but to stress that the body is more than just apassive recipient of cultural symbols.

rz. Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Margaret Lock (1987) made a useful tripartite dis-tinction between the 'individual body' (Husserl's Leib, or lived, self-referentialbody), the'social body' (which engages in semiotic, representational performance)and'body politic'(the social control of bodies, individual and collective). Thevalue of this schema is less in absolutising the differences between these threeaspects of the body, than in exploring the connections between them. Socialcontrol may, for instance, dictate the wearing of a habit, a powerful social sym-bol of consecrated life, which may, in turn, determine the wearer's experience ofhim or herself as a particular type of person (a monk or nun), who has particulartypes of (religious, mystical) experience.

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The material dimension of language and the use of media in the transmission ofa religious culture is convincingly demonstrated in Simon Coleman's study ofEvangelical Protestantism (tgS6). There are many parallels between Coleman'sstudy and the Focolare Movement. Viewers of Chiara's videos are encouragedto watch and listen to Chiara as if she were actually present, so that the screeningof a video, can as Coleman also states, become a'consecrated act' (1996:rzo).These terms were originally used by Edmund Husserl in t9o7. See ElizabethBehnke's useful survey ofphenomenological understandings ofthe body (1997).'[T]he genuinely "lived" Body never becomes an explicit focus of my experiencing,but is continually "passed over in silence'' (Behnke ry97:68).There is a substantial literature on notions of the'self in anthropology and philo-sophy, and it is not a theme that I can address adequately here, except to notethat the concept of'self is linguistically and culturally contingent. See, for instance,Carrithers, Collins & Lukes 1985; Morris rg94: Cohen ryg4.See Coakley 1998; and Asad 1998 for remarks on the relationship between reli-gion and the body, and the anthropology of the body, respectively. For ananthropological attempt to discuss the religious experience of others, see EdithTurner r992.In terms of Focolare spirituality the interior and exterior dimensions of life areexplicitly codified in the analogy ofthe rainbow. Each ofthe seven colours repre-sents a particular aspect of life (also identified with the particular gifts of one ofthe first focolarine) that has both'concrete' and spiritual manifestations. Red, forinstance, stands for the communion ofspiritual and material goods. Within focolarehouses times are set aside for the'communion of souls'. and it would be verv diffi-cult for an individual to choose not to participate, and still remain in the focolare.Wages are put in common and spent according to centralised guidelines, and fo-colarini are urged not to think of anything as being for their own exclusive use.TimothyJenkins'innovative study, Relryton th Engh'sh Ezteryday Ltfe, for instance,adopts a Durkheimian approach to religron as the'expression of the human as-piration to flourish'(1999:13). While individual motivation is seen as an essentialpart of religious behaviour,Jenkins focuses on external manifestations of religiouslife, perhaps in order to maintain a critical distance between his role as an Anglicanpriest and the parishioners he studied as an anthropologist. Talal Asad, in his fas-cinating account of medieval Christian monastic discipline (tS8Z), takes hrs cuefrom Mauss in seeking to understand differences in the way the body was social-ised among Benedictines and Cistercians, making the pertinent observation thatsexual desires can be historically constituted. By focusing on an historical subject,and by taking libido rather than spirituality as the locus of investigation, however,Asad is able to distance himself from his subject matter, maintaining a firmlyetic posit ion.In the early days of the Focolare Movement Chiara Lubich and her first com-panions experimented with traditional forms of Catholic asceticism (such as thewearing of hair girdles) but reached the conclusion that such practices did littleto promote either to further union with God or love of others. A continual effortto 'die to oneself in order to love is considered to be sufficient mortification ofthe senses, and more consistent with a spirituality that emphasises loving othersas a path to holiness.

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r4.

r5.

16.

17.

r8.

19.

25.26.

An Antltropolog of Religt'ous Experience 69

zr. In religious, as in secular life, the'grace'to do ajob is thought to depend uponthe office, and extent to which the office is duly respected. Within the Focolare,whoever is given the responsibility to care for a group is thought to 'have thegrace' for the groups members in so far as Jesus is present amongst them.

zz. As an Anglican I have always been part of a minority within the Focolare, onethat is treated with a little more flexibility than is often true of Roman Catholics.There is not the same expectation, for instance, that non-Catholics will followthe same daily practices of piety as Roman Catholics, such as praying the rosary,although many non-Catholics do try to adhere to the same daily rule as Catholicmembers.

23. The Focolare web sites are a good source of information on contacts with non-Christian members and sympathisers of the Movement. See, for instance, the usEnglish lan guage site at http : //www.focolare.org.

24. Focolares do timetable closed periods for rest and retreats, but it is an extremelypressured life. Most focolarini have full-time secular employment, as well asspending evenings and weekends engaged in focolare activities.'Wllatever you do to the least you do to me' (Matthew z5:45).I would take issue with Debray's statement that while communication is essentiallynatural, transmission belongs to the political arena. While there may be a moreexplicitly political dimension to transmission, to ignore the political dimensionof communication suggests an exaggerated focus on the individual divorced fromhis or her social and cultural milieu (zooo:6).

27. Debray chides Pierre Bourdieu, for example, for his observations on some ratherlimited social aspects of television, whilst ignoring its established status, hugeinfluence and ubiquity in French cultural life (zooo:87).

28. The media are seen as having the potential for both good and evil, and unity isunderstood not just as harmony between individuals and nations, but as part ofa supernatural order in which the forces of love seek to triumph over the forcesofevil. For instance, in a response the terrorist attacks in the usa on rr Septem-ber zoor, John Green wrote in Nao Cij magazine', 'In fact, all such attacks,irrespective of the merits or otherwise of the causes involved, are simply attacksagainst unity. Their purpose is to exacerbate tensions between peoples and toreduce the likelihood ofdialogue and peace. Probably those who carry out suchacts of terrorism are unaware that their human vulnerability is being exploitedby very dark forces - whose aims favour neither one side nor the other, but seekonly to annul the Redemption'(Oct. zoor:3).

29. Pierre Bourdieu observed that 'the strength of the prophet or political leaderwho mobilizes the group by announcing to them what they want to hear, restson the dialectical relationship between authorized, authenticating language, andthe group which authorizes it and acts on its authenticity $g77:t7r). It is probablythe case that those attracted to the message ofthe Focolare find in it an echo oftheir own aspirations and desires, but assentingto a large part of the message,and internalising the script, does not mean that reservations and criticisms areabsent in individual actors.

3o. Maya Warrier's notion of the 'construction of experience' among devotees ofMata Amritanandamayi has many parallels with the role given to 'experiences'within the Focolare. For instance, in both Movements personal and individual

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experiences are constmcted according to a collective understanding ofthe notionof 'experience' itselI Having'experiences' (of the right kind) serves to distinguishinsiders from outsiders, and to regenerate and reinforce membership of theseMovements (Warrier zoor).

3r. Published under the pseudonym Eleanor Smith Bowen $g5a/ry61.

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