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AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK

ADVISORY COMMITTEE

Oscar Handlin, Chairman

Salo W. Baron

Solomon F. Bloom

Harry G. Friedman

Sidney Goldmann

Benjamin W. Huebsch

Edward C. Mack

Jacob R. Marcus

Nathan Reich

AmericanJewish

Year BookVOLUME 58

1957Prepared by

THE AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE

MORRIS FINE, EditorJACOB SLOAN, Executive Editor

T H E AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE

New York

T H E JEWISH PUBLICATION SOCIETY OF AMERICA

Philadelphia

COPYRIGHT, 1957

BY

T H E AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE

AND

T H E JEWISH PUBLICATION SOCIETY OF AMERICA

All rights reserved. No part of this book may bereproduced in any form without permission inwriting from the publisher: except by a reviewerwho may quote brief passages in a review to be

printed in a magazine or newspaper.

Library of Congress Catalogue Number: 99-4040

55

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

BY AMERICAN BOOK-STRATFORD PRESS, INC., NEW YORK

Preface

IN COMMEMORATION of the 300th anniversary of Jewish settlement in theUnited States the two previous volumes of the AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR

BOOK (1955 and 1956) featured a series of articles on various aspects of thehistory of the American Jewish community. The present volume also cele-brates a tercentenary—that of the resettlement of Jews in England in 1656.The author of "Three Centuries of Jewish Life in England, 1656-1956,"Sefton D. Temkin, is a former secretary of the Anglo-Jewish Association ofGreat Britain; his intimate knowledge of the English Jewish community hasresulted in an article that the editors of the YEAR BOOK are confident willreceive the same high regard as have the previous articles on American Jewryby Oscar Handlin, Nathan Glazer, Joseph Blau, and Herman D. Stein. Wetrust that these extended surveys of the two sister communities in Americaand Britain will contribute to mutual appreciation of each other's history,traditions, and distinctive characteristics.

The preparation of the bulk of the volume, consisting of summaries ofevents of concern to Jewish communities all over the world, met with specialdifficulties during 1956. The grave international crises that developed in theMiddle East and Eastern Europe during October and November 1956 re-quired a postponement for certain of the countries concerned of the usualcut-off date for the period under review from June 30, 1956, to November 30.The coverage in the present volume of the turbulent and rapidly shiftingevents of this critical period cannot help but be sketchy. It is anticipated thatthe next volume of the AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, to appear in the winterof 1958, will report on the current developments from a longer perspectiveand in greater detail.

Joseph Gordon, a member of the research staff of the Library of JewishInformation of the American Jewish Committee, and for six years the prin-cipal contributor to the section on Eastern Europe in the YEAR BOOK, diedsuddenly on May 9, 1956. Mr. Gordon was one of the country's outstandingauthorities on the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia. His contributions, basedon careful documentary research as well as first-hand knowledge, have helpedmake the YEAR BOOK an invaluable repository of reliable information of So-viet policy in regards to Jews and Jewish issues, and on the status of Jewishlife in the Soviet Union and its satellites. Mr. Gordon's death was a seriousblow to the editors, both professionally and personally.

The sections reviewing developments in the United States during 1955-56include several noteworthy features. The article on Jewish population pre-pared by Alvin Chenkin, director of the statistical unit of the Council of

[v]

Jewish Federations and Welfare Funds, summarizes data secured in surveysof the Jewish communities of New Orleans, La., Pittsburgh, Pa., and Lynn,Mass. The article on civil rights by Theodore Leskes, of the staff of the Ameri-can Jewish Committee, merits attention for its comprehensive review of schooldesegregation in the South as of the beginning of the school year in Septem-ber 1956.

The editors are happy to offer an appreciation of the life and achievementsof Albert Einstein by Jacob Bronowski, British scientist and author, as a lucidand understanding portrait of a great human being.

This volume will come off the press on the eve of the American JewishCommittee's celebration of its fiftieth anniversary. The committee is the co-publisher of the YEAR BOOK and the organization responsible for editing thisseries since 1907. To commemorate the occasion the YEAR BOOK has initiatedthe preparation of a special article, "A History of the American Jewish Com-mittee." This article, together with the committee's fiftieth annual report, isscheduled to appear in volume 59.

Certain staff changes should be recorded. Miss Dora Cohen, who had servedas an extremely conscientious and able YEAR BOOK assistant since 1949,retired in July 1956. She was replaced by Mrs. Esta Marshall. The editorstake this opportunity to welcome Mrs. Marshall to the YEAR BOOK staff, andto acknowledge her assistance in the preparation of this volume.

The editors also wish to thank Mrs. Stella Ettlinger of the YEAR BOOK stafffor her technical assistance. Thanks are also due to Maurice J. Goldbloom,who helped in the editing of some of the manuscripts, to Dr. Moses Jung,who prepared the Hebrew calendars, to Mrs. Freda Imrey, who did the proof-reading, and to Miss Martha Beckerman, who rendered special typing as-sistance.

MORRIS FINE, EditorJACOB SLOAN, Executive Editor

[vij

Contributors

HERBERT H. APTEKAR; executive di-rector, Jewish Community Services ofLong Island; managing editor, JewishSocial Service Quarterly; author, BasicConcepts in Social Casework; The Dy-namics of Casework and Counseling.EDGAR BERNSTEIN; assistant editor,South African Jewish Times; South Afri-can correspondent, Jewish TelegraphicAgency; author, The Crime of ModernMan: Some Aspects of Anti-Semitism.MORDECAI BERNSTEIN; vice presi-dent, YIVO—Yiddish Scientific Institutein Argentina; author, five volumes ofJewish scholarship.JACOB BRONOWSKI; director, CoalResearch Establishment, National CoalBoard of Great Britain; author, TheCommon Sense of Science; The Poet'sDefense; William Blake, A Man Withouta Mask; numerous magazine articles.AL\1N CHENKJN; director, statisticalunit, Council of Jewish Federations andWelfare Funds; author, DemographicStudy of the Jewish Population of NewOrleans, La., 1953; Demographic Studyof the Jewish Population of GreaterLynn, Mass., 1956.IVA COHEN; assistant librarian of theAmerican Jewish Committee.LUCY S. DAWIDOWICZ; researcher onthe staff of the Library of Jewish Infor-mation of the American Jewish Com-mittee.ABRAHAM J. DUBELMAN; novelist;co-editor, Vida Habanera-Havaner Lebn,Havana; Cuban representative, JewishTelegraphic Agency, contributor to Zu-kunft, The Day, Forward.BILLIE EINFELD; president, Women'sORT of New South Wales, Australia; vicepresident, National Council of JewishWomen of Australia.S. P. GOLDBERG; director of budget re-search, Council of Jewish Federations andWelfare Funds.

MAURICE J. GOLDBLOOM; free-lancewriter; author, American Security andFreedom.ABRAHAM S. KARLIKOW; member ofstaff, Paris office, American Jewish Com-mittee.GEORGE KELLMAN; writer, lecturer;director, Investigative and Fact-FindingDivision, American Jewish Committee.JOSEPH KISSMAN; research director,Jewish Labor Committee; editor. Factsand Opinions; author, Studies in Historyof Rumanian Jews, 19th and Beginningof 20th Century.THEODORE LESKES; staff counsel,American Jewish Committee; member ofNew York and United States SupremeCourt Bars; author of articles on civilrights and civil liberties.JACOB LEVITZ; educator, sociologist;consultant, Bureau of Jewish Education,Boston.HENRY LEVY; country director forTunisia, American Jewish Joint Distribu-tion Committee.LOTTE LOWENTHAL; director of ar-chives on postwar Germany, WeinerLibrary, London.DON PERETZ; research director, Re-gional Research Analysts; Middle Eastconsultant, American Jewish Committee;lecturer in Middle East studies, DropsieCollege, Philadelphia; author of articleson foreign affairs published in JewishSocial Studies, New Leader, United Na-tions World, Middle East Journal.LOUIS ROSENBERG; research director,bureau of social and economic research,Canadian Jewish Congress; author, Cana-da's Jews; Canadian Jewish PopulationStudies; The Jewish Community ofWinnipeg.BORIS SAPIR; director, research depart-ment, American Jewish Joint Distribu-tion Committee; author, The JewishCommunity in Cuba; Liberman et le

[vii]

Socialisme Prusse; Dostoyevsky und Tol-stoi ueber Probleme des Rechts.

LEON SHAPIRO; assistant director, de-partment of cultural and educationalreconstruction, Conference on JewishMaterial Claims Against Germany; au-thor of studies of contemporary problemsin Jewish Social Studies, YIVO Bleter,Zionist Review.

ISRAEL SHENKER; Benelux corre-spondent of TIME-LIFE Internationaland of the Columbia BroadcastingSystem.

JACOB SLOAN; executive editor, AMER-ICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK.

CHARLES SOLOMON; assistant editor,The Jewish Chronicle, London; author,Mathematics Made Easy; many articles.SEFTON D. TEMKIN; lawyer; editor,The Jewish Monthly; lecturer in law andgovernment, Flintshire Technical Col-lege; warden, West London Synagogue;secretary, Anglo-Jewish Association; vicepresident. Inter-University Jewish Fed-eration of Great Britain and Ireland.HAROLD TROBE; director for Italy,American Jewish Joint Distribution Com-mittee.ANDR£ ZAOUI; rabbi, l'Union LiberateIsraelite de Paris; president, l'lnstitutInternational d'£tudes H^braiques; di-rector. La Revue de la Pensee Juive.

[viii]

Table of Contents

PREFACE

CONTRIBUTORS

ARTICLE IN CELEBRATION OF BRITISH JEWISH TERCEN-TENARY

Three Centuries of Jewish Life in England(1656-1956) S. D. Temkin

UNITED STATESSOCIO-ECONOMIC DATA

Jewish Population in the United States, 1956

CIVIC AND POLITICAL STATUSCivil LibertiesCivil RightsAnti-Jewish Agitation

COMMUNAL AFFAIRS

Alvin Chenkin

vn

•65

Maurice J. Goldbloom 83Theodore Leskes 96George Kellman 141

ReligionJewish Communal ServicesJewish Social ServiceThe United States, Israel, and the Middle

East

WORLD JEWISH POPULATION

CANADA

WESTERN EUROPEGreat BritainFranceBelgiumThe NetherlandsItaly

CENTRAL EUROPEWest GermanyEast GermanyAustria

Jacob SloanS. P. GoldbergHerbert H. Aptekar

Lucy Dawidowicz

Leon Shapiro

Louis Rosenberg

Charles SolomonAbraham KarlikowAbraham KarlikowIsrael ShenkerHarold Trobe

Lotte LotventhalLotte LowenthalBoris Sapir

150168196

203

220

228

238245253255"266

273296299

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EASTERN EUROPEIntroductionSoviet UnionPolandCzechoslovakiaHungaryRumania

TURKEY

NORTH AFRICAAlgeria

TunisiaMorocco

UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA

AUSTRALIA

ISRAEL

MIDDLE EAST

LATIN AMERICAArgentinaMexicoCuba

INTERNATIONALConference on Jewish Material ClaimsAgainst Germany, Allocations, 1956

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

NATIONAL JEWISH ORGANIZATIONSUnited StatesCanada

JEWISH FEDERATIONS, WELFARE FUNDS,COMMUNITY COUNCILSUnited StatesCanada

JEWISH PERIODICALSUnited StatesCanada

AMERICAN JEWISH BIBLIOGRAPHY

NECROLOGY: UNITED STATESAlbert Einstein

Leon ShapiroLeon ShapiroLeon Shapiro

Joseph Kissman

304309317322325328

331

Maurice J. Goldbloom \ 336Andre ZaouiHenry L. Levy

Edgar Bernstein

Billie Einfeld

Don Peretz

Mordecai BernsteinJacob Levitz

342353

360

369

374

393

405408

Abraham J. Dubelman 414

Iva Cohen

Jacob Bronowski

416

421

423442

444455

457463

464

475480

ABRIDGED JEWISH CALENDAR FOR 5717-18 (1956-58) 488

MONTHLY CALENDAR, 1957 (5717-18) 489

ANNUAL REPORTS

AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE 505

JEWISH PUBLICATION SOCIETY OF AMERICA 516

INDEX 529

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• >

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In Observance of British Jewish Tercentenary

I THREE CENTURIES

OF JEWISH LIFE

IN ENGLAND, 1656-1956

I BY S. D. TEMKIN

I

THREE CENTURIES OF JEWISH LIFEIN ENGLAND, 1656-1956

INTRODUCTION

ryiHE BRITISH ISLES have a total population of 53,420,000 residents, in--I- eluding an estimated 450,000 Jews. Politically the British Isles con-

stitute two countries, the United Kingdom of Great Britain andNorthern Ireland, and the Republic of Ireland. Of their 450,000 Jew-ish inhabitants, all except 5,000 live in the United Kingdom, whosetotal population is 50,674,000. The remaining 5,000 live in the Repub-lic of Ireland (population 2,948,000). The United Kingdom itself isdivisible into three distinct parts; 1. England and Wales, 2. Scotland,and 3. Northern Ireland. England and Wales represent the largest,richest, and most densely populated area with a population of 44,166,-000, of whom 433,000 are Jews. In Scotland live 15,000 Jews and inNorthern Ireland 1,800.

The differences between the several parts of the United Kingdomare of far less significance than the characteristics they have in com-mon; and although the Republic of Ireland has withdrawn from theUnited Kingdom, the links forged by history, geography, and eco-nomics remain very strong. The Jewish communities of these countrieslook upon themselves as a unity; whether in strict accuracy or not,they are usually referred to collectively as the Anglo-Jewish com-munity and as such they commemorated in 1956 the tercentenary oftheir readmission to England.

Of the 450,000 Jews in the British Isles, 280,000 live in the GreaterLondon area and the remainder in some 100 provincial towns.1 AfterLondon the next largest communities are to be found in Manchester(31,000) and Leeds (25,000). Both these towns are within four hoursof London by rail, and the principal communities of Scotland andIreland are accessible to the capital by an overnight journey.

The cohesion which geography countenances is also encouraged byhistory. Continuity and gradualness are among the distinctive key-notes of English life. Its sharp breaks occurred in the distant past.Institutions have been transformed but rarely overthrown. Govern-ment is not based upon a single document, such as the Constitutionof the United States; it rests on the practice of centuries, and the

3

4 AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK

process of change is never liable to be arrested by a fixed immutableconstitutional principle. Theory has its influence, but its logical ap-plication usually gives way before the practical needs of the moment.

These influences have left their mark on the relations of churchand state. In England there is still an established or state church.When the foundations were laid of the modern Anglo-Jewish com-munity, those who did not belong to the state church were liable tosuffer persecution. Various shades of tolerance soon replaced persecu-tion, and during the nineteenth century the disabilities which in strictlaw (though not always in fact) attached to citizens who did notadhere to the Church of England were removed; religious equality forindividuals was established—an equality mitigated by the formal pre-cedence and privileges accorded by the state to the Church of England.Since that time other denominations have organized freely as volun-tary societies, and the state has adopted a benevolent attitude towardthem, particularly in the field of education.

The complex influences of history, but also a strong thread ofcontinuity, are to be seen in Anglo-Jewish life. As in the United States,but unlike the continent of Europe, the Jewish community has alwaysbeen organized on a voluntary basis; freedom to dissent is now recog-nized, but tempered by a strong belief in cohesion. The synagogue,though tending now to be pushed into the background by secularbodies, remains the basic unit. There is no single comprehensive bodywhich exercises an executive or supervisory role over the whole com-pass of Jewish life in England, or over any of its local communities.(There are community councils in a number of provincial towns, e.g.,Birmingham, Glasgow, Leeds, Liverpool, Sheffield; but their authorityis limited). However, in the course of three centuries the communityhas developed a number of well-recognized central institutions. About85 per cent of the synagogues follow the Ashkenazic ritual and acknowl-edge the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Orthodox chief rabbi; in theGreater London area the most influential of the Ashkenazic synagoguesform an organic whole known as the United Synagogue. On the secularside, the Board of Deputies of British Jews, 90 per cent of whosemembers are delegates from synagogues, functions as a representativeorganization.

The symmetry of the pattern is nowhere complete. There is a mi-nority of non-Orthodox synagogues and quite a number of LondonOrthodox synagogues that are outside the orbit of the United Syna-gogue. The Board of Deputies does not operate unchallenged in itsown sphere.

Jewish life in England must be visualized also, first as exhibitingcontinuous growth through the centuries, and secondly against thebackground of recent changes in the Jewish world position. The thirty-

THREE CENTURIES OF JEWISH LIFE IN ENGLAND, 1656-1956 5

five families who made up the first congregation were Sephardim whohad fled the Inquisition. Ashkenazim from Holland, Germany, andPoland soon followed. By 1700 there may have been 500 Jews in Eng-land; at the end of the eighteenth century the number of Jews in Eng-land was estimated at 20,000 to 26,000, and for 1851 the figure is inthe region of 35,000. By 1881 the number of Jews had risen to 65,000.Throughout this period there was a steady flow of immigration, thenewcomers being for the most part Ashkenazim, though it must beremembered that during the nineteenth century the population ofEngland as a whole increased very rapidly by natural growth. Duringthe period from 1881-1914, 100,000 to 150,000 Jews settled in England.The flow was curtailed by restrictions imposed in 1905 and was cutoff by the outbreak of World War I. In that year—the great dividingline in modern English life—the Jewish community stood at 250,000to 300,000 souls. Its subsequent growth to 450,000 can be accountedfor partly by natural increase and partly by the settlement of 60,000refugees from Nazi oppression. The proportion of Jews to the generalpopulation grew from 0.4 per cent in 1901 to 0.8 per cent in 1951.

What is more significant is the change in the position of the Anglo-Jewish community relative to European Jewry. In 1939 there were9,500,000 Jews in Europe; in 1951 there were only 3,424,000 of whomonly about 1,000,000 lived westwards of the Iron Curtain. Preservedfrom the storm of destruction, British Jewry has assumed numericalimportance in the Jewish world; and, long accustomed to feelingitself the western extremity of a strong European Jewish community,it now finds that the hinterland has disappeared.

RETROSPECT

There are not wanting suggestions that Jews may have lived inBritain in Roman times. Though this remains unproved, they cer-tainly came to England in the wake of William the Conqueror. Withthe medieval community we are not here concerned; Edward Iexpelled the Jews in 1290, and for nearly four centuries there was acomplete break in organized Jewish life in England. In none of theseintervening centuries do we fail to find any trace of Jews living inEngland. Thus the records of the Lisbon Inquisition show that asmall crypto-Jewish community was in Bristol from 1545 to 1555, andover eighty Marranos are known to have lived in London during thereign of Queen Elizabeth I. The most famous of them, Dr. RoderigoLopes, became physician to the Queen. He was executed in 1594 on atrumped-up charge of attempting to poison Elizabeth, and his fatecaused the Marrano colony to dwindle away.

Interest in the people of the book was stimulated by Protestant


devotion to the Bible. In 1648 the Council of Mechanics passed a resolu-tion in favor of tolerance for all religions "not excepting Turkes, norPapists nor Jewes"; and in 1649 there came from Amsterdam a peti-tion by two English Baptists, Joanna and Ebenezer Cartwright, re-questing the readmission of the Jews to England. There is no directevidence as to the inspiration of this petition, but it might not bemerely coincidental that there flourished in Amsterdam at that timea great rabbi who, according to his own boast, "held friendship withmany great men, and the wisest and most eminent of all Europe. . . ."Menasseh ben Israel was a man of parts. He was an author and printerand drew on Rembrandt for illustrations for his books. His preachingbrought Christians to hear him; he welcomed Henrietta Maria, Queenof England, to the Amsterdam synagogue in 1648, as he did in 1651the mission which Cromwell had sent to negotiate an alliance betweenEngland and the United Provinces.

For reasons which today appear somewhat bizarre, England hadby this time become the object of Menasseh's speculations concerningthe advent of the Messiah. Menasseh's interpretation of certain biblicalverses led him to believe that when the Jews had been dispersed tothe ends of the earth the Messiah would come. In 1644 a Marranotraveler had reached Amsterdam with the report that the lost tentribes had been discovered in what is now Ecuador. Therefore, rea-soned Menasseh, if there were Jews in America, they had only to settlein England for their dispersion throughout the known world to becompleted. Menasseh believed that if the Jews returned to Englandthe Messiah would come, and he argued his case in a Latin work,published in 1650 and immediately translated into English. His scrip-tural speculations were much to the taste of the times, and he wasinvited to visit England.

Arriving in 1655, Menasseh pleaded for the repeal of all laws againstthe Jews. The expedition with which authorities acted suggest thatCromwell was interested in acceding to his petition. The Council ofState set up a special committee to consider the question, and a con-ference was summoned to meet in Whitehall in December 1655, towhich "divers eminent ministers of the nation" were invited. Themost significant outcome of this conference came early in the proceed-ings, when the two judges who had been invited declared that therewas no law which forbade the Jews to return to England, because,they said, the expulsion of 1290 had been directed only against thepersons then involved.

The conference then proceeded to consider on what terms it was"meet" to bring back the Jews. Some divines feared that they mightproselytize, and regarded public exercise of their religion as blas-phemous. The merchants of the City of London, whose relations with


Cromwell were, in any case, none too friendly, disliked the possibilityof competition. Rumors spread that the Jews had offered to buy St.Paul's for conversion into a synagogue, and that they were negotiatingthe purchase of libraries at Oxford and Cambridge.

Discussions at the conference were confused, and, although it wouldprobably have given an affirmative answer to Menasseh's petition,there would have been rigid conditions. That was not what Cromwellwanted. On December 18 he reproached the conference for havingfailed to give him clear and practical advice, and brought it to anabrupt close. But he did not, as Menasseh expected he would,promptly act by exercising his own prerogative.

Suddenly another set of circumstances precipitated definite action.At this time a group of Marranos were already settled in London.They were Spanish or Portuguese Jews who outwardly passed asRoman Catholics. Seven of them, joined by Menasseh ben Israel andAntonio Fernandez Carvajal, signed a "Humble Petition of the He-brews at present Residing in this City," addressed to Cromwell, anddated March 24, 1656. They asked that "such protection may begranted us in writing that we may . . . meet at our said private devo-tions in our Particular houses without fear of molestation either toour persons families or estates, our desire being to live peaceablyunder your Highness's government, And being we are all mortal wealso humbly pray your Highness to grant us license that those whichmay die of our nation may be buried in such place out of the city aswe shall think convenient. . . ." The decision to submit this petitionclearly arose from the personal insecurity in which the Marranos un-expectedly found themselves.

In the autumn of 1655 war had broken out between England andSpain, and in March 1656 the Council of State declared all Spanishmoneys, merchandise, and ships liable to seizure; the property of oneof the leading Marranos was confiscated under this head. He defendedhimself on the grounds that he was not a Spaniard but a "Portugueseborn and of the Hebrew nation." The admiralty commissioners, afterhearing evidence, found themselves unable to give any definite opinionon the question of his nationality. But the Council of State decidedto restore his property on the basis of his religion (May 16, 1656).Thus, by a simple precedent in an individual case, the right of a Jewto live in England was tested and for the time being established.

The petition went further, and asked for the right to open a syna-gogue and burial ground. It was long thought that no formal actionwas taken, and that the matter rested on connivance. But recently CecilRoth has stated that, on June 25, the Council decided to accede to it,though no evidence has come to light as to how the decision was com-municated. Later in the year, Carvajal took a lease of 5, Creechurch


Lane for the purpose of converting it into a synagogue and, in thefollowing February, he was one of the lessees of a plot of land inStepney, to the east of the City of London, for use as a cemetery.

These proceedings left Menasseh disconsolate, for they fell far shortof the proclamation for which he had labored. His hopes dashed, hereturned to Holland a broken man, dying there in November 1657.Yet, in his failure lay the foundation of security of the Anglo-Jewishcommunity. He had sought for the Jews a regime d'exception such asexisted in most Continental countries. As things turned out, the Jewssettled in England under the general law of the land. With allwho did not adhere to the Established Church, they shared seriouspolitical disabilities, but in practice their civil rights were not inter-fered with. Moreover, any "Resettlement" such as Menasseh soughtmight never have survived the Commonwealth. After the restorationof the monarchy more than one attempt was made to have the govern-ment or the courts pronounce that Jews were not entitled to reside inEngland or to carry on worship. These received no countenance fromCharles II. When attempts were made to exclude the Jews, that easy-going monarch gave them the written assurance of security which wasthe object of the petition to Cromwell.

It has been estimated that the Creechurch Lane synagogue accom-modated 110 worshippers. John Greenhalgh, writing, on April 2, 1662,of his visit there, reported "I counted about or above a hundred rightJews, one proselyte among them, they were all gentlemen [merchants].I saw not one mechanic person among them." It is widely believedthat the Jews brought a substantial amount of bullion to England,and that Cromwell desired their presence for their contribution to therevival of English commerce after the Civil War. Greenhalgh's com-ment confirms that they were comfortably off.

Ten years later, the seating in the synagogue needed to be doubled,and in 1699 the size of the congregation made it necessary to purchasea site in Bevis Marks, on which a larger house of worship was erectedand opened in 1701. This synagogue, now surrounded by the officesand warehouses of the City of London,2 is still in use and was thescene of the religious service commemorative of the tercentenary heldon March 22, 1956.

The Ashkenazim

By this time London had a second Jewish congregation. The firsthad been composed of Spanish and Portuguese Jews, or Sephardim.Soon after the Restoration there was a trickle of immigration fromEastern and Central Europe of Jews of humbler status who adheredto the Ashkenazic ritual, and by 1690 they were numerous enough to


establish their own synagogue. The first Jewish congregations in theprovinces were formed in the seaports of southern and western Eng-land, and they date from the middle of the eighteenth century.

The continuous growth of the Jewish community has resulted fromimmigration, as well as from natural increase. While immigration hasbeen practically continuous, it was stimulated from time to time bydisastrous happenings on the Continent of Europe. The arrival of thefirst Ashkenazim at the very beginning of the Resettlement was prob-ably an aftermath of the Chmielnicki Revolt (1648^19). In the nextcentury the Bohemian persecutions of 1744-45 and the Haidamackmassacres of 1768 resulted in successive waves of Ashkenazic immigra-tion; the Siege of Gibraltar caused an accession of Sephardim. In thenineteenth century the repression of the popular movement of 1848brought many political refugees from Central Europe. But by far thegreatest influx, due to Tsarist oppression, began in 1881 and continueduntil 1914. The entry of Jews from Europe, due to Nazi oppression, istoo recent to require more than mention.

The Sephardim did not spread beyond London until the 1870's,when a group of merchants from the Levant established themselvesin Manchester. The majority of the Ashkenazic immigrants tended tosettle in London, but, often with the active encouragement of thecommunal authorities, who were, usually embarrassed by the presenceof too many indigent newcomers, they spread to the provinces.Throughout this period London Jewry seems to have kept roughlythe same numerical relationship to Anglo-Jewry as a whole—betweenone-half and two-thirds.

Anglo-Jewry in 1881

The mass immigration of Jews from Eastern Europe which occurredin the period 1881-1914 transformed the community. By 1881, how-ever, the main institutions of Anglo-Jewry had taken shape; thoughthe newcomers formed congregations and schools of their own, andtensions developed between the native and immigrant sections of thecommunity, the existing institutions proved both strong and adaptableenough to meet the new situation.

What of the Anglo-Jewish community in 1881? As mentionedearlier, it numbered about 65,000 souls. Three-quarters of the Jewshad been born in England, and two-thirds of them lived in London.Among the Jews of London the middle class predominated—estimatedin 1883 at 42 per cent of the whole. At the same date 15 per cent ofLondon Jewry belonged to the upper or upper middle class, and 20per cent to the lower. More than 20 per cent—this would include the


first of the refugees fleeing from Tsarist Russia—were in receipt ofrelief.

Socially, the distinctions between Sephardic and Ashkenazic hadlong ceased to count, though they maintained separate religious or-ganizations. As there were only two congregations of Sephardim in thecountry, this separateness impinged very little on communal life. TheAshkenazic synagogues throughout the country acknowledged the juris-diction of one chief rabbi. The office had taken its modern form onthe appointment of Nathan Marcus Adler, who was the first incum-bent to combine traditional Jewish learning with modern secularculture. Adler had promoted the establishment of a theological semi-nary (Jews' College) in 1855, and had encouraged the three Ashken-azic congregations of the City of London (together with the twobranches they had established in the West End) to amalgamate. Theresult was the foundation in 1870 of the United Synagogue. By 1881this body, which was confined to London, had seven constituents. Inaddition, there were in London a few small congregations of Ash-kenazim outside the orbit of the United Synagogue. Their positionwas similar to that of the provincial congregations: in financial andadministrative matters each was absolutely independent, but in reli-gious matters they subjected themselves to a single ecclesiastical chief.

Both Ashkenazic and Sephardic congregations sent delegates to arepresentative body, the Board of Deputies of British Jews,3 but theBoard of Deputies was concerned to "watch over legislative and mu-nicipal enactments concerning Jews." Its mandate covered relationswith the gentile world and it was inactive in education, philanthropy,and synagogue matters. The board traced back its origins to 1760, andin 1836 it had been recognized in an Act of Parliament. On religiousmatters the board subjected itself to the guidance of the ecclesiasticalauthority of the Ashkenazic and Sephardic congregations. Sir MosesMontefiore, who served as president of the board from 1835 to 1844,had made the name of Anglo-Jewry famous throughout the Jewishworld by his spirited interventions in aid of his coreligionists in otherlands. In 1871 the pan-Jewish feelings of the community were assertedon an organized basis by the establishment of the Anglo-Jewish Asso-ciation. The association had been founded in connection with theAlliance Israelite Universelle, established in Paris eleven years earlier,and sought by means of political representations and educational workto ameliorate the lot of Jews in backward countries. In 1878 the Boardof Deputies and the Anglo-Jewish Association formed a ConjointCommittee on Foreign Affairs, which lasted with one short break till1943.

In the country as a whole there were three synagogues outside theorbit of religious orthodoxy, and these were not yet represented on


the Board of Deputies. This was a relic of the schism that had rentthe community in 1842 when the West London Synagogue had beenestablished, only to be excommunicated by the chief rabbi for makingliturgical reforms of a most moderate kind.

Religiously, the community was static. Jewish scholarship was neg-ligible, and what there was had been imported from continental Eu-rope. The growth of Jews' College was stunted, and the standard towhich it trained ministers was not an advanced one.

The prevailing Christian sentiment, which dominated the religiouslife of the country, was based on the Bible and the prayer book, andEnglish Jews were inclined to regard the same works as the limit ofthe literary requirements of their own religion. Anything beyond thatwas a matter for stuffy German pedants or benighted Russian Jews.4

The community had its schools—including day schools—and a roundof charitable societies. Until 1859 the granting of relief to the Jewishpoor had been a matter for the synagogues, and the apportionment ofresponsibilities in this field had caused friction between the synagoguesof the City of London. To obviate this, and to bring about a morescientific system of charitable administration, the synagogues set up in1859 a conjoint Jewish Board of Guardians.

Jewish life in the provinces was naturally on a much smaller scale.Leeds, Liverpool, and Manchester were the only towns with morethan one congregation, and the totality of communal life was usuallyincluded within the synagogue.

By 1881 The Jewish Chronicle of London was securely establishedand had become, as it has since remained, the primary source of Jewishnews for the greater part of Anglo-Jewry. In estimating the forces whichmade for cohesion within the community, account must be taken ofits allegiance to a single independent newspaper which, in additionto its other functions, has at various times in its long history had well-defined policies to advocate to the community.

As important as any list of institutions is the spirit in which theywere administered. England itself was governed by an aristocracy work-ing within a democratic framework. The House of Commons had beenreformed, by stages the franchise had been widened, and the secretballot had been introduced; but both locally and nationally men stilllooked for leadership to members of the great landed families, and thegreat landed families continued to take it for granted that it was partof their business to devote themselves to the government of the coun-try. A similar spirit pervaded the Anglo-Jewish community. The lawsof its institutions were framed on democratic lines, but its memberslooked to great families of established position in the land—the Roths-childs, the Goldsmids, and the Montefiores—to give the lead. In 1881Sir Moses Montefiore's patriarchate was well advanced, and he died a


centenarian in 1885. In the same year, Sir Nathaniel de Rothschild,M. P., president of the United Synagogue, was raised to the peerageand became the first Lord Rothschild. The financial and social prestigeof the House of Rothschild was at its height, and its hegemony in theAnglo-Jewish community was undisputed. To the Rothschild offices inNew Court, near the Bank of England, came appeals for help fromhome and abroad; it was there that the officers of the leading Jewishorganizations proceeded for the major issues of communal policy tobe resolved.5 Lord Rothschild was the lay head of the Anglo-Jewishcommunity till his death in 1915 and he was publicly acknowledgedas such.

Emancipation

There was another great circumstance which affected the outlookof the Anglo-Jewish community of 1881—namely, the recent achieve-ment of civic emancipation.

It is a commonplace of Anglo-Jewish history to date the emancipa-tion at 1858. In that year the oath required to be taken by membersof the House of Commons was altered so as to omit in the case ofJews the words "on the true faith of a Christian," and for the firsttime a Jew—Lionel de Rothschild—was enabled to take his seat.6 Thiswas the culmination of thirty years of struggle, it was hailed as a greatvictory, and it set the seal on the position of legal equality for whichseveral of the leaders of the community had been striving.

The admission of Jews to the House of Commons was only one ofa number of measures designed to place them in a position of legalequality with their fellow citizens. One which was passed later, andwhich deserves mention, though the context in which it was debatedand forced through Parliament was not specifically Jewish, was theUniversities Tests Act of 1871. This threw open in the universities ofOxford and Cambridge all lay posts to men of all creeds on equalterms.

The struggle for legal equality must be seen in the light of the gen-eral development of political thought in England.7 In some countries,e.g., France and the United States, the conception of the secular state,or at least of equality between religions, has led to the severance of allconnection between the state and religious organizations; in others,e.g., Belgium, Germany, Holland, it has led to state recognition andsupport of religious bodies on more or less equal terms. In England asingle state church has succeeded in retaining its ancient institutionalprivileges, though individual citizens have been put on a position ofequality, whatever their creed. Further, the state gives its support to


religious bodies outside the state church, so that in practice all de-nominations approach a position of equality.

Until the First World War the privileges of the state church werethe subject of debate, and there was agitation to have them abolished,principally by Nonconformists, i.e., "non-Episcopalian Protestants."The quarrels of the various Protestant sects were largely submergedby the common struggle of the First World War, and since then theposition of the Church of England has gone unassailed. Jews tooklittle part in the discussion of these matters when they were live issues.The statement that England is a "Christian country," and the exist-ence of a state church, evokes no kind of resentment or feeling ofrelegation among Jews.8 The former is taken to express a generalsentiment that life is governed by certain ethical principles which infact are common to Judaism and Christianity; the latter is one of thepicturesque survivals of a past age which help to make up the charmof the English scene and involve no practical curtailment of the liber-ties of the individual.

Emancipation in the political sense came two centuries after theResettlement. Yet it was a mere coping stone to what had long existedin the social field. The term "emancipation" conjures up the notion ofa move from slavery to freedom and is not really applicable to theEnglish scene.9

Caste-ridden as English society was, the barriers to newcomers werenever insurmountable. For example, the manufacturers who rose towealth through the Industrial Revolution often tried to establishthemselves as country gentlemen, and if snobbery barred their way,their sons were usually able to find the entree. Jewish magnates usedthe same procedures. Their position was enhanced by the favors shownby the Prince of Wales (later King Edward VII), in whose circle theRothschilds and the Sassoons were seen conspicuously to move. Oncethey were within the royal circle, there could be no question of Jewsbeing unacceptable to loyal subjects of the sovereign.

Titles had been conferred on Jews at an earlier date—Sir MosesMontefiore became a knight in 1837, and Sir Isaac Lyon Goldsmid be-came a baronet in 1841. Rothschild's was the first peerage to come toa professing Jew. The deference paid to the bearers of titles wasgreater in the Victorian age than it is now, and in a society which wasfull of officially ordained differences of rank and station there waslittle temptation to express human inequality in terms of religion.Thus, a pattern was set which ran counter to the notion that Gentileand Jew had to be segregated.10

Further, it must be noted that Jews were not expected to purchasetheir place in English society at the expense of their religious observ-ances. (Montefiore and Goldsmid were both strictly observant of tradi-


tional rituals; the Rothschilds and Sassoons were committed institu-tionally to their maintenance.) Defections from the community therewere, but not because the gentile world made it a sine qua non ofacceptance. On the other hand, leading English Jews looked on theperpetuation of Yiddish as an unwarrantable self-alienation from theland which had given them emancipation.

The favorable position of the Jews in England reflected the favor-able position of England itself. Prosperity, progress, liberalism athome, and dominion the world over brought material comfort andassurance of mind. Thus, if the religion of the English Jew was easy-going, the circumstances of his environment made his patriotism moreardent. It was not the fervor born of building a new society, of enter-ing and shaping a virgin country, of working out a new Judaism thatwould suit a Messianic age; it was something less energetic and moreself-satisfied. The English Jews of that age would have turned a glanceat their coreligionists in poorer, less stable, and less liberal countriesand have echoed the sentiment of the Psalmist, "The lines are fallenunto me in pleasant places; yea, I have a goodly heritage."

The Russo-Jewish Immigration

Between the established Anglo-Jewish community and the Russo-Jewish immigrants the points of personal contact were few. They be-longed to different economic strata; they spoke different languages;they lived in separate districts. It is perhaps no exaggeration to saythat they lived in different civilizations.

The greater part of the newcomers huddled in the tenements of theEast End of London, and they built up considerable communities inthe poorer areas of Manchester, Leeds, Glasgow, and Liverpool. Someof them established small workshops of their own, chiefly in the tailor-ing and furniture trades; many more were employed in these under-paid and unorganized industries. They established their own chevrotand landsmanshaften; they had their own rabbanim; chadarim andTalmud Torahs catered to the religious education of their children.

In 1887 the Federation of Synagogues was established under theleadership of Samuel Montagu, member of Parliament for White-chapel, later Lord Swaythling. It embodied sixteen small synagoguesin the East End, and it sought to provide burial facilities for theirmembers and to give them representation on communal institutions.At this stage, however, the influence which the immigrants were ableto bring to bear on the institutions of Anglo-Jewry was of less im-portance than the currents that flowed in the opposite direction.Philanthropy early brought the newcomers into contact with the estab-lished community. The Jews' Temporary Shelter shepherded the new-


comers on their arrival in London, and the Jewish Board of Guardiansprovided them with relief. Institutionally, there was a more lastingpoint of contact. Orthodox Judaism had remained the "official reli-gion" of the established Anglo-Jewish community. It was an orthodoxyof a latitudinarian kind (as was much of the religion of the Church ofEngland). It did not commit its adherents to definite acceptance ofrigid beliefs or to personal observances of a great many mitzvot,though good form demanded that there should be no flagrant denialof Orthodox doctrines or no public flaunting of Orthodox practices.The synagogue ritual, which constitutionally was anchored to Ortho-dox principles, came in for a little more questioning, and in somesynagogues slight curtailments were made with the authority of thechief rabbi, but none of them ran counter to rabbinical law. Therewas much in English Judaism to make the newcomers suspicious. Itlacked the learning and the talmudical fervor they were accustomedto, and presupposed a voluntary discipline—in particular, subordina-tion to a chief rabbi—that they were definitely not accustomed to.There were disputes on personal and religious grounds, most seriousin regard to the supervision of shechitah, or ritual slaughter.

One of the reasons why these disputes were reprobated was that they"split the community," and the desire to avoid this usually enabledthem to be compromised: the belief in the virtues of a united Anglo-Jewish community remained strong. Religiously the respective partiesto these disputes were not complete strangers. The East End may havederided Dr. Hermann Adler for assuming the airs and the garb of abishop of the Church of England, or for not having the mastery of theTalmud that they were accustomed to in their own rabbis; still he wasa rav who presided over a traditional bet din and professed to beguided by the same Shulhan Aruch. The minhag of the Great Syna-gogue may have been too formal for the Russian Jew, but it was notsomething alien to him, as was a Reform Temple or the Union PrayerBook—and the children, ready to educate their parents, were alwaysgrowing up.

Another factor forging a link between the established communityand the newcomers was the community's sense of responsibility to-wards the latter. Condescending and patronizing the older settlersoften were, and in their efforts for the newcomers there was more thanone indication of fear lest their own favorable position be endangered.Nevertheless, they repudiated the idea of separate communities ofnatives and foreigners, and endeavored to draw the immigrants withinexisting institutions. The fact that men of all ranks thought in termsof an Anglo-Jewish or a London Jewish community, not as a singleall-embracing institution, but as an idea that should inform the ac-tivities of a number of separate voluntary institutions, dictated an


effort in the direction of coalescence. The fact that these institutionswere voluntary meant that they could adapt themselves to the require-ments of the new situation, and that their individual members wereaccustomed to use their own initiative to cope with a novel socialproblem. This was a different situation from that which existed on thecontinent of Europe. There, Jewish communities were state-regulated,it might be natural to await authority from the government, and immi-grants may have been unable to participate in communal institutionsbecause they were not citizens.

The Russo-Jewish problem continued to preoccupy the Jews ofEngland until the First World War. Diplomatic efforts to amelioratethe lot of the Jews in the Tsarist Empire were the concern of theConjoint Committee of the Board of Deputies and the Anglo-JewishAssociation. At home the Board of Guardians and other charitiesendeavored to mitigate the distress caused by unemployment, sweatedlabor, and bad housing; clubs and classes sponsored from above andserved by voluntary workers from the established community servedto anglicize the younger generation and to fit them for citizenship.

The East End had its own self-sustained cultural life, religious andsecular. There was a Yiddish press and theatre and a Jewish tradeunion movement. There were anarchist and international socialistgroups.11 Secular education (which had become compulsory in 1870)was exclusively "English" in character. The avidity with which thechildren of the immigrants grasped any opportunity to acquire asecular education was frequently remarked upon, as was the aptitudewith which they took to higher studies. The outstanding successes atCambridge achieved in 1908 by a child of the East End, Selig Brodet-sky, may be mentioned in view of the sensation they caused at thetime, as well as of his subsequent role as Zionist leader in Anglo-Jewish life.

As the nineteenth century drew to a close, an anti-alien agitationgrew in strength. In 1902 the government was moved to appoint aRoyal Commission to inquire into the subject (Lord Rothschild wasone of its members), and in 1905 an Act of Parliament was passedwhich curtailed, though it did not cut off, the flow of immigration.

The Russo-Jewish problem was one of the factors which gave riseto a new phase in Jewish life—namely, the Zionist movement. Thishad immediate repercussions in England, where Theodor Herzl earlysought support, and created a fresh line of division in the Jewishcommunity. "Official" Anglo-Jewry, almost to a man, was hostile tothe new movement, which looked for support to the intellectuals andthe disinherited.12 The British government became sufficiently inter-ested to make an offer in 1903 of territory in East Africa for an au-tonomous Jewish region. The question of the acceptance of this offer


led to important defections from the Zionist Organization and theformation of the Jewish Territorial Organization, which managed togain the support of influential leaders of the Anglo-Jewish communitywho had held aloof from Zionism. In the decade that followed thedeath of Theodor Herzl the Zionist Organization battled in thewilderness, and in England on the eve of the First World War it wasin a state of disintegration.

Though the Anglo-Jewish community did not rank high in theworld of Jewish culture, mention should be made of the minorefflorescence which relieved the darkness at the end of the nineteenthcentury. Jewish letters had a notable patron in Frederick David Mo-catta. He presided over the Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition of1887, and bequeathed his considerable library to the Jewish HistoricalSociety, which had been founded in 1893. In 1890 Simeon Singer,minister of the most fashionable of the constituents of the UnitedSynagogue, translated the daily prayer book with conspicuous success,producing a volume which immediately became standard in his owncommunity and gained wide acceptance in the United States. Thiswas followed by the editing and translation of the festival prayerbooks—accomplished under the direction of Arthur Davis, an amateurscholar, who, having achieved success as an engineer, devoted him-self to the study of Hebrew. In the rendering of the poetry of themachzor into English he was assisted by his gifted daughter, NinaSalaman, who later was to produce a translation of Judah ha-Levi,and also by Israel Zangwill, who had become widely known as anEnglish man of letters.

Claude Goldsmid-Montefiore, scion of two of Anglo-Jewry's mosthonored families, in addition to devoting himself to philanthropy andpublic work, had made a name for himself in the fields of theologyand Bible studies. Montefiore had brought to England as his tutor inrabbinics Solomon Schechter. Both as a savant and a personality,Schechter had made an impact on those with whom he came intocontact at London and Cambridge. When Schechter left for the UnitedStates in 1902, he was succeeded as reader in rabbinics at Cambridgeby Israel Abrahams, a scholar of wide interests who, together withMontefiore, had founded the Jewish Quarterly Review in 1888.

One suspects that for the run of English Jews none of these develop-ments caused as much pride as did the social achievements of theRothschilds and other families at the top of the financial ladder. Yetat the lower rungs a minor interest in Jewish studies was evidencedby the development of the literary society movement; it was also stim-ulated by the Zionist movement.

The turn of the century also saw the beginnings of Liberal Judaism.In 1902 a small group led by Claude Montefiore and the Hon. Lily


Montagu (daughter of the ultra-Orthodox president of the Federationof Synagogues) established the Jewish Religious Union. In his Oxforddays Montefiore had come under the influence of Benjamin Jowett, aGreek scholar whose thought in religious matters was distinctly liberal.Popular Christian theology in England had been dominated by beliefin the verbal inspiration of the Bible, and this was reflected in Jewishattitudes. "The impregnable rock of the Holy Scripture," as Gladstonecalled it, was assailed by such studies as Biblical criticism, comparativereligion, and anthropology. This again was reflected among Jews, andMontefiore was the exponent of the new theological outlook. TheJewish Religious Union at first ran services supplementary to thoseof the existing synagogues that were designed to provide religious wor-ship and teaching consonant with modern ideas. Considerable contro-versy was aroused by such innovations in the service as the uncoveringof the head during worship, the seating together of men and women,the elimination or modification of traditional prayers, and the use ofEnglish hymns. The movement was anathematized by the chief rabbi,and gradually those leaders of the United Synagogue who had asso-ciated with it withdrew. However, the emergence of a new element inAnglo-Jewish religious life was confirmed in 1910 when the JewishReligious Union decided to establish the Liberal Jewish Synagogue.18

The union turned to the United States for a spiritual leader, and in1912 installed as its first rabbi Israel I. Mattuck, a young graduate ofHebrew Union College. Thereafter, Anglo-Jewry developed a phase ofreligious expression comparable to the "classic Reform" of AmericanJudaism.

Another American-trained rabbi followed Mattuck in 1913. ChiefRabbi Hermann Adler died in 1911, and after a prolonged controversyJ. H. Hertz, then attached to Congregation Orach Hayim in NewYork, was appointed to succeed him.

In 1906 Liberalism in the political sense triumphed in Englandafter two decades of Conservative government. In the new administra-tion we find the names of two Jews whose fame was later to spread farand wide: Herbert Samuel and Rufus Isaacs (later 1st Marquess ofReading). We also find a small whiff of parlor anti-Semitism, asso-ciated with the names of Hilaire Belloc and G. K. Chesterton.

The First World War and After

The First World War brought an era of uninterrupted progress andsecurity to an abrupt close. A great deal that had been thought im-mutable was thrown into the melting pot, and, though strenuousefforts were made to restore the status quo ante after 1918, the worldhad moved on and the past was irrecoverable.


Temporarily, the war sharpened some of the differences between thenative and immigrant sections of the Jewish community. Englandfound herself the ally of Tsarist Russia, the great oppressor of theJews. Those Jews who had fled from the Russian knout could hardlybe as oblivious to the character of the ally as were the native-born, inwhom fervent patriotism overshadowed all other feelings. The war,which called for unprecedented sacrifices from all classes, caused anupsurge of democratic feeling; hereditary leaders who assumed thatthe same deference would continue to be paid to their views foundthat there were new ideas and new personalities to be reckoned with.

These factors partly account for a serious conflict on the future ofPalestine which arose during the war. The Conjoint Committee of theBoard of Deputies and the Anglo-Jewish Association engaged in thesystematic study of the matters in which Jews would be interested atan eventual peace conference. The alignment of Turkey with theCentral Powers and against England made it inevitable that the futureof Palestine would be one of the subjects on which these powers wouldstate a policy. Now, in pre-1914 Europe diplomacy had been verymuch a matter of the relations of monarchs among themselves—diplo-macy was the last citadel to fall before the advancing tide of democ-racy—and the Conjoint was accustomed to conduct its proceedings inan atmosphere of secrecy and aloofness. Ideological differences apart(and they were pronounced), one may imagine the chagrin of thesedignitaries at the pertinacity of a group of youthful Zionists, none ofthem of any particular social or financial eminence, and headed bya lecturer at a provincial university,14 who proceeded to establishtheir own contacts with the British government, and went directly tothe Jewish community to rally support for their policy. There wereprotracted negotiations between two groups, but they led nowhere,and on May 24, 1917, the presidents of the Boards of Deputies andthe Anglo-Jewish Association published a manifesto in The Times ofLondon denouncing the proposals of the Zionists. The sequel wasswift and sure. The Board of Deputies repudiated the action of itspresident, who resigned together with his colleagues, and the Con-joint Committee was temporarily broken up. The Board of Deputiesenhanced its status as the democratically elected representative bodyof the community in secular matters, and the notion was banishedthat decisions on major policy could be determined and issued onbehalf of the community without reference to the spokesmen of therank and file. The Zionists have never allowed this incident to beforgotten. The action of the two presidents has been represented eversince as the selfishness of a minority of oligarchs bent on thwartingthe aspirations of the masses to preserve their own privileges; indeed,it has been argued that the practical effect of the Balfour Declaration


was weakened by the presidents' activities. "May 1917" was appealedto in after years whenever it was suggested that an Anglo-Jewish bodymight have a policy in relation to Palestine differing from that of theZionist Organization.

The war brought changes of a profounder kind which were to levelout accepted social distinctions. On the day after the outbreak ofhostilities, Parliament passed an act giving the government absolutediscretion to prohibit the landing of aliens. This was intended to bean emergency measure only, but the act has been continued in force.Since 1914, therefore, immigration to Britain has been on the basis ofindividual approval by the Home Office. Since during the First WorldWar there was a strong anti-alien feeling, and for nearly the whole ofthe period between the first and the second world wars there was asevere unemployment problem, immigration remained on a smallscale.

Service in the armed forces for the younger generation effaced formany the distinction between East End and West End Jew. Economicchanges hastened the process. The war produced a demand for uni-form clothing which was the making of many a humble East Endenterprise, and economic advance stimulated migration from thecrowded East End to the more salubrious suburbs of north and north-west London. The Jewish population in East London, estimated at125,000 in 1900, was only 85,000 in 1929.15 In the meantime, heavytaxation and changes in the value of money cut into inherited wealth.The class of persons who were accustomed to be endowed with theample means and the leisure to devote themselves to public affairswas reduced. The toll of war was heavy, and often meant that therewere no sons to carry on the traditions of their fathers.

Though it did not disappear altogether, patrician rule was on thewane. The first Lord Rothschild died in March 1915, and thereafterno one spoke of a lay head of the community. The influence of theRothschild family remained strong and generous, but it was no longerto the fore, and the Rothschild identification with anti-Zionism sepa-rated it from the pro-Palestine sentiment that steadily grew instrength.

A son of one of the community's oldest families who impressed hispersonality on public affairs was Sir Robert Waley Cohen. From 1919onwards he was to all intents and purposes head of the United Syna-gogue. Endowed with phenomenal energy and unfailing courage, hewas able to give strong personal direction to the administration ofsynagogue and educational affairs throughout the country. Under hisleadership the United Synagogue followed every group of Jews thatmoved to the sprawling suburbs of London, with the result that theEnglish metropolis was never without a complete network of Orthodox


congregations and some sense, however limited, of constituting a singlekehillah. The Federation of Synagogues, on the other hand, remainedessentially an immigrant body, and did not advance with the risingstatus of its members.

If, however, the United Synagogue increased in membership andfinancial strength, the war had blasted some of the respectable con-ventions in which its older members had found spiritual anchorage.Like church attendance, synagogue attendance ceased to be a socialnecessity, and the ample, leisured family life that formed the back-ground of much of English traditional Judaism grew weaker; themotorcar and the weekend habit made people increasingly mobile;old patterns of belief were increasingly challenged. A small sectionwas drawn to Liberal Judaism which, under Rabbi Mattuck's capableleadership, consolidated its position in London and began to establishitself in the provinces; but more persons lapsed into religious indiffer-ence. The main community showed itself ill-equipped to deal with thespiritual uncertainties of the times. Personal incompatibilities devel-oped between the chief rabbi and Sir Robert Waley Cohen, the prin-cipal layman of the hierarchy; little was done to advance Jewish edu-cation or to insist on the best possible training and status for theJewish ministry.

In the matter of secular representation a better situation prevailed.The acerbities of 1917 died away, and the Board of Deputies provideda forum in which the standpoints of the older and the newer elementsin the community could be adjusted. Lucien Wolf represented thecommunity at the Versailles Peace Conference with distinction, anduntil his death in 1930 he went regularly to Geneva whenever ques-tions relating to minorities came before League of Nations bodies.As president of the Board of Deputies from 1926 to 1933, Sir Osmondd'Avigdor Goldsmid provided dignified and unifying leadership; thoughthe main negotiations took place in the United States, he wasprominent as a founder of the "enlarged" or "mixed" Jewish Agencyfor Palestine in which Zionists and non-Zionists found a place.

While there was no little indifference, opposition to Zionism hadbecome inconsiderable. The ideology of the English Zionist Federationwas as latitudinarian as the religion of the United Synagogue, andcould be reconciled with philanthropy, Marxist dogma, or the mes-sianic emotions of religious orthodoxy or imperialist sentiment, accord-ing to taste. The fact that Palestine was under British administration,and England the international headquarters of the World ZionistOrganization, added considerably to the responsibilities and prestigeof the English branch of the movement, and was a stimulus to someof the best minds of the younger generation.

It is not too much to say of the spiritual life of Anglo-Jewry during


the interwar years that, while traditional Judaism continued to pro-vide the back cloth, the dynamics came more and more from Zionism.Zionism was practical, yet it appealed to every kind of idealism; itbreathed a democracy that contrasted sharply with the distinctionsmade in the more conservative branches of Anglo-Jewish life; whileappealing to pride in the Jewish heritage, it did so in twentieth cen-tury terms, not on the basis of fundamentalist religion; and it waftedits followers out of the narrow parochialism of the synagogue to theplane of international politics. A body of sentiment was gainingstrength, and with it the organizational forms, which, if they did notyet challenge the older Anglo-Jewish community, ran parallel to itand set the pace.

When 1933 came, the cohesion of the Anglo-Jewish community en-abled it to take the strain fairly well. Once more the House of Roths-child proved the rallying point round which decisions were made tomeet the crisis caused by the victory of the Nazis in Germany. A cen-tral British Fund for German Jewry was quickly established in whichZionists and non-Zionists were equally represented.16 Local agencieswere set up to deal with immigrants of a new variety—middle-classrefugees whose grasp of European culture was usually superior to thatof the indigenous community.

There was an element which demanded a more activist policy in thepolitical field than that pursued by the Joint Foreign Committee,which continued in its tradition of deference to the British ForeignOffice. However, the community as a whole was disposed to resent anybreach of discipline in a time of crisis. London assumed a new im-portance as an international Jewish center. The fact that the tide ofanti-Semitism had flowed westwards made the Jewish position precari-ous throughout Central Europe. American Jewry was generous, but itwas distant. Moreover, the United States at that time played no rolein world diplomacy, whereas the British government had it in itspower to gather together a coalition against Hitlerism and to openthe doors of Palestine to Jewish refugees. In 1935, after the promulga-tion of the Nuremberg laws, when the alleviation of the position ofJewish citizens in Germany was seen to have become impossible, planswere formulated for the evacuation of the German Jewish community,and a mission headed by Sir Herbert (later Viscount) Samuel left forthe United States to enlist American support.

The failures of British policy during these years are too well knownto need mentioning. Whether Jewish leaders—in Britain and else-where—exerted themselves sufficiently or wisely in the political field torouse their governments to the meaning of Hitlerism is a question onwhich sufficient materials do not exist to form a judgment. What isclear is that the personal exertions of leading British Jews in the field


of politics and the field of relief were considerable and self-sacrificing.The by-products of Nazism were felt in England itself. From 1933

onwards the British Union of Fascists, under the leadership of SirOswald Mosley, engaged in virulent anti-Semitic propaganda, and pro-voked physical attacks on Jews in the East End of London. In 1936 theBoard of Deputies was compelled to set up a special department todeal with this problem. Its approach was not militant enough for asection of harassed London Jewry, and similar work was done by theJewish People's Council Against Fascism and Anti-Semitism, whichhad a strong left-wing coloring. In 1936, also, there was establishedthe British Section of the World Jewish Congress, the Board of Depu-ties having declined to become associated with the new organization.

The German pogroms of November 1938 necessitated an intensifica-tion of local effort for the reception and relief of refugees, and underthe strain a note of acerbity appeared to be growing in the relationsbetween the parties involved in this effort.

By this time decisive questions concerning Palestine were dividingthe community. The Arab rebellion which began in April 1936 wasfollowed by the appointment of a Royal Commission, whose terms ofreference foreshadowed the possibility of fundamental changes in thegovernment of Palestine. The report of the Royal Commission, pub-lished in July 1937, recommended the partition of the country intoJewish and Arab states. The prospect of a Jewish state revived ideo-logical differences that had slumbered since 1922, and whose irrele-vance seemed to have been confirmed by the bringing of non-Zionistsinto the Jewish Agency for Palestine. It also created divisions withinthe ranks of Zionists on the question of partition itself. However, inthe face of restrictive policies of the government, eventually embodiedin the Macdonald White Paper of 1939, the Anglo-Jewish communitywas able to close its ranks. All sections of Anglo-Jewish opinion wereassociated with the Jewish delegation to the St. James's Palace con-ferences on Palestine in 1939, and accepted the leadership of ChaimWeizmann.

The Second World WarThe outbreak of war in September 1939 temporarily disorganized

Jewish life. Schoolchildren, and many adults too, were evacuated to thecountry from London and other large centers of population. Scarcelyhad the Jewish organizations made arrangements to provide religiouseducation and rudimentary synagogue services for the evacuees, whenthe fall of France in June 1940 made many evacuation areas invasionzones, and necessitated drastic rearrangements of the system. Theheavy air raids which began in September 1940 caused serious damage


in the East End of London, and landmarks that had been familiar togenerations of Jews were wiped out. The Great Synagogue, erected in1722, was totally destroyed. Military service, civilian war work, andthe blackout curtailed seriously the activities of most Jewish bodies,but they managed to carry on at a reduced scale. Organized anti-Semi-tism was discredited and the British Union of Fascists proscribed asthe result of its treasonable connections with the enemy.

Temporarily, the war brought embarrassment and often acute trag-edy to the 60,000 refugees from Nazism settled in England. After theinvasion of the Low Countries, they were all interned, and some ofthem lost their lives when the vessels carrying them abroad were tor-pedoed by German submarines. In the long run, the war hastenedtheir assimilation to the English community. Many served in the Brit-ish forces, and others found in the war effort unexpected opportunitiesfor their technical skill or business abilities. The war, and the feverishbusiness activity that followed it, likewise enhanced the position ofthe business community—which included a high proportion of Anglo-Jewry—while inflation and high taxation cut still further into thevalue of inherited wealth, downgrading economically some of theolder elements in the community and consequently curbing theirinfluence.

The Second World War saw the disappearance of the old unitedleadership on which much of the smooth running of Anglo-Jewish af-fairs had depended. The direction given to the community's affairswas impeded seriously by friction between the chief rabbi and some ofhis lay coadjutors, particularly Sir Robert Waley Cohen. Their dis-putes interrupted a wartime Recall to the Synagogue, helped to renderinconclusive discussions for the establishment of a united synagoguefor the whole country, and impeded plans for the postwar reorganiza-tion of Jewish religious education. More than that, the disputes signi-fied an end of the system under which a large measure of communalamity had been achieved under a group of like-minded lay and ecclesi-astical heads.

The disuniting effect of these stressful times appeared in a moreserious and more permanent form in 1943. Throughout the war theBritish government clung rigorously to the negative aspects of theMacdonald White Paper, particularly the clauses restricting Jewishimmigration to Palestine. The Zionists, in England and the UnitedStates, campaigned for the opening of the doors of Palestine to Jewishrefugees from the Nazis, for the establishment of a Jewish fightingforce, and for the constitution of Palestine as a Jewish state. Further,as the Central British Fund ceased to appeal for funds, first theKeren Hayesod and later the Joint Palestine Appeal began to cam-


paign, using the contacts and the technique which had been acquiredin connection with the campaigns for German Jewish relief.

Some individuals in the community regarded with distaste the at-tempt to force ultimate political issues while the country was dis-tracted by total war. However, actual opposition to Zionist policy wasof no consequence, though the beginnings were made, in 1943, of afeeble effort that was ultimately to blossom forth as the Jewish Fellow-ship—a British counterpart of the American Council for Judaism. Inthe elections to the Board of Deputies that took place in the summerof 1943, the Zionist Federation was able to ensure the election of amajority of officers and committees pledged to the support of theirprogram. The Zionist Federation at the same time succeeded in bring-ing to an end the long standing arrangements whereby the Board ofDeputies conducted its foreign affairs jointly with the Anglo-JewishAssociation, which had declined in membership and was reputed to bereactionary in its attitudes.

This revolutionary action was resented widely. The Anglo-JewishAssociation strengthened itself; but while from the point of view of in-tellect and standing in British life it was able to present a superiorfront, the association suffered from the handicap of appearing aristo-cratic in a democratic age. Its contacts with the rank-and-file of Anglo-Jewry were slender, and it could not claim, as the board did, a for-mally representative character. As in the country as a whole, the ruleof patricians was at an end in Jewish affairs, and the day of the pro-fessional politician had come. To such an extent did the standing ofthe Board of Deputies decline that in 1949 a few influential congrega-tions took the unprecedented step of withdrawing. After protractednegotiations they returned.

The Anglo-Jewish Association disputed with the Board of Deputiesthe title deeds giving the Board of Deputies the right "officially" torepresent the community; once plurality had taken the place of unity,the way was opened for multiplication of Jewish organizations con-cerned to make representations to the government. The World Jew-ish Congress from about 1943 greatly increased its activities in Eng-land, and the Agudas Israel World Organization began taking anindependent line.

Thus, it was a community that had lost its old cohesion that facedthe difficult postwar situation. This was particularly unfortunate asthe situation was overshadowed by the embittered relations betweenthe Zionist movement and the mandatory power in Palestine, GreatBritain. This is not the place to narrate the course of events from theappointment of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry on Pal-estine in December 1945 until the tardy recognition of the State ofIsrael by the British government on January 31, 1949. The effect of


the Palestine situation on relations between Jews and Gentiles was toproduce anger and bewilderment on both sides. The ordinary citizen,overwhelmed (as was his government) by more immediate problems,could not understand why England, "the Jews' best friend," whichhad just bled itself white to destroy the Jews' greatest foe, should be-come an object of attack by Jews all over the world, and have itssoldiers and civil servants shot by the very people whom they had pro-tected. The average Jew was angered by the sudden turnabout of theLabor government (for which, it is believed, a high proportion of Jew-ish electors voted in 1945); but he was naturally embarrassed by thecourse of events in Palestine and the abuse showered on England fromcountries which were making no conspicuous attempt to providehomes for the remnant of European Jewry.

British Jews protested and demonstrated repeatedly against the re-pressive measures taken against the Jews in Palestine, and the pro-priety of this action was nowhere questioned. There was no hostileresponse by the British public in June 1946 to a Jewish march to Tra-falgar Square in the heart of London to protest the arrest of theleaders of the Jewish Agency.

Naturally the situation was a gift to such anti-Semitic propagandistsas were active, but the incidents directed against Jews were few. Themost serious single incident was an unexpected and largely inexplica-ble outbreak of anti-Jewish mob violence in Liverpool in August 1947.Acts of violence of a less serious character, though over a more pro-longed period, were reported from the Hackney district of London.Less newsworthy, but equally disturbing, was the frostiness towardsJews exhibited at official levels of English society, where relations hadpreviously been most cordial and sympathy for Jewish aspirationsassured.

The various Anglo-Jewish organizations exerted little influence ontheir government's policy during the events leading to the establish-ment of the State of Israel. The decline in leadership (in contrast tothe multiplication of organizations) and the lessened influence in inter-national Jewish gatherings showed itself also when the disposal ofcollective restitutions from Germany came to be considered. TheCentral British Fund conducted one appeal after World War II; butit made an early decision to liquidate its affairs as soon as existing com-mitments could be discharged.

The crises in Palestine diverted attention from the internal prob-lems of Anglo-Jewish life. The Chief Rabbi, Joseph H. Hertz, after anintermittent illness of long duration passed away on January 14, 1946,and his successor, Rabbi Israel Brodie, was not installed until May 1948.

The religious institutions of the community were dominated by therigid application of the laws of Orthodox Judaism. The proceedings of


the Board of Deputies became particularly acrimonious, and its denialto the Liberal synagogues of the right to have marriage secretaries17

recalled the religious intolerance of earlier ages and seemed to indi-cate a further drawing apart of the different elements in Anglo-Jewry.

ANGLO-JEWRY TODAY

Our description of contemporary Anglo-Jewry necessarily is occu-pied more with institutions and trends related to specifically Jewishinterests than with the day-to-day lives of the 450,000 individuals con-cerned.

Those individuals, the greater part of whose lives is governed bycircumstances external to the Jewish community, are found in everyrank of British society. In contemporary Britain social stratification isa continuous hierarchy of classes and subclasses based mainly uponwealth, but also upon a complex of social and cultural factors. Theeconomy is not nearly as open as is that of newer countries, and it ismore difficult for the man without resources to rise to wealth. On theother hand, there are attributes not associated with wealth that conferprestige and influence, e.g., a place in the higher ranks of the civilservice or the Church of England, eminence in learned professions, orpossession of a title. Distances between the various strata of societyhave contracted remarkably since the First World War. High and pro-gressive rates of taxation, the gains wrested by organized labor, andthe widening of popular education have lessened economic disparitiesor given greater opportunities to ability. The motorcar, the popularpress, wireless and television, the cinema, and the supply of good fac-tory-made clothing and furniture have lessened the differences be-tween the habits and tastes of the different classes of society.

Jewish society in England has changed through the gradual erosionof the former barriers of language, custom, and residence that dividedthe native and immigrant communities. Another special factor is thatas the life of the Jewish community is to a great extent concernedwith the raising of funds for a multitude of charitable causes, theability to make large donations and, therefore, the possession ofwealth, confers a greater prestige than in the gentile world, where thepace of fund raising is infinitely less. A third factor, which cuts acrossthe second, is that prestige in the gentile world confers prestige in theJewish world; and, concomitantly, descent from a family that wasidentified with Anglo-Jewish life prior to the Russo-Jewish immigra-tion is a prestige-giving factor.

The wealth factor carries more weight in the provinces than in Lon-don, since communal life in the capital is much more impersonal, andmany institutions are large and secure enough to be departmentalized.


As elsewhere, the popular notion of Jews as great financiers still ex-ists. The Jewish merchants, whose settlement in England Cromwellwas anxious to encourage, were men of substance, and they brought aconsiderable amount of bullion to the country. Sampson Gideon wasan outstanding financier in the eighteenth century and in the nine-teenth century several firms of Jewish private bankers assumed po-sitions of great importance in the financial life of the City of London.These firms still exist, though sometimes their members are no longeridentifiable as Jews, but private banking has long been overshadowedby great corporate banking concerns in which Jews play no role what-soever. In the development of heavy industry in the nineteenth cen-tury Jews played no particular part. Ludwig Mond, a German Jew,was one of the pioneers of Britain's chemical industry, and his sonAlfred (the first Lord Melchett) was architect of Imperial ChemicalIndustries, one of the world's great combines in this field. Likewise, itwas Marcus Samuel (the first Viscount Bearstead), who founded theShell concern, one of the giants of the oil world. In the absence of acensus by religions or of adequate research work it is not possible togive precise information as to occupational trends within the Jewishcommunity. It appears certain, however, that a higher proportion ofJews are self-employed or in the professions than among the generalpopulation. In the country as a whole 6 per cent of the men in thetrades and professions work on their own account. Of the sample ofthe Jewish communities of Liverpool and Sheffield who replied to thequestionnaire issued to them in 1955, 67 and 70 per cent, respectively,declared that they were self-employed. The sample taken in connec-tion with a social survey begun by The Jewish Chronicle suggestedthat 75 per cent of the Jewish males engaged in trade and half ofthose engaged in professions were self-employed.18 By contrast, an in-vestigation published in 1945 suggested that only 15 per cent of allgainfully occupied Jews were self-employed,19 though even that wastwo and a half times the proportion for the general population. Obser-vation would suggest that Jews are particularly prominent in the dis-tribution of consumer goods and the manufacture of clothing andfurniture.

The survey taken by The Jewish Chronicle gives statistical confir-mation of an impression which common observation alone makes un-deniable—namely, the preference of Jews for the professions. Of thegainfully occupied males in the sample taken, 22 per cent were en-gaged in professional pursuits, as against 5 per cent in the generalpopulation. The heavy Jewish representation in the professions is con-firmed by a survey of the Jewish student population taken in 1951. In1949-50 there were 85,421 full-time university students, and it wasestimated that 3,000 were Jews. Thus, while the proportion of Jews to


the general population was less than one in a hundred, one in twenty-eight was a university student.

Organizational DevelopmentThe organizational structure of Anglo-Jewry exhibits the needs and

the tendencies of three centuries. Although religious organizationsconform to a single pattern to an extent far greater than in theUnited States, the basis of all organized Jewish life in England is vol-untary association. There is not, and never has been, anything in thenature of a state-established Jewish community, such as was the ruleon the continent of Europe, and such as Menasseh ben Israel soughtin England. Nevertheless, the influence of the European form of Jew-ish life lost less of its force crossing the English Channel than it didcrossing the Atlantic. If at times there has been a high degree of con-formity to a single pattern it is because, although the state freely al-lows voluntary association, habits of mind encourage voluntary re-straint. Such restraint can be seen in many fields of English life, andin the case of Jews it is reinforced by a desire to maintain solidaritytowards the Gentile world.

Jewish organizations can be classified under many headings. Forpresent purposes we may separate out two groups. The older group,which consists of synagogues and institutions which have grown out ofsynagogues, still forms the basic community. The newer group, reflect-ing the outlook of a secular age, is concerned to propagate Zionism, toraise funds for local or overseas causes, or to provide social attach-ments within the Jewish fold.

The original Sephardic community—the London Congregation ofSpanish and Portuguese Jews—constituted a synagogue-community initself. It maintained a house of worship and a burial ground; it had arabbi and a slaughterer; it maintained a school for the education ofits children, and a physician for the healing of its sick; it relieved thepoor; it had its spokesman with the gentile world; and, above all, itexercised stringent discipline over its members, based upon the ulti-mate sanction of expulsion.

Though circumstances have reduced to a negligible quantity thediscipline which any Jewish congregation in England can exercise overits members, the Congregation of Spanish and Portuguese Jews carrieson a full round of activities comparable with those of former times. Itclings to the past with great zeal, and, if no longer a major force, istreated with considerable respect.

In internal matters the Sephardim and the Ashkenazic congrega-tions that followed them stood very aloof from each other. Neverthe-less, a common Jewish solidarity demanded joint action in relation to


the government, and together they established the Board of Deputiesin 1760. The multiplication of Ashkenazic congregations led to the in-stitution of a chief rabbinate, an ecclesiastical authority common toall of them, and in London to the formation of a joint board to pro-vide kosher meat (1804), in which the Sephardim also participated. Like-wise, the multiplication of Ashkenazic congregations in London ren-dered it necessary to vest the relief of the poor in a joint Board ofGuardians (1859). Ad hoc charitable institutions, e.g., the Jewish Or-phanage (founded 1795) had already come into being, and they multi-plied with the growth of the community. Schools and classes werefounded either independently or in conjunction with the synagogues.

These organizations cannot be discussed in detail, but three bodieshave emerged over the years as the central organizations of the com-munity. Each has primacy in its field, but does not stand alone.

Representative BodiesSenior among the organizations which in this YEAR BOOK would be

grouped under the heading "Community Relations, Political" is theLondon Committee of Deputies of the British Jews, generally knownas the Board of Deputies of British Jews. Its long history, its continu-ous development, and the manner of its constitution give it a uniqueplace in the life of the Anglo-Jewish community.

For some years after 1656 the legal position of the Spanish and Por-tuguese Congregation was unsure. The congregation's first laws(adopted in 1664) show prudence and self-restraint in its policy to-wards the non-Jewish world. These laws forbid Jews to discuss reli-gion with Gentiles, to speak offensive words against the Christianfaith, or to seek proselytes. Obviously, the congregation needed to re-strain individual members from speaking in the name of the Jewishcommunity, and Law 34 declared:

No one shall set himself up, under penalty of Herrem [excommuni-cation] to speak by himself or by others in these realms to any per-son in the name of the Nation or general affairs thereof, except bythe said Mahamed [executive] or such as they may appoint, as it isthus more fitting.

The task of watching over political developments which might affectJews was delegated to a group known as Deputados. This groupachieved a certain permanence in 1714, though there are indicationsof earlier activity.

When the Ashkenazic congregation was formed, it nominated itsown German Secret Committee for Public Affairs. The origin of theBoard of Deputies can be traced back to the resolve of these two


groups to cooperate in external affairs. In 1760 King George III as-cended to the throne, and the Sephardim sent their own deputationto express homage to the new sovereign. The Ashkenazim complainedat not having been invited to join this deputation, and out of thiscomplaint there arose an arrangement for joint action in such matters.

In 1836 the board received statutory recognition. Parliament did notdesignate it in terms as the representative body of the Jewish commu-nity, but in adopting an act which set up a system of civil registrationof marriages, it authorized the secretary of a synagogue certified assuch by the president of the Board of Deputies to act as registrar forcivil purposes. Parliament itself conferred no power on any ecclesiasti-cal authority, but as administered by the Board of Deputies, the par-liamentary marriage secretary authorization (see p. 32) has becomean important link in the chain that secures the chief rabbi's position.

The great prestige of the board which qualified it to receive statu-tory recognition derived from the fact that in 1835 Sir Moses Montefi-ore became its president, an office which he retained with short inter-vals for forty years. In 1840 Sir Moses journeyed to Alexandria andConstantinople to intercede on behalf of the Jews of Damascus and ofRhodes, where charges of ritual murder had been raised, an actionwhich enhanced the reputation of the board throughout the Jewishworld. From 1840 onwards the Board of Deputies made representa-tions from time to time to the British government on behalf of op-pressed Jewries.

The year 1878 saw the formation of a Conjoint Foreign Committee,consisting of representatives of the Board of Deputies and of theAnglo-Jewish Association (which had been founded in 1871). Fromthat time, approaches to the British or foreign governments on behalfof Jews in other lands were effected through this Conjoint Committee,later known as the Joint Foreign Committee, which remained in ex-istence (with a short break in 1917), until 1943, when (in the circum-stances outlined on p. 24) the Board of Deputies decided not torenew the agreement between the two parent bodies.

Together with the B'nai B'rith of the United States and the SouthAfrican Board of Deputies, the Board of Deputies of British Jews consti-tutes the Coordinating Board of Jewish Organizations, which hasconsultative status with the Economic and Social Council of theUnited Nations.

From its beginnings as a committee the Board of Deputies hasgrown, so that today it consists of 430 members representing 124 con-gregations in London, 112 in the provinces and 6 in the British Com-monwealth, as well as 25 institutions. Of the 242 congregations, threeare Sephardic, six are Reform, and five are Liberal; the remainder areOrthodox Ashkenazic congregations. Members do not necessarily have


more than a nominal connection with the congregations whom theyrepresent; some of the smaller congregations elect anyone who willpay the affiliation fee for them.

The full board meets in public session each month when the officersand chairmen of committees present reports on their activities sincethe preceding meeting. These reports the board debates in parlia-mentary fashion. There are (inter alia) executive, Eretz Israel, foreignaffairs, Jewish defense, and law and parliamentary committees. Theirtitles indicate the main lines of the board's work.

The Board of Deputies is financed by affiliation fees and by a smallvoluntary levy on members of constituent congregations. Its annualexpenditure is about £17,500 ($49,000).

Note must be taken of two clauses in the board's constitution rela-tive to the Ecclesiastical Authorities (which means, except where a Se-phardic synagogue is concerned, the chief rabbi):

37. The guidance of the Board on religious matters (inclusive ofmatters relating to marriages and matters involving questions affect-ing the religious customs and usages of the Jews) shall remain asheretofore with the Ecclesiastical Authorities, to whom all such mat-ters shall be referred; but since Congregations and Institutions notunder the jurisdiction of the Ecclesiastical Authorities may be rep-resented on the Board, nothing in this Clause contained, or any de-cision given under it, shall be taken to represent the opinion of anyCongregation not acknowledging the jurisdiction of the Ecclesiasti-cal Authorities, or shall abridge the rights of action of or affect inany way such Congregation.

38. In every future application to the Board to certify the Secretaryfor Marriages of a Synagogue, under any Act for the time being inforce, for which no such Secretary has been previously certified bythe President of the Board, such application shall be in writingsigned by the President and not less than five members of the Con-gregation making application, and shall be accompanied by a certifi-cate from the Ecclesiastical Authorities testifying that the applicantsdo constitute a Synagogue of persons professing the Jewish religion.

The present form of Clause 37 represents a compromise agreed uponin order to enable the Reform Synagogue to join the Board in 1885;previously the second part of the clause did not exist, and the earlierpart referred to the guidance of the community on religious matters.The effect of Clause 38 is considered later in connection with thechief rabbinate.

The authority of the Board of Deputies is persuasive only. Apartfrom the statutory recognition accorded to the board,20 governmentdepartments consult with it and receive its communications with anawareness of its long history and representative character. Yet it is in


no sense the sole agency through which British Jews channel their rep-resentations to government departments. In 1856 when the Board ofDeputies, under Orthodox domination, refused to allow the ReformSynagogue to have a marriage registrar, Parliament passed speciallegislation to give the facility to that synagogue without recourse tothe board. In 1917, when the Balfour Declaration was under consid-eration, the government formally asked the opinion of seven leadingJews. In September 1956, when it wished to sound feeling in the Jewishcommunity on a matter of some public importance, the governmentdepartment concerned used a private channel of communication, side-stepping the board and its rivals. Apart from these exceptional cases,the growth in the area of government activity has increased the numberof day-to-day contacts,21 the breakdown of the old unity in the field offoreign affairs has already been noted.

Allusion has been made already to the Board's competitors. TheAnglo-Jewish Association represents the old political tradition of thecommunity, and it works closely with the American Jewish Committeeand the Alliance Israelite Universelle.22 It still has prestige, but itsresources are limited, and as it does not concern itself with domesticmatters, it cannot arouse much active interest outside a limited circle.The annual expenditure of the association, other than disbursementsfrom educational trusts, is £5,900 ($16,000).

The British section of the World Jewish Congress appears to bebetter endowed financially than the two older bodies and has gath-ered a considerable number of affiliates in all parts of the country. Itswork is many sided, e.g., it includes an expanding cultural program.The older bodies are still run by their lay element; in the World Jew-ish Congress, on the other hand, the direction lies with the profes-sionals, and many feel that the congress often shows itself superior inalertness and imagination. At intervals there are efforts among theBoard of Deputies, the Anglo-Jewish Association, and the World Jew-ish Congress to achieve coordination in the field of foreign affairs.These usually end in recrimination: no long-standing agreement hasever been arrived at.

Finally, mention must be made of an offshoot of the Board of Depu-ties which represents an entirely new phenomenon in Anglo-Jewishlife. In 1938 the board's defense committee set up a subcommitteewith the object of removing causes of friction between Jews and non-Jews in trade, industry, and commerce. This body, known as theTrades Advisory Council, emerged during the Second World War asan independent organization and recruited members directly amongJewish businessmen. It has assumed some of the characteristics of aJewish chamber of commerce, and is an interesting example of self-segregation on an entirely secular basis.


The Chief RabbinateThe second great central institution is the chief rabbinate. It is nar-

rower in its range than the Board of Deputies, since there are appre-ciable elements outside its jurisdiction—the Sephardim, the Reformers,and the Liberals; besides, the growth of secular forms of Jewish lifemeans that there are levels of activity in which the ecclesiastical view-point is of no particular moment. Nevertheless, the chief rabbi is ac-cepted as the spokesman of the community as a whole, and the desireto obtain his support extends beyond the narrowly religious sphere.The chief rabbinate is deeply embedded in Anglo-Jewish history, andthe existence of the office has meant that the community, while lack-ing the state-ordained ecclesiastical authority such as European rulersset up for their Jewish subjects, has avoided the Congregationalismprevalent in the United States.

As we have seen, the Ashkenazim, unlike the Sephardim, multipliedtheir synagogues and spread from London to the provinces. The firstrabbi of the Great Synagogue was Judah Leib Cohen. He retired in1700, and his successor Aaron Hart (1670-1756) held office fromc. 1704 until his death. Shortly after Hart's appointment there was asplit in the Ashkenazic community. In 1707 some members of the GreatSynagogue seceded and formed the Hambro' Synagogue. When HartLyon was appointed to the Great Synagogue in 1756, the Hambro'Synagogue recognized his authority and contributed to his salary. In1761 there was a further split, resulting in the establishment of theNew Synagogue; but again the secessionists recognized the authorityof the rav of the Great Synagogue. When Hart Lyon died in 1764,there was a dispute as to the election of a successor, and for a timerabbinic authority in London was contested. This did not last long,and the authority of David Tevele Schiff (d. 1792),23 whom the GreatSynagogue appointed in 1765, was recognized by the other two congre-gations.

By this time the authority of the rav of the Great Synagogue ex-tended to the provinces. The congregations which were establishedoutside London were composed for the most part of Jews who hadpassed through London, and who during their sojourn in the capitalhad come under the influence of the Great Synagogue—sometimes asrecipients of relief. These congregations were small and unable to af-ford rabbis of their own. It was natural therefore that they shouldturn for guidance in religious matters to the rabbi of the Londonsynagogue with which they had been connected.

The next important stage in the history of the chief rabbinate camewhen Nathan Marcus Adler was installed in office in 1845. His prede-cessors had been rabbis of the pre-emancipation school who had con-


cerned themselves with the exposition of the Talmud and the adjudi-cation of ritual questions.24 While well-equipped in these fields andstrictly Orthodox, Adler was the product of a German university andhad wider communal interests. The community had been split by theestablishment of a Reform Synagogue, and Adler exerted himself toimprove congregational decorum and discipline. He played a promi-nent part in establishing Jews' College (1856), and encouraged the for-mation of the United Synagogue (1870). Adler held office until 1890.For the last ten years of his life, however, he lived in retirement, andhis son Hermann, who eventually succeeded him, acted as his delegate.Both the Adlers sought to maintain as a matter of principle the cen-tralization of religious authority in a single rabbi which, as we haveseen, originated casually in the eighteenth century. The growth of thecommunity and the more independent temper of the Russo-Jewish im-migrants necessitated the modification of this extreme centralization,but the idea of a single ecclesiastical authority for the whole country,instead of for each town, as was the accepted European usage, remainsfirmly entrenched in Anglo-Jewry. Hence, also, rabbinical associationsor conferences have been of little importance.

The establishment of the chief rabbi's jurisdiction over each newcongregation as it was founded was assisted by clause 38 of the Boardof Deputies' constitution relating to secretaries for marriages, on thebasis of which the chief rabbi takes care that the applicant congrega-tion agrees to acknowledge his authority.25 A clause is inserted in thelaws of the congregation that its ritual and worship shall be under thesupervision and control of the chief rabbi, and that no marriage shallbe solemnized without the chief rabbi's written authorization. Theconstitution of the United Synagogue is rigid in its provisions—apartfrom the aforementioned requirements, no person may preach in anyconstituent synagogue without the chief rabbi's sanction. The authori-zation of marriages ensures that the chief rabbi's rulings in regardto the admission of proselytes, religious divorce, and personal statusare observed.26

Apart from these matters, the interpretation given to the chiefrabbi's authority can vary according to the disposition of the congre-gation. Congregations which advertise for rabbis or cantors usuallyprescribe that the applicant shall be approved by the chief rabbi andconsult him about their choice. Disputes between congregations andofficials are often submitted to the chief rabbi for arbitration, as are dis-putes between congregations; virtute officio the chief rabbi is presi-dent of Jews' College, and thus is intimately concerned with entrantsto the ministry; he presides over an examining board, which awardsthe rabbinical diploma, and is chairman of the statutory commission

- that licenses shochetim.


Naturally, communal bodies of all kinds seek the patronage of thechief rabbi and desire him to grace their public occasions. It is usualfor him to perform the religious ceremonies connected with the layingof foundation stones of synagogues and their opening, and he oftenmakes pastoral visits to provincial communities. Hertz made an eleven-month tour of the British Empire in 1920, and the present chief rabbihas paid separate visits to South Africa, Australia, and Canada.

Further, the chief rabbi is the public representative of Judaism tothe outside world. On occasions of national joy or sorrow he issuesformal statements in the name of the Jewish community along withother religious bodies, and his name often figures among the guests atroyal and national functions.

That the office of chief rabbi, never imposed from outside, but de-veloping with the community for several generations, has proved ofdecisive influence cannot be doubted. So much must be admitted evenby those who deplore an enforced uniformity in ritual matters. Whenwe come to consider the influence of the chief rabbi at any particulartime, difficulties of assessment immediately arise. Other offices, farbetter endowed with legally enforceable powers, respond to the impactof personalities; how much more is this the case with an office thatdepends largely on usage.

A new chief rabbi enters upon a considerable inheritance, but itcannot be predicted whether he will add to it or suffer it to be dimin-ished. No chief rabbi has attained the position at Buckingham Palaceor the Mansion House that Hermann Adler (d. 1911) occupied. Onthe other hand, the fearless independence of Hertz (d. 1946) made hima force to be reckoned with inside the Anglo-Jewish community. Onerecent development which has affected the influence of the chief rabbimay be mentioned. In accordance with traditional Jewish law, therehas always been a rabbinical court (Beth Din) consisting of the chiefrabbi and (at present) four assessors (dayanim). Until recently it couldnever be doubted that the dayanim were definitely subordinate to thechief rabbi where matters of religious policy were concerned. For someyears before his death Hertz was partly incapacitated by illness, andthere was an interregnum of more than two years before his successorassumed office. At that time an exceptionally strong personality wasnumbered among the dayanim, and the result has been considerablyto alter the balance of authority as between the chief rabbi and theBeth Din.

The holder of such an office is naturally a target for criticism. Al-though the chief rabbi may be criticized (in private, usually, and notin public), there is little dissatisfaction with the office; in a countrywhich has an archbishop, it is natural to have a chief rabbi.

Of the influence of the chief rabbinate on the spiritual life of

THREE CENTURIES OF JEWISH UFE IN ENGLAND, 1656-1956 37

Anglo-Jewry during the last half century, the generalization may bemade that it has been negative rather than positive, i.e., it has pre-vented divergence from a standard pattern rather than impressed areligious idea on the community.

The position of Haham, or chief rabbi of the Sephardim, is one ofdignity but naturally not of wide authority. The Reformers andLiberals have no hierarchy. Each congregation is law unto itself, butthe congregations' rabbis meet together in order to discuss commonproblems. The Reform group has recently instituted a rabbinicalcourt which attempts to adapt traditional rules to contemporary needs.

Synagogue Groupings

The third great central institution of the Anglo-Jewish communityis the United Synagogue. It belongs to this category of a nationalbody, though its immediate operations are confined to the Londonarea. The United Synagogue is the main prop of the chief rabbinate,and its strength is such that it sets the tone for all the Orthodox syna-gogues in the country.

When founded in 1870 the United Synagogue consisted of fivesynagogues. It has since grown to a body of seventy-seven congregationswidi 32,000 members. These congregations are of various sizes andclasses: the heart of the organization is the twenty-five "constituent"synagogues. Next in importance comes a group of twenty "district"synagogues, modeled in their administration on the constituents, andmany of them anticipating eventual elevation to the higher rank.Lastly, there are thirty-two "affiliated" synagogues, mostly of recentformation, which are encouraged to follow United Synagogue pro-cedures, and receive burial rights 27 and other services from the cen-tral body.

The United Synagogue is a single entity, not an association of inde-pendent congregations, and it is governed on a federal system. Eachconstituent synagogue elects a local board of management and officers,and also representatives to the council of the United Synagogue; thecouncil is superior in authority to the local boards of management,and elects officers and committees for the United Synagogue as awhole. All property belongs to the United Synagogue, and the councilcan close a synagogue against the wishes of its seat holders, if it considersthat its continuance is unjustified.

The financial system of the United Synagogue makes elaborate pro-vision for mutual aid between synagogues in affluent and less affluentdistricts. Members pay their contributions to the synagogue in whichthey rent pews; a proportion of the receipts is made over to the cen-tral funds of the United Synagogue, and the balance remains to the


credit of the particular constituent. But if the revenue of one syna-gogue is insufficient to meet its expenditure, a proportion of the sur-pluses of those synagogues which have an excess of revenue, is trans-ferred to its account. Thus fairly uniform standards are maintainedbetween synagogues of varying wealth: each synagogue is guaranteedthe maintenance of its fabric and the stipends of a rabbi, cantor, andother officials. Many matters are legislated for centrally, e.g., condi-tions of employment, pensions, cemeteries, and burial rights. Out ofits capital funds the United Synagogue makes substantial loans with-out security for the building of synagogues and the purchase of rabbis'residences, etc.28

To work such a system there needs to be constant and detailed fi-nancial control from headquarters. Such control is inevitably restric-tive,29 and it means that finance looms disproportionately in theworking of the institution.

The United Synagogue bears the greater part of the cost of main-taining the chief rabbi and the Beth Din. It does important welfarework, organizes the visitation of hospitals and institutions, and as-sumes responsibility for the burial of die poor. It imposes on its mem-bers a levy of one-third of their pew rentals, which is made over to theLondon Board of Jewish Religious Education. The existence of theUnited Synagogue has enabled the provision of synagogues in themetropolitan area to be planned regionally, and as a voluntary kehil-lah it is unique in the Jewish world. The oddity is that, having thisexample before it, the synagogues outside London remain single units,jealously independent of each other.

The constitution of the United Synagogue vests sole and absolutereligious authority in the chief rabbi, while administrative functionsare the sole province of the elected representatives of the laity. Be-tween the chief rabbi and the United Synagogue administration theposition of the ministers of the individual congregations is ambiguous:both authorities invite conformity rather than originality, and, nodoubt without desiring it, they tend to make the minister into a func-tionary rather than a spiritual leader. Further, the rigid separation ofpowers tends to make the lay authority religiously passive. The coun-cil of the United Synagogue is concerned only with the specific ad-ministrative problems that its officers bring before it. Neither thecouncil nor any more comprehensive assembly is charged with generaloversight of the religious well-being of the community.

Today the United Synagogue administration is called upon to man-age a far-flung network of socially diverse congregations. From 1879till 1915 it had behind it the authority of the first Lord Rothschild,and from 1919 till 1950 it was under the energetic direction of SirRobert Waley Cohen, both of them personalities who made their in-


fluence felt throughout the Anglo-Jewish community. Now, the lead-ership of the United Synagogue is more narrowly based. The strain ofcentralized management is considerable, particularly the task of find-ing money to pay for new buildings and to meet the demand forhigher salaries.

London has two congregational unions outside the United Syna-gogue, viz., the Federation of Synagogues, mentioned earlier, and theUnion of Orthodox Hebrew Congregations. The federation, whichhas some sixty affiliates and claims the adherence of 17,000 families,has spread beyond its East End origins, but financially, organiza-tionally, and socially it is considerably inferior to the United Syna-gogue, and as a group is hardly a force in communal life. Federationsynagogues are autonomous, their principal connection with the cen-tral body being in the matter of burial. They are to be found in someof the suburbs, generally as the poor relation of the local branch ofthe United Synagogue. The Orthodox union, which has some 3,000members, is an outgrowth of the Adath Israel Synagogue which wasestablished by a group of followers of Sampson Raphael Hirsch, ofFrankfurt. The union continues to maintain as a principle of abidingworth Hirsch's doctrine of separation from the main community. Itsmain strength is in North London. It is forcefully conducted, and itsleaders have made notable contributions to the development of Jewishday schools. The serious question for its future is how far the ultra-Orthodoxy which it professes and practices will flourish in the Englishclimate.

Outside London, the synagogues are absolutely independent.30

Where there is more than one congregation in a town, joint arrange-ments are made for shechita, but in general synagogues wax and wanewithout regard to the condition of their neighbors. In the absence ofeither regional unions or of a synagogue assembly on a national scale,the smaller communities are left to fend for themselves with little as-sistance from the central institutions of the community.

Outside the sphere of Orthodoxy there are two groups—the Associ-ation of Synagogues in Great Britain, with fifteen constituents (six inLondon), and the Union of Liberal and Progressive Synagogues withseventeen constituents (nine in London). In each case the congrega-tions are independent, but there is a large and powerful founder mem-ber of the group and a cluster of daughter congregations. The WestLondon Synagogue of British Jews, which "mothers" the Associationof Synagogues, was founded in 1842. The label Reform, which ispopularly, though unofficially, attached to it, must not be understoodin the German or American sense. Though it has on the whole lostmuch of its traditional background, the West London Synagogue'scontemporary position can be described as being on the left wing of


Conservatism. The synagogue is situated in the heart of London'sWest End; its wide range of activities distinguish it from the run ofEnglish synagogues, and its membership roll includes a considerablenumber of prominent personalities in the life of the country.

Despite the bitterness which accompanied its founding, there grewup a strong sense of accommodation between the West London Syna-gogue and the main body of English Judaism, as represented by thethree central institutions mentioned earlier. One of its ministers, MorrisJoseph, published in 1904 a work, Judaism as Creed and Life, whichwon wide acceptance throughout Anglo-Jewry, and may be regardedas the doctrinal formulation most characteristic of English Judaism.During the last quarter of a century this sense of accommodation hasall but disappeared.

The Liberal Jewish Synagogue, which "mothers" the second group,is also a large and well-organized unit. Its religious standpoint isroughly equivalent to the Classic Reform of America, and its diver-gences from traditional practices have caused it to be the target for re-peated bitter attacks from the Orthodox. Thus, it is characterized bya strong sense of dissociation from the main body of the community.

Both of these non-Orthodox groups are connected with the WorldUnion for Progressive Judaism, but locally they have been unable toagree on measures for cooperation. Of the two, the Association ofSynagogues appears currently to be making greatest headway. The Re-formers number about 4,000 in London and 6,000 in the country as awhole; the Liberals slightly less.

Religious LifeOf the religious life of the Anglo-Jewish community the most out-

standing characteristic is the voluntary maintenance of a non-observ-ant Orthodoxy. Complete synagogue statistics are difficult to obtain,but it appears that more than half the adult males are members ofsynagogues. The great majority are attached to Orthodox synagogues,and it is common for anyone who is not a member of a Reformor Liberal synagogue to be regarded as being Orthodox. Outside thesynagogue, Orthodoxy colors much of the institutional life of thecommunity. Schools and classes conform to the chief rabbi's require-ments; public banquets and wedding or bar mitzvah festivities mustbe strictly kosher, usually under rabbinical supervision; the ZionistFederation in starting a day school negotiates with the chief rabbi sothat the school's religious background will be correct; young peoplein arranging their summer camps take care to see that they followOrthodox observances. The rules of the Board of Deputies as to ec-


clesiastical authority are plain to see, and they represent the practiceof other secular organizations.

The exertions that are made to preserve Orthodoxy in official lifemight suggest that the members of the community are personally Or-thodox. Such is not the case, and the trend is in the opposite direction.Early in 1951 The Jewish Chronicle of London published some resultsof a survey of the habits of Jewish students. As the yardstick is largelysubjective, the results must be treated with caution.31

The following comment on the results of this study is of interest:

Religious indifference . . . is apparently twice as common in thegeneration of the students as in that of their parents. Two in everyfive of the students who answered the questionnaire were indifferentto religion, and yet the sample of students must be assumed to bebiased in favor of observing Jews, since most of the forms were filledin by members of the Inter-University Federation of Jewish Stu-dents (some of whose affiliated societies provide kosher food fortheir members), and the respondents may be taken to have had aninterest in Judaism or Jewish affairs. So that, while this informationdemonstrates the trend away from tradition, it probably exaggeratesthe role of orthodoxy and near-orthodoxy.

The trend away from Orthodox observance is confirmed by the re-plies to a sample questionnaire issued in the Liverpool Jewish com-munity. Liverpool has 7,500 Jews in a total population of a little overone million, and the Jewish community maintains eleven Orthodoxand one small Liberal congregation.

Out of a random sample of 500 families to whom questionnaireswere sent, 272 replied. All but 14 families light candles on Fridaynight; 58 per cent make Kiddush, but nearly half smoke on the Sab-bath. Apparently 86 per cent take kosher meat (only) in the home, but63 per cent normally eat in non-Jewish restaurants, and 77 per centdo not use phylacteries. On the other hand, there is little mixing so-cially with non-Jews, for 162 out of the 270 do not visit gentile friends.

No figures are given for regular synagogue attendance, but an esti-mate of 10 per cent would probably exaggerate the position. Liverpool,it may be observed, is about average in the degree of religious in-tensity. A questionnaire taken in the smaller community of Sheffieldshowed similar results.

For the taking of kosher meat in the home, data exists from the daysof food rationing. In 1950 it was found that 161,000 persons were reg-istered with kosher butchers in Greater London (out of about 280,000Jews). It is probable that, as in Liverpool, the percentage who takekosher meat is higher in most provincial towns than in London, wherethe sense of social discipline is less intense.

The incidence of intermarriage also suggests the slipping of tra-


ditional moorings. Again, reliable statistics cannot be produced, butone observer has estimated that of the marriages in which a Jew isconcerned, one in eight is with a partner who belongs to another faith.The proportion is believed to have risen, and to affect all classes,instead of only those at the top of the social ladder, as formerly. Inter-marriage is still reprobated when the matter is discussed in public,and the Orthodox authorities strongly discountenance proselytizing.The community is far less inclined than formerly to impose sanctions,for today no rigid barrier prevents those who have married outsidethe fold from taking part in Jewish public life.

The over-all situation indicated a striking degree of adherence totraditional ways as compared with other branches of English-speakingJewry.32 But for Anglo-Jewry, which is conscious of a strongly tradi-tional background and which concerns itself to maintain the notion ofcommunal Orthdoxy, the figures suggest a rent in the religious fabric.

The gap between personal and official religion has grown wider foranother reason. During the last quarter of a century, while the forceof traditional Judaism over the lives of the members of the com-munity, taken as a whole, has declined, within the synagogues andeducational institutions that are subject to ecclesiastical control agreater rigidity prevails. Modifications in the ritual that were sanc-tioned sixty years ago are now frowned upon; the free discussion ofreligious ideas is generally discountenanced. Not only, for example,does Jews' College exact a strict test of faith from its students, but itrenders difficult cooperation with bodies that have a less rigid ap-proach. Tentative approaches made since the war by the Jewish Theo-logical Seminary of America for relations with Jews' College couldmake no headway, and the chief rabbi has discouraged Orthodox par-ticipation in the Society for Jewish Study, a body of mixed composi-tion dedicated to the cultivation of Jewish scholarship on a non-partybasis. Pulpit exchanges between Orthodox and non-Orthodox rabbiswere always rare; today it would be difficult for a non-Orthodox rabbito take part in a nonliturgical event organized by an Orthodox con-gregation.

Rabbinical pronouncements suggest that in their view the strictmaintenance of ritual observance on lines approximating as near aspossible to that which obtained in Eastern Europe is the goal ofreligious endeavor, and the branch of observance that appears to re-ceive most concentrated attention is kashruth. Theological and philo-sophical problems and the ethical and mystical sides of Judaism re-ceive scant attention as being outside the immediate ambit of halachic(Jewish legal) interest.

That some of these phenomena should arise in the midst of a societywhere free discussion in all matters, religion included, is taken for


granted may be susceptible of many explanations. The planting ofextreme Liberalism may have provoked a reaction in the direction ofextreme Orthodoxy; the destruction of East European Jewry, which hadnurtured English Judaism, may have induced uncritical reverence forevery iota of the local reproduction of what is deemed to be the origi-nal master copy of the Jewish religion; the Union of Orthodox He-brew Congregations may have exerted powerful influence as a pressuregroup; and the traditionalism of the pre-1914 community may haverested too much on social convention. Whatever the reason, the mid-dle has gone out of the community.

The decline produced by the perpetuation of forms in which theactors do not believe is visible in a large part of the United Synagogueand of the provincial congregations of a similar type. Its effects areseen most clearly in the recruitment and training of ministers andteachers, the state of religious education, and the general lack of prideor fervor in the conduct of synagogue affairs.

This kind of ambivalence between commitment and practice doesnot affect the Union of Orthodox Hebrew Congregations, where thereis not the same gap between official and personal religion.

What is the place of Reform and Liberal Judaism in the religiouslife of Anglo-Jewry? They signify an element of separation from themain body of the community, and this is often reprobated on senti-mental grounds by persons who have little concern for their theo-logical differences. Reform and Liberal synagogues attract a core ofearnest believers who are searching genuinely for the religious satisfac-tion which the conventions of the majority do not give them; but theycontain a much larger element, on the periphery of the community,who obtain such nominal association with Judaism as they desire oneasier terms than are granted by Orthodoxy. In particular, the Ortho-dox authorities admit proselytes very rarely, and conversion to Juda-ism through a non-Orthodox synagogue, as a preliminary to marriageto a partner of Jewish birth, is a recognized means of avoidingthe Orthodox restrictions. Religious education and Hebrew knowl-edge are at a lower level in Reform and Liberal British Jewry thanamong the Orthodox. Finally, the Liberal Jewish synagogue has en-joyed the reputation of being a center for anti-Zionist propaganda. Ina community with a definite Orthodox and Zionist background, thesecharacteristics are held as suggesting a lessening of spiritual vitality.

By contrast to their Orthodox counterparts, the Reform and Lib-eral synagogues stress the elements of religious faith and personalpiety; they encourage the free discussion of the religious problemswhich the modern age presents. In the past, in keeping with theirprotestant coloring, they have had little to say on Jewish observanceoutside the synagogue. But recently, as a result of pressure from below,


tentative endeavors have been made to approach this question. Lib-eral Judaism in particular has been the stimulus to philanthropicwork of a high order: the Hon. Lily Montagu and Sir Basil Henriques,two of its leaders, rank among Britain's best-known social workers.

EDUCATION

The records of the Spanish and Portuguese Congregation show thatit made provision for religious education from the time of its found-ing. In 1674 its officers decided that the congregation needed a "Par-nas of Talmud Thora [warden of the religion school] for the greaterincrease of this holy Law, good education of our sons, and their quietconduct both in the Synagogue and outside it." The Ashkenazic con-gregation made similar provision, and the effort multiplied with thegrowth of the Jewish population. The story cannot be considered inrelation to the internal affairs of the Jewish community alone. Thereis no separation of church and state in England; the state was a latestarter in the educational field, and when it did take a hand thechurches were already at work. Jewish effort needs to be discussed inrelation to the state system, some of whose features will need to bementioned.

A general system of public elementary education was not intro-duced into England until 1870, and in that year also school attend-ance became compulsory. Before 1870 elementary secular educationwas sponsored largely by the various religious denominations, and thefoundation of the national system was laid in 1833, when Parliamentbegan to vote grants to these voluntary school societies. The Jewishcommunity established ten schools prior to 1870 (seven in London,and the other three in Birmingham, Liverpool, and Manchester) andfrom 1853 Jewish schools began to share in the parliamentary grant.When in 1870 the state began to establish its own schools it did notwithdraw support from the "voluntary" schools, as they were called.This support was extended in 1902, so that in secular education equalstandards could be maintained as between state and voluntary schools.In view of the superior resources of the state, denominational schoolshave been greatly overshadowed by the state schools—except insofaras Roman Catholics are concerned.

The regulations governing the relations of voluntary schools to thestate are extremely complex. Roughly, the school will have a body ofmanagers, of whom one-third will be appointed by the local educationauthority, and two-thirds in accordance with the wishes of the sponsor.The school must comply with the state requirements as to secular edu-cation, the appointment of teachers, and the maintenance of its build-ings; the state meets the cost of secular education and of interiorrepairs. The managers must meet the cost of religious instruction, and


of maintaining the fabric of the building (apart from interior repairs).On the construction of a new voluntary school, if approved by the

ministry of education, there will be a substantial grant from statefunds towards the capital cost.

The fact that support of this kind is given to denominationalschools does not mean that the state's own schools are secular. Theschool day must begin with a collective act of worship, and religiousinstruction must be given, subject to the right of any parent to with-draw his child. The nature of such worship and instruction accordswith Protestant requirements, and is unacceptable doctrinally toRoman Catholics and Jews. Children withdrawn from religious in-struction may be allowed to go outside the school to receive instruc-tion of the kind desired by the parent, and in certain cases provisionmay be made to send teachers into the school to provide such specialinstruction.

This system has been evolved by stages, and is now embodied in theEducation Act of 1944. There were bitter interdenominational contro-versies between 1902 and 1908, and again in 1930. Today these haveentirely subsided. Jewish opinion was little in evidence during thesecontroversies, and the Jewish authorities take advantage, as far as thethinly spread population will allow, of the system of state support ofreligious education.

In 1939 ten Jewish voluntary schools were still functioning. Theoldest, largest, and most famous was the Jews' Free School (1817) inEast London; all the others had been founded before 1870. By the out-break of the Second World War these schools were on the declineowing to the migration of the population, and their eventual closurewas considered possible. Even in the centers where they existed, theseschools gave only a fraction of the Jewish education that was beingimparted. London alone had nineteen Talmud Torahs, mostly in theEast End. There were also classes meeting after the hours of secularinstruction in many of the state schools of London. Most synagogueshad classes attached to them, some meeting on Sundays only, andothers up to three times weekly. A similar pattern was repeated in theprovincial communities on a smaller scale.

A striking change in the educational scene since the Second WorldWar has been the access of enthusiasm for the Jewish day school.Though the war created a hiatus, the situation in the provinces hasnot altered radically. The Jewish voluntary schools which had beendeclining in numbers and prestige have taken a new lease of life. TheManchester school has removed to new buildings, and the Liverpoolschool is in process of so doing. The large Jewish community in Leeds,which has never had such a school, is proposing to erect one under theaegis of the Zionist Federation.


In London the Jewish educational system has been reorganized.During the war there was much talk of a "new deal for Jewish reli-gious education," chiefly on the ground that the system of financingby means of appeals was undignified and uncertain, and that it shouldbe sustained by "communal taxation." At a conference held in No-vember 1945, the London educational organizations merged and werereplaced by the London Board for Jewish Religious Education; and aCentral Council for Jewish Religious Education representing the Lon-don Board and the provincial communities was also set up.

In the working out of these plans, the hopes for a "new deal" had tobe compromised. The London board was not all inclusive—an impor-tant section connected with the Union of Orthodox Hebrew Congre-gations (see p. 39 ante) remained outside—and, of course, the Reformand Liberal groups were never invited to join. "Communal taxation forreligious education" turned out to be a levy on synagogue seat rentals,which was not completely enforced, and which was insufficiently buoy-ant to rise with increased costs and a growing roll of pupils. Finally,there were administrative tasks of extreme complexity to grapple with.

There has been a serious hiatus in regard to London Jewish dayschools. Five out of the seven London Jewish day schools—includingthe Jews' Free School—were allowed to disappear during the war.Their funds have been pooled, and it is proposed to use them to es-tablish, in connection with the London Board, a large school to serveNorth and North-West London; but ten years have elapsed since theend of the war, and the schools have not yet been replaced.

Entirely separate from the London board is the Jewish SecondarySchools Movement. This operates ten schools, of which two receivestate support. In government and in spirit, the movement is closelylinked to the Union of Orthodox Hebrew Congregations.

In November 1955 there were 14,421 pupils attending the classes ofthe London board. These consisted of 86 sets of synagogue classes,with 9,772 pupils; 12 Talmud Torahs, with 1,802 pupils; and 25"withdrawal" classes with 2,667 pupils excused from state schools. Tu-ition on this scale is given on an expenditure of £88,900 ($248,920).33

The system is seriously handicapped by the shortage of teachers. Inconjunction with Jews' College, the London board operates a facultyfor the training of teachers, but it has been reported that only fourfull-time students take the course. As the board pays no more than£70 ($196) per annum for a two-and-one half hour session on Sundaymornings (from this the teacher may well suffer the deduction of 42.5per cent for income tax), the inducement to teach is not strong. Fur-ther, the London board is under the jurisdiction of the chief rabbi,and the requirement that teachers should be Orthodox in characterlimits the group from which they can be drawn.


The financial stringencies indicated above mean that there is littleavailable for new textbooks. Those that are produced are of a con-servative character; material of a more colorful and imaginative kindis imported from the United States and Israel.

The prestige hierarchy in the English schools system also has its ef-fect on the Jewish community. It is conventional for parents of theprofessional classes or above a certain income level to avoid state orstate-aided schools, and to send their sons to independent foundationsknown as "public" schools. These are usually residential, with astrong Church of England coloring. For the past three generationsthere was only a comparatively limited circle within the Jewish com-munity for which public school education was de rigeur. The prioritygiven to Jewish religious observances was sufficiently strong to make itunthinkable, save in very assimilated circles, for sons to be sent awayfrom the home circle, or to an establishment where Jewish influenceshardly existed. Since the Second World War the number of Jewishwould-be entrants to these schools has increased considerably. Theirreligious requirements vary considerably—in some attendance atChurch of England services are compulsory; in others (and the variousgroups overlap), there is a readiness to receive regular visits fromtutors provided by the Jewish community. In one school there hasbeen a Jewish "house" for the pasty sixty years.

Each of the Reform and Liberal congregations runs a Sundayschool. Their regular educational system has yet to advance beyondthat stage, though in September 1956 the Association of Synagoguesopened a small theological college.

Higher education is provided by several yeshivot.*4 There is also aseminary for the training of ministers, Jews' College, founded in 1855.More committees of inquiry have deliberated upon the state of Jews'College than upon any other Jewish institution in England, but therehas emerged no figure capable of giving it spiritual vitality or firmmaterial foundations. The college has pulled round from the extremedisorganization caused by the Second World War; it has instituted asuccessful class to train students for the rabbinical diploma, and expectsshortly to move to new premises. However, the fundamental problemsof public apathy and lack of support remain unsolved. The college isadministered on a narrow basis: it operates on a budget of £15,000($42,000) per annum, and for its centenary rebuilding and endowmentfund has collected less in five years than the British Friends of theHebrew University raise in a single year.

This position is of course bound up in part with the attitude of thecommunity to the ministry. Many leaders long assumed that youngmen would appear from the East End, of Orthodox outlook and pos-sessed of a background of traditional Jewish lore, to whom the college


would give the polish necessary for them to function as preachers andpastors to English congregations. In those sections of the communitywhich respected the talmudical learning that flourished in EasternEurope, there was both a tendency to write off England as a treyfeplace that could never produce worthy spiritual guides, and a convic-tion that a rabbi needed the stamp of a great European yeshiva. Thesetwo divergent attitudes have joined to militate against the buildingup of a native seminary.

Further, the college as an institution which purports to approachJewish learning scientifically has a difficult course to steer in view ofthe current of obscurantism that has gained strength.35

The desire to repair the deficiency in higher Jewish education wasamong the reasons for the establishment in Manchester in 1954 of anInstitute of Jewish Studies. This was designed as a Lehranstalt for adulteducation rather than a rabbinical seminary.

In certain technical fields well-known contributions have come fromthe direction of Jews' College. The English translation of the Talmudedited by the present principal of Jews' College was largely the workof its alumni, as were the Soncino Books of the Bible.

What is the effect of the community's effort in the field of religiouseducation? As in other branches of religious life, it is possible todiscern a strange polarization. Facilities for yeshiva education aregreater than ever before, and day schools with a strongly Orthodoxspirit now cater to an appreciable number of children. The greaterpart of the population, however, appears to be giving a lower priorityto Jewish education. Figures for attendances at the classes of the Lon-don board have been quoted, but an over-all assessment, in terms ofquantity or quality, is difficult to come by. It is believed, however,that between 60 and 70 per cent of Jewish children of school age re-ceive some Jewish education. As to quantum, the figures of the Lon-don board are again a pointer: In the Talmud Torahs and synagogueclasses, 96 per cent of the boys and 95 per cent of the girls are underthirteen. For a high proportion the rite of bar mitzvah marks the pur-pose and end of Jewish education. Further, the hours of instructionare on the whole far shorter than they were—the days when throngs ofpupils attended the supplementary school Talmud Torahs or un-classified chadarim for long hours each night are a thing of the past.

Again, the extent of the educational effort and its results must beconsidered in the light of the notion that the Anglo-Jewish com-munity is a body of Orthodox Jews which must be well versed in theliterature and rituals of Orthodox Judaism. There have, of course,been modifications of the cheder system of instruction, but the im-mediate goal is to give the pupils some knowledge of the prayer bookand Pentateuch, and to impress upon them the importance of keeping


the Sabbath, festivals, and dietary observances. For this object thehours available are insufficient—except, of course, in the day schools.But, even more important, there is not now the background of Ortho-dox home life on which the cheder or Talmud Torah of old couldbuild. The disparity between what is officially proclaimed and per-sonally believed is reflected in the general apathy to religious educa-tion, which occupies a low position in the scale of communal values.The extreme Orthodox wing, not retarded by this disparity, shows agreater vigor and a greater willingness to experiment in educationalmethods. What will come of the Zionist Federation's recent interest ineducation cannot yet be foretold.

Anglo-Jewry can show some creditable efforts at self-education.Young Mizrachi groups and bodies of Jewish students arrange coursesand summer or week-end schools that often attain a high standard.The results that are obtained come entirely from the honorary andself-sacrificing efforts of volunteer workers.

Social ServiceDomestic charitable work has ceased to be in the forefront of com-

munal activity: full employment, the provision of state social services,and the cessation of any inflow of refugees from other lands have allaltered the significance of this kind of work. It was long the proudboast of the Anglo-Jewish community that it never allowed its mem-bers to be recipients of the relief dispensed to paupers by the state.The validity of the boast does not seem to have been examined, butthe reasons are not far to seek. The receipt of poor relief involved adefinite social stigma which Jews would not wish to see attached toany of their brethren; besides, as those who needed help had oftencome as refugees from abroad, the suggestion that they had become acharge on public funds might have fed anti-alien feeling. When thecommunity was small, charity was the function of the synagogue. Adhoc charitable bodies are found in the eighteenth century, e.g., theBread, Meat and Coal Society (1780), and the Jews' Hospital andOrphan Asylum (1795). In London the synagogues ceased to dispenserelief when the Jewish Board of Guardians36 was established in 1859,and this pattern was followed in the larger provincial centers. The in-flux from 1881 to 1914 put a severe strain on the resources of thesebodies. Though the influx ceased, these charities continued to be ofimportance during the interwar years when unemployment and lowwages brought serious deprivation to many Jewish wage earners. TheJewish boards of guardians were never all inclusive; they belonged tothe anglicised section of the community, and often the immigrants feltmore comfortable with their own less formal charities. Jewish hos-pitals were established in London, Leeds, and Manchester; in addi-


tion London had a Jewish maternity home, a home for incurables,and a tuberculosis sanatorium. One characteristic of these charitablebodies is their individualism; coordination, whether in the raising orthe administration of funds, has always been difficult to achieve.

The relief given to German refugees from 1933 onwards fell into adifferent category. Special institutions were set up to dispense it, andthe recipients belonged to the middle classes.

Since the Second World War the granting of relief in cash and kindhas diminished considerably. Unemployment has virtually disappeared,and a compulsory state insurance scheme has come into operation de-signed to guard against the ills of unemployment, sickness, and oldage; there is a National Health Service of a most comprehensive kind.If there is a single problem that is worrying social service agencies, itis the problem of old age. The population is aging, the process of in-flation has caused savings to melt away, and domestic help is difficultto obtain. Hence Jewish organizations have redoubled their efforts toprovide homes for the aged. Further, they concern themselves to a fargreater extent than formerly with welfare and family problems. Thelargest body of its kind is the London Jewish Board of Guardians,whose annual expenditure amounts to about £225,000 ($630,000). Itis ably administered, and has shown itself capable of adjusting itsmethods to the new problems.

From the end of the eighteenth century we find records of JewishFriendly Societies, i.e., fraternal orders which provided their memberswith benefits for funeral and mourning expenses, sickness, and Jewishholy days. During the 1881-1914 period they played an important rolein anglicising the immigrants and integrating them with the rest ofthe Jewish community. Several well-organized "orders" took shape,and they acquired representation on the Board of Deputies. The com-ing into existence of a compulsory state system of social insurance hasweakened the appeal of the voluntary friendly societies, and they havelost much of their elan.

ZionismAs a political and cultural force Zionism has declined greatly since

the establishment of the State of Israel, but its organizational frontremains intact. The hub of the movement is the Zionist Federation ofGreat Britain, a General Zionist group which for many years has beenclosely identified with the policies of the top leadership of the WorldZionist Organization. The Joint Palestine Appeal is directed by offi-cials of the Zionist Federation, and while today fund raising takes firstplace, this association means that the Zionist Federation has at its dis-posal organizational resources for a variety of purposes,—e.g., establish-ing its own day schools. The Zionist organization is professionally


staffed to a far greater extent than any other branch of Jewish activityin England, and it is the only one which has a series of offices through-out the country, all closely linked to headquarters.

The Zionist Federation publishes an ably edited weekly, the JewishObserver and Middle East Review, and has associated with it women'sand youth groups, as well as the Poale Zion. There is a separate Miz-rachi Organization, which has advanced greatly since pre-war days.Because of its religious coloration, the Mizrachi Organization hasnot suffered the same decline in fervor consequent upon the establish-ment of the State of Israel as have the Zionist bodies that are withoutthis definite orientation. Though a participant in the Joint PalestineAppeal, the Mizrachi Organization lacks the authority in the disposalof its proceeds possessed by the Zionist Federation.

However, all these organizations are less important today than thefund-raising arm. According to The Jewish Chronicle for February 24,1956, Sir Simon Marks stated that Anglo-Jewry's total financial effortfor Israel during 1955 had amounted to about £2,250,000 ($6,300,000),of which the Joint Palestine Appeal (JPA) alone had raised £1,250,000($3,500,000). Figures alone do not indicate the impact which the JPAhas on the Anglo-Jewish community. There are no Jewish federationsor welfare funds in England such as exist in the United States. Eachcharity canvasses support on its own, and the old-fashioned and small-scale manner in which the domestic charities raise their funds con-trasts sharply with the up-to-date techniques, the professional skill,and the overwhelming force of the nation-wide organization which theJPA has built up.

The JPA is organized in every locality; it also has groups in theprincipal trades and professions. The number of subscribers may notbe large—it is said to be about 12,000—but no effort is spared to raisefunds among the wealthier elements of Anglo-Jewry. As a result of thesuperiority of Zionist fund raising to that of domestic institutions, dif-ferent standards of generosity have been built up as between domesticand Israel causes.

Apart from the JPA, the Jewish National Fund, Children andYouth Aliyah, the Haifa Technion, the British Friends of the HebrewUniversity, Magen David Adam, and other Israel causes make then-separate appeals to the Jewish community. The British Friends of theHebrew University have been outstandingly successful both in raisingfunds and in enlisting interest in the Jerusalem University from Brit-ish academicians, and from Jews with intellectual or cultural interestsin all walks of life.

Thus, the dynamics of Anglo-Jewish life show a considerable ori-entation towards Israel. With this development, all the attitudes andmethods associated with large-scale fund raising have come to play a


prominent—and, it seems, permanent—place in the life of the Jewishcommunity. The dynamism of the Zionist organization leaves thedomestic institutions far behind. This dynamism must be associatedwith the circumstance that locally Zionism is in some respects pro-vided with the kind of leadership that distinguished Anglo-Jewry as awhole in Victorian and Edwardian times. The very wealthy Marks-Sieff families became active disciples of Weizmann during the FirstWorld War, and their generosity and devotion to the Zionist cause hasnever wavered during forty years. Their example has been of greatassistance in attracting the support of other persons of wealth.

Zionism, using that term to designate organized pro-Israel senti-ment, must also be considered in another light. For many it is a me-dium of Jewish identification, the link being a phase of Israel lifewhich they are asked to support—whether it be a university, music, thegraphic arts, technical education, scientific research, or the preventionof disease. The older Zionism sprang from the wells of Jewish tradi-tion, and in many cases the same origin is readily identifiable in sup-port for present-day Israel causes. But for many others, the old pietieshave faded. The fact that for the first time the Zionist Federation isembarking on a program of Jewish day schools seems to point to arealization of this fact. For the moment, however, the Jewish group isset in a society in which the prevailing currents are secular while itsown religious life is constricted. The associations provided by Israelcauses seem to gratify a sense of Jewish loyalty on another basis thanthat of the synagogue and its related institutions.

On the other hand, Zionism in the more restricted sense, as the cul-tural and political movement based on the program of the World Zi-onist Organization, has not recovered from the blow it sufferedthrough its own success. In England the void is all the greater becausefrom the First World War until 1948 the movement was involved inpolitical work of decisive importance. Since the establishment of theState of Israel in 1948, discussion of the future of Diaspora Zionismhas been intermittent and inconsequential.

Both the Zionist Federation and the Mizrachi sponsor chalutzfarms, with the object of training agricultural pioneers for emigrationto Israel. In addition, there is a body known as Professional and Tech-nical Workers Aliyah (PATWA) which fosters the emigration oftrained workers in varied fields. These activities are regarded withequanimity. England has long been a country of emigration, and thereis nothing unpatriotic in encouraging it. The trickle of emigrants issmall, and the majority of those who trained as chalutzim were refugeesfrom Europe. From May 1948 to December 31, 1955, 3,227 Jews whosecountry of residence was the United Kingdom entered Israel.


The Jew in British LifeWhat of the relation of the Jews of Britain to the gentile society in

whose midst they live? Anti-Semitic agitation is at a lower ebb than atany time within living memory. At the beginning of the century therewas an anti-alien agitation which directed propaganda against theRusso-Jewish immigrants to Great Britain. After the First World Warhostile feeling was engendered on the basis of a supposed identifica-tion of Jews with Bolshevism—during the war there had been out-breaks of xenophobia for which Jews were an obvious target. Duringthe Thirties organized anti-Semitism took a more serious turn—stimu-lated from Germany, it became one of the main planks of Sir OswaldMosley's British Union of Fascists.

The Second World War helped to discredit anti-Semitism. The factthat it had been made an instrument of policy by England's enemies,the fact that English anti-Semites had received support from Nazisources, and the fact that it had been used by the Germans to weakenthe unity of the states of Europe which they overran—all these facts,taken together, left an impression on the public mind. Since the Sec-ond World War unemployment has been at a low ebb, and the massof the people have enjoyed a higher standard of living than previ-ously. Hence the soil has remained infertile for the few anti-Semiticpropagandists who continue to agitate.

Attempts to provoke incidents out of the violent conflicts in Pal-estine during the years 1946-48 met with little response. In the sum-mer of 1947 a provincial newspaper carried a leading article of suchanti-Semitic intensity that the government was moved to institute pro-ceedings—which proved unsuccessful—for criminal libel; there was asudden outbreak of rioting in Liverpool and a series of attacks onJews in parts of London. Equally noteworthy was the frigidity towardsJews and Jewish organizations displayed by many Gentiles in positionsof prominence. Where this feeling would lead to was uncertain at thetime, but the clouds have since rolled away.

If overt anti-Semitic agitation is at a low ebb, its existence in thesocial field cannot be doubted. However, either because it is taken forgranted, or because it is not serious, or because society is introvert,very little is heard about social anti-Semitism. The level at which itassumes most serious proportions is that of the suburban golf club.This has necessitated the establishment of Jewish golf clubs in Lon-don and the larger provincial centers, and has been responsible tosome extent for the multiplication of Jewish groups devoted to the-atricals, sports, bridge, and other diversions.

Outside this middle class level, the raising of barriers against Jewsis not obvious. Relations in university and intellectual circles appear


to be easy, and in the exclusive clubs, entry to which is still covetedand guarded, the Jew has one more hurdle to surmount than the rest,but is not barred.

The participation of Jews in British public life has been a full one.At the present day (October 1956), there are nine Jewish members ofthe Privy Council, fourteen peers (members of the House of Lords),and nineteen members of the House of Commons. There are in allover 800 peers and 630 members of the House of Commons, so in eachcase the proportion of Jews is considerably higher than the proportionof Jews to the general population. By contrast, the 4,000,000 RomanCatholics count nine Privy Councillors, forty-five peers, and twenty-three members of the House of Commons.

Of the nineteen Jewish members of the House of Commons, two areConservatives and the remainder Labor—the House as a whole con-tains a small Conservative majority. This disparity may be due to aweighting of Jewish political inclinations. But an even more effectivecause may be the fact that the Conservative constituency organiza-tions, which select the party's candidate for each seat, are dominatedby a similar social element to that which makes up the local golf club.Especially for its safe seats, the Party looks for the hallmarks of ortho-doxy—membership (however tenuous) in the Church of England, pub-lic school background, descent from an important family.

Jews have been prominent in the holding of high offices of state.The career of the first Marquess of Reading (d. 1936) is an outstandingexample. The son of a family of fruit merchants, he rose to be an out-standing trial lawyer and became attorney general, Lord Chief Justiceof England, ambassador to the United States, and foreign secretary.The range of Viscount Samuel's public offices has been more limited,but he has won for himself an unrivaled place as one of the country'selder statesmen, and in the later stages of his career at any rate he haspublicly identified himself with Jewish causes. Reading was not thefirst Jew to hold high judicial office: Sir George Jessel (d. 1881) wasappointed master of the rolls (which ranks next in order of precedenceto the chief justiceship) in 1873. At the present day Lord Cohen ofWalmer, who is a son of one of Anglo-Jewry's oldest families and whohas been president of the London Jewish Board of Guardians, presi-dent of the Jewish Historical Society, and vice president of the Boardof Deputies, is one of the judicial members of the House of Lords;and Sir Seymour Karminski, who succeeded Lord Cohen as presidentof the Board of Guardians, is a justice of the High Court.

In the civil service, whose higher ranks attract men of considerablecaliber, Jews have been prominent. Humbert Wolfe, better known asa poet, was an official in the ministry of labor; Sir Jeremy Raisman,who made an outstanding career in India, is the son of a humble


provincial Jewish tradesman; Sir Leon Simon, the disciple and trans-lator of Ahad Ha-am, worked professionally in the post office. Nor isthere anything to suggest that the flow of talent to the service of thestate has been halted.37

But the place of Jews in British life cannot be ascertained by cata-loguing legal rights or the names of distinguished citizens: the muchmore difficult task of assessing attitudes must be undertaken. On thesubject of gentile-Jewish attitudes, a considerable, though for the mostpart ephemeral, literature exists, but with few exceptions it reflectsthe fears and aspirations of Jews rather than the opinions of the gen-tiles among themselves.

It is often said that the prestige of the Anglo-Jewish community wasat its height at the beginning of the present century—when Jews weredistinguishing themselves in finance, in politics, and in the circle ofroyalty. From the position it attained during the reign (1901-1910) ofKing Edward VII it is suggested that Anglo-Jewry has experienced adecline both in its internal affairs and in its relations with the mass ofits fellow citizens. Since that era two world wars have steamrolleredsociety and seriously weakened Britain's financial and political po-sition. There has been a great leveling of classes, and the tendency tomake comparisons with the position of the ruling few of a past age mustbe resisted. Few of the objects of prestige of the Edwardian age retaintheir glitter, and even on the superficial view, it is not easy to see howthe position of the Jews especially has declined.

It might be safer to suggest that in the intervening years there hasbeen a certain drawing apart of Jew from gentile. The propaganda ofthe Nazis received no sympathy in England, but even among philo-Semites it was bound to raise questions as to the place of people whoseexistence till then had been taken for granted. On the Jewish side therelapse into barbarism of a civilized country was bound to produce amost profound shock and a sense of uneasiness that could only un-settle relations with gentile neighbors. The drawing apart was intensi-fied by the British government's attitude to its responsibilities in Pal-estine, and the emergence of Jewry as a political pressure groupattacking Britain's difficult position in the Middle East. The cloudshave passed, but the recollection of the storm has not left men'sminds.

In making comparisons with the Edwardian age, what is most strik-ing is the contemporary uncertainty as to the image in which EnglishJews conceive themselves. The Anglo-Jewish community used to reston the twin pillars of citizenship and religion. "Be a good Jew and agood citizen" was a platitude of the Sunday school prize distribution.Perhaps British Jewry was negligent, by traditional standards, in obey-ing the first part of the injunction. But the community certainly treas-


ured its citizenship, and immigrant Jews were encouraged to cherishand did in fact cherish similar aspirations. If today an outsider was toexpress an opinion based on a quick glance at the activities of theAnglo-Jewish community, he might form the opinion that the State ofIsrael was the center of its political identification. Anglo-Jewry's pressis dominated by news of Israel; its organizations are largely concernedwith raising funds for the State of Israel; the Board of Deputies emergesinto public notice usually on behalf of the political interests of theState of Israel; advertisements appear urging young people to do ayear's "national service" (the local term for the draft) in Israel.

Experience of Jewish life in England would confirm that such animpression was absolutely wrong. One suspects that the pro-Israel ex-hortations are received by their auditors with the same kind of silentreserve that greets rabbinical pronouncements on ritual observance.But, if the Jews of Britain do not accept this image of Israel expatri-ates, it is difficult to ascertain exactly what image it is they would liketo project. "Englishman of the Jewish faith" no longer holds good intheir minds. The decline of religion and the upheavals of the Nazi agehave ended that kind of certainty.

The Tercentenary and AfterDuring 1956 the Anglo-Jewish community devoted itself to the cele-

bration of its tercentenary. The proceedings were carried out withconsiderable eclat. There was a historical exhibition at the Victoriaand Albert Museum, and a commemorative service at the 250-year-oldBevis Marks synagogue. London's ancient Guildhall was the sceneof a tercentenary banquet, where the speakers included the Duke ofEdinburgh (the Queen's consort), the prime minister, the Bishop ofChichester, the Marquess of Reading, and Viscount Samuel. The Arch-bishop of Canterbury gave a garden party in the grounds of his officialresidence. Local celebrations were organized in the principal provin-cial towns.38

One aspect of the commemoration failed to make the progress thathad been anticipated. The sponsoring committee planned to raise aconsiderable fund as a permanent memorial of the tercentenary whoseproceeds would be used to endow cultural work among Jewish youthand Jewish studies at British universities. Although a beginning wasmade with the collection of this fund, the appeal has not been followedthrough, and it is clear that its objects will never be achieved.

If the tercentenary betrays a community which shows more zest forcommemorating its past than for building its future, it cannot be saidto distort the picture. What does the future hold in store for Anglo-Jewry? Three years ago, the late Redcliffe Salaman, a distinguishedscientist, public worker, and liberal thinker, analysed the changes


which had overtaken the Anglo-Jewish community during the preced-ing half-century, and suggested that the future might be seen on thefollowing lines:

1. The Community will decrease in volume as a result of extra-marriage at an ever-increasing rate.

2. The mass of the Community will increasingly tend to pass to theleft, i.e., away from orthodoxy and towards reform.

3. The number of those who silently transfer their allegiance to thegeneral gentile community, already considerable, will steadilyincrease.

4. There will always be a relatively small residue of observant Jewswhose natural increase may possibly balance their own lossthrough desertion consequent on the disintegration of a pre-viously accepted, highly controlled pattern of life.

5. Anglo-Jewry will not maintain her position in World Jewrywhich her numbers, organization, and relative wealth entitle herto, unless she encourages Jewish learning with much greater zestand generosity than she is doing today, for the simple reason thatshe will have lost her own self-respect.

6. The degree of intimacy and interdependence between Anglo-Jewry and Israel depends largely on the world position and theattitude of England herself. If that be unchanged, there is goodreason to foresee in increasing measure a spirit of trust and reci-procity between Anglo-Jewry and the people of Israel, unitingthe one and strengthening the other. If England for any reasonwere hostile to Israel, Anglo-Jewry might well be rent in two, onepart becoming assimilated and the other finding its spiritual andultimately its physical home in Israel.39

These suggestions Salaman based on the presupposition that "ex-ternal conditions remain more or less static and there is no further im-migration." Such presuppositions are only reasonable. The sources ofimmigration have been cut off, and it is safe to assume that Anglo-Jewry, which for generations had been warmed Jewishly by the gulfstream of Jewish migration from Eastern Europe, will experience awaning of its spiritual life unless it finds sources of power within itself.

Numerically, Anglo-Jewry will be subject to attrition through inter-marriage. But it appears to be threatened for another reason. TheJewish birthrate, the average size of the Jewish family, and the Jewishreproduction rate all seem to be lower than those of the populationas a whole.40 Two children per family will not in the long run sufficeto maintain the strength of the population, since not all the childrenwill themselves reproduce.

So far as the spiritual future of the community is concerned, thoughlaments as to the inadequacy of the present situation are heard fre-quently, there is no sign of the greater zest and generosity in the en-


couragement of Jewish learning for which Salaman has called. Like-wise, although the matter is controversial, it is possible to detect adefinite current of dissatisfaction with the highly developed legalismthat dominates the rabbinate and the synagogue; but signs are want-ing of the translation of that dissatisfaction into an effort to find anew synthesis. It is always possible that some religious personality willemerge who will attract a considerable following among the dissatis-fied, but such possibilities cannot be foretold by rational means—rather they belie most prophecy in the realm of history. The drift toReform and Liberal synagogues may be expected to continue, butthere is no reason to expect that it will be of such a character as tobetoken the generation of new spiritual forces in the community.

As far as can be foretold Anglo-Jewry will not encounter any newproblems in its relations with the gentile world. The community willto a lesser extent than at present acknowledge the sovereignty of anysingle group. Numerically the Anglo-Jewish community will retain itsposition as the fourth largest organized Jewish community in the world;but there is no reason to expect that it will retain the importance ithad in days when numerically it was of little significance. That im-portance resulted from the capacity and willingness of the British gov-ernment to intervene with effect in behalf of Jews in other lands whosuffered from oppression or inequality. The circumstances of theworld do not render such intervention likely in the future. Anothercause of that importance was that Anglo-Jewry was led by men whosewealth and rank gave them influence with their government. The oldleadership has disintegrated, and there are no signs that its successorswill be particularly effective. The effort to link Anglo-Jewry with theState of Israel will remain strong in the immediate future, but thechain will not exert much pull if the anchorage crumbles at one end.

NOTES1. See The Jewish Year Book, London, 1956.2. The original London Jewish settlement was in the eastern part of the City,

and in this area were formed the Sephardic Congregation and the original threeAshkenazic synagogues: the Great in Duke's Place, the Hambro' in FenchurchStreet, and the New in Leadenhall Street, all clustered within a narrow area. Im-mediately outside the City's borders to the east, Jews were concentrated in twoadjacent localities—Houndsditch and Goodman's Fields. In both these two latterareas there were, from the end of the eighteenth century, small congregations ofPolish Jews.

The reason for settlement in the eastern part of the City may have been itsconvenience for the financial centers. It would then be natural for those who wanted


to engage in retail trade to otjen shops or stalls on the eastern fringe of the City,since, not being freemen, they could not do so within it. The eastern borders ofthe City had long been attractive to foreigners (e.g., the Huguenots), because theycontained a number of "liberties," or zones of immunity from various trade regula-tions and taxes; they also had been from the sixteenth century centers of the old-clothes trade, to which many Jews turned in the eighteenth century. By the middleof the eighteenth century Jews had also settled on the western borders of the City.From the early nineteenth century, however, the westward migration was swelled bythe wealthy, who no longer wished to live in the City; they acquired houses, in thefashionable streets and squares in the West End. All these parts lie on the northbank of the Thames. A small settlement in South London is traditionally said tohave originated in the eighteenth century in the minyan (prayer quorum) ofdebtors in the King's Bench prison.

The "City" is the historic City of London, of which the present English metropolisis the outgrowth. It has long ceased to be a residential area, and is the commercialand financial center of the country.

In the mid-nineteenth century the settlement on the eastern borders of theCity spread into Spitalfields and Whitechapel, and a new settlement was formedaround Stepney Green. The mass immigration of the 1880's brought a considerableJewish population to these areas.

3. In 1883 there were fourteen London and eighteen provincial congregationsrepresented on the Board of Deputies. In addition, there were three Reform con-gregations, one each in London, Manchester, and Bradford.

4. Reference may be made to Solomon Schechter's "Four Epistles to the Jewsof England," reprinted in his Studies in Judaism—Second Series, Philadelphia, 1908,p. 182 et seq.

5. The Paris Rothschilds appear to have ruled French Jewry in much the sameway. For comparisons with the position of Jacob H. Schiff in New York, as recalledby Morris D. Waldman, see Nor by Power, New York, 1953, p. 322 et seq.

6. Lionel de Rothschild's son Nathaniel, mentioned earlier, was the first Jewto sit in the House of Lords.

7. James Parkes, the well-known Christian student of Jewish life, has com-mented on the struggle in these terms:

While Jews, corporately and individually, were anxious at any moment to securesuch extensions of their lives and activities as circumstances might render possible,their eyes were naturally set all the time on the ultimate destination of full citi-zenship in the country of their birth or residence. To understand why this strug-gle took so long and was not crowned with final victory before the second halfof the nineteenth century in what was generally considered one of the mostliberal and progressive countries of the world, we have to study not the particularsituation of the Jews, but the general development of political thought in Eng-land. For the struggle for political emancipation was, almost wholly, the struggleover the form of oath to be administered to anyone occupying a position ofpower or importance in the country.The medieval conception of Christendom lasted long after the disappearance ofthe Middle Ages. The England of the Stuarts, the Commonwealth, and the Hano-verians still considered itself a Christian country. Moreover, only slowly was itaccepted that within the definition "Christian" more than the State Churchcould be intended. Those Protestants who accepted the doctrine of the Trinitywere included within the possibility of State toleration in 1689. But ProtestantUnitarians were accepted only in 1813 and Roman Catholics in 1832. Foreignerswho wished to become English citizens had to take the Sacrament of the Lord'sSupper from a minister of the Anglican Church as late as 1825. Any Englishmanwho sought public office, local or national, or any place of profit under the crownhad to take the Sacrament within three months of entering on his office up to1828, although before that certain reliefs had become customary for Protestant

60 AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOR

Dissenters. Even then the idea itself was not abandoned. For the Sacrament wassubstituted a declaration "on the faith of a Christian." And these are but someof the main restrictions in a whole mass of legislation designed to keep Englanda Christian and Protestant country. On the other side was the conception of thesecular State which had grown out of the doctrines of eighteenth-century philoso-phers, and which was more consonant with the ethos of the increasingly powerfulindustrial and middle class of nineteenth-century England, but which had tomeet the ingrained conservatism and fear of revolution which were as character-istic of those classes as was their determination to secure political advantage forthemselves.In this situation Jews had to walk warily. If they might find allies at almost anypoint in a fluctuating and evolving situation, they might likewise encounterenemies in the most unexpected places. In 1830 a Bill was first put before Parlia-ment for repealing the civil disabilities of the Jews. It was twenty-eight yearsbefore it was passed in such a form that Jews became eligible for the House ofCommons, and eight more years were to pass before a Jewish peer could take hisseat in the House of Lords. In this long struggle Archbishops and leading Church-men, Tory and Whig statesmen, lawyers and political philosophers appeared onboth sides of the contest, not according to their like or dislike of Jews, but ac-cording as to whether they sought to retain the old conception of a Christianpolity or whether they haa adopted the new political philosophy of the secularState, extending its toleration to all who would obey its laws and advance itsinterests.

A Minority in Britain, ed. Maurice Freedman, London, 1955, p. 39-40.8. One of the oddities created by the existence of a state church is that a Jew

may hold an advowson, or right to appoint the rector of a parish.9. As Cecil Roth wrote in Commentary (February 1954):

Though political emancipation was not yet thought of (and how could it be,with Nonconformists and Roman Catholics excluded from it?), what may betermed social emancipation prevailed from the outset. The Jews who settled inEngland in the middle of the 17th century onwards could live in whatever citythey pleased and in any part of the place of their choice; they could dress asthey pleased; they could with certain reservations engage in any calling theypleased; they were subjected to no galling special regulations or restrictions;they could employ Gentile servants and workmen; they did not have to take adegrading form of oath before the courts of law, or pay special taxation; and thosedisabilities from which they suffered were not directed against them but wereshared by all who were not members of the Church of England.To put it succinctly: the ghetto system (in its general rather than its literal sense:oppressive discrimination was possible even without a formally constituted Jewishquarter), which applied universally on the continent of Europe, except Hollandat this time, was unknown in England, as in the English dependencies generally,after the resettlement. Here is a fundamental difference between the record ofJews and of Jewish emancipation in the Anglo-Saxon countries and in other partsof the world: a difference which Continental historians failed to appreciate, andwhich makes the background of Jewish history in these lands wholly unlike, ina most significant fashion, that of Central and Eastern Europe. Neither in Eng-land nor in America was it a question of "Emancipation" in the Continentalsense—that is, of emergence from slavery to liberty—but rather, as in wider con-stitutional matters, of "freedom slowly broadening down from precedent toprecedent," perhaps, to be sure, with some kind of legislative encouragement.10. It is a matter for speculation what role imperialism played as a factor negating

social segregation. A distinguished place had to be reserved for visiting Indianpotentates practicing religions further removed from Christianity than Judaism;and the notion of England as the beneficent ruler of many nations and faiths didnot fit in with the idea of racial exclusiveness—at any rate at home.

11. The popular image of East End Jewish life that has come down shows devo-


tion to Orthodox Judaism and fervent support of Zionism. No doubt, this imagerises from a subconscious contrast with West End Jewry. Nevertheless, it is re-markable that the Yiddish-speaking secularism that undoubtedly held sway overa good proportion of the newcomers had so little impact on the future of EastEnd Jewry. The speedy decline of Yiddish may be attributed to the small numbersof those who spoke it, as well as the attractions of a strongly entrenched nativeculture. The native trade union and labor movement was growing in strength,and once the language barrier had been overcome there was little inclination tomaintain separate Jewish socialist groups. Moreover, the English labor movementhad a partly Christian background, and neither there nor anywhere else in Englishlife was antidericalism prevalent.

12. Chaim Weizmann lived in Manchester from 1904 to 1916. Of his experiencesas a propagandist for Zionism among the provincial Jewish communities he wrote:

A handful of devotees to the cause among the lower middle classes, indifferenceor hostility among the upper classes, whether of British, German or Russianorigin, but with the largest number of exceptions in the last. . . . The oldEnglish-Jewish families might just as well have belonged to another world.(Trial and Error, New York, 1949, p. 149.)

13. Almost simultaneously, a group of followers of Sampson Raphael Hirschwere consolidating the Adath Israel Synagogue with the object of establishing aset of communal institutions of a strictly Orthodox character and entirely inde-pendent of the main community.

14. Weizmann taught chemistry at Manchester University until 1916.15. Since 1939 the fall in the Jewish population of East London has been con-

siderable. At present (1956) it is about 30,000. The number of Jewish school chil-dren in 1951 was 3,000—about one-tenth of the number that attended during the1901-11 period.

16. The Central British Fund did not create its own fund-raising arm, but usedthe main machinery of the Keren Hayesod (Palestine Foundation Fund) in returnfor a guarantee of its annual income. The Keren Hayesod, which till then hadcollected a mere £30,000 per annum, was able to acquire the technique of large-scale fund raising.

17. The right conferred by Act of Parliament to certify synagogue secretaries forthe purposes of the civil registration of marriages. It is dealt with in greaterdetail on p. 31.

18. The samples taken were too small for the results to be regarded as givingprecise information.

19. See Noah K. Barou, The Jews in Work and Trade, London, 2nd edn., 1946.It will be noted that Barou's figures include females, less of whom would be self-employed, as well as males, and that his inquiry was made during the Second WorldWar, when many businesses were shut down.

20. The right vested in the president of the board to certify synagogue secre-taries as civil registrars of marriages has already been referred to. In addition, heappoints two rabbis, representing the provinces, to the rabbinical commission forlicensing shochetim established under the Slaughter of Animals Act of 1933. Theboard is also entitled to be consulted in connection with the establishment of atribunal under the Shops (Sunday Trading Reduction) Act of 1956. The functionof this tribunal is to inquire whether individual shopkeepers have a conscientiousobjection on religious grounds to carrying on business on the Jewish Sabbath thatwould entitle them to open on Sundays.

21. Thus, the Jewish committee for Her Majesty's Forces under the aegis of theUnited Synagogue deals with the service in chaplaincy matters, and various Jewishbodies concerned with education deal with the ministry of education direct. Dur-


ing the Second World War, the ministry of food appointed Sir Robert WaleyCohen as its honorary adviser on kosher food.

22. Together, these three bodies form the Consultative Council of Jewish Organi-zations, which is recognized by the United Nations.

23. David Tevele Schiff belonged to the same family from which Jacob HenrySchiff was descended.

24. Evidently British Jews in the eighteenth century did not show the zeal forenlightenment on the intricacies of talmudic law that their chief rabbis wouldhave wished. When David Tevele Schiff was asked why he was leaving London,he replied: "Because that is the first question anyone has asked me."

25. At one time, the chief rabbi attempted to use his power undeT the Boardof Deputies constitution to discourage secessions from existing congregations. Hisright to demand the acknowledgment of his authority as the price of assisting acongregation to obtain facilities to register its own marriages has been challengedby the ultra-Orthodox, who object on grounds of religious principle. By and large,the propriety of accepting the authority of the chief rabbi is taken for granted,and any congregation that does not denominate itself Liberal or Reform usuallyfollows the procedure mentioned in the text without question. It should be em-phasized that until a congregation desires to have facilities to register its ownmarriages, or to send a delegate to the Board of Deputies, the question of formallysubmitting to the chief rabbi's jurisdiction need not arise.

26. The practice is for a detailed questionnaire to be completed by the intendedparties to a marriage, and on the basis of the answers the chief rabbi's secretaryforwards to the synagogue his authorization for the marriage to be solemnized.

27. In England burial arrangements for Jews are made for the most part bysynagogues and occasionally by ad hoc burial societies. They are never a matter forprivate enterprise.

28. The following details of a constituent synagogue with over 1,000 memberslocated in a thriving suburb of London may be of interest. Membership contribu-tions yield £9,500 (§26,600) and offerings £700 ($1,960). The minister receives£1.300 ($3,640), the cantor £1,000 ($2,800) (each with a free residence), and thesecretary £700 ($1,960). Out of the surplus, £620 ($1,736) is made over to assistedsynagogues. Another constituent of the United Synagogue has as much as £2300(57,000) deducted for this purpose.

29. A synagogue may find its request for an additional chorister disallowed, be-cause such a concession might stimulate a similar request from another synagogueten miles away.

30. In Leeds there is a United Hebrew Congregation with four constituents, butthere are eleven other synagogues in the town.

31. Table 1 (p. 63) is a summary of religious trends, expressed in percentages.32. In the Union of South Africa, where the institutional fabric of Orthodoxy is

maintained fully, the degree of personal observance is less than in England.33. By way of comparison, mention may be made of the Central Board for

Hebrew Education of the Jewish community of Manchester. It is responsible for2,500 pupils, and its annual expenditure is £13,300 ($37,240).

34. The term Yeshiva is here used in the older sense of an academy for the studyof the Talmud and codes along strictly Orthodox lines.

35. Dealing with "Anglo-Jewish sacred literature" in The Jewish ChronicleTercentenary Supplement (January 27, 1956) a writer observed:

In surveying the content of the literature, one is struck by the all but completeneglect of the perennial need to assess the significance of Jewish values in theface of the contemporary world, and conversely by the fact that the challengeof modern knowledge and non-Jewish theology to the basic ideas of Judaism,so far from having been faced and converted into a dialogue, has been virtually

THREE CENTURIES OF JEWISH LIFE IN ENGLAND, 1656-1956

TABLE 1

SURVEY OF RELIGIOUS HABITS OF JEWISH STUDENTS •

63

PARENTS (ReligiousOutlook)

FathersMothers

STUDENTS (ReligiousViews)

MenWomen

STUDENTS (ReligiousObservance)

MenWomen

VeryOrthodox

if Orthodox

2019

1213

1112

ModeratelyOrthodoxhModerate

5257

3939

3940

ReformIT

Liberal

1211

1313

811

Others

1613

3635

4237

Total

100%100%

100%100%

100%100%

a Based on a study by Raymond V. Baron in The Jewish Chronicle of London, February23, 1951.

ignored. There are, of course, notable exceptions; but in general our readingcommunity, as reflected in the literature for which it demands ever fresh edi-tions, has preferred to compound for Biblical study by lipservice to authoritarian-ism, and has substituted antiquarianism for a genuine historical consciousness.The reason is all too plain—a decline in Jewish educational standards and theknowledge of Hebrew, combined with a sentimentalism that leads us to handlegingerly traditional values for the serious appraisal of which we are too lazy toprepare ourselves competently.36. Boards of Guardians had been set up by Parliament in 1834 to dispense relief

in each locality, and the term was taken over to describe purely voluntary Jewishbodies.

37. Xo attempt has been made to list the names of Jews who have becomeprominent in various walks of British life. There is a wealth of literature on thissubject, which has also been dealt with in The Jewish Chronicle TercentenarySupplement cited in footnote 35.

38. Although the tercentenary gave rise to a considerable quantity of journalism—the most notable expression in this field being the special tercentenary supple-ment cited above—and a group of historians (for the most part amateurs) gave acreditable series of lectures under the auspices of the Jewish Historical Society, ithas not inspired any literary memorial of a permanent character.

39. Whither Lucien Wolf's Anglo-Jewish Community?, Reddiffe Salaman, p. 24.40. Freedman, op. cit., p. 105, et seq.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

The standard historical work to be consulted is Cecil Roth's History of the Jewsin England, Oxford, 2nd edn., 1949. Specialized aspects are dealt with in the sameauthor's History of the Great Synagogue, 1950, and in The Sephardim of England,by Albert M. Hyamson, 1951. V. D. Lipman's Social History of the Jews in England,1850-1950, London, contains within a small compass a great deal of valuable informa-tion. A Minority in Britain, edited by Maurice Freedman, London, 1954, thoughuneven, also contains useful data.

Socio-Economic Data

JEWISH POPULATION IN THEUNITED STATES, 1956

1956 revisions of previous community estimates of their Jewish populationsbrought the current estimate for the United States to approximately 5,200,-000. Major community revisions upward were recorded for Los Angeles,Calif., Miami, Fla., Newark, N. J., and Washington, D. C. The Washingtonrevision was obtained as a result of the first sample population study everconducted in that community. Together with these revisions, more inclusivedata were developed for communities with estimated Jewish populations ofless than 100.

Method of OperationThe individual community estimates listed in Table 1 of the Appendix to

this article were secured in the following manner: 1. 114 members of theCouncil of Jewish Federations and Welfare Funds (CJFWF) responded to aspecial inquiry directed to them. 2. Estimates from the files of the NationalUnited Jewish Appeal were utilized for CJFWF members not responding to1, and for non-CJFWF member communities. 3. A questionnaire was sent tocommunities in the New York suburban areas (Westchester, Nassau, Suffolk,and Bergen counties).1 4. For lack of new data, the estimate for New YorkCity obtained in 1955 was used (for a description of the basis for this esti-mate, see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 120 and f.). 5. Theestimate for Washington, D. C, was derived from the preliminary results of astudy to be published some time in 1957.

Reliability of Community EstimatesThe individual community estimates carried in Table 1 of the Appendix

vary in the degree of confidence which can be placed upon them. Most ac-curate would be those estimates based upon population studies using a sam-ple or census enumeration. Even in these cases, the period when the originalstudy was conducted and the method adopted to project the original estimateforward in time differ from community to community. In those areas wherein-migration is extensive, this question is particularly pointed. For example,Los Angeles, which conducted a study in 1950, has raised its population es-timate steadily since then, the latest figure of 400,000 being carried in this

1 Replies were in terms of households; these were converted by the author to a count ofindividuals by using 3.5 as the average size of household. For a discussion of this procedure,see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 (Vol. 57), p. 120.

65


issue. However, this estimate was qualified as "based upon a pencil andpaper" method—the community hopes to conduct field tests in the near fu-ture to more accurately establish the current figures.

When we leave those communities whose estimates were based upon actualenumerations—sample or complete—we come to a wide variety of methods.Some communities use "short-cut" methods in an endeavor to approximateresults obtainable from field studies. Chicago and Detroit both conductedstudies of their Jewish populations based upon the "death-records" tech-nique. Other communities, such as St. Louis and Philadelphia, utilized theYom Kippur method.2 Some smaller communities endeavor to maintain aperpetual inventory of households, some even an inventory of individuals.Then there remains a sizable group of communities which relies on "tradi-tion," "informed opinion," etc. This latter group undoubtedly offers thegreatest opportunity for uninformed population estimates.

These comments are made not to detract from the very real value of suchcomparable listings, but to guard the casual user from assuming that thesedata are as accurate as the census figures used for the total population of theUnited States. Even more important, the reader must be careful not to takeany individual community estimate for one year and compare it uncriticallywith the estimate for the following year. Greater Washington, D. C, is anexcellent point in question. Volume 56 of the AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOKcarried that community's estimate of its Jewish population as 60,000. Basedupon a study conducted in 1956, this estimate has been revised upwards to89,000. It is extremely unlikely that this area saw an increase of almost 50 percent in its Jewish population within the space of one year. Instead, this in-crease is attributable to the refinement in the technique of estimation.

Despite the inherent limitations of the data (e.g., varying bases of estima-tion, different levels of objectives and technical skill in conducting studies,differing dates of surveys), these figures do provide the basis, however crude,for developing a national estimate of the Jewish population in the UnitedStates, the geographical dispersion of this population, and, with a lesser de-gree of accuracy perhaps, a comparison of community size.

Recent SurveysArticles in Volumes 51 (1950), 52 (1951), and 54 (1953) of the AMERICAN

JEWISH YEAR BOOK presented demographic details of various Jewish commu-nities based on studies conducted mainly in the 1930's and 1940's. Since theappearance of Volume 54 new demographic studies have been conducted inNew Orleans (1953), Pittsburgh (1953), Lynn, Mass. (1955), Des Moines, Iowa(1956), Canton, Ohio (1956), and Washington, D. C. (1956). The majordemographic characteristics of New Orleans, Pittsburgh, and Lynn are de-scribed below; Des Moines, Canton, and Washington will be reported upon

general ratio between deaths and population. The Yom Kippur technique estimates the numberof Jewish school children in the community studied by referring to the number of children absentfrom school on Yom Kippur, and assuming them to be Jewish. The total Jewish population isthen computed by using the known ratio between all children in the school age bracket and thegeneral population, and assuming the same ratio to exist between the Jewish school age populationand the Jewish population.

JEWISH POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES, 1956 67

in the AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1958 (vol. 59). There have been otherstudies; their scope of investigation was more limited, and in some cases themethod employed was less reliable than that employed by the communitiesdescribed in this issue.

Table 1 below gives the age distributions of the Jewish populations ofNew Orleans, Pittsburgh, and Lynn.

TABLE 1

ACE DISTRIBUTION, NEW ORLEANS, PITTSBURGH, LYNN,1953, 1955

AgeGroup

0-45-9

10-14 . , .15-19 , .20-24 ..

25-29 ,.30-3435-3940-4445-49

50-5455-5960-6465-6970-74

75+Ageunknown

T O T A L . .

New Orleans—1953 *

Male

5.13.72.51.72.4

2.83.43.33.73.7

3.83.12.42.11.7

1.4

1.8

48.6

Female

3.74.02.42.52.2

3.43.43.73.93.7

3.72-72.62.62.0

2.9

2.0

51.4

Total

8.87.74.94.24.6

6.26.87.07.67.4

7.55.85.04.73.7

4.3

3.8

100.0

Pittsburgh—1953

Male

4.83.93.32.83.2

6.7

7.5

8.1

\ 4.8

3.8

0.8

49.6

Female

3.73.73.82.32.8

8.0

8.6

7.5

4.6

3.9

1.4

50.4

Total

8.57.67.15.16.0

14.7

16.1

15.6

9.4

7.8

2.1

100.0

Lynn-1955

Male

5.05.54.73.01.9

2.33.14.25.04.1

3.12.22.11.81.0

0.8

0.4

50.3

Female

4.85.14.42.42.1

3.24.04.64.73.9

2.72.21.81.60.9

0.8

0.4

49.7

Total

9.810.69.15.54.0

5.67.18.99.68.0

5.84.43.93.51.9

1.5

0.7

100.0

• New Orleans age groups are, on the average, six months older than those listed here. Forconvenience, the age groupings shown here will be used for New Orleans throughout the article.

The previous studies conducted in the late Forties showed three commoncharacteristics: 1. small numbers in the teen-age groups; 2. an increase in theproportion of population for the youngest age groups; and 3. a relativelylarger proportion of the Jewish population in the older age groups whencompared with the general white population. The studies now availableshow the same patterns. In the 1953 studies (New Orleans and Pittsburgh)the age deficient group, or "hollow class," the age group with a markedlysmaller proportion of the total population than the age groups preceding andsucceeding it, was that of the 15-19-year-olds. Lynn, which conducted its studyin 1955, had its "hollow class" in the age group 20-24. The genesis of thesesmaller age groups lies in the early years of the Depression and the resultant


sharp drop in the birth rate. Although this factor affected all groups, theJewish population seems to have suffered more severely than the rest. Boththe New Orleans and Pittsburgh studies, which made comparisons with theirgeneral community's 1950 age distributions (taken from the United StatesCensus Bureau data on white population), point this up.

The "baby boom" of the postwar period shows up clearly in the largerproportions reported for the age group 0-4 years in New Orleans and Pitts-burgh. Lynn, whose study was conducted two years later (1955), showed thelargest concentration in the age group 5-9. It will be instructive to reviewthe results of the three studies conducted in 1956 when these become availa-ble. If these repeat the Lynn experience, we may hypothesize that the highpoint in the Jewish birth rate for this period has been reached and passed.

The last point, that of the ageing population, is still valid insofar as thelast group of studies is concerned. This does not always mean that thereare proportionately more Jews over 64 than in the general white population,but rather that the average age for Jews is higher.

MEDIAN AGE

The median ages of the three communities studied follow in Table 2.

TABLE 2MEDIAN AGE, NEW ORLEANS, PITTSBURGH, GREATER LYNN,

1953, 1955

Sex

MaleFemale

TOTAL

New Orleans—1953

38.941.5

39.8

Pittsburgh-1953

34.635.2

34.9

Lynn-1955

33.232.7

32.9

The comparative median ages in 1950 for the general white population ofNew Orleans and Pittsburgh were, respectively, 31.3 and 32.9 years. Themedian age for the Lynn general white population in 1950 excluding thesuburban towns which together with Lynn proper constitute the GreaterLynn Jewish community, was 33.5 (the comparable figure for the Jewishpopulation in Lynn proper for 1955 was 38.5).

TABLE 3MEDIAN AGES, JEWISH COJUMUNITIES SURVEYED,

1947, 1948, 1949, 1950

MedianCity Year Age

Newark: (City) 1948 32.4(Suburbs)... 28.4

Miami 1949 36.3Atlanta 1947 34.1Portland, Ore 1947 35.4Camden 1948 33.5Indianapolis 1948 33.7Tucson 1948 35.5Utica 1948 34.0

City YearCharleston, S. C 1948Trenton 1949Nashville 1949Gary 1949Salt Lake City 1949Passaic 1949Port Chester 1950Los Angeles 1950

MedianAge29.732.434.630.833.935.936.036.6


That the median ages in these communities as a group were not lowerthan those found in the other Jewish communities may be judged by themedians indicated in Table 3.

HOUSEHOLD SIZE

The average household size for two of the three communities surveyed inthis article seemed to be somewhat larger than most of the previous surveysundertaken in 1940 through 1950. For New Orleans, the average size was 2.84;for Pittsburgh, 3.23; and for Lynn, 3.30. Table 4 compares these findingsconcerning household size with those secured in earlier community surveys.

TABLE 4

HOUSEHOLD SIZE, COMMUNITIES STUDIED,1940, 1942, 1944, 1945, 1948, 1949, 1950

Date of Date ofCity Study Size City Study Size

Jacksonville 1945 3.50 Passaic 1949 3.04Grand Rapids 1944 3.43 Port Chester 1950 3.04Indianapolis 1948 3.13 Elmira 1949 3.01Camden 1948 3.10 Los Angeles 1950 3.00Nashville 1949 3.08 Toledo 1944 2.98Trenton 1949 3.08 Utica 1948 2.98Gary 1949 3.10 Tucson 1948 2.70Erie 1940 3.07 Miami 1949 2.63Worcester 1942 3.05 Salt Lake City 1949 2.62

Both community size and geographical location influence the average sizeof Jewish household, in addition to factors related to the time of the survey.By and large, the bigger communities attract the younger unattached individ-uals from the smaller communities. Certain of the communities which serveas a Mecca for older individuals also have smaller average household sizes.Note in the above data the low figures for Miami and Tucson, as well as thesize for New Orleans.

MARITAL STATUS

The data on marital status reveal that most of the Jewish population fromthe ages of 15 and over (14 and over for Lynn) in the three communitiesunder discussion is married. More males than females are reported single, re-flecting mainly the fact that females marry earlier in life. Widows outnum-bered widowers (at the time of the surveys) by ratios of from three to one tosix to one. Although there may be an understatement in this area, the dataon divorces and separations indicate that this category is somewhat smallerfor the Jewish population than for the general population.

Data on marital status are particularly affected by age distribution. TheNew Orleans study compared the Jewish marital status with that for thegeneral white population three years earlier, and found that there was aslightly lower Jewish proportion of single persons (21.8 per cent) than in thegeneral white population (22.5). A comparison by five-year age groups, how-ever, revealed that for the age group 30-34 and for each age group under it,


TABLE 5

MARITAL STATUS, NEW ORLEANS, PITTSBURGH, LYNN

Community and Sex

New Orleans—Total(15 years &

over)

Pittsburgh(15 years &

over)

Lynn(14 years &

over)

MaleFemale

—TotalMaleFemale . . . .

—TotalMaleFemale

Single

21.824.119.8

21.125.317.0

18.621.216.0

Married

62.668.157.6

69.070.268.1

74.474.774.1

DivorcedSeparated

2.42.32.5

1.00.31.5

0.50.40.7

Widowed

11.32.9

18.7

8.74.1

13.0

5.52.58.4

StatusUnknown

1.92.51.4

0.20.10.4

1.01.10.8

there were proportionately more single Jews than were found among the gen-eral white population. This bears out the assertion that Jews marry laterin life.

LABOR FORCE

The data shown in Table 6 on Jewish labor force statistics are not at vari-ance with the figures shown in earlier studies. Reflecting current conditions,there are very few unemployed, and the number of males employed far out-strips the proportion of females so classified. The proportion of males in thelabor force did not vary greatly in the three communities under discussion:

TABLE 6LABOR FORCE, NEW ORLEANS, PITTSBURGH, LYNN

In Labor ForceEmployedUnemployed . . . .

Not in Labor ForceRetiredHousewifeStudentIn Military

Service

No Answer

TOTAL

1953New Orleans(17 ir Over)

Male

82.379.62.7

13.57.0

5.6

0.9

4.2

100.0

Fe-male

29.226.32.9

68.43.6

59.55.3

2.4

100.0

Total

54.351.52.8

42.55.2

31.4

5.4

0.5

3.2

100.0

1953Pittsburgh(14 ir Over)

Male

77.276.0

1.2

21.36.4

13.1

1.8

1.5

100.0

Fe-male

21.420.2

1.2

75.82.9

65.07.9

2.8

100.0

Total

48.547.3

12

49.34.6

33.410.4

0.9

2.2

100.0

1955Lynn

(14 ir Over)

Male

78.176.8

1.3

16.15.6

8.9

1.6

5.8

100.0

Fe-male

14.413.80.6

80.13.5

69.57.1

5.4

100.0

Total

45.544.6

0.9

48.94.5

35.68.0

0.8

5.6

100.0

JEWISH POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES, 1956 71the range was from 77.2 per cent to 82.3 per cent. There was a wider differ-ence among the females in the labor force: here the range was from 14.4 percent to 29.2 per cent. The lowest figure was for Lynn, and was the result ofthe age distribution and the character of the in-migration. Lynn was the ob-ject of fairly heavy in-migration from surrounding areas of households withyounger children. The heads of households were the only wage earners in al-most all cases and the children were not yet at the age where they wouldenter the labor market.

OCCUPATIONAL CLASSIFICATION

Information on occupational classifications was available only for New Or-leans and Pittsburgh. These two communities are of particular interest asone (New Orleans) is a relatively small community (9,200 Jewish population),and the other (Pittsburgh) is representative of the larger Jewish communities(47,000). Earlier studies had indicated that the larger the Jewish community,the closer it came to the general proportions of occupational patterns. Thetwo studies here reviewed bear this out. New Orleans has a larger proportionthan Pittsburgh in the professional and technical occupations, in managers,officials, and proprietors, while the reverse is true for the occupational classi-fications of clericals and sales workers, skilled craftsmen, semi-skilled workers,service, and laborers. Despite this trend, it is obvious that the occupationalclassifications of the Jewish populations are heavily skewed towards the pro-fessional, managerial, and entrepreneural categories.

TABLE 7OCCUPATIONAL CLASSIFICATIONS, NEW ORLEANS, PITTSBURGH

Occupational Classifications

Professional and Technica l . . . .Managers, Officials, ProprietorsClericalSales WorkersCraftsmen (skilled)Production (semi-skilled)

Protective ServiceOther ServiceLaborersMiscellaneousNo Answer

TOTAL

1953New Orleans(17 ir Over)

Male

23.546.0

| 22.0

2.71.3

0.32.00.61.00.6

100.0

Female

14.525.1

53.4

1.01.7

3.3

1.0

100.0

Total

21.140.4

30.5

2.31.4

0.22.40.51.00.2

100.0

1953Pittsburgh(17 ir Over)

Male

14.340.12.3

31.23.80.4

} 4.23.7

Classifi

100.0

Female

17.711.921.840.7

3.21.5

3.2

nation Nc

Total

15.033.96.5

33.23.70.6

4.0

2.9n Used

100.0 100.0

INDUSTRIAL CLASSIFICATION

Jus t as the occupational classifications revealed sharp concentrations incertain categories, so did the industr ial groups. T h e largest concentration of


the Jewish labor force is in wholesale and retail trade—approximately one-half in New Orleans and Pittsburgh. The next largest concentration was inprofessional and personal services, where Jews constituted more than one-sixth of both New Orleans' and Pittsburgh's labor force. The remaining in-dustrial groupings had in each case less than 10 per cent of the respectivelabor forces in both communities. (For the details, see Table 8.)

TABLE 8

INDUSTRIAL CLASSIFICATIONS, NEW ORLEANS, PITTSBURGH

Industrial Grouping

AgricultureConstructionManufacturingTransportationTrade: Wholesale

RetailFinance, Real EstateBusiness and Repair Services..Services: Personal

ProfessionalRecreationGovernmentNot Specified

TOTAL

1953New Orleans(17 if Over)

Male

0.32.88.42.2

51.7

8.72.6

18.3

1.33.60.1

100.0

Female

0.74.63.6

47.4

13.04.6

14.5

1.49.90.3

100.0

Total

0.22.27.42.6

50.5

9.93.1

17.3

1.35.30.2

100.0

1953Pittsburgh(14 & Over)

Male Female Total

1.711.92.2

33.85.65.07.6832.03.23.1

100.0

6.4525.2

38.17.0124.4

11.32.0

12.56.7

100.0

1.310.72.9

13.234.75.94.16.99.22.05.23.9

100.0

NATTVrTY AND COUNTRY OF ORIGIN

The relative importance of the foreign-born in Jewish population con-tinues to decline. Of eleven studies conducted from 1938 to 1950 the per centof native-born ranged from 56.3 per cent (San Francisco—1938) to 76.0 percent (Charleston, S. C—1948), with seven of the eleven being under 70.0 percent. As we see from Table 9, the current studies show a larger proportion ofnative-born.

TABLE 9

NATIVITY, NEW ORLEANS, PITTSBURGH

Native-BornForeign-Born

TOTAL

New

Male

82.417.6

100.0

Orleans—1953

Female

83.716.3

100.0

Total

83.116.9

100.0

Pittsburgh—1953

Male

75.524.5

100.0

Female

74.225.8

100.0

Total

74.925.1

100.0

JEWISH POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES, 1956 73In 1938 Pittsburgh, which was one of the eleven communities referred to

above, reported that its proportion of native-born was 61.8 per cent. Withina space of fifteen years the native-born had increased 13 percentage points.

Table 10 gives the country of origin for the foreign-born reported in theNew Orleans and Pittsburgh studies. As was to be expected from the pre-vious studies, the bulk of the foreign-born come from Russia and other EastEuropean countries.

TABLE 10COUNTRY OF ORIGIN OF FOREIGN-BORN, NEW ORLEANS, PITTSBURGH

Country

AustriaGermanyLithuaniaPolandRumania . . .Russia

Great BritainBelgiumFranceHungaryOtherCountry Unknown

TOTAL . . .

New Orleans—1953

Male

2.712.11.8

26.38.9

35.3

0.90.42.7

8.9

100.0

Female

2.716.83.2

20.09.1

34.1

2.7

32

8.2

100.0

Total

2.714.42.5

23.29.0

34.9

1.80.22.9

8.6

100.0

Pittsburgh—1953

Male

5.17.59.8

13.08.6

36.3

5.911.02.8

100.0

Female

A3.4.78.7

15.09.4

42.9

5.87.41.8

100.0

Total

4.66.09.2

14.09.0

39.8

5.89.12.3

100.0

EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT

The general educational attainments of the Jewish population, reported inprevious studies as being considerably higher than the average white attain-ments, are demonstrably so again in the two recent studies for which suchdata were available. The level of education has been found to have a strongcorrelation with income levels. The vocational statistics and these educa-tional attainment data are, as expected, quite consistent with each other.

Fertility Ratios

Since the end of World War II the United States Census Bureau has beenreporting record highs in the number of births throughout the United States.This trend has also been in evidence in the Jewish communities. It has beenparticularly "visible" in the suburban areas to which large numbers of Jewshave been moving. Various studies made of these suburban areas reveal acommon pattern: the head of household in his thirties or early forties; few,if any, adults other than husband or wife in household; and one, two, orthree children present.

On the basis of these data, conclusions have been drawn concerning a risein the Jewish birth rate, and its consequence for a growth in the total Jewish


TABLE 11

YEARS OF SCHOOL COMPLETED FOR THOSE AGED 25 AND OVER,NEW ORLEANS, PITTSBURGH

Years of SchoolCompleted

No SchoolingElementary: 1-7

8High School: 1-3

4College: 1-3

4PostgraduateNot Reported

TOTAL

New Orleans-1953

Male

0.96.27.36.8

25.915.214.815.87.1

100.0

Female

1.76.38.4

10.136.417.211.93.74.4

100.0

Total

1.36.37.98.5

31.416.213.39.45.7

100.0

Pittsburgh—1953

Male

6.17.59.48.6

25.012.815.29.75.8

100.0

Female

9.69.27.4

10.135.411.58.52.75.6

100.0

Total

7.98.48.49.4

30.412.111.76.05.7

100.0

Total WhitePopulation1950 Census

2.221.321.117.321.47.6

} "2.7

100.0

population. The author of this article feels that there is insufficient data athand to accept this hypothesis readily. The increase in births has been duepartially to an acceleration in marriages. Tha t is to say, on the average, Jewshave been marrying at an earlier age, the result being that mothers havebeen having their first children at an earlier age. This offers the possibilitythat a larger average number of children will be born; however, it has notyet been significantly demonstrated—for the Jewish population at least—thatthis is inevitable. The very "visibility" of suburban developments has tendedto obscure the characteristics of the "core" community that remains in theoriginal urban center of concentration.

In this connection, the study of the Greater Lynn Jewish community wasof particular interest, because this study covered two disparate areas of con-centration: an "old" settlement, and two "new" suburban-type settlements.The over-all average household size was 3.3 for Greater Lynn. This wassomewhat higher than the findings in the bulk of the studies conducted inthe Forties, where average size tended to group around a figure of 3.1. Par-ticularly interesting were the findings in the two "new" sections of GreaterLynn—Marblehead and Swampscott. In the absence of data on the totalnumber of children ever born to the mother, an approximation was at-tempted by distributing households by age of head of household and byaverage size. The figures follow in Table 12.

TABLE 12

AVERAGE SIZE OF HOUSEHOLD BY SELECTED AGE GROUPS OFHEAD OF HOUSEHOLD, LYNN

A Q. Average Household Size

Head Marblehead Swampscott

30-34 3.9 4.135-39 4.1 4.240-44 4.2 4.145-49 4.2 3.9


The households whose heads were in the age group 45-49 may be assumedto represent "completed" families. It is of interest that the average size ofhouseholds whose heads are in the younger age groupings are either equal to,or slightly higher than, the average size of these "completed" families. Theunanswered question remains: Have the younger families completed theirfamilies but at an earlier age, or will they have more children? If the familysize of the oldest group shown is approximately equivalent to its householdsize, there is still no basis for expecting a natural increase in the Jewishpopulation over the long run, unless the younger families significantly in-crease in size over those shown.

In the absence of statistics on the total number of children born to themother, by the age of the mother, a measure of fertility called the fertilityratio has been developed. This fertility ratio represents the number of chil-dren under five for every 1,000 women aged 20 through 44.

Previous issues of the AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK have carried fertilityratios of sixteen Jewish communities studied during the 1940's. Of these,nine had ratios under 400, five between 400 and 500, and two over 500. Thefertility ratios for New Orleans, Pittsburgh, and Lynn are indicated inTable 13.

TABLE 13

FERTILITY RATIOS, NEW ORLEANS, PITTSBURGH, LYNN

Urban WhiteJewish (1950)

New Orleans 496.5 (1953) 447.6Pittsburgh 437.7 (1953) 454.8Lynn 527.9 (1955) NA*

• NA—Not available.

The over-all census figure for the 1950 white urban population was 493.3.Since the census figure was based upon data secured three to five years ear-lier than the studies listed in Table 13, it is quite likely that the Jewish fer-tility ratios (although higher than most reported in the past) are still lowerthan those for the general urban white population.

Jewish Education

Previous studies varied widely in the scope of the data obtained on Jewisheducation. However, four studies which provided information indicated thatsomewhere between one-fourth to one-third of the children of Jewish schoolage (at the time of the survey) had not received a Jewish education. In oneof the four studies, Utica, the dominant form was the weekday school; in theother three studies, Camden, Jacksonville, and Trenton, the weekday andSunday school were about equally popular.

The Lynn study reported that about 60 per cent of children in theage group 5-12 were currently enrolled (1955). Another 17 per cent were re-ported as planning to enroll in the future. In New Orleans, the proportionof children in the age group 6-15 who were receiving Jewish education at thetime of the study was around 60 per cent of the total age group; inclusion of


those in the age group who had received Jewish education in the past, butwere not attending at the time of the study, raised the proportion to 94 percent. Table 14 below, which gives the types of school used, reveals the widedifferences between the two communities.

TABLE 14

CURRENT JEWISH EDUCATION, NEW ORLEANS, LYNN

(At Time of Study)

1953 1955New Orleans a Lynn

Type of School (6-15 Years) (6-12 Years)

Sunday School 79.2 12.0Weekday Hebrew School 20.0 79.2Yiddish School — 4.4Other 0.8 4.4

TOTAL SCHOOL ATTENDANCE 100.0 100.0

* These data reflect school attendance rather than individualchildren, as there was overlapping between types of school.

State Estimates

The state estimates in Table 2 of the Appendix form the basis for thetotal United States estimate of 5,197,000.

The community data in Table 1 of the Appendix were subjected to thefollowing procedure before they were totaled to arrive at state totals: 1. Du-plications (when a smaller subdivision was also included in a larger) weresubtracted; 2. Population estimates for known communities with under 100Jews were added; 3. Estimates for Jews in communities of under 100 Jewishpopulation where the exact number was not known were added (generallytwice the number of the known); 4. When a Jewish community's geographicalarea covered more than one state, its population was distributed among thestates concerned.

The Jewish population of the United States in 1956 was 3.1 per cent ofthe total United States population estimated by the United States CensusBureau for July 1, 1955. All but eight of the states and the District of Co-lumbia were below this average figure. The highest concentration of Jewsremained New York State, where 14.95 per cent of the state population wasJewish.

ALVIN CHENKIN


APPENDIX

TABLE 1

COMMUNITIES WITH JEWISH POPULATIONS OF 100 OR MORE (ESTIMATED)

State and CityALABAMA

AnnistonBessemer . .Birmingham .DothanGadsdenHuntsville .JasperMobileMontgomerySelmaTuscaloosa .

ARIZONAPhoenixTucson .

JewishPopulation

140126

3,800140196100125

1,7501,500

297240

State and CityJewish

Population

ARKANSASBlytheville .Ft Smith . .HelenaHot SpringsLittle RockPine Bluff .Southeast

Arkansas .

CALIFORNIAAlameda and Con-

tra Costa Coun-ties •

BakersfieldElsinoreFontanaFresnoLancasterLong BeachLos Angeles Metro-

politan Area . . .ModestoOakland"Ontario-Pomona . .Palm Springs. . . .PasadenaPetalumaRiversideSacramentoSalinasSan Bernardino..San Diego

• San Francisco... .San JoseSan PedroSanta AnaSanta Barbara . . .Santa CruzSanta Maria c . . . .Santa Monica. . . .Santa RosaStocktonTulare d

VallejoVentura County..

COLORADOColorado Springs.DenverGreeleyPueblo

6,0005,000

100259204525

1,000275

170

16,0001,085

450140

1,500100

7,000

400,000267

12,000600500

1,800600224

4,500300

1,1947,000

51,0002,500

500400400140147

8,000160

1,955146400400

40018,000

101375

CONNECTICUTAnsoniaBridgeportBristolColchesterDanburyDanielsonDerby-Shelton. . . .GreenwichHartfordLebanonLower Middlesex

CountyManchesterMeridenMiddletownMilfordMoodusNew BritainNew CanaanNew HavenNew LondonNewtownNorwalkNorwichPutnamRockvilleStamfordTorringtonWallingfordWaterburyWestportWillimanticWinstedWoodmont

DELAWAREWilmington

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIAGreater Washing-

ton •

FLORIDAClearwaterDaytona Beach. . .Ft. Lauderdale...GainesvilleHollywoodJacksonvilleKey WestLakelandMiamiOrlandoPalm Beach CountyPensacolaSarasotaSt. Augustine.. . .St. Petersburg...TallahasseeTampa

GEORGIAAlbanyAtlantaAugustaBrunswickColumbusDaltonMacon

70014,000

250600

1,500120340

1,05026,000

140

150700

1,2001,000

800262

3,000110

20,0003,000

2634,0002,200

120415

6,000360300

5,000260425137250

6,500

60,000

175700560148

2,5004,800

120375

75,0001,0002,300

800750205

2,300140

3,000

40012,000

800108

1,000102800

State and CitySavannah . .Valdosta . . .

JewishPopulation

3,150240

IDAHOBoise

ILLINOISAuroraBloomington . . . .ChampaignChicago Heights..Chicago Metropoli-

tan AreaDanvilleDecaturEast St. Louis

(incl. in So. IU.)ElginGalesburgHarvey-

Blue IslandJolietKankakeeMattoonPark ForestPeqriaQuincyRock IslandRockfordSouthern Illinois.SpringfieldWaukegan

INDIANAAndersonEast ChicagoElkhartEvansvilleFt. WayneGaryHammondIndiana Harbor. .Indianapolis . . . .LafayetteMarionMichigan City . . . .MuncieRichmondShelbyvilleSouth BendTerre HauteVincennesWhiting

IOWACedar Rapids . . . .Council Bluffs . . .DavenportDes MoinesDubuqueFort DodgeMarshalltown . . . .Mason CityMuscatineOttumwaSioux CityWaterloo

KANSASLeavenworth . . . .TopekaWichita

120

400150410400

282,000258343

480158

155653270125

1,4001,850

1752,000

8503,0001,2501,000

100400150

1,4501,2003,0001,200

6008,000

425156320225108150

2,500875114225

420450850

3,500308116222210122215

2,235450

115200

1,100


COMMUNITIES WITH JEWISH

JewishState and City PopulationKENTUCKY

AshlandHarlan ZoneHendersonHopkinsville . . . .LexingtonLouisvilleOwensboroPaducah

TABLE 1 (Cont.)

POPULATIONS OF 100 OR MORE (ESTIMATED) (Continued)

LOUISIANAAlexandriaBaton RougeCrowleyLafayetteLake CharlesMonroeNew IberiaNew OrleansShreveport

MAINE

175140140122

1,0008,25012S150

390750311194100900104

9,5002,300

Aroostock CountyAugustaBangorBathBiddeford-Saco. . .CalaisLewiston-Auburn.PittsfieldPortlandRocklandSkowbegan Area..Waterville

MARYLANDAnnapolisBaltimoreCumberlandEaston AreaFrederickHagerstownHavre de Grace. .Montgomery Co.0.Pocomoke City. . .Prince George Co.St. Mary's CountySalisbury

120100

1,200100262137

1,400120

3,500150120110

1,00078,000

535140150316100

27,700100

10,000109227

MASSACHUSETTSAtholAttleboroBeverlyBostonBrocktonClintonFall RiverFitchburgFramingham . . . .GardnerGloucesterGreat Barrington.GreenfieldHaverhillHolyokeHyannisLawrenceLeominsterLowellLynnMedwayMilfordMillisNew BedfordNewburyport . . . .

210120700

140,0003,200

1123,968

6071,225

175435130250

2,5001,600

1402,800

3852,000

10,391135300123

4,000437

JewishPopulation

612350

1,2002,300

200

State and CityNorth AdamsNorthamptonPeabody . . . .PittsfieldPlymouth . . .Salem 1,600Southbridge 140Springfield 10,000Taunton 800Ware 125Webster 140Worcester 10,500

MICHIGANAnn ArborBattle CreekBay CityBenton Harbor...DetroitFlintGrand Rapids . . .Iron CountyIron Mountain . . .JacksonKalamazooLansingMarquette CountyMt. ClemensMuskegonPontiacPort HuronSaginawSouth H a v e n . . . .

MINNESOTAAustinDuluthHibbingMankatoMinneapolisRochesterSt. PaulVirginia

MISSISSIPPIBiloxi-GulfportClarksdaleClevelandGreenvilleGreenwoodHattiesburg . . .JacksonMeridianTupeloVicksburg

MISSOURICape Girardeau.HannibalHaytiJoplinKansas City.. . .SpringfieldSt. Josephf

St. LouisMONTANA

BillingsButte ,

NEBRASKALincolnOmaha

NEVADALas VegasReno

210175800830

72,0003,0001,650

161104200534800175350400700146440460

1253,100

250122

23,000120

10,000140

160380250525174180350235120275

120100200200

22,000240

1,00255,000

100206

9506,677

2,500320

State and CityNEW HAMPSHIRE

Claremont . . . .ConcordDoverKeeneLaconiaManchester . .NashuaPortsmouth . .

JewishPopulation

NEW JERSEYAllianceAsbury Park . . . .Atlantic CityBayonneBeach HavenBelmarBergenfield-

DumontBoontonBordentownBound Brook . . . .Bradley Beach.. .BridgtonBurlingtonCamdenCarmelCarteretClaytonCliffside Park*.. .CranfordDoverDunellenElizabethElmerEnglewood * . . . .EnglishtownEssex County'. . .

BellevilleBloomfield . . .Caldwell, Essex

Fells, RoselandCedar Grove.. .East Orange.. .Harrison, Kearny,

Arlington, No.Arlington . . .

HillsideIrvingtonLivingston . . . .Maplewood . . . .Millburn, Short

HillsMontclair, Glen

RidgeNewarkNutleyOrangePleasantdale,

West OrangeSouth Orange. .Springfield . . . .Verona

Fair LawnFarmingdaleFlemingtonFort LeeFreeholdGloucester County >HackensackHasbrouck HeightsHeightstown . . . .Hoboken

200160150112120

1,870418480

4703,0009,0008,300

108800

2,100240200100

1,000600250

11,000140600200950600700126

10,500140

5,425260

97,4191,2252,625

1,750385

7,000

2,1005,2508,7502,4504,550

2,012

1,40040,860

1,1382,100

7,0004,2001.57S1,0504,550

800750

2,1001,000

9001,600

4401,1001,300

JEWISH POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES, 1956

TABLE 1 (Cont.)

79

COMMUNITIES WITH JEWISH POPULATIONS OF 100 OR MORE (ESTIMATED) (Continued)

JewishState and City Population

Jersey City . . . .KeyportLake Hiawatha. .Lakewood

20,000400630

1,050Leonia (see Pali-

sades Park)LindenLong Branch . . .LyndhurstMadisonMaywoodMetuchenMillvilleMorristown . . . .ML Freedom . . .ML Holly

2,6252,000

200100600840240

1,000160204

Newark (see tinderEssex County)

New Brunswick.New MilfordNewtonNorth Hudson

County*Palisades Park1.Park RidgePassaic .PatersonPaulsboroPerth Amboy. . .PlainfieldPenns Grove.. . .Pine BrookPL PleasantPompton Lakes .PrincetonRahwayRed BankRidgefield Park .RidgewoodRiversideRoselleRutherford

SomervilleSouth River . . . .SteltonSummitTeaneck . . . .Toms RiverTrentonUnionUnion City (incl

8,5001,050

160

8,0001,750

20012,00018,000

1355,5004,100

140175100450300960

1,200360800170

1,2001,000

260634400180600

4,0001,0009,0004,000

in No. HudsonCounty)

VinelandWestfieldWestwoodWildwoodWoodbineW o o d b r i d g e . . . .Woodbury

NEW MEXICOAlbuquerque....Los AlamosSanta Fe

NEW YORK

Amsterdam

BaldwinBatavia

2,000384400600120

1,000540

1,000120125

9,000132500250

1,400300


Bay Shore™ 2,975Beacon 550Binghamton (incl.

all Broome Co.) 3,000Brewster 125Bronxville" 4,725Buffalo 22,000Canandaigua 228Catskill 227Cedarhurst • 22,750Cohoes 105Corning 140Cortland 200Dobbs Ferry 1,050Dunkirk 168Ellenville 1,100Elmira 1,525Elmont 7,000Five Towns (see

Cedarhurst)Floral ParkP . . . . 1,138Freeport 2,450Geneva 140Glen Cove« 2,275Glens Falls 700Gloversville 1,400Great Neck' 15,750Harrison 1,500Haverstraw 480Hempstead • 7,500Herkimer 180Highland Falls . . . 105Hornell 100Hudson 700Huntington * 3,500Islip (see Bay

Shore)Ithaca 800Jamestown 260Kerhonkson 150Kingston 2,500Lake Huntington. 175Larchmontn 2,450Liberty 620Little Falls 105Livingston Manor 150Loch Sheldrake-

Hurleyville 750Long Beach T 20,125Lynbrook 3,675Malone 122Massena 140Merrick» 8,400Middletown 1,500Monroe 350Monticello 1,200Mountaindale . •. 150ML Kisco 525ML Vernon 17,500New Hyde Park.. 4,550New RocheUe.... 11,375New York 2,050,000

Manhattan 320,000Bronx 475,000Brooklyn 870,000Queens 375,000Richmond 10,000

Newburgh 2,500Niagara Fal ls . . . . 1,100Norwich 140Nyack 276Oceanside 2,100Ogdensburg 135

State and CityOleanOneontaOswegoParksvillePatchoguex

PawlingPeekskillrPlattsburgPort Chester . . . .Port JervisPort Washington •Poughkeepsie . . . .RochesterRockville Centre..RomeRoslyn ••RyeSaranac Lake . .Saratoga SpringsScarsdaleSchenectady . . . .Sharon Springs .South Fallsburg.Spring Valley. . .Suffern

JewishPopulation

335100140140

1,750120

1,400330

2,300560

2,1003,100

20,0007,350

3858,7501,050

100875

1,5003,500

1651,1002,250

544Syracuse 11,000TarrytownTroyUticaValley Stream...WaldenWantagh*>»WarwickWatertownWhite LakeWhite Plains c c . .White Sulphur

Springs ,WoodbourneWoodridge

1,0502,3003,500

10,500140

14,000126500354

12,000

100200300.

Yonkers" 23,000

NORTH CAROLINAAshevilleCharlotteDurhamFayetteville . . .GastoniaGoldsboroGreensboroHendersonvilleHigh Point . . .RaleighWilmington . . .Winston-Salem

NORTH DAKOTABismarckFargoGrand Forks...

OHIOAkronAllianceAshtabulaBellaireCantonCincinnati . . . .ClevelandColumbusDaytonEast Liverpool.ElyriaFremont

6001,500

360228158135

1,140135208375300428

168500122

6,500122315200

2,70025,00085,0007,2007,000365360114


COMMUNITIES WITH JEWISH

TABLE 1 (Cont.)POPULATIONS OF 100 OR MORE (ESTIMATED) (Continued)

State and CityHamiltonLimaLorainMansfieldMarionMassillonMiddletownNew PhiladelphiaPiquaPortsmouthSanduskySpringfiejdSteubenvilleToledoWarrenWoosterYoungstownZanesville

JewishPopulation

550418800308165130270180275120150488

1,0006,500

800200

5,500

OKLAHOMAArdmoreOklahoma City...SeminoleTulsa

OK EGO NEugene .PortlandSalem ..

PENNSYLVANIAAliquippaAllentownAltoonaAmbridgeBeaver Valley (incl.

Lower BeaverValley)

BerwickBethlehemBloomsburgBraddockBradfordBristolBrownsvilleButlerCanonsburgCarbon County...CarbondaleCarnegieChambersburg . . .CharleroiChesterClairtonCoatesvilleConnellsyille . . . .CoraopolisDonoraDuBoisDuquesneEastonEllwood CityErieFarrellGlassportGreensburgHanoverHarrisburgHazletonHomesteadIndianaIrwinJeannette

300

1751,800

1242,044

1206,600

210

4003,2501,100

300

830119

1,000102600450176260645120300335268210200

2,100110510160152160160200

1,600140

1,750500120440120

5,0001,400600130120200


Johnstown 1,600Kittanning 275Lancaster 1,825Latrobe 150Lebanon 656Lewistown 250Lock Haven 350Lower Bucks Co.,

(incl. Levittown,New Hope, etc.)

Mahonoy City . . .McKeesportMcKees Rocks. . .MeadvilleMonessenMt. CarmelMt. PleasantNew CastleNew Kensington. .NorristownNorth PennOil CityOxford-Kennet

SquarePhiladelphia

(within citylimits) <" 226,668

Philadelphia (in-cluding suburbsitemized be-low) "I

Cheltenham(mainly LaMott, ElkinsPark, MelroseP k )

2,100150

2,500160120250272180800640

1,200200360

132

251,644

Park)Haverford . . . .Lower Merion

(mainly Bala-Cynwyd, Mer-ion, Wynne-wood)

Upper Darby..PhilipsburgPhoenixvillePittsburghPottstownPottsvillePunxsutawney . . .ReadingSayre

ShamokinSharonShenandoahStroudsburgSunburyTarentumTitusvilleUniontownVandergrift-Leach-

burgWarrenWashingtonWest ChesterWilkes-BarreWilliamsport . . . .York

8,7452,281

7,9645,986

136268

47,000680870108

3,500100

5,526250920444222160175129

1,040

120120500300

5,062850

1.200

State and CityWesterly ..Woonsocket

JewishPopulation

140795

SOUTH CAROLINAAikenBeaufortBishopvilleCharlestonColumbiaGeorgetown . ..Greenville . . . .Kingstree-Lake

CityOrangeburg . . .Spartanburg . .Sumter

SOUTH DAKOTA

Sioux Falls . . .TENNESSEE

Chattanooga ..JacksonKnoxvilleMemphisNashvilleOak Ridge

TEXASAmarilloAustinBeaumontBreckenridge . . . .BrownsvilleCorpus Christi. . .DallasEl PasoFt. WorthGalvestonHarlingenHoustonKilgoreLaredoLongviewLubbockMcAllenNorth Texas Zone

(Demson, Gaines-ville, Greenville,Paris, Sherman)

OdessaPort ArthurRosenbergSan AngeloSan Antonio . . . .TexarkanaTylerWacoWhartonWichita Falls

UTAHOgdenSalt Lake City. . .

VERMONTBenningtonBurlington ,Rutland . .

RHODE ISLANDNewport 1,000Pawtucket 1,300Providence 20,000

VIRGINIAAlexandria e

Arlington • .

125116116

2,322500111550

130118221275

350

2,200110800

8,5002,800350

2701,000625111100

1,20015,3002,8002,7501,400100

15,000108184125300100

225100230100100

6,500129450

1,250215178

1001,305

1001,000350

1,3002,800

JEWISH POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES, 1956

TABLE 1 (Cont.)

81

COMMUNITIES WITH JEWISH POPULATIONS OF 100 OR MORE (ESTIMATED) (Continued)


Danville 200Fairfax County

and Falls Church 3,200Fredericksburg . . 120Hampton 210Harrisonburg . . . . 112Lynchburg 280Martinsville 170Newport News... 2,000Norfolk 7,500Petersburg 500Portsmouth 2,100Richmond 8,000Roanoke 650Staunton 110Suffolk 180Winchester 131

WASHINGTONBremerton 182

• IncL 28 communities, thelargest of which, Oakland, islisted separately.

11 Incl. Piedmont, San Lean-dro, Emeryville.

e Incl. San Luis Obispo.d Incl. other communities in

Kings County.• Greater Washington in-

cludes urbanized portions ofMontgomery and PrinceGeorge Counties (Md.), andArlington County, FairfaxCounty (urbanized portion),Falls Church, and Alexandria(Va.).

• IncL Atchison, Kans.e Incl. Cliffside, Fairview,

Ridgefield.11 Incl. Tenafly, Cresskill,

Englewood Cliffs.1 These data prepared by

author from preliminary esti-mates of distribution of num-ber of households in EssexCounty. Conversion fromhouseholds to individuals wasmade by using 3.5 as the aver-age household size, except forNewark proper, where 3.0 wasemployed.

' Incl. Clayton, Paulsboro,Pitman, Swedesboro, Wil-liamstown, Woodbury, Mt.

State and CitySeattleSpokane . . .Tacoma

JewishPopulation

9,500650650

WEST VIRGINIABeckleyBluefield-PrincetonCharlestonClarksburgFairmontHuntingtonMorgantown . . . .ParkersburgWeirtonWelchWheelingWilliamson

WISCONSINAppletonBeloit . .

228300

2,000280200750150100350144800180

575150

Royal, MuUicia Hill, West-ville.

k Incl. Woodcliff, UnionCity, Weehawken, West NewYork, North Bergen, Gutten-berg, Secaucus , HudsonHeights.

1 Incl. Leonia and Ridge-field.

m Incl. Smithtown, Bright-waters, Islip, East Islip, IslipTerrace, Central Islip, WestIslip, Brentwood.

n Incl. Tuckahoe and unin-corporated Eastchester.

°Incl. Hewlett, Woodmere,L a w r e n c e , Inwood (FiveTowns).

" Incl. Queens section ofFloral Park.

« Incl. Locust Valley, Oys-ter Bay, Glenhead, Sea Cliff,Glenwood Landing, Latting-town, Brookville.

7 Incl. various small villagesincluded in Greater GreatNeck, e.g., Thomaston, Rus-sell Gardens, Kensington,Great Neck Estates, HarborHills, Saddle Rock, Kenil-worth, University Gardens,Great Neck Plaza, King'sPoint.

• Incl. West and EastHempstead.


Eau Claire 120Fond du Lac 160Green Bay 500Kenosha 615La Crosse 150Madison 2,150Manitowoc 184Marinette 120Milwaukee 30,000Oshkosh 130Racine 1,000Rice Lake 122Sheboygan 600Stevens Point . . . . 105Superior 481Waukesha 100Wausau 250

WYOMINGCheyenne 500

' Incl. Huntington Station,Cold Spring Hills, Northport,East Northport, Center Port,Greenlawn, Commack.

u Incl. Mamaroneck.T Incl. Lido.w Incl. North Merrick.1 Incl. Sayville, Bellport,

Bayport.* Incl. Lake Mohegan ,

Montrose.* Incl. Manhasset, Sands

Point, Plandome.*• Incl. Roslyn Heights,

Alberson, East Hills, EastWilliston, Roslyn Estates,Manhasset (Section), SeaCliff, Glenhead, Brookville.

b b Incl. Seaford, NorthBellmore, South Levittown.

" Incl. Scarsdale, Harri-son, Hartsdale, Elmsford.

dd These estimates, basedupon the Yom Kippur method,are subject to the usual quali-fications attendant upon theuse of this method. It maybe presumed that the esti-mates are conservative since(1) the Yom Kippur methodtends to understate Jewishpopulation estimates; and (2)not all Philadelphia suburbswere included.


TABLE 2

JEWISH POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES BY STATES,ABSOLUTE AND PROPORTIONATE

StateEstimated

JewishPopulation

8,950113003,050

510,50019,40095,6006,750

44,00095,15021,150

250298,900

23,10010,2002,950

10,35014,9007,950

118,800205,80084,75038,2503,850

78300500

8,4002,8504,200

295,0001,650

2,395,0009,4001,250

155,5005,8007,450

365,30023,3006,6001,050

15,70053,700

1,4502,350

30,95013,8005,950

38,200750

TotalPopulation

(195 5)*

3,110,0001,007,0001,802,000

12,961,0001^47,0002,200,000

390,000857,000

3,580,0003,662,000

612,0009,301,0004,329,0002,671,0002,060,0003,011,0002,934,000

906,0002,744,0004,773,0007,326,0003,190,0002,133,0004,201,000

629,0001,394,000

235,000553,000

5,324,000793,000

16,021,0004,344,000

643,0008,945,0002,210,0001,685,000

10,898,000817,000

2,308,000683,000

3,414,0008,748,000

797,000370,000

3.579,0002,607,0001,984,0003,702,000

312,000

EstimatedJewish

T*pr Centof Total

0.291.140.173.941.234.351.735.132.660380.043.210.530.380.140.340.510.884.334.311.161.200.181.870.080.601.210.765.540.21

14.950.220.191.740.260.443.352.850.280.150.460.610.180.640.860.530.301.030.24

AlabamaArizonaArkansasCaliforniaColoradoConnecticutDelawareDistrict of ColumbiaFloridaGeorgiaIdahoIllinoisIndianaIowaKansasKentuckyLouisianaMaineMarylandMassachusettsMichiganMinnesotaMississippiMissouriMontanaNebraskaNevadaNew Hampshire . . . .New JerseyNew MexicoNew YorkNorth CarolinaNorth DakotaOhioOklahomaOregonPennsylvaniaRhode IslandSouth CarolinaSouth DakotaTennesseeTexasUtahVermontVirginiaWashingtonWest VirginiaWisconsinWyoming

"Source: Current Population Reports, "United States Census Reports Series," 25, No. 145(July 1, 1955). These data include armed forces in states but exclude overseas forces as wellas those in dependencies.

Civic and Political Status

CIVIL LIBERTIES

y PERIOD BETWEEN July 1955 and September 1956 saw a marked improve-X merit in the state of civil liberties in the United States. A number of court

decisions led to major substantive gains, and there were also significant im-provements in administrative procedures. There were only slight changes inthe legislative situation, except to the extent that existing laws were invali-dated or reinterpreted by the courts. But this in itself represented a gain, sincefew recent years had failed to add significantly to the number of repressive lawson the statute books. And, while some Congressional committees continued toseek out subversion assiduously, others were engaged in examining the viola-tions of civil liberties and individual rights which had developed under thevarious security programs.

Loyalty-Security Programs

There was an increasing awareness during the year that the connection be-tween the Federal Employees Loyalty-Security Program and the security ofthe United States was often a tenuous one. This issue was brought to a headby the decision of the United States Supreme Court, on May 11, 1956, in-validating the dismissal of Kendrick M. Cole under the Eisenhower Loyalty-Security Program.1 Cole had been a food and drug inspector in the Depart-ment of Health, Education, and Welfare. His dismissal was based on hisparticipation in hikes and similar activities of the Nature Friends, an organi-zation on the Attorney General's list. The government conceded that therewas no question of Cole's loyalty, and that his position was not a sensitiveone. Cole appealed against his dismissal on the ground that he had not re-ceived the procedural rights to which, as a veteran, he was entitled under theVeterans Preference Act. The government held that in security cases normalcivil service procedures were superseded by those set up in Executive Order10450, which set up the Eisenhower Loyalty-Security Program, on the basis ofauthority supposedly derived from Public Law 733 of 1950. The SupremeCourt, however, examined the language and legislative history of that act, anddetermined that the President had no authority to extend its provisions tonon-sensitive positions in any department or agency other than the elevenspecifically named in it. This reduced the number of positions to which theexecutive order applied by something like three-fourths; the exact numberdepended on the government's eventual determination as to which positionswere sensitive, and perhaps on the attitude of the courts toward that determi-nation. Approximately half of those dismissed under the Eisenhower Loyalty-

i Cole v. Young, 351 U.S. 536.


Security Program had held posts which were tentatively classified as non-sensitive. Attorney-General Herbert Brownell, Jr., issued regulations providingfor the reinstatement of persons who had been dismissed from nonsensitivejobs within a limited period. But since the Supreme Court had merely inter-preted the law, and had not decided the case on the basis of any constitu-tional issue, it was within the power of Congress to restore the status quo bynew legislation. A number of proposals to this end were immediately ad-vanced by Senators Joseph R. McCarthy (Rep., Wis.), William Jenner (Rep.,Ind.), James Eastland (Dem., Miss.), Representative Francis Walter (Dem.,Pa.), and others. It was some time before the administration took a position.Eventually, however, Chairman Philip Young of the Civil Service Commis-sion sent a fervent plea for new legislation. Attorney General Brownell con-tented himself with a short note to the effect that if Congress thought newlegislation necessary, he would prefer the Walter Bill, which simply restoredto the administration the power which it had previously thought it possessed.He also advised that any legislation adopted be limited to one year, in viewof the expected report of the special committee on internal security set upunder the Humphrey-Stennis resolution. This commission (see AMERICANJEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 133) began functioning under the chair-manship of Lloyd Wright, a Los Angeles attorney and former president ofthe American Bar Association, in the autumn of 1955.

But there was widespread opposition to all these bills. Thus, The NewYork Times and other leading papers hailed the Supreme Court decision.And Representative Edward H. Rees (Rep., Kan.), ranking Republican mem-ber of the House Post Office and Civil Service Committee, introduced a verydifferent sort of bill in June 1956. He proposed to separate the loyalty andsecurity programs, requiring that in all except urgent cases Federal employeesbe investigated before appointment, and giving many new protections to per-sons facing loyalty charges. His bill would have established a loyalty ReviewBoard with the power to subpoena witnesses and reveal the sources of de-rogatory information to the accused "if the interest of justice so requires." Itwould also have given those dismissed on loyalty grounds an automatic rightof appeal to the Federal courts, which would have been empowered to setaside decisions they regarded as arbitrary or capricious. The Rees bill wouldalso have guaranteed a hearing to applicants for government employmentwho were rejected on loyalty grounds.

None of the proposals was adopted by Congress. Partly this may havebeen due to the relatively short time—only a month and a half—between thedecision in the Cole case and the adjournment of Congress. But the state ofpublic opinion also seems to have been partly responsible. The liberalizationsproposed by Representative Rees still seemed politically risky. But there wasno general demand for a reestablishment of the security program for non-sensitive positions.

BONSAL REPORT

Perhaps the decisive factor was the publication, on July 8, 1956, of a reporton the loyalty-security program, prepared by a special committee of the NewYork City Bar Association with the aid of a grant from the Fund for the

CIVIL LIBERTIES 85

Republic. This committee, under the chairmanship of Dudley B. Bonsai ofthe New York bar, had prepared its report before the decision in the Colecase; one of its chief recommendations was the limitation of the loyalty-security program to sensitive posts. As the Supreme Court had pointed out inits decision, however, employees in nonsensitive positions could still be dis-missed on security grounds under normal civil service procedures. And exceptfor veterans, these procedures—under which most "security" dismissals hadbeen made even prior to the Cole decision—provided less protection to theemployee than did even the existing loyalty-security program. But they didleave more discretion to the various agencies, and it was certainly true thatthe existence of a special loyalty-security program had resulted in a pressureto discover and remove "risks."

The Bonsai report also recommended the abolition of the Port SecurityProgram, administered by the Coast Guard and affecting longshoremen in re-stricted areas and all seamen, as well as the abolition of the InternationalOrganization Employees Loyalty Program, under which the United States in-vestigated the loyalty of any of its citizens who were employed by interna-tional organizations. It said that the Port Security Program

opens the way for the introduction of personnel security measures through-out American life. For it imposes security scrutiny on persons and in areaswithout special justification. There are other industrial activities which areeven more sensitive than those covered by the program. . . . The danger ofpossible sabotage exists at literally tens of thousands of places and fromalmost the whole population. . . . This logic would thus lead to peacetimepersonnel clearance for almost all citizens. The danger to liberty from sucha course should cause us to set ourselves resolutely against it.

Even before the report was written, the United States Court of Appeals forthe Ninth Circuit had held in Parker v. Lester 2 that the existing Port Secur-ity Program violated due process. This decision appeared to bar the use of"confidential information" as the basis for denying clearance to persons inprivate employment. On March 24, 1956, the government made known itsdecision not to appeal the case, but to establish a new set of regulationsunder the program. It seemed doubtful, however, that any new regulationswould be able to reconcile the insistence of the courts on due process withthe determination of the government not to reveal its sources of information.On July 12, 1956, Federal District Judge Edward P. Murphy in San Franciscoordered the government to restore clearance to those who had been denied itunder the old regulations, pending their hearings under the new ones. Thisdecision was upheld by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals on October 1.

The Bonsai report declared that the International Organization EmployeesProgram was "actually harmful to the interests of the United States and itscitizens," since:

The period required in clearing American citizens for employment en-courages international organizations to employ citizens of other nationsinstead of Americans, especially for short term work. So the program maywell lead to the employment of foreign Communists in place of Americancitizens. The program may give needless offense to other nations. It appears

a 227 F. 2d 708.


to be an assertion by this nation of a special control over internationalorganizations in which all member nations have an equal interest.

The program did, in fact, seem to have made it very difficult for Ameri-can citizens to obtain employment with the major international organiza-tions; at the time of writing (October 1956), there had nevertheless been nomove to scrap it, perhaps because of the approaching elections.

ATOMIC ENERGY COMMISSION

Far-reaching changes were introduced during 1955-56 in the security pro-grams of the Atomic Energy Commission (A EC) and the armed forces.(Neither of these programs, of course, was affected in any way by the decisionin the Cole case.) Perhaps the J. Robert Oppenheimer case (see AMERICANJEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1955 [Vol. 56], p. 186) was responsible for some of theprovisions of the AEC's new regulations, promulgated on May 10, 1956.These provided that the decision in each case was to be "a comprehensive,common sense judgment," "give due recognition to the favorable as well asthe unfavorable information . . . and . . . take into account the value of theindividual's services to the atomic energy program and the operational con-sequences of dismissal." This appeared to give much more leeway for clear-ance than the requirement of Executive Order 10450 that the employee's re-tention be "clearly consistent with the interests of the national security." Thenew regulations also provided that ordinarily, in considering a person's as-sociations, weight should not be given to "chance or casual meetings norcontacts limited to normal business nor official relations." In contrast to thecustomary procedure of other agencies, the new AEC regulations providedthat employees should be permitted to confront adverse witnesses whereverpossible, and that when security considerations prevented such confronta-tion, the witnesses should be questioned in private by the hearing board.The AEC was also the only government agency which gave hearings to appli-cants for employment whom it rejected on security grounds.

ARMED FORCES

Under the impact of the report prepared by Rowland Watts of the WorkersDefense League (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 136),and of the hearings conducted by the Senate Subcommittee on ConstitutionalRights, headed by Senator Thomas C. Hennings, Jr. (Dem., Mo.), the armedservices made a series of revisions in their security program. This had beenresponsible for some of the most celebrated cases of "guilt by kinship" (seeAMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 135). Its basic fault, however,was that under it the armed forces penalized draftees, by discharges otherthan honorable and in other ways, for associations which had taken placebefore their induction and which had nothing to do with the quality of theirservice. To some extent, this policy was an aftermath of the hysteria whichhad developed in connection with the case of Irving Peress (see AMERICANJEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1955 [Vol. 56], p. 184). Under the new regulations, alldraftees were to be investigated before induction; those accepted were to re-ceive discharges based entirely on the quality of their service. They could still,however, be given punitive discharges on the basis of information unconnected

CIVIL LIBERTIES 87

with their military service, if new information turned up after their induc-tion. And the armed forces retained jurisdiction over them during the entireperiod when, after their active service had ceased, they nominally remainedmembers of the "reserve." This appeared to give the military authorities aninstrument for controlling the political and personal activities and associ-ations of a substantial section of the civilian population.

A number of individual cases of injustice under the various security pro-grams were brought to public attention during 1955-56 by the HenningsSubcommittee, the Senate Civil Service Committee under Senator OlinJohnston (Dem., S.C.), and the activity of former Senator Harry P. Cain(see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 131). In most cases,though not in all, publicity was quickly followed by the rectification of theparticular instances of injustice. Senator Cain's activities also resulted in hisretirement as a member of the Subversive Activities Control Board.

Congressional CommitteesDuring 1955-56, the hearings of the Hennings Committee and the John-

ston Committee contributed substantially to the development of sentimentfor the reform of the various security programs. On the whole, they probablyreceived more publicity than did the activities of the Senate Internal SecuritySubcommittee, under Senator James Eastland (Dem., Miss.), and the HouseUn-American Activities Committee, under Representative Francis Walter(Dem., Pa.). The latter committees were not, however, inactive. Senator East-land received wide publicity when, in January 1956, he conducted an investi-gation into Communist penetration of the press. Since most of those calledas witnesses were or had at some time been employed by The New YorkTimes, the hearings were widely interpreted as a form of retaliation for thatpaper's open criticism of Senator Eastland. The committee did, however, callsome employees and former employees of the New York Daily Worker andthe New York Morning Freiheit, and was able to educe some evidence thatthose two papers were under some degree of Communist influence. Underthe chairmanship of Senator John L. McClellan (Dem., Ark.) the SenateCommittee on Government Operations, which had ranged so widely whenSenator McCarthy had been its chairman, concentrated on the field of gov-ernment operations. In July 1956 Representative Walter conducted a seriesof hearings on the activities of the Fund for the Republic in general, and areport which it had sponsored on blacklisting in radio and television in par-ticular. John Cogley, the author of the report and a former editor of theliberal Catholic magazine Commonweal, was called before the committee, aswere a number of persons who disapproved of the report, several individualswho had previously invoked the protection of the Fifth Amendment and didso again, and Arnold Forster of the Anti-Defamation League. The committeealso tried to subpoena the records of the Plymouth Meeting of the Societyof Friends, which had received an award from the Fund for the Republicbecause it had employed Mrs. Mary Knowles, a librarian who had lost an-other job for invoking the Fifth Amendment. The Plymouth Meeting refusedto submit its records, on the ground that the committee's demand violatedthe First Amendment's guarantee of freedom of religion. The officers of the


Fund for the Republic received no opportunity to testify, although several ofthem requested it. In June 1956, Representative Walter called the playwrightArthur Miller before the committee to testify on his political views and as-sociations. Miller answered all questions concerning himself, but refused toname others whom he might at some time have known as Communists. As aresult, he was cited for contempt of Congress.

JUDICIAL ACTION

During 1955-56 the courts considered a number of contempt cases arisingfrom congressional investigations of Communism and crime. Some of theseinvolved the right to invoke the Fifth Amendment; in general, the courts up-held witnesses who had claimed the privilege against self-incrimination, nomatter what the precise form of words they had used and the specific ques-tions involved. Other cases were decided on technical grounds, such as insuf-ficiencies in the wording of the indictments. In some cases, however, thecourts came to grips with the question of the limits of the power of congres-sional committees. Thus on January 5, 1956, Judge Bailey Aldrich acquittedLeon Kamin of contempt for his refusal to answer questions put by SenatorMcCarthy, on the ground that McCarthy's committee had exceeded its au-thority.3 The decision was based on the limitations of the committee's juris-diction under the resolution creating it, rather than on constitutional grounds.In the case of John T. Watkins, an admitted former Communist who hadrefused to answer questions which the House Un-American Activities Com-mittee asked him about other persons, the government obtained a convictionin the District Court. This conviction was reversed by a three-judge panel ofthe Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia on the ground that thecommittee had exceeded its powers by asking questions in order to exposeindividuals, rather than in pursuit of a legitimate legislative purpose. Thisdecision was reversed in May 1956 by the full nine-judge bench of the samecourt,4 and at the time of writing (October 1956) was on appeal to theSupreme Court.

On April 2, 1956, the Supreme Court ruled in the case of Pennsylvania v.Nelson 5 that Congress had, in passing the Smith Act, preempted the field ofsedition legislation. Hence, under the doctrine of supremacy of Federalpower, all state legislation in the field was now superseded, since such legis-lation's existence would create the possibility of conflict in a field which wasof primary Federal concern. This decision was in line with previous rulingson other matters; e.g., the Supreme Court had held that state laws outlawingthe union shop could not apply in cases where Federal law specifically per-mitted it. (Congress could, of course, specifically authorize the states to con-tinue their own legislation in a field, even where its provisions created aconflict with those of the relevant Federal law; it had done this in regard tothe union shop in the Taft-Hartley Act.) But since over a period of severaldecades most of the states had acquired sedition, criminal anarchy, and crimi-nal syndicalism acts, the effect of the decision was revolutionary. While theSupreme Court based its ruling on general principles in regard to the Fed-

3 U.S. v. Kamin. 136 F. Supp. 791.* Watkins v. U.S., 233 F. 2d. 681.6 350 U.S. 497.

CIVIL LIBERTIES 89

eral-state relationship and the interpretation of Federal legislation, the lan-guage of the decision made it clear that the judges felt that the efficientprevention of subversion required that authority in the field be confined tothe Federal government. But since this was a matter of public policy ratherthan law, the final decision on it remained in the hands of Congress; a num-ber of members of both houses promptly proposed measures either specifi-cally authorizing the states to maintain their sedition laws, or providing ingeneral that Congressional action in a field should not be considered as de-barring the states from passing their own laws in that field unless Congressspecifically so stated. These measures had the general support of the admin-istration, as well as of most, though not all, of the state attorneys-general. (Afew, such as Attorney-General Grover Richman, Jr., of New Jersey, expressedtheir agreement with the reasoning of the Supreme Court.) Nevertheless,Congress took no action, and on the basis of the Nelson decision state courtsin Kentucky, Massachusetts, and Michigan quashed a number of convictionsand indictments under the sedition laws of those states.

In April 1956, the Supreme Court also upheld the new Federal ImmunityLaw, under which a person claiming the protection of the Fifth Amendmentcould be granted immunity from prosecution and compelled to testify.6 Af-firming the contempt conviction of William Ludwig Ullmann, who had refusedto answer questions before a grand jury in regard to Communist activitiesand espionage, the court held that the constitutional guarantee extendedonly to danger of criminal prosecution, not to any incidental damage to repu-tation or economic and social interests. Congress, the court said, had com-plete authority to grant immunity from prosecution, whether Federal orstate. Once such immunity had been granted, there was no longer a legal basisfor any refusal to testify. Ullmann then went before the grand jury in orderto purge himself of contempt, and denied any participation in either Com-munist activities or espionage. It seemed likely that the decision in the Ull-mann case would lead to the recall of a number of witnesses who had in-voked the Fifth Amendment before Congressional committees; it remainedto be seen what attitude the government and the courts would take to thedesire of the committees to confer immunity on these witnesses in order tosecure their testimony.

A number of Supreme Court decisions not arising from questions relatingto Communism or subversion also had significance for civil liberties. OnNovember 7, 1955, the Court ruled in the case of Robert W. Toth that a per-son, once discharged from the armed forces, could not be tried by a militarycourt, despite a provision of the Uniform Code of Military Justice authoriz-ing such trials for offenses committed while in service.7 Congress, the courtheld, could authorize the civil courts to try former servicemen for such of-fenses, but it could not constitutionally subject them to military jurisdiction.But on June 11, 1956, a 5-3 majority of the court held, in the cases of ClariceB. Covert 8 and Dorothy Krueger Smith,9 that civilian dependents of service-men and civilians employed by the armed forces overseas could be tried by

« Ullmann v. U.S., 350 U.S. 422.' US. ex rel. Toth v. Quarles, 350 U.S. 11.'Reed v. Covert, 351 U.S. 487.»Kinsella v. Krueger, 351 U.S. 470.


military courts under the Uniform Code of Military Justice. At the time ofwriting (October 1956), the Court was considering a request to reconsider thisdecision; while the vagueness of the United States Constitution on the sub-ject of military courts had repeatedly in the past given rise to controversy onthe extent of their jurisdiction, the specific constitutional guarantees of pro-cedural rights were certainly at variance with the procedure of military courts.

On January 16, 1956, the Supreme Court ruled in the case of DantonGeorge Rea 10 that evidence illegally obtained by a Federal narcotics agent,and therefore barred from use in Federal court, could not be used in a statecourt, even though the state in question held (as was the case in most states)that illegally obtained evidence was admissible. And on the same day, theSupreme Court held that the Immigration and Naturalization Service couldnot subpoena as "witnesses" persons whose citizenship it was attempting toget revoked. u On April 23, in the case of Danton Griffith and James Cren-shaw, the court held that due process required the provision of free tran-scripts of trial records to destitute prisoners wishing to appeal.

In a widely misinterpreted decision, the Supreme Court on April 9, 1956,ordered the reinstatement of Professor Harry Slochower of Brooklyn College,who had been dismissed under a section of the New York City charter pro-viding for the automatic discharge of any city employee invoking the privilegeagainst self-incrimination.12 The decision did not, however, hold that in-vocation of the privilege was an inadequate ground for dismissal; rather, thecourt ruled that automatic dismissal, without notice of charges or hearing,violated the requirement of due process.

In June 1956, the Supreme Court ruled in the case of Doris Walker (seeAMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 141) that the California Su-preme Court had merely been interpreting a local contract when it held thatno contract provision could prevent an employer from dismissing a Commu-nist, and that there was no constitutional question involved.13 The court alsoheld on June 11, 1956, in the case of Cecil Reginald Jay, that the govern-ment could use confidential information to deny suspension of deportationto a deportable alien who, on the public record, was eligible for it.14 Themajority opinion, written by Justice Stanley F. Reed, held that the use ofconfidential information was justified, because suspension of deportation waspurely a matter of grace, within the unfettered discretion of the attorneygeneral. Chief Justice Earl Warren and Justices Hugo L. Black, William O.Douglas, and Felix Frankfurter dissented. Justice Black wrote: "The core ofour constitutional system is that individual liberty must never be taken awayby shortcuts. . . . Prosecution of any sort on anonymous information is stilltoo dangerous, just as it was when Trajan rejected it nearly 2,000 years ago."

In the case of the Communist Party, the organization ordered to registerunder the McCarran Internal Security Act, the Supreme Court on April 30,1956, ordered the Subversive Activities Control Board (SACB) to reconsiderits decision in the light of the fact that some of the government witnesses be-

10 Rea v. U.S., 350 U.S. 214.11 U.S. v. Minker, 350 U.S. 179." Slochower v. Bd. of Higher Education, 350 U.S. S51." Black v. Cutter Lab., 351 U.S. 292." Jay v. Boyd, 351 U.S. 345.

CIVIL LIBERTIES 9 1

fore it had since been shown to be perjurers.15 This left the constitutionalissues involved to be decided when the case again reached the court on abasis of the board's new determination, reached on the existing record withthe evidence of the perjured witnesses excised. (It was possible, however, thatthe courts would eventually require the SACB to reopen hearings on the casein the light of new evidence on its post-Stalin line which the CommunistParty wished to introduce, but which the SACB refused to accept.) Mean-while the SACB continued to hear the cases of various organizations accusedby the government of being Communist fronts, and to order their registra-tion under the Act; it was reasonably certain that the courts would refrainfrom deciding the cases of any of these organizations before a final SupremeCourt ruling on the case of the Communist Party. Meanwhile, various ofthese groups (e.g., the Civil Rights Congress) were going out of existence; insome cases their functions were being taken over by new groups, while inothers the Communists sought to accomplish their purposes by infiltratingexisting non-Communist organizations. Six years after its enactment, theMcCarran Act had not forced the registration under its provisions of a singlegroup; during this period, according to Attorney General Brownell, the in-fluence of the American Communist movement reached its lowest point in aquarter of a century. During the year the government also filed charges withthe SACB that two labor unions were "Communist-infiltrated" under the pro-visions of the Communist Control Act of 1954; it seemed likely that theSACB and courts would get around to considering these cases when all thosepreviously initiated under the McCarran Act had been disposed of.

LOWER JUDICIAL ACTION

No passport cases reached the Supreme Court, but lower Federal Courtscontinued the process of eroding the State Department's prerogative in thisfield, which they had begun with the Bauer case (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEARBOOK, 1953 [Vol. 54], p. 31) and had extended in the Nathan and Schacht-man cases (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 138, 139).The courts repeatedly indicated that they did not regard the State Depart-ment's hearing procedures or its standards of proof as meeting the standardsof due process. Instead of attempting to conform to the views of the courtson these questions, however, the department appeared to prefer to grant orwithhold passports at its discretion until it was sued. Almost all those whosued received passports. (Paul Robeson, who refused to answer State Depart-ment questions on Communist affiliation, was an exception; on June 7, 1956,the Court of Appeals upheld the State Department's action in denying hima passport.16 Thus, although he had failed to sign a non-Communist affidavitfor the State Department, Leonard B. Boudin received a passport after thecourts had ordered a full departmental hearing for him—and indicated thatthey would probably require the department to produce the secret inform-ants, some of whom it admitted were unknown even to it, on whose testi-mony it had refused the passport.17 In the Boudin case, however, the depart-ment explained that its action was taken because of the fact that Boudin had

« Communist Party of U.S. v. Subversive Activities Bd., 351 U.S. 115." Robeson v. Dulles, 235 F. 2d. 810.» Boudin v. Dulles, 235 F. 2d. 532.


recently told a Congressional committee that he was not a member of theCommunist Party.

In the case of Arthur J. Kraus, the Court of Appeals ruled on July 5, 1956,that the State Department had acted arbitrarily and capriciously in demand-ing proof that he had enough money to finance his trip.18 Since the CircuitCourt did not enter a final order in the case, but remanded it to the DistrictCourt for trial on its merits, Kraus still did not have his passport at the timeof writing (October 1956).

The State Department continued to exercise absolute and unchallengedpower over the issuance of visas, since a person refused admission to theUnited States had no way of gaining access to the American courts. One par-ticularly striking case which came to public attention in July 1956 was thatof Chris Jecchinis, a Greek national who was denied a student visa. Jecchinis,who had a long record of anti-Communist and anti-Fascist activity in Greece,had come to the United States as a student in 1951, studying for two years atRoosevelt University in Chicago. Then he returned to Greece, where heserved first as an investigator of visa applicants for the Security Division ofthe State Department, and later as a consultant to the office of the UnitedNations High Commissioner for Refugees. But when he applied for avisa to continue his studies here in 1955, he was rejected on undisclosed se-curity grounds. At the time of writing (October 1956), Jecchinis had still notreceived his visa, despite affidavits submitted on his behalf by a long list ofdistinguished Americans and Englishmen who had personal knowledge of hisdemocratic convictions and activities.

KUTCHER CASE

The case of James Kutcher was one which covered a period of several years(see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1950 [Vol. 51], p. 81) and in its variousramifications involved action by courts and administrative agencies on thelocal, state, and Federal levels. Kutcher, a legless veteran and a member ofthe Trotskyite Socialist Workers Party (SWP), an organization which was onthe attorney general's list, had originally been dismissed from a clerical jobin the Veterans Administration (VA) under the Truman Loyalty Program inAugust 1948. In October 1952, the Court of Appeals of the District of Colum-bia had ruled that SWP membership was not in itself adequate grounds fordismissal, and ordered the VA to reconsider Kutcher's case.19 On February 7,1955, the VA reaffirmed his dismissal. Meanwhile, Congress had in July 1952passed the Independent Offices Bill, barring Federally aided public housingto all members of organizations on the attorney general's list, and in Decem-ber of the same year the Newark, N. J., Housing Authority had initiated ac-tion to evict Kutcher and his aged parents from their apartment in the SethBoyden Housing Project. Finally, on December 12, 1955, the Veterans Ad-ministration had sought to deprive Kutcher of his disability pension on theground that he had "rendered assistance to the enemy" during the KoreanWar by his membership in the Socialist Workers Party. The universal outcrywhich this final injustice aroused, however, brought a turning-point in his

" Kraus v. Dulles, 235 F. 2d. 840.u Kutcher v. Gray, 199 F. 2d. 783.

CIVIL LIBERTIES 93

fortunes. The VA's Committee on Waivers and Forfeitures agreed to the un-precedented course of giving Kutcher an open hearing, and on January 6,1956, ruled that there was a reasonable doubt of his guilt, and that he wastherefore entitled to retain his pension. Meanwhile, on December 19, 1955,the New Jersey Supreme Court upheld an injunction against eviction whichthe Kutchers had won in the lower courts.20 At first the Newark HousingAuthority announced that it would appeal to the Federal courts, but lateraccepted the decision—perhaps because it realized that an appeal would bevery unpopular, or perhaps because it had discovered that the Gwinn Amend-ment requiring tenants in Federally aided public housing to swear that theydid not belong to any subversive group had quietly lapsed in 1954. And fi-nally, on April 20, 1956, the Court of Appeals of the District of Columbiaruled that Kutcher's second dismissal, like his first, had been invalid.21 Thisdecision was on procedural grounds, and the government could either haveappealed it to the Supreme Court or, as it had previously done, have initiatednew proceedings against Kutcher. But in view of the public support whichKutcher had won, and of the altered climate of opinion, neither coursewould have been politic. On April 22 Veterans Administrator Harvey Higleyordered Kutcher reinstated with full seniority and back pay.

The precedent for attempting to deny Kutcher his pension had been aruling in the cases of Robert Thompson and Saul Wellman, two Communistleaders convicted under the Smith Act, both of whom had been deprived oftheir disability pensions. In their cases, the VA held that conviction underthe Smith Act constituted proof of assistance to the enemy—even thoughthere was no such charge in the indictments, and in any case all the activitiesfor which Thompson had been convicted had taken place before the out-break of the Korean War, at a time when no Communist state was legallyan enemy of the United States. Even after the Court of Appeals decision onthe Kutcher case, the VA not only refused to pay Thompson and Wellmantheir pensions, but demanded that they repay all the money they had previ-ously received. At the time of writing (October 1956), their cases were beforethe courts.

Equally remarkable was the attempt by the Social Security Administrationto cancel the old age pensions of a number of Communist leaders (and thesurvivors' benefits of the widow and children of a one-time Communist or-ganizer who had later become an active anti-Communist) on the ground thatsince the Communist Party was under Soviet control, they were excludedfrom Social Security as "employees of a foreign government." In this case,however, court action was unnecessary; Social Security referee Peter J. Hoe-gen ruled on June 22, 1956, that "the law is dear that service for the Com-munist Party . . . would form the basis for Social Security benefits." The gov-ernment accepted his ruling. One further attack on the right of Communiststo Social Security benefits was made through a law, signed by the Presidenton August 1, 1956, permitting the trial judge to include deprivation of SocialSecurity rights among the penalties imposed on persons convicted of sedition.

*> Kutcher v. Housing Authority of the City of Newark, 119 A. 2d. 1.»Kutcher v. Higley, 235 F. 2d. 505.

9 4 AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK

RIGHT TO COUNSEL

Two incidents during 1955-56 raised the question of the right to counselfor persons suspected of subversion. The first, in March 1956, involved anattack by Assistant Attorney General William F. Tompkins on non-Com-munist lawyers who took Smith Act cases, and in particular on the Cleve-land Bar Association for taking up a collection to pay the legal expenses ofdefendants in a Smith Act prosecution in that city. After the Cleveland BarAssociation threatened to bring charges against Tompkins before the griev-ance committee of the American Bar Association, Tompkins declared thathe had been "misquoted," and the Cleveland bar accepted that explanation.The second case occurred on July 30, 1956, when the judiciary committee ofthe New Jersey State Senate voted against the confirmation of John O. Bige-low as a member of the Board of Governors of Rutgers University becausehe was—at the request of the Essex County Bar Association—acting as at-torney for a teacher who had been dismissed for pleading the Fifth Amend-ment when asked about possible Communist connections. Governor RobertMeyner refused to withdraw the appointment, the leader of the Republicanmajority in the State Senate supported Bigelow, bar associations and news-papers in many parts of the country rose in wrath, and on August 9, 1956the anti-Bigelow majority of the judiciary committee gave in and reportedBigelow's nomination without recommendation to the full Senate. Bigelowwas confirmed in the Senate by a bipartisan majority of thirteen to four, withtwo abstentions.

The South

While in the country as a whole the civil liberties situation was strikinglybetter in the fall of 1956 than in the summer of 1955, large parts of theSouth formed an exception. There, the issue of integration, and to a lesserextent that of trade unionism, formed the basis during 1955—56 of a wide-spread and systematic attack on civil liberties. This attack took the form ofmethods ranging from licensing laws and ordinances, directed at the NationalAssociation for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and at tradeunions, to the official encouragement of mob violence. This attack was spear-headed by the White Citizens Councils (see p. 96, 110-111, 143-144, 148),but was not limited to them. At the time of writing (October 1956), attemptswere in progress in the courts of Alabama, Louisiana, and Texas to preventthe NAACP from functioning in those states. Several score Negro teacherswere dismissed in various Southern states for membership in the NAACP orfor advocacy of desegregation; a similar fate befell a few white teachers andpublic employees who opposed, or did not actively support the cause of segre-gation. In Mississippi, a vigorous attempt was being made to take away thevote of even those few Negroes whom that state had previously permitted togo to the polls. Efforts to deprive Negroes of the franchise were also underway in Georgia, Alabama, and Louisiana. (In the latter two states, however,Governors James Folsom and Earl Long did what they could to prevent thedisfranchisement of Negro voters.) The use of economic boycotts, directedboth against Negroes who supported integration and at whites who sympa-

CIVIL LIBERTIES 95

thized with them, was widespread, especially in Mississippi and South Caro-lina. And in a number of localities there were instances of violence, either (asin some parts of Texas, Tennessee, and Kentucky) to prevent integrationwhere it had been decided on by school boards or ordered by the courts, ordirected against labor organizers or Negro leaders. The governors of Ten-nessee and Kentucky and some local authorities acted firmly to suppress theviolence, but the rioters received encouragement from other local authoritiesand the state government of Texas.

Political Campaign

The Communist issue played a relatively small part in the political cam-paign, at least on the surface. Vice President Richard Nixon, who had raisedthis issue against Democratic candidates in 1950, 1952, and 1954, declared hisconviction during 1955-56 that the Democratic leaders were loyal and patri-otic Americans. Senator McCarthy was almost completely absent from thecampaign. Even the controversy aroused by ex-President Harry Truman'sstatement in September 1956 that he did not believe Alger Hiss and HarryDexter \ Write had ever been spies or Communists was moderate; Trumanwas not a candidate, and Adlai Stevenson reiterated his previously expressedbelief that there was no reason to doubt the soundness of the verdict in theHiss case.

On the local level, however, the Communist issue did sometimes intrude.Two instances occurred in New York, and in both cases they appeared tohelp the individuals attacked and hurt their attackers. Julien Sourwine, for-mer counsel of the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee and a protege ofthe late Senator Patrick McCarran of Nevada, charged in the course of hiscampaign for the Democratic Senatorial nomination for Nevada in the sum-mer of 1956 that New York Attorney General Jacob K. Javits had consultedwith various Communists before launching his political career. (Sourwine didnot attempt to demonstrate any connection between Javits's record in Con-gress or his record as New York attorney general and the Communist line.)At his own request, Javits testified before the Senate Internal Security Sub-commitee that he had known some of the persons mentioned, but that all hiscontacts had been innocent and casual. Senators Jenner and Eastland pro-fessed a belief that some things about the case would bear further lookinginto, but Javits received the Republican nomination for Senator from NewYork, with the support of such Republican leaders as Thomas E. Dewey andLeonard Hall. In Nevada, on the other hand, Sourwine ran a bad last in afour-man primary contest. In the New York Senatorial campaign the issueplayed no part, since Democratic candidate Robert Wagner declared he knewJavits to be a good American.

The Communist issue was raised in one New York district, however, wherethe campaign newspaper of Representative Frederick Coudert quoted variouscitizens as charging that the Communists were supporting his Democratic op-ponent, Anthony Akers. It was soon revealed that the citizens quoted hadnever made the statements in question, and that the pictures which had ap-peared next to their names had been those of professional models. Coudertwas forced to repudiate the campaign newspaper, but maintained that the

9 6 AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK

charges were true. The only proof he was able to offer, however, consisted oftwo Daily Worker news stories which both Democratic and Republican news-papers agreed gave no indication whatsoever of Communist support forAkers. (The New York Times added that even if the Communists were tosupport Akers, it would be irrelevant, since he was obviously neither Com-munist nor pro-Communist.)

MAURICE J. GOLDBLOOM

CIVIL RIGHTS

C IVIL RIGHTS refer to those rights and privileges which are guaranteed bylaw to each individual, regardless of his membership in any ethnic

group: the right to work, to education, to housing, to the use of public ac-commodations, of health and welfare services and facilities, and the right tolive in peace and dignity without discrimination, segregation, or distinctionbased on race, religion, color, ancestry, national origin, or place of birth.They are the rights which government has the duty to defend and expand.

The major civil rights events of the period covered by this review floweddirectly from the two historic decisions of the United States Supreme Court:that compulsory racial segregation in the public schools violates the "equalprotection of the laws" clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the FederalConstitution, and that such segregation should be terminated "with all delib-erate speed." l Although this article covers the period from July 1, 1955 toJune 1, 1956, the section on education is extended to September 30, 1956, inorder to include a report on the status of desegregation as of the commence-ment of the school term in the fall of 1956.

EDUCATION

With the opening of public schools in September 1956, Negro children inmany border states sought admission to formerly all-white schools. In somecases they were backed by court orders, and in others they were merely pre-sented by their parents as children entitled to admission as of right. In manysmall towns and cities there was trouble. Angry citizens, sometimes provokedby prior meetings of White Citizens Councils (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEARBOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 183), gathered around some school buildings when itwas learned that Negro children would apply for admission. In some cases,violence erupted and necessitated strong police and even National Guardintervention. In other cases, white parents kept their children out of schoolfor their own safety or as a protest against the admission of Negroes. Thistactic had mixed success. And in still other communities Negro children wereaccepted into the formerly white schools without incident or observabletension.

In the eight states of the so-called Deep South, tradition continued to defy1 Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 347 U.S. 483 (1954); 349 U.S. 294 (1955).

CIVIL RIGHTS 97

desegregation, and there were no cases reported in which a Negro child suc-ceeded in winning admission to a white school.

According to the September 1956 issue of the Southern School News, theofficial publication of the Southern Educational Reporting Service, therewere 723 school districts and units desegregated in the southern and borderstates—186 more than in September 1955—as school doors reopened. A sum-mary of the major developments in each of the seventeen states and in theDistrict of Columbia follows.

Alabama

There was no desegregation in the public schools or colleges of Alabama,although Negroes and whites, in varying ratios, did attend a few privateschools and colleges—Spring Hill College, a Jesuit school in Mobile; Talla-dega College and grade school, a Congregational institution in the BlueRidge foothills; and Tuskegee Institute, founded in 1881 by Booker T.Washington for the education of Negroes.

A school placement bill, which, while not mentioning race, granted localboards of education virtually unlimited powers to assign pupils to any par-ticular school on the basis of social, intellectual, or psychological suitabilitybecame law in August 1955 without the signature of Governor James E.Folsom.

LUCY CASE

On August 26, 1955 Federal district Judge Hobart Grooms ruled that theofficials of the University of Alabama at Tuscaloosa could not refuse admis-sion to Autherine Lucy and Polly Ann Myers because of their race or color.2

Following a series of legal maneuvers, the United States Supreme Court onOctober 10, 1955, ordered the university to admit the two Negro women.3

The complainants returned to Judge Grooms' Court on October 21, andasked that the dean of admissions, William F. Adams, be cited for contemptfor refusing to carry out the court's mandate. Upon the plea that the regis-tration period had passed, the judge refused to find the dean in contempt.On February 1, 1956, Autherine Lucy and Polly Ann Myers Hudson pre-sented themselves for registration. Mrs. Hudson was turned away on theground that "her conduct and marital record" had been such that "she doesnot meet the standards of the university." Autherine Lucy was hurriedthrough registration, but was refused a room in the dormitory and the privi-leges of the cafeteria. She attended classes on February 3, 1956, without inci-dent, although university police acted as her escort when she crossed thecampus from one building to another. There was a student demonstrationand a burning cross that evening, but observers described it as a characteristicstudent rally or display, less boisterous than others of the past. On February 4,Miss Lucy attended classes without police guard or escort and again withoutincident. That evening, however, high school students, Tuscaloosa towns-people, workers and members of several pro-segregation organizations fromBirmingham moved in to distribute racist and inflammatory pamphlets, and

1 Lucy et al. v. Adams, 134 F. Supp. 235.'Lucy et al. v. Adams, 350 U.S. 1.


to encourage the university students to resist the admission of the Negro girl.The group swelled to mob proportions and demonstrations at the home ofuniversity President Oliver C. Carmichael followed. On February 5, Car-michael announced that disciplinary action would be taken against studentsresponsible for the demonstrations. On February 6, a crowd of non-universitypeople gathered in front of the building in which Miss Lucy had her firstclass, and the dean of women escorted her out through the rear of the build-ing to avoid the crowd gathered in front. They were seen, however, and rocksand eggs were thrown at them and epithets hurled. Miss Lucy was taken inthe dean's car to her next class in another university building; again rocksand eggs were hurled at her. The mob grew to about a thousand as universitystudents were attracted by the demonstrations. Miss Lucy was finally spiritedoff the campus in the car of a highway patrolman and safely escorted backto Birmingham. The mob continued to roam the campus and to throwgravel, rocks and firecrackers until that evening, when the university boardof trustees met and decided to exclude Miss Lucy "until further notice."

Carmichael justified the board's action as essential to forestall physical in-jury and perhaps death to the Negro student. He convened a compulsoryjoint student assembly and faculty meeting on February 16 at which he statedthat the issue was no longer "segregation versus integration, but law andorder versus anarchy." Not all faculty members or students, however, agreedwith the decision of the board to suspend Autherine Lucy for her own safety.Miss Lucy's attorney appealed to Judge Grooms to compel the university au-thorities to allow her to resume her studies. In his petition, the attorney al-leged that the university had engaged in a "cunning strategem" to effect hisclient's exclusion from the university, and that the authorities had "inten-tionally" permitted the demonstrations to create an atmosphere of mob rule.These allegations were called "untrue, unwarranted and outrageous" by Car-michael. Although Judge Grooms ordered Miss Lucy's reinstatement, she waspermanently expelled on February 29 for having made charges that reflecteddiscredit upon the university. No appeal was taken from the expulsion order.

On March 12, 1956, the board also expelled Leonard R. Wilson, who hadbeen a leader in the school demonstrations in February and who had re-peatedly denounced the university officials and challenged them to expelhim. At the same time, four other students were suspended and a group ofabout twenty disciplined for having participated in the demonstrations. Soended the first attempt to breach the segregation barrier at the University ofAlabama.

LEGISLATIVE AND JUDICIAL ACTION

On February 1, 1956, the House by an eighty-six to four vote and the Sen-ate by an overwhelming voice vote, passed an interposition resolution declar-ing the Supreme Court's desegregation rulings "null, void and of no effect."On February 7, 1956, the legislature approved a proposed constitutionalamendment providing for "freedom of choice," under which parents couldelect whether to send their children to all-Negro, all-white, or mixed schools.

Montgomery Circuit Judge Walter B. Jones on June 1, 1956, enjoined allAlabama chapters of the National Association for the Advancement of Col-

CIVIL RIGHTS 99

ored People (NAACP) from further activities within the state. State AttorneyGeneral John Patterson had requested the order, charging the NAACP with"organizing, supporting and financing an illegal boycott by Negro residentsof Montgomery . . . to compel the Montgomery City Lines . . . to integrateseating arrangements" on city buses. A second charge was that the NAACPemployed and paid Autherine Lucy to break down the segregation barriers atthe University of Alabama.

On August 28, 1956 the voters approved, by a three to two margin, theconstitutional changes required to empower the legislature to abolish anypublic school threatened with desegregation and to establish "freedom ofchoice."

i

Arkansas

September 1956 arrived with three school districts—the same number as in1955—desegregated. They were Hoxie, where about a dozen Negroes wereattending classes with some 900 white pupils; Fayetteville, which in 1954 in-tegrated nine high school students in a school where about 500 students werewhite; and Charleston, which also in 1954 admitted some eleven Negroes toformerly all-white schools.

An unusual case was filed in the Federal district court at Little Rock wherethe Hoxie school district sought to enjoin pro-segregationists from interfer-ing with the operation of the schools in the district. On October 14, 1955,Federal Judge Thomas C. Trimble issued a temporary restraining orderwhich was made permanent by United States District Judge Albert L. Reeveson January 9, 1956.4 An appeal was taken by the defendants to the UnitedStates Court of Appeals (8th Cir.), and the United States Department ofJustice filed a brief amicus curiae on August 24, 1956. The brief argued thatthe principal issue was whether "state officials can be protected in federalcourts from purposeful and formidable obstruction to the performance of theduty imposed on them by the Federal Constitution."

In a second case in Arkansas, Federal district Judge John E. Miller ruledon January 18, 1956, in an NAACP-sponsored suit against the Van Buranschool board, that Arkansas' segregation laws were null and void, and thatthere was "no question of law" involved in the appeal to the court to orderadmission of Negro children to white schools. The only question, JudgeMiller said, was whether the school board really needed more time to inte-grate Negro and white students according to the Supreme Court ruling.5

Suit was filed on February 8, 1956 on behalf of thirty-three Negro childrenin Little Rock asking an immediate end to all racial segregation in the dis-trict, which had about 13,000 white pupils and 4,400 Negro pupils. On Au-gust 28, 1956, Federal district Judge John E. Miller ruled in favor of theLittle Rock School Board's plan for gradual desegregation, to begin at thehigh school level in 1957. The court found that the school board had actedin "utmost good faith" in adopting its plan.6

At the university level, Arkansas was a pioneer among the southern states.A Negro had been enrolled, without a court mandate, in the law school of

* Hoxie School District v. Brewer, et al., 137 F. Supp. 364.5 Banks v. Izzard, — F. Supp. —.• Aaron v. Cooper, — F. Supp. —.


the University of Arkansas in 1948, six years before the Supreme Court or-dered desegregation of the public schools.

Delaware

According to figures submitted by the director of research of the state de-partment of public instruction, the 1956-57 school year commenced with atleast 4,100 Negro children out of a total of about 11,000 in the state attend-ing public schools in districts that had varying patterns of desegregation. Allof Wilmington's twenty schools, from kindergarten through senior highschool, were operating on a "freedom of admission" basis. In September1954 the Wilmington board of education permitted desegregation in the ele-mentary schools. The next year, the junior high schools permitted studentsto enter regardless of race. The process was completed in September 1956when the senior high schools followed suit. Transfers from one school to an-other within the city were being granted, "but only after close study of thereasons given." Ward I. Miller, superintendent of schools, reported toSouthern School News that there were "exceptionally few" requests fortransfers.

The picture was somewhat different in the southern part of the state. Act-ing on behalf of a group of Negro children, the NAACP petitioned the stateboard of education on February 10, 1956, to order desegregation in eightschool districts in southern Delaware, where no steps had been taken tocomply with the Supreme Court's mandate. The state board, which officiallyfavored a program gradually leading to integration, refused on March 15,1956, to order immediate desegregation in the eight districts. In May 1956 asuit was filed in the federal district court against the eight non-complyingschool districts. The Milton school board in Sussex County, and the Christi-ana school board in upper New Castle County, two of the eight school dis-tricts involved, replied that they were willing to undertake some form ofdesegregation program immediately, while the remaining six districts wereunwilling to do so. The court ordered all eight school districts to draw upand submit plans for compliance with the Supreme Court's desegregation de-cision.7 An elementary school at Christiana admitted Negroes for the firsttime in September 1956. The public schools of Dover, the state capital, werealso following the lead of Wilmington rather than that of the southerncounty in which it was located, and admitting Negro students.

District of Columbia

As the public schools of the district opened in September, which was thebeginning of the third year of desegregation, a special subcommittee of theHouse District Affairs Committee, under the chairmanship of CongressmanJames C. Davis (Dem., Ga.) was conducting public hearings on "juvenile de-linquency and lowered school standards." Since the membership of the sub-committee was principally southern, and its chief counsel was William E.

''Jackson v. Buchanan, — F. Supp. — (1956).

CIVIL RIGHTS 101

Gerber of Memphis, the NAACP charged that the sole purpose of the probewas to discredit the desegregation program of Washington's schools.

Although school officials refrained from publicizing any figures breakingthe school population down by race, the 1956-57 enrollment was expected tocontinue the trend first observed in 1950 of a falling white school populationand a growing Negro enrollment. Southern School News estimated a totalschool population of 110,000 for the District of Columbia, with a ratio of 65per cent Negro and 35 per cent white. All but twenty-two of the publicschools in the district reported that they had racially mixed classes. Theschool authorities were plagued by administrative problems flowing fromovercrowded classes, shortage of teachers, widely varying achievement ratesamong the pupils, and the spotlight of an unsympathetic congressional inves-tigation.

Florida

With the exception of schools located on two Air Force bases at Eglin andTyndall, complete racial segregation existed in September 1956 at all pub-licly supported schools, colleges, and universities in Florida. While theschools located on Air Force bases at Tampa and Cocoa were also availableto all children of the military personnel, no Negro children were reported asregistered.

The Supreme Court of Florida reconsidered an earlier decision involvingthe 1949 application of Virgil D. Hawkins, a Negro teacher of the social sci-ences, for admission to the law school of the University of Florida. On May24, 1954, one week after the historic school desegregation decision, theUnited States Supreme Court had remanded the Hawkins case to the Su-preme Court of Florida "for consideration in the light of the SegregationCases decided May 17, 1954." (See AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1955 [Vol.56], p. 201). On October 19, 1955, the Supreme Court of Florida, by a five totwo vote, voided all state statutes and constitutional provisions which pro-hibited the mingling of the races in schools supported by tax-raised funds. TheFlorida court extended the United States Supreme Court's "implementation"decision in the Segregation Cases to institutions of higher learning, and ruledthat the university authorities should be allowed time for adjustment andplanned integration of the races. It therefore appointed Circuit Judge JohnA. H. Murphree to take testimony regarding a plan and program for the ad-mission of Negroes without "danger of serious conflicts, incidents and dis-turbances." 8 Hawkins appealed again to the United States Supreme Court,and on March 12, 1956, that tribunal held that its order for the desegregationof public elementary and secondary schools "with all deliberate speed" wasnot applicable to graduate schools. "There is no reason for delay. He [Haw-kins] is entitled to prompt admission under the rules and regulations applica-ble to other qualified candidates." 9

The reaction of the Florida Board of Control was immediate. It tight-ened admission requirements for the three state universities under its juris-diction. All future applicants would be required to undergo rigid record

^Florida ex rel. Hawkins v. Board of Control, 83 S.E. 2d 20 (1955).'Florida ex rel. Hawkins v. Board of Control, 350 U.S. 413 (1956).


examination, and graduates of out-of-state colleges would be admitted onlywith the express approval of the board of control. Future admissions to thestate universities from among high school graduates would be limited tothose in the upper 60 per cent of their class.

At a special session of the state legislature called in July 1956 to deal withthe desegregation issue, four statutes and one resolution were passed. Onelaw permitted county school boards to assign pupils to schools on the basis ofintellectual ability, scholastic achievement, and sociological and psychologicalfactors. The second statute permitted the dismissal of teachers notwithstand-ing tenure status. The third enactment vested extraordinary powers in thegovernor for a five-year period, "to cope with emergencies threatening thepeace and tranquility of the state." The fourth law established a seven-member committee of the legislature to investigate the NAACP. The resolu-tion condemned the United States Supreme Court "for usurping the sover-eign rights of the states," and asked the Congress to amend the FederalConstitution to clarify the exclusive role of the states in controlling publiceducation. Governor LeRoy Collins signed the legislation into law on July26, 1956.

Georgia

White and Negro school children of Georgia returned to their classroomsin September 1956 with racial segregation in effect at all levels from kinder-garten to graduate school. The state legislature, at its regular session whichended on February 17, 1956, adopted five bills sponsored by GovernorMarvin Griffin to safeguard or strengthen segregation. One law permittedthe governor to close schools ineligible for state funds because of mixedracial classes, and allowed the governor to make state grants to individuals tobe used at private, nonsectarian schools. Other enactments authorized localschool boards to lease or sublease school property for private educationalpurposes. Another statute brought teachers in private, nonsectarian schoolsunder the Georgia Teacher Retirement Act. The final law provided for firesafety inspection and certification of private schools. A resolution attemptingto nullify the Supreme Court decision on desegregation passed the state leg-islature on February 13, 1956.

Three Negro applicants who sought admission to Georgia State College ofBusiness Administration in Atlanta in June 1956 were rejected by registra-tion officials. Regulations newly adopted on May 9, 1956, provided that allapplicants for admission to the college must submit the signatures of twosponsoring alumni and of the county clerk or ordinary of the applicant'shome county.

A controversy developed during the first week of December 1955 overwhether Georgia Tech should oppose the University of Pittsburgh footballteam in the Sugar Bowl on January 2, 1956, in light of the fact that thelatter team had a Negro player. Governor Griffin wired Robert O. Arnold,chairman of the board of regents of the State of Georgia, on December 2,1955, asking that the board ban any state school from playing a team thatused Negroes. He also asked for a prohibition against playing before un-segregated audiences, which was permitted at the Sugar Bowl game. That

CIVIL RIGHTS 103

night Georgia Tech students demonstrated in large numbers before the statecapitol and executive mansion, in protest against the governor's action. TheGeorgia Tech Board of Regents met on December 5 and voted to permit thegame to be played as scheduled, but barred the school's participating in anyfuture mixed-race contests within the state. Games played outside the statewere to be played according to the rules of the host. The board also apolo-gized to the governor and to the people of Georgia for the students' behavioron December 2 and 3. Five students were expelled as a result of the series ofdemonstrations.

Kentucky

Robert Martin, State Superintendent of Public Instruction, reiterated Ken-tucky's official position on August 28, 1956, when he said that "the SupremeCourt ruling is the law of the land." The 1956-57 school year began with de-segregation in effect in some schools in all but 15 of the state's 120 counties.On September 10, 1956, compulsory racial segregation ended in all of Louis-ville's public schools, at all levels from kindergarten through senior highschool. Omer Carmichael, superintendent of Louisville schools, announcedthat fifty-four of the seventy-four public schools had racially mixed studentbodies, while the remaining schools were either all-white or all-Negro becausethey were located in completely segregated neighborhoods. A total of over50,000 children, including 12,500 Negroes, were in peaceful attendance inthe public schools on the opening day.

Not so peaceful were the attempts to desegregate the schools in the townsof Clay, Sturgis, and Henderson. At Clay a crowd of over one hundredfarmers and coal miners turned two Negro children away from the elemen-tary school on September 10, 1956, when they attempted to register. Theywere subsequently ushered to the school by the state militia, but white chil-dren boycotted classes. A week later, Attorney General Jo M. Ferguson pub-lished an opinion that the Negro students were not entitled to admission tothe white school until the local school board had first adopted a plan andprogram to desegregate it. The local board thereupon passed a resolutionbarring Negroes from the Clay school for the time being, and the two coloredchildren were refused admission by the principal.

At Sturgis, a western Kentucky mining community of 2,500 eleven milesfrom Clay, nine Negro children presented themselves at the white highschool on September 5, 1956. An angry mob of townspeople turned themaway. That night several units of the Kentucky National Guard arrived intown, and the next morning the guardsmen escorted the Negro children toschool. The mob tried to break through the ring of troops but was forcedback. White children were kept out of school in protest, but after one weekof the boycott attendance was almost back to normal. The opinion of theattorney general, followed by the capitulation of the school board at Clay,established a pattern which was quickly followed at Sturgis, and the Negrochildren were excluded from the school.

At Henderson a boycott of the Weaverton grade school erupted followingthe Clay and Henderson capitulations. Here the school authorities held fast,even though more than 75 per cent of the white children stayed away. By the


end of September the mood of the protesting parents had changed com-pletely, and there were good indications that desegregation would win out.

On November 30, 1955 the Federal District Court for Western Kentuckyhanded down its decision in the first school desegregation suit to be broughtin the state. The court held that the Adair County high school should beopened to Negroes at the commencement of the February 1956 semester. Thecourt also ruled that the county's elementary schools should be desegregatedeight months later with the opening of the new school year in September.10

Negro students were admitted to the Adair high school on January 16, 1956,without incident.

On June 7, 1956, Western Kentucky State College at Bowling Green en-rolled its first Negro students in compliance with the recommendations ofthe Kentucky Council of Public Higher Education. A majority of the state'sprivate, church-related institutions of higher education had admitted Negrostudents for some time. As of September 1956, twenty-eight of the state'sforty seminaries, junior colleges, and senior colleges were opened to studentsof all races.

Louisiana

"Solid segregation" most aptly described the condition that prevailed withthe opening of the public schools in Louisiana in September 1956. The onlydesegregation that had taken place in state-supported institutions resultedfrom court mandates opening four normally white colleges: Louisiana StateUniversity, Southwestern Louisiana Institute, McNeese State College, andSoutheastern Louisiana College.

In December 1955 state district Judge Coleman Lindsey dismissed anNAACP challenge to the constitutionality of a 1955 statute appropriating$100,000 to defeat legal attacks on racial segregation in the state's publicschools. The judge held that the state attorney general was doing no morethan his sworn duty when he expended funds to defend state laws which hadnot yet been declared unconstitutional by any competent court.11

In Bush v. Orleans Parish School Board, a special three-judge Federal dis-trict court held that the United States Supreme Court's desegregation de-cisions had invalidated all Louisiana statutes and constitutional provisionsrequiring or permitting racial segregation in the public schools. The case wasthen referred back to Federal district Judge J. Skelly Wright, who enjoinedthe Orleans Parish school board from requiring or permitting racial segrega-tion in any school under its supervision. Judge Wright ordered the board tomake necessary arrangements for the nondiscriminatory admission of students"with all deliberate speed as required by the decision of the SupremeCourt."12 In the course of his opinion Judge Wright said that the plan de-vised by the legislature "for maintaining segregation in the public schools ofLouisiana is invalid" (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol 57],P- 147).

io Willis v. Walker, — F. Supp. —.u Adams v. LeBlanc, 19th Judicial District Court, Baton Rouge, La.«Bush v. Orleans Parish School Board, 138 F. Supp. 336, 337, both decided on February

CIVIL RIGHTS 105

As a reaction to the court defeats, Louisiana Attorney General FredLeBlanc sought dissolution of the NAACP, because the organization hadfailed to comply with a rarely enforced law requiring practically all organiza-tions to file membership lists annually with the attorney general's office. OnMarch 29, 1956, state district Judge Coleman Lindsey issued a temporary in-junction against the NAACP, and made it permanent on April 24, 1956.13

Toward the end of May 1956 Louisiana became the sixth southern state toadopt an interposition resolution. On May 7, the United States SupremeCourt refused to review a Federal district court decision ordering LouisianaState University to open its doors to Negro undergraduates.1*

A 1956 statute (Act 579) prohibited interracial athletic contests and un-segregated seating arrangements for spectators. The Sugar Bowl midwintersports carnival then received word from Notre Dame, Dayton, and St. LouisUniversities that they could not accept invitations to participate in thebasketball tournament. The University of Pittsburgh, which had brought astar Negro fullback and an unsegregated rooting section to New Orleans onJanuary 1, 1956, to participate in the Sugar Bowl football game, announcedthat it would accept no more invitations to the Sugar Bowl so long as Act579 stood on the statute books. The United States military academies indi-cated that they took the same position.

Maryland

Almost 85 per cent of Maryland's Negro children found their school build-ings open in September 1956 on a nonsegregated basis. Nineteen countiesand the city of Baltimore were following a policy of desegregation in accord-ance with the United States Supreme Court's decisions. Only four countiesdid not have some sort of program under way, and one of these had noknown Negro school children. The other three lay along Maryland's easternshore, which was the site of the only significant resistance to desegregation inthe state. The number of Negro pupils actually entering white schools wasexpected to be small, however, since most counties adopted a "voluntary de-segregation" policy under which Negroes were free to apply for admission toformerly white schools. Minor, nonviolent demonstrations were reported inSeptember 1956 at four schools of the 200 admitting Negroes.

On November 28, 1955, and December 15, 1955, two sets of parents werehaled into Baltimore County Juvenile Court for violating Maryland's com-pulsory education law by keeping their children out of racially mixedschools. Both families removed their children from the state before thecharges were finally adjudicated.

On June 20, 1956, Federal district Judge Roszel C. Thomsen held a hear-ing in Baltimore in a suit brought by the NAACP on behalf of a group ofsixty-six Negro students against the St. Mary's county board of education. Theplea asked that the board be compelled to present a plan to desegregate thecounty's public schools in accordance with the Supreme Court's desegrega-tion decisions.15 A second suit was filed in the Federal district court by the

M LeBlanc v. Lewis, 19th Judicial District Court, Baton Rouge, La.«Board of Supervisions of Louisiana State University v. Tureavd, 351 U.S. 924.M Robinson v. Board of Education, 143 F. Supp. 481.


NAACP on August 28, 1956, against the board of education of HarfordCounty on the charge that the school authorities had discriminated againstNegro children; only fifteen out of fifty-nine applicants for transfer to for-merly white schools had been accepted.

Mississippi

Mississippi's 500,000 public school children, almost equally divided be-tween white and Negro, returned to their strictly segregated schools in Sep-tember 1956. The program adopted by the legislature in 1953 to equalizeNegro and white educational opportunities and facilities within the segrega-tion framework was beginning to show some results. The physical facilitiesof the Negro educational system were improved, and the salaries paid toNegro teachers raised. Aside from the filing of petitions in five cities (Vicks-burg, Natchez, Jackson, Yazoo City, and Clarksdale) no efforts had beenmade to break down the segregation barriers.

Introduced and passed by the legislature on February 29, 1956, Missis-sippi's interposition resolution pledged the state

to take all appropriate measures honorably and constitutionally availableto us, to avoid this illegal encroachment upon our rights, and we do herebyurge our sister states to take prompt and deliberate actions to check furtherencroachment by the federal government through judicial legislation, uponthe reserved powers of all the states.

Also enacted during February 1956 was a law repealing the state's com-pulsory school attendance statutes, so that the way would be cleared if itshould become necessary to abandon the public school system. A second lawpassed in February prohibited "fomenting or agitating" litigation or the"solicitation, receipt or donation of funds for the purpose of filing or prose-cuting a lawsuit." The act was obviously aimed at the NAACP. A third lawrequired all supervisory personnel, instructors, and teachers in all state-supported institutions to file sworn statements listing the names and ad-dresses of all associations and organizations of which they were or had beenmembers or contributors during the past five years. In March the legislatureset up a State Sovereignty Commission "to do and perform any and all actsand things deemed necessary and proper to protect the sovereignty of thestate of Mississippi . . . from encroachment thereon by the federal gov-ernment . . ."

Missouri

The third year of desegregation commenced in September 1956 with 88per cent of Missouri's Negro children enrolled in school systems that werewholly or partially integrated, and compulsory racial segregation virtuallyabolished at the secondary school level. The 33,000 Negro pupils in St. Louisand the 12,000 children in Kansas City were attending public schools thatdid not use race as a factor in determining admissions. The only area of thestate in which compulsory segregation persisted was the Bootheel, or deltasection, in the southeastern tip of the state.

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In most of Missouri's large school systems, teachers were integrated alongwith their pupils. Complaints that the Kansas City board of education haddiscriminated against Negro teachers were aired at a public hearing on No-vember 10, 1955; an injunction action by the NAACP was pending in theFederal district court in St. Louis on behalf of eight Negro teachers of Mo-berly who claimed that they had been dismissed from their teaching postssolely on the grounds of race.16

Alert and prompt action on the part of school authorities and local policeaverted a pupil demonstration in March 1956 at a Kansas City high schoolwhere racial tensions developed as a result of a fracas between a Negro anda white student.

North CarolinaThere was not a single instance of desegregation in the public schools of

North Carolina in September 1956. The only new crack in the walls of segre-gation appeared at the college level; several Negro undergraduates were ad-mitted to the University of North Carolina following a decision by a three-judge Federal district court on September 10, 1955, that "the Negro as a classmay not be excluded because of their race and color."17 The three Negro pe-titioners were admitted to the university branch at Chapel Hill pending anappeal to the United States Supreme Court. The university had been admit-ting Negro graduate students since 1951.

In a significant case, the United States Court of Appeals on December 1,1955, remanded a lawsuit to the federal district court with instructions to"give consideration not merely to the decision of the Supreme Court [in theSchool Segregation Cases] but also to subsequent legislation of the State ofNorth Carolina providing an administrative remedy for persons who feelaggrieved with respect to their enrollment in the public schools of the state.. . . It is well settled that the courts of the United States will not grant in-junctive relief until administrative remedies have been exhausted." 18

The importance of the case lay in the court's acceptance of the administra-tive appeal procedure established by the pupil assignment law; this law hadbeen adopted in 1955 to frustrate the desegregation mandate of the SupremeCourt (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 148). States com-mitted to resist desegregation were thus given the possibility of devising ad-ministrative appeal procedures whose effect would be to delay an ultimatedecision on the merits of an application for admission to a public schooluntil the Negro child was graduated from the segregated school.

On March 5, 1956, Superior County Judge George B. Patton, in inter-preting the 1955 pupil assignment law, ruled out law suits brought on behalfof a petitioner "and others similarly situated" to test the validity of boardrefusals to admit children to local public schools. This decision was affirmedon May 23, 1956, by the North Carolina Supreme Court, and another dila-tory tactic was upheld.19 Also on March 5, 1956, the United States SupremeCourt handed down its decision in the University of North Carolina case.

u Brooks, et al. v. Moberly Board of Education."Frasier v. Board of Trustees of N.C.U., 134 F. Supp. 589.u Carson v. Board of Education of McDowell County, 227 F. 2d 789.u Joyner v. McDowell Board of Education, 92 S.E. 2d 795.


(See p. 107, above.) In a per curiam order, the court affirmed the three-judgeFederal court's decision that the university must admit the Negro applicantsif they were otherwise qualified. The Supreme Court thus extended its May17, 1954, ban on racial segregation to tax-supported colleges and universi-ties.20 Following the decision, Negro undergraduates were admitted to severalother branches of the University of North Carolina.

In June 1956, the Supreme Court of North Carolina invalidated the state'sconstitutional requirement for the maintenance of racially segregated schools;the suit under consideration challenged the right of county commissioners toissue school bonds. The legal theory of the petitioner was that the bonds hadbeen approved by the voters for racially segregated schools which had, in theinterim, been outlawed by the United State Supreme Court.21

By a four to one vote, the people of North Carolina on September 8, 1956,approved two amendments to their state constitution. These provided forthe state to pay tuition grants to students who attended nonsectarian privateschools because their parents objected to their attending mixed publicschools, and enabled a majority of the residents in any school district to sus-pend the operation of a public school "to escape an intolerable situation."

Oklahoma

Schools in at least 173 districts in Oklahoma had actual desegregation asthey commenced the 1956-57 school year: 3,177 Negro pupils in those dis-tricts were attending schools with almost 89,000 white students. Some 26school districts had segregated schools either through official policy or pref-erence of the pupils. In those districts 1,811 Negroes and 11,521 whites wereenrolled. Altogether, some 60 of the state's 77 counties had either officially oractually desegregated their public schools.

In September 1955 the NAACP commenced an action in the Federal dis-trict court at Muskogee charging a Negro superintendent of schools at RedBird with refusing to issue transfers to fourteen Negro pupils to enable themto attend high schools that had been formerly white. On September 30, Fed-eral district Judge William R. Wallace issued a temporary restraining orderbarring the school districts involved in the litigation from using state aidfunds. A three-judge Federal court was convened to hear the case on itsmerits. On December 15, 1955, the court dismissed the suit "because of thedefendant school district's good faith strides toward complete integration." 22

In February 1956 the state department of education adopted new rules forcomputing state aid for transportation expenses. These rules were expectedto discourage transporting pupils out of their home districts to segregatedschools, since the cost of such transportation was shifted completely to thelocal district.

The Oklahoma Congress of Colored Parents and Teachers voted itself dis-banded on July 1, 1956; after this date its members would be eligible to be-long to the previously all-white Oklahoma Congress of Parents and Teachers.

- Steps were also under way to disband the Oklahoma Association of Negro*

"Board of Trustees of N.C.U. v. Frasier, 350 U.S. 979.31 Constantian v. Anson Board of Education, — N.C. —.22 Borrough v. Jenkins, U.S.D.C, Eastern District of Oklahoma.

CIVIL RIGHTS 109

Teachers, since the Oklahoma Education Association had eliminated its baragainst Negro members. One unfortunate concomitant of the rapid and suc-cessful desegregation of Oklahoma's public schools was the discharge of al-most 200 well-qualified Negro teachers, since the faculties were not integratedwhen the students were. Many of these discharged teachers were finding jobsin other southern states where desegregation was not proceeding so swiftlyand efficiently.

South CarolinaAt the commencement of the 1956-57 school year rigid racial segregation

prevailed from the elementary to the collegiate level in the educational sys-tem of South Carolina. The state crystallized its official policy against desegre-gation in February 1956 by adopting a formal declaration of protest againstthe Supreme Court's school desegregation decisions. The resolution did notuse the terms "interposition" or "nullification," but it was a strongly wordedcondemnation of the United States Supreme Court for "encroachment . . .into the reserve powers of the states."

The 1956 session of the South Carolina General Assembly adopted a num-ber of laws intended to strengthen the barriers of racial segregation. H-1896provided that state appropriations could not be used to support any school,college, or park in which persons were ordered admitted by any court in dis-regard of the state's segregation statutes. Such state institutions were to beclosed "while the pupil presents himself for admittance, or until the courtorder is revoked." At the same time the Negro school was to be closed, mak-ing it impossible for any Negro child to attend school. H-1998 made it illegalfor the state or any of its political subdivisions to employ any member ofthe NAACP. H-1915 empowered school authorities to call in law enforcementofficers whenever there was reason to believe that the enrollment "of certainpupils in a certain school may threaten to result in riot, civil commotion, ormay in any way disturb the peace of the citizens of the community." Thelaw officers were authorized to remove such pupils to other schools wheretheir presence was not likely to cause a breach of the peace. H-1908 andH-1909 authorized local school boards to designate one or more of theirmembers to act as hearing officers to deal administratively with segregationproblems. H-2021 extended the life of the [Senator L. Marion] Gressette Com-mittee established in 1951 to study school segregation problems and makerecommendations. The committee was expressly empowered to "coordinateits activities with those of other states having similar committees and similarproblems." H-1900 was a joint resolution establishing a nine-member com-mittee to investigate the activities of the NAACP among the faculty and stu-dents at the South Carolina State College for Negroes. H-2006 was a jointresolution commending the principles of the Citizens Councils in South Caro-lina. H-2100 was a concurrent resolution calling upon the United States At-torney General to place the NAACP on his list of subversive organizations.

A one-week student demonstration occurred April 9-13, 1956, at SouthCarolina State College as a protest against both the legislative investigationof the NAACP and the college's use of the products of local merchants whowere members of the Citizens Council. On April 25 the board of trustees.


all of whom were white, met to study the student demonstration. They im-mediately expelled the president of the student organization and labeled"unwise" a resolution approving the NAACP which had been signed by 176members of the faculty. Fifteen additional students were asked not to returnto college the following fall.

On April 25, 1956, the United States Court of Appeals refused to grant aninjunction to compel a South Carolina public school to admit Negro chil-dren. The ground for the refusal of the injunction was that "the administra-tive remedies prescribed by the recent [1956] South Carolina statute have notbeen exhausted." 23 Here was another court decision that required a peti-tioner to follow faithfully the administrative appeal procedures establishedby a resisting state before he could successfully ask for court relief.

On September 10, 1956, a suit was filed in the Federal district court inCharleston on behalf of twenty-four Negro teachers challenging the consti-tutionality of the 1956 statute prohibiting the employment of NAACP mem-bers by the state or any of its political subdivisions. A hearing was set forOctober 22, 1956 before a three-judge Federal court.24

Tennessee

Public schools opened in Tennesse on August 27, 1956, with the racesstrictly segregated, with a single exception—Clinton High School. On Janu-ary 4, 1956 Federal district Judge Robert L. Taylor, as a last step in a lawsuitcommenced on April 26, 1952, had issued an order that Clinton High Schoolshould desegregate at "the beginning of the fall term of the year 1956." 25

When the school opened 794 white children and 12 Negroes walked in. Thecommunity had been discussing the expected desegregation since the courtorder was handed down in January and appeared resigned to it. The schoolboard passed a resolution expressing its intention "to comply with any andall court mandates, both federal and state," and agreed to support the actionsof school principals in carrying out that policy. There were no signs of ten-sion in the community until Frederick J. Kasper, who identified himself asthe executive director of the Seaboard White Citizens Council of Washing-ton, D. C, arrived in Clinton and began to stir up trouble. He held a meet-ing of about fifty persons on Saturday evening, August 25, and urged picket-ing the school and keeping white children home until the Negro pupils werewithdrawn. There was a minor demonstration in front of the school when itopened. Kasper held a second meeting on August 28 and drew about 500people. The next morning, Wednesday, about one hundred people demon-strated in front of the high school and some violence broke out. School at-tendance fell off. Kasper held another meeting that evening which was at-tended by about 1,500 people. During his speech he was served by a UnitedStates marshal with a copy of an injunction restraining all persons frominterfering with orderly integration at the school. Kasper continued to carry

23 Hood v. Board of Trustees of Sumter County, 232 F. 2d 626.a< Bryan y. Austin.26 McSwain v. County Board of Education, U.S.D.C, Eastern Dist., Tenn.

CIVIL RIGHTS 111

on his prosegregation activities, and there was more violence at the school onThursday morning. On August 31, Kasper was held in contempt of court byFederal district Judge Robert L. Taylor. That same evening Asa Carter, presi-dent of the North Alabama White Citizens Council, delivered a prosegrega-tion speech before 1,000 people at the county courthouse. Carter immediatelyleft Clinton, but the crowd stayed and began blocking traffic on a majornorth-south thoroughfare, looking for cars with Negroes. Such automobileswere stopped, their windows smashed and some were overturned. The regu-lar six-member police force was helpless to restore order. The next day, Sep-tember 1, the mayor and board of aldermen asked Governor Frank Clementfor help. The governor announced later that day that he was ordering 100state highway patrolmen to Clinton immediately, to be relieved by units ofthe National Guard as soon as possible. Over 600 fully equipped guardsmenarrived in Clinton on Sunday, September 2 and took up stations around theschool, courthouse, and other public places. Outdoor meetings were pro-hibited by Adjutant General Joe W. Henry, the commanding officer. Whenschool reopened after the Labor day weekend, 9 of the 12 Negro students re-turned to classes, but only 257 of the white children were present. The nextday, all 12 of the Negroes were back at school and the total attendance roseto 324. The guardsmen were withdrawn on September 11, and the school at-tendance was back to normal by September 15.

In September 1955 the federally supported public schools at Oak Ridgeintegrated some 85 Negro students with 2,526 white pupils in junior andsenior high schools. Attempts to organize a protest and to keep the whitechildren home from school were unsuccessful when very few people appearedat a scheduled mass meeting.

A suit was filed on September 23, 1955, in the Federal district court againstthe school board of Nashville on behalf of twenty-one Negro children whowere refused admission to four white public schools.26

On November 22, 1955, Federal district Judge Marion S. Boyd held Ten-nessee's school segregation laws unconstitutional and approved a five-yearplan adopted by the state board of education for the gradual elimination ofsegregation at the state's colleges. The court ordered the admission of theNegro plaintiffs in accordance with that plan.27 The plaintiffs appealed.

On January 3, 1956, the state board's plan went into effect when the firsttwo Negroes were accepted at the graduate school of Austin Peay State Col-lege at Clarksville. A suit was commenced in Nashville Chancery Court bysixteen members of the Tennessee Federation for Constitutional Govern-ment, a prosegregation organization, to enjoin the expenditure of statefunds at Austin Peay because of the acceptance of the Negro applicants. OnMay 7, 1956, Chancellor William J. Wade dismissed the action, and held thatTennessee's laws and constitutional provisions requiring racial segregationwere invalid.28

In September 1956 two Negro students were accepted at Vanderbilt Uni-versity Law School.

M Kelly v. Board of Education of Nashville."Booker v. Board of Education of Tennessee, U.S.D.C, Term., — F. Supp. —.28 Davidson v. Cope, Chancery Ct., Part I I , Davidson County, Tenn.

1 1 2 AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK

TexasDesegregation moved ahead, slowly but surely, with an estimated 100 dis-

tricts in areas of south and west Texas integrated as schools opened in Sep-tember 1956. A Dallas News survey indicated that about 500,000 white and25,000 Negro students were attending desegregated schools. In addition, atleast eighteen colleges were accepting applicants without regard to race. Ineast Texas, however, the picture was different. In areas where 90 per cent ofthe state's Negroes lived, desegregation had not started in the public schools.

There were two reported instances of violence in September 1956. In com-pliance with an order by Federal district Judge Joe Ewing Estes,29 the Mans-field school board prepared to admit Negroes to the town's only high school.When it was rumored that three Negro children planned to enroll, crowdscongregated around the school building threatening violence if the Negroeswere admitted. Texas Rangers were sent to the scene to preserve order byarresting anybody, white or Negro, "whose actions are such as to represent athreat to the peace." Governor Allan Shivers urged the Mansfield school au-thorities to transfer out of the district any students "whose attendance or at-tempts to attend Mansfield High School would be reasonably calculated toincite violence." With the failure of the state authorities to back up the Fed-eral district court order, the Negro applicants were prevented by the publicshow of violence from registering and attending the Mansfield High School.By September 10, 1956 the community had returned to normal.

A similar situation developed at Texarkana Junior College, which likewisewas under a Federal district court order to admit qualified Negro appli-cants.30 On September 10, 1956, while Texas Rangers and local police stoodby "to prevent violence," a mob of white men and youths gathered on thecampus of the college and prevented two Negro girls and one Negro boyfrom enrolling in the state-supported junior college.

On September 16, 1955, Federal district Judge William H. Atwell ruled onan application to compel the school board of Dallas County to admit Negroesto its public schools. The court interpreted the United States SupremeCourt's implementation decision of May 31, 1955 (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEARBOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 143) as requiring desegregation to be accomplishedon the basis of a plan of action approved by the school officials and the lowercourts. Since the defendant school board had not devised such a plan, andsince the evidence established to the satisfaction of the court that equal edu-cational opportunities were available for Negroes and whites in Dallas, JudgeAtwell dismissed the application for an injunction "without prejudice to re-file it at some later date." 31 The Dallas school board announced a detailedplan for desegregation starting after the 1955-56 school year. In May 1956the United States Court of Appeals at New Orleans reversed Judge Atwelland ordered the case to be heard on its merits.

On October 12, 1955, the Supreme Court of Texas held that the state'sstatutory and constitutional requirements for segregated schools were void,

"Jackson v. Rawdon, original decision Nov. 21, 195S, 135 F. Supp. 936; reversed and re-manded 235 F. 2d 93 (1956).

30 Whitemore v. Stilwell, original decision U.S.D.C, Eastern District of Texas; reversed andremanded 227 F. 2d 187.aBeIl v. Rippy, U.S.D.C, Northern Dist., Texas; — F. Supp. —.

CIVIL RIGHTS 113

because they conflicted with the equal protection clause of the FourteenthAmendment to the Federal Constitution, as interpreted by the United StatesSupreme Court in the School Segregation Cases.32 The Texas Supreme Courtheld "utterly without merit" the argument that the Texas constitutional andstatutory provisions were not before the court in the School SegregationCases, and hence should be held valid and enforceable until condemned bythe United States Supreme Court.

Federal district Judge Joe W. Sheehy, on December 19, 1955, ordered thepresident and board of regents of North Texas State College to admit Negroapplicants on the same basis as whites, and without any distinction or dis-crimination.33

At Wichita Falls, Federal district Judge Joseph B. Dooley in April 1956dismissed an application for an order directing the immediate admission ofeighteen Negro children to a white school, since the president of the WichitaFalls school board had disclosed that the board planned complete desegrega-tion in either September 1956 or February 1957.34

Toward the end of September 1956 Attorney General John B. Shepperdbrought a petition before Texas district Judge Otis T. Dunagan of Tylerasking for a permanent injunction against the NAACP to prevent it fromconducting its business in the state. The grounds for this petition were thatthe NAACP was a New York corporation operating without a permit inTexas; that it was a profitmaking organization; and that it was a corporationillegally practicing law and soliciting litigation. After a two-day hearing,Judge Dunagan granted a temporary restraining order and recessed the caseto enable Thurgood Marshall, the NAACP attorney, to prepare for a Federalcourt suit scheduled for trial beginning October 1, 1956.

VirginiaWith the state legislature in special session for the purpose of considering

Governor Thomas B. Stanley's proposals to frustrate the United States Su-preme Court's desegregation decision, Virginia's public elementary and sec-ondary schools reopened in September 1956 on a strictly segregated basis.Several Negro students were in attendance at the University of Virginia, Vir-ginia Polytechnic Institute, and the College of William and Mary.

On November 7, 1955, the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia handeddown a decision which, while not specifically addressed to the racial segrega-tion issue, was expected to have a significant bearing upon it. The court heldthat a state statute providing for the payment of tuition and other expensesof qualified children of veterans to enable such children to attend certainprivate schools, was void. This statute, in the court's opinion, conflicted witha provision of the state constitution prohibiting the use of public funds for"any school or institution of learning not owned or exclusively controlledby the state or some political subdivision thereof." 35

Following the decision of the court, the Virginia Commission on PublicEducation (known as the Gray Commission) recommended that the governor

**McKinney v. Blankenship, 282 S.W. 2d 691.*» Atkins v. Matthews, U.S.D.C, Eastern Dist., Texas; — F. Supp. —.84 Avery v. Randel, — F. Supp. —.* Almond v. Day (No. 4491).


call a special session of the legislature to set in motion an amendment to thestate constitution. This amendment would permit public funds to be usedeither to pay the tuition of children attending private schools because localpublic schools were closed to avoid racial integration, or to pay the tuition ofchildren whose parents refused to send them to public schools in a localitythat elected to operate its schools on a desegregated basis. The Virginia Gen-eral Assembly met on November 30, 1955, and passed the proposal by a voteof ninety-three to five in the House of Delegates and thirty-eight to one inthe Senate. The governor signed the bill on December 31, and set January 9,1956, as the date for the referendum. An attempt by a Norfolk attorney toenjoin the referendum on the theory that it was a device to circumvent theUnited States Supreme Court's desegregation decision was defeated when cir-cuit Judge Harold F. Snead ruled that the courts could not question themotives of the legislature in calling for a referendum.

Virginians approved the proposal to amend the state constitution by a voteof more than two to one. Only the tenth district, located in the northern por-tion of the state and adjacent to Washington, voted against the constitutionalamendment to permit the use of public funds to pay tuition for studentsattending private, nonsectarian schools or colleges.

On February 1, 1956, the general assembly voted overwhelmingly in favorof a resolution "interposing the sovereignty of Virginia against encroachmentupon the reserved powers of the state."

In April 1956 the NAACP filed two petitions in Federal district courts ask-ing for orders directing the public school authorities to begin desegregatingtheir public schools. One petition was filed in Prince Edward County, oneof the districts involved in the original Supreme Court School SegregationCases. This petition reviewed events in the county, and claimed that schoolauthorities were not making any effort to carry out the earlier directives ofthe district court (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 144).The second case, brought on behalf of some eighty Negro pupils and theirparents, asked that the city of Newport News be directed to begin desegregat-ing its public schools.

Three other Federal district court petitions were filed in May 1956. Onewas addressed to the city of Charlottesville;36 one to the city of Norfolk;37

and the third to the county of Arlington.38 The last suit was unique in thatthere were several white parents of children among the petitioners. In theCharlottesville suit, Federal district Judge John Paul, taking note of thevarious steps taken by the state to frustrate the Supreme Court decision,ruled on July 12, 1956, that the petitioners were entitled to a decree that thecity should begin to make plans to desegregate the schools during the termbeginning September 1956.

On June 18, 1956, the Virginia Supreme Court of Appeals reversed circuitJudge Leon M. Bazile. Judge Bazile had ruled that a school bond issue ap-proved by the voters when racial segregation was required by state law couldnot be sold, now that such segregated schools were unconstitutional underthe United States Supreme Court's decision. The court of appeals decision

M Allen v. School Board of Charlottesville." Beckett v. School Board of Norfolk.88 Thompson v. School Board of Arlington County, 144 F. Supp. 239.

CIVIL RIGHTS 115

released for sale school bonds of Chesterfield County, as well as of HanoverCounty, which was directly involved in the litigation.39

In August 1956 Federal District Judge Albert V. Bryan ruled in the Arling-ton County suit mentioned above that the elementary schools should begindesegregating on January 31, 1957, and the junior and senior high schools inSeptember 1957.

During a special session of the general assembly, which ended on Septem-ber 22, 1956, some twenty-odd bills were passed to make desegregation of thestate's schools more difficult. They were all signed by the governor on Sep-tember 29. The principal new statutes cut off state funds from desegregatedschools (HB 1); made such funds available to localities for use as tuitiongrants for children attending nonsectarian private schools (HB 2); changedcompulsory attendance laws so that no child would be forced to attend aschool in which the races were mixed (HB 5); made permissive the manda-tory requirement for transportation (HB 6); created a three-member statepupil assignment board and provided for appeals to the governor and statecourts (HB 68); and provided for the state to take over any school that wasdesegregated, empowering the governor to reorganize and reopen suchschools on a segregated basis (SB 56).

The special session also enacted a series of statutes aimed at the NAACP.HB 60 provided for the registration of groups engaging in activities on be-half of one race, where such activities might create racial conflict. Such or-ganizations were required to provide the state corporation commission witha list of the names and addresses of their members, the sources of income, in-cluding the names and addresses of contributors and donors, and a list ofexpenditures. The information would become a public record, and refusal tocomply with the registration requirement was made a crime punishable by afine levied on the organization. However, if the fine were not paid by the or-ganization, the officers and managers would become liable. A second law (HB59) provided for the registration of groups that financed lawsuits in whichthey were not parties or financially interested.

West Virginia

With the opening of school in September 1956 twenty county school sys-tems in West Virginia were totally desegregated. Eleven counties had noNegro populations. Twenty-one counties were partially desegregated, whileonly three counties had not taken any steps to comply with the desegregationdecision. It was estimated that 75 per cent of the state's 25,000 Negro schoolchildren were in integrated public school situations. At the college level, allstate-supported institutions had been ordered desegregated immediately fol-lowing the May 17, 1954, decision of the Supreme Court.

At Matoaka, Mercer County, in the southern tip of the state, pro-segrega-tion demonstrations and wholesale absenteeism occurred in September 1956,when several Negro children registered for admission to the elementary andsecondary schools. State troopers and local police quelled the disturbances,and by the second week of September the back of the student "strike" had

39 Shelton v. School Board of Hanover County.


been broken, with school attendance gradually approaching normal. At thesame time, Princeton High School, ten miles from Matoaka, integrated 25Negro pupils into a student body of 750 without incident or demonstration.

On September 3, 1955, the NAACP commenced an action in the Federaldistrict court at Charleston on behalf of six Negro children against theGreenbrier County board of education; the NAACP charged that the peti-tioners were deprived of their constitutional rights by the continued segre-gated school system of the county. At the conclusion of a three-day hearingin October, Federal district Judge Ben Moore induced the litigants to accepta plan to desegregate the schools as of the beginning of the next semester(February 1956). The court refused to grant the requested injunction, butretained the case on the docket "until the recommendations of the court . . .shall have been fully complied with." 40

Another suit was filed on October 28, 1955, against the Raleigh Countyschool board.41 The defendants in that action asked the court to approve aplan identical with that accepted in the Greenbrier suit. The school boardsof Mercer and Summer counties quickly followed the same pattern when theNAACP threatened lawsuits. Several other petitions were filed by the NAACPto prod school boards in Cabell,42 McDowell,43 and Logan 44 counties intospeedier action on the desegregation front. Two of these cases were alsosettled in pre-trial conferences, with the school boards' agreeing to desegre-gate beginning in September 1956; only the Cabell County case remained un-settled on the Federal district court docket at the close of the reportingperiod.

Northern States

MASSACHUSETTS

In May 1956 Governor Christian A. Herter signed into law a bill that gavethe Massachusetts state commission against discrimination jurisdiction overthe enforcement of the fair educational practice act which had previouslybeen administered by the state department of education. Thus, jurisdictionover discrimination in employment, education, public housing, and publicaccommodations was vested in one state agency.

NEW YORK CITY

On April 23, 1956, The New York Times published a series of four articleson integration problems and the status of the Negro in the North. TheTimes estimated that about 70 per cent of New York City's public schoolswere racially segregated as a result of segregated housing and the requirementthat children generally attend the school nearest their residence. In the highschools the situation was somewhat better, because pupils often attendedschools at some distance from their homes. While de facto segregation existedin many of New York City's public schools, because Negroes did not have

40 Dunn v. Board of Education of Greenbrier County, U.S.D.C, Southern Dist., W. Va.,Jan. 3, 1956.41 Taylor v. Board of Education of Raleigh County.

" Pierce v. Board of Education of Cabell County.a Martin v. Board of Education of McDowell County.u Shedd v. Board of Education of Logan County.

CIVIL RIGHTS 117

freedom of choice in the housing market, the report pointed out that theNegro of New York lived in a community that had set its sights against racialdiscrimination and segregation.

A commission on integration, appointed by the New York City Board ofEducation in June 1955 to study a charge that children in predominantlyNegro or Puerto Rican schools were receiving an inferior education, sub-mitted its report and recommendations to the board on May 16, 1956.

The following proposals were made to improve conditions in so-called"underprivileged" schools: 1. raise the academic achievement level of chil-dren attending all-Negro or Puerto Rican schools in underprivileged areas;2. group children in classes according to intellectual levels in all schools inthe city; 3. prevent any school from having a disproportionate number oftemporary or substitute teachers; 4. establish minimum content of knowledgefor all normal children in each grade and limit permissible variations in cur-riculum and syllabus; 5. increase the number of regular and experiencedteachers in "difficult" schools; and 6. develop improved parent-school re-lations in the "difficult" schools through special conferences, printed com-munications, and other efforts to bring the parents and teachers into closercontact.

These proposals were offered to minimize the differences among the vari-ous schools, and to indicate steps that might be taken toward correcting theeducational deprivations sustained by Negro and Puerto Rican children inNew York City.

PHILADELPHIA

On January 6, 1956, the Orphans' Court of Philadelphia County sustaineda decision by a hearing judge dismissing a petition by a Negro boy for ad-mission to Girard College. Stephen Girard, a Philadelphia merchant, whodied on December 26, 1851, had left a trust to establish and finance aschool for "poor white male orphans." Under this trust, Girard College wasestablished.

The opinion of the court, written by Judge Mark E. Lefever, stated thatthere were two issues. One involved the right of a testator to dispose of hisproperty by establishing an educational institution limited to white children.The second questioned whether the city of Philadelphia, as a political sub-division of the state, was violating the equal protection clause of the Four-teenth Amendment when it, as trustee, complied with the discriminatoryracial requirement of the will with respect to admissions to the school.

Judge Lefever sustained the racial limitation of the Girard trust, and heldthat no "state action" was involved by the city's participation as trustee.Such participation, the court said, should be regarded as private conduct,which was not governed by the Fourteenth Amendment. Notice of appealwas filed by the city of Philadelphia on January 31, 1956.

Federal ActionWHITE HOUSE CONFERENCE

The White House Conference on Education concluded its deliberationswith a report published on December I, 1955, which recommended that the


Federal government increase its financial participation in public education.Of those favoring such increase, the overwhelming majority approved an in-crease in Federal funds for school construction purposes. Only one table inten of the conference round table discussion groups recommended that Fed-eral aid should be made available only to those districts complying with theSupreme Court decision prohibiting racially segregated school systems.

POWELL AMENDMENT

On June 20, 1956, the House of Representatives rules committee clearedthe Kelley school aid bill for action by the House. The measure would haveprovided $1,600,000,000 in grants to states over a four-year period for newschool facilities. On July 3, by a vote of 164 to 116, the House amended theKelley bill to provide that funds were to be withheld from school districtsuntil the districts took steps toward racial integration. Such funds would beheld in escrow for five years, to be made available to the school district atthe end of that period if the districts were in compliance with the SupremeCourt's desegregation decision. This amendment was introduced by AdamClayton Powell, Jr. (Dem., N.Y.). Two days later the House by a 224 to 194vote defeated the school construction bill with the Powell amendment, end-ing all hope for school aid in the Eighty-fourth Congress. One hundred nine-teen Democrats and 75 Republicans voted for the bill, while 105 Democratsand 119 Republicans voted against the bill. Ninety-four Republicans whohad voted in favor of the Powell amendment, voted against the bill asamended. Southern Democrats were opposed to the school construction bill,with or without the Powell amendment; they feared that limitations wouldbe placed on the expenditure of Federal funds by subsequent appropriationriders, even if the Powell amendment were defeated.

SOUTHERN MANIFESTO

On March 12, 1956, nineteen United States Senators and eighty-two mem-bers of the House of Representatives introduced a "manifesto" in bothbranches of the Congress denouncing the Supreme Court's desegregation de-cision as an encroachment "on rights reserved to the states and to the peo-ple." The document, which had no legal effect and required no action byCongress, commended "the motives of those states which have declared theintention to resist forced integration by any lawful means." All the signerswere from the southern and border states.

HOUSING

The New York Times series on integration problems and the status of theNegro in the North listed housing as the primary factor in determining thepattern of racial segregation. The use of public facilities, education, and evenemployment opportunities to a large extent were dependent upon residence.While desegregation in public housing, and to a lesser extent in publicly as-sisted housing, had progressed in many northern communities, Negroes con-tinued to be strictly limited in their ability to purchase or rent private hous-ing. "Thus any study of segregation in the North must return to housing as

CIVIL RIGHTS 119

the central question. Financial, educational and professional qualificationsare still not sufficient to enable the Negro to build, buy or rent a home wherehe pleases." 45 The survey described the current picture in five representativecities: Boston, Mass., Buffalo, N. Y., Chicago, 111., Detroit, Mich., and Hart-ford, Conn. In these five cities, as in New York City and elsewhere in theNorth, the maps of racial distribution told the same story—Negroes and othernonwhite groups were living in specified areas of the city that were ringed bysuburbs where very few, if any, nonwhites were able to acquire housing.

In Buffalo, for example, most of the 47,000 Negroes lived either in the El-licott slum district or in the Cold Spring section. In the Chicago area 509,000of the 551,315 nonwhites lived within the central city, principally in theSouth Side Black Belt and in a few small "islands" of nonwhite residences inthe neighboring sections. While Negroes had been accepted in all publichousing projects of Detroit, the northwest and extreme eastern sections of thecity were virtually closed to them. In Hartford Negroes lived almost ex-clusively in the North End.

State Action

CALIFORNIA

As the reporting period came to an end (July 1956), NAACP attorneys inSacramento were pressing a suit in the county superior court challenging theright of the local real estate board and individual builders to restrict thesale or rental of housing covered by Federal mortgage insurance. The defend-ants were charged with an illegal conspiracy in restraint of trade in theiragreement not to sell or lease to Negroes; with violating the spirit and intentof Federal Housing Authority (FHA) regulations barring recorded racial re-strictive covenants; and with acting as instrumentalities of government andtherefore subject to the Fourteenth Amendment's limitations upon discrimi-natory "state" conduct.

CONNECTICUT

On December 15, 1955, the Connecticut Commission on Civil Rights, thestate agency charged with enforcing the laws against discrimination in em-ployment, housing, and places of public accommodation, advised the NewHaven real estate board that a real estate agency was covered under the defi-nition of a place of public accommodation as "an establishment which catersor offers its services or facilities or goods to the general public"; consequently,it was a violation of the Connecticut public accommodation statute for areal estate agency to refuse to accept any person as a client because of hisrace, creed, or color. Copies of the ruling were sent to all licensed real estatebrokers in the state.

On June 18, 1956, following the first public hearing by a state commissioninvolving the enforcement of a law against discrimination in publicly as-sisted housing, a hearing panel of the Connecticut Commission on CivilRights ruled that McKinley Park Homes had violated the state's public ac-commodations act by refusing to rent an apartment to a Negro because of

46 The New York Times, April 25, 1956.


his race and color. The development involved received tax abatement fromthe city of Hartford. The respondents challenged the constitutionality of theConnecticut statute, and planned an appeal to the courts.

GEORGIA

On October 21, 1955, Federal district Judge Frank M. Scarlett, sitting inSavannah, dismissed a lawsuit brought by eighteen Negroes against the localhousing authority on the charge that they were excluded, solely because oftheir race, from the Fred Wessels Public Housing project in that city. Thejudge ruled that the "separate but equal" doctrine was still the law of theland.46

ILLINOIS

An interesting case arose in Chicago as a result of an unruly demonstrationagainst the integration of eight Negro families into the Fernwood Park Pub-lic Housing project. Several Negroes who were passing the area on August14, 1947, were attacked and injured by the mob. They brought an actionagainst the city under the provisions of a statute that made the city responsi-ble to individuals for injuries suffered as a result of mob violence. The trialcourt dismissed the suit, and on appeal the case was reversed on October 4,1955, and remanded for trial. The appellate court said:

It is with this historical and legislative background that we consider theissue in this case. Involved is a social problem inherent in our system ofsociety and far-reaching in importance. Our people are of varied religious,ethnic, economic and cultural background. We have assumed world leader-ship in the establishment of a system of government wherein the incidentsof birth and life have not been permitted to determine the rights of citi-zens before the law. No group or segment of a community has the right todictate by force or by other unlawful means who shall or shall not livewithin the community. The unlawful assembly of people gathered togetherin the instant case apparently believed that the duly constituted authoritiesin admitting colored tenants into the housing project were harming thecommunity. Allowing these tenants to remain in the project, they believed,would be detrimental to the value of the community property and ulti-mately affect the way of life of the community. They therefore undertookto prevent the entrance of Negroes into their community. In so doing theywere not acting to promote their individual interests but what they wrong-fully assumed to be a collective or community interest. They thus sup-planted the legally constituted officers of the community, and it was in thepursuit of this unlawful arrogation of authority that the plaintiff wasinjured.47

The appellate court concluded that the legislature, by enacting the mobviolence statute, had intended to impose a penalty upon the community inthe form of added taxes if its members participated in a mob that caused per-sonal injury or property damages.

Tensions in the Trumbull Park area of Chicago (see AMERICAN JEWISHYEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 155) had calmed down by the end of the re-

Heyward v. Housing Authority of Savannah, 135 F. Supp. 217.Slaton v. City of Chicago, Appellate Court for 1st Dist. of IlliIllinois.

CIVIL RIGHTS 121

porting period; Police Commissioner Timothy O'Connor announced on June7, 1956, that he was cutting down the police detail assigned to keep the peaceat the project and hoped to "eliminate it entirely, if possible." The maxi-mum number of officers and men assigned to the project by the police forcehad been 1,000; it was now reduced to 74.

MICHIGAN

On April 18, 1956, Governor G. Mennen Williams signed an amendmentto the Michigan civil rights law which strengthened it in several respects.

First, the definition of places of public accommodation was extended to in-clude motels and public housing. Second, the minimum fine which could beimposed on violators was increased from $25 to $100. Third, an additionalsanction for violation of the law was provided. The court when imposing apenalty on a violator was authorized to suspend or revoke the state or mu-nicipal license by virtue of which the violator was operating.

On October 5, 1955, the United States Court of Appeals affirmed a decisionrendered in 1954 by Federal district Judge Arthur F. Lederle prohibitingthe Detroit Housing Authority from following a policy of racial segregationin its public housing projects.

The Housing Commission appealed on two grounds: first that it should begiven sufficient time within which to achieve orderly and peaceful integra-tion; and second that the Federal district court erred in requiring immediateintegration of the public housing units.

According to the interpretation of the court of appeals, the SupremeCourt's injunction in the public school cases that schools were to be inte-grated with "all deliberate speed" governed cases involving discrimination inpublic housing, as well. The court therefore assigned primary responsibilityfor implementing the decision of Judge Lederle to the Detroit Housing Com-mission. The court further directed the Federal district court which had orig-inally heard the case to provide the judicial supervision necessary to deter-mine whether the defendants were in good faith implementing "the governingconstitutional principles." 48

MINNESOTA

The Minneapolis City Council passed an ordinance on November 14, 1955,banning discrimination on account of race, religion, or origin on any publicproperty, building, or grounds. It was declared unlawful for any person,under a lease agreement or other arrangement, to discriminate with respectto the use of any city property on the grounds of race or religion. Violationwas punishable, upon conviction, by fine or imprisonment.

MISSOURI

On December 27, 1955, Federal District Judge George H. Moore orderedthe city of St. Louis and the St. Louis housing authority to end their policyof racial segregation in the public housing projects under their jurisdiction.

48 Detroit Housing Commission v. Lewis, 226 F. 2d 180,


The court said:The resolution, policy, custom, usage, conduct and practice of defendantsin refusing to lease to plaintiffs . . . and other eligible Negro applicantssimilarly situated, certain units of public housing under their administra-tion, control and management in accordance with a policy of racial segre-gation is a violation of the Constitution and laws of the United States.49

Within a month, Charles L. Farris, director of the St. Louis housing au-thority, made it clear that every employee was responsible for carrying outintegration. He pointed out that "the authority will not allow employees tovoice contrary personal opinions in their dealings with tenants or the pub-lic." Employees and tenants were told they could resign or move out if theyobjected. Farris said any attempt by tenants to obstruct integration couldlead to eviction.

NEW YORK

On April 13, 1956, Governor Averell Harriman signed into law a bill intro-duced by Republican Senator George R. Metcalf and Democratic Assembly-man Bertram L. Baker extending the jurisdiction of the state commissionagainst discrimination to include complaints charging discrimination in hous-ing covered by government insured mortgages.

Racial and religious discrimination in such housing had been made illegalby a state law adopted in 1955 which provided for enforcement through thestate courts {see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 154).

EMPLOYMENT

National Action

Sixty-five of the country's leading business and industrial executives met inWashington on October 25, 1955, with eight cabinet members and rankinggovernment officials under the sponsorship of the President's Committee onGovernment Contracts, in a conference to discuss equal job opportunity inthe performance of government-contracted work. That conference was theclimax of a series of meetings with government procurement officers, laborleaders, and officials of state and local fair employment practice commissions.

On March 17, 1956, the President's committee issued a manual for compli-ance officers. The manual contained instructions on the handling of com-plaints of employment discrimination involving government contracts, andthe pertinent regulations of the agencies responsible for the bulk of thework contracts let on behalf of the Federal government.

Another activity of the President's committee during the reporting periodwas the completion and release of a motion picture film intended "to moti-vate the person who does the selecting of personnel" to take into account thesituation of the worker who was a member of a minority racial or religiousgroup.

19 Davis v. St. Louis Housing Authority.

CIVIL RIGHTS 123

Surveys

Both the United States Census Bureau and The New York Times surveyon integration problems and the current status of the Negro in the Northfound that Negroes were holding better jobs than they did at the end ofWorld War II. The March 7, 1956, census report described the steady im-provement in the economic status of the American Negro as one of "themost important social and economic developments of the past several dec-ades." The report noted that nonwhites continued to "lag behind in manyrespects—in education, income and type and adequacy of employment," but"the historical differentials between the two [races] have been narrowing."

The New York Times on April 26, 1956, reported that "fifteen years ofnational prosperity have brought the Negro in the North more economicprogress than in any period since the Emancipation Proclamation." Instanceswere cited of Negro employment in engineering and technical posts, in thelower ranks of industrial management, and in the highest positions of execu-tive responsibility in Federal, state and municipal agencies. "But these ad-vances" the survey warned, "are too fresh and too limited to justify the cer-tainty that discrimination in employment has been beaten." State andmunicipal fair employment practice laws, and the nondiscrimination require-ment of government contracts, were credited with partial responsibility forthe reduction of discrimination in job openings for Negroes. Industrial man-agement had learned, the survey found, "that a man's competence or hisability to get along with his fellows was not dependent on the color of hisskin." The unification of the labor movement was also credited with playinga significant role in the general improvement in employment opportunitiesof nonwhites. However, the

most heartening aspect of the job situation has been the success that dozensof giant manufacturing, mercantile and white-collar enterprises in theNorth have had in erasing color barriers. They know that integration canwork because they have seen it work. This has represented a much moredependable foundation for further progress than Government mandates orother forms of external pressure.

JEWISH EMPLOYMENT APPLICANTS

The experience of 2,319 applicants for employment registering at Jewishvocational service agencies in fifteen cities in the United States and Canadaduring March 1956 was subjected to analysis by a joint committee of the Jew-ish Occupational Council and the National Community Relations AdvisoryCouncil. The results of the survey, released August 22, 1956, revealed that incities not subject to state or local fair employment practice (FEP) legislation,45 per cent of those who had also registered with private employment agen-cies had been questioned about their religion; only 4.4 per cent had beenasked such questions in cities covered by nondiscrimination measures. Similarbut less striking differences were found where applicants had applied directlyto employers. In cities without FEP laws 17 per cent of the applicants re-ported that they had been asked about their religion as contrasted withabout 8.5 per cent in FEP cities. Questionnaires were completed by appli-


cants at Jewish vocational agencies in Baltimore, Md., Boston, Mass., Chi-cago, 111., Cincinnati and Cleveland, Ohio, Denver, Col., Los Angeles, Cal.,Louisville, Ky., Minneapolis, Minn., New York, N. Y., Philadelphia and Pitts-burgh, Pa., St. Louis, Mo., and Montreal, Quebec.

Legislative ActionCampaigns to enact or strengthen fair employment practice laws were con-

ducted unsuccessfully in two states. In Delaware a bill to establish a five-member state commission with power to combat discrimination by employers,employment agencies, and labor unions passed the House of Representativeson December 12, 1955, but failed to win approval of the Senate. In NewYork State the legislature again refused to enact a bill that would have giventhe state commission against discrimination power to initiate complaints onits own motion without waiting for the "person claiming to be aggrieved" tofile such a complaint.

Three additional cities joined those with municipal ordinances prohibitingdiscrimination in employment on the grounds of race, color, religion or na-tional origin. On April 17, 1956, Baltimore, Md., adopted a FEP ordinance,and thus became the first city south of the Mason-Dixon line to pass such ameasure. The ordinance set up a nine-member equal opportunity commissionwith power to receive, investigate, and seek to adjust complaints involvingunfair employment practices by employers, employment agencies, or laborunions. The commission was also authorized to hold public hearings and, incases where discrimination was found to exist, to issue orders directing therespondent to cease and desist from the unlawful practice. The ordinance,however, contained no provision for enforcement of the commission's orders.

Also in April 1956 the city council of Des Moines, Iowa, enacted a FEPordinance covering the city and its departments and divisions, employers ofthree or more workers, employment agencies, and labor unions. A five-memberFEP commission was appointed by the city council to enforce the ordinance,which vested the customary powers and duties in the commission, includingthe responsibility to certify intransigent respondents to the city solicitor forappropriate enforcement action.

On June 29, 1956, the board of aldermen of St. Louis, Mo., unanimouslypassed a fair employment practice ordinance limited to contractors, subcon-tractors or employers on city public works. The ordinance established aseven-member fair employment practice commission with power to initiateand investigate complaints of discrimination in employment on projects paidfor in whole or in part from municipal funds. In the event efforts at concili-ation failed, the commission was authorized to refer the matter to the cityattorney for prosecution.

Rulings by State Attorneys General

On November 2, 1955, Attorney General Edmund G. Brown of Californiaruled that cities had the power to enact FEP ordinances. The opinion wasrequested by Assemblyman Wallace D. Henderson in connection with a con-templated municipal ordinance for Fresno.

CIVIL RIGHTS 125

On October 20, 1955, Attorney General Miles Lord of Minnesota ruledthat the enactment of a state fair employment practice law in 1955 (seeAMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 159) did not preempt thefield of regulation of discrimination in employment so as to void municipalordinances which prohibited the same conduct.

Court Action

GEORGIA

Negro employees of the Central of Georgia Railway Company, who weremembers of the Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen, brought an action inthe Federal district court against the railway company and the union. Theemployees charged that a contract between the railroad company and theunion discriminated against the plaintiffs on the basis of race in that it pro-hibited the employment of Negroes in certain positions in the service of therailway. The action was for an injunction to prevent the enforcement of thecontract and for damages. In affirming the lower court's decision grantingthe injunction and assessing damages against the union only, the UnitedStates court of appeals on January 31, 1956, said:

The Brotherhood had, to be sure, the profound obligation fully and ear-nestly to bargain to prevent, and, where necessary, remove, discrimina-tions. This is found under the unique position of the Brotherhood underthe Railway Labor Act to bargain for all. But no such duty rests upon therailway. . . . So while the Railroad knew all the while that die Brotherhoodwas not fulfilling its duties, it was not up to it either to demand a change orprick the conscience of its adversary.

The railroad was therefore held not to be liable for the payment ofdamages.50

NEW YORK STATE

A Negro who had sought employment as a flight steward with Pan Ameri-can World Airways filed a complaint with the New York State CommissionAgainst Discrimination charging that he was denied employment because olhis race or color. The commission caused an investigation to be made,, andon the basis of the findings determined that there was no "probable cause"to credit the charge of discrimination on the basis of race or color. The com-plaint therefore was dismissed. The complainant petitioned the New YorkSupreme Court to review and reverse the finding of the state commission.This the court refused to do on June 27, 1956, because "the court may notinterfere with [the findings of the commission] when based on substantialevidence." 51

TEXAS

Two Negro members of Local No. 254 of the Oil Workers InternationalUnion brought an action in the Federal district court for the Eastern Districtof Texas for an injunction to prevent the enforcement of a collective bar-

"° Central of Georgia Railway Co. v. Jones, 229 F. 2d 648.a In re Jeonpierre, Supreme Court, New York County, Fart I.


gaining agreement between Local No. 23 of the Oil Workers and the GulfOil Corporation. Local No. 23 was the white union, and Local No. 254 wasthe jim crow union. The two unions were certified under the National LaborRelations Act, and the white union had negotiated the contract for itself andfor the members of the Negro local. The contract established two lines ofseniority based on race; the plaintiffs claimed that this was discriminatoryagainst them in that their promotion opportunities were severely limited.The United States Court of Appeals held on June 21, 1955, that the Federaldistrict court did not have jurisdiction over the subject matter of the litiga-tion.52 Upon appeal to the United States Supreme Court, the court of appealswas reversed on November 14, 1955, and the matter remanded to the districtcourt "for further proceedings." In its opinion the Supreme Court cited sev-eral cases in which it had held that the railroad brotherhoods could not usetheir power as bargaining representatives under Federal regulatory statutesto effect racial discrimination against Negroes.53

Administrative Agency Action

ERIE RAILROAD CASE1 On June 15, 1956, the New Jersey commissioner of education, the officerresponsible for ruling on complaints of employment bias under the state'slaw against discrimination, found that the Erie Railroad had discriminatedagainst its Negro employees by refusing to promote them from waiter-in-charge to steward when the former positions were abolished in 1950. A ceaseand desist order was entered against the railroad, directing it to end its prac-tice of

discriminating against any and all employees because of their race or colorin initial employment, or in upgrading within any area of competence, orin consideration for new positions which may be created, or in positionswhich are reestablished after having been abolished.

The commissioner also directed the attorneys for the parties in interest toagree upon the sum of back wages that the complainants were entitled toreceive by reason of the discrimination practiced against them by the railroad.

The Erie Railroad appealed the decision to the Hudson County court inaccordance with the provisions of the law against discrimination. [The ap-peal was still pending in November 1956].

Probation Officers in New York City

Early in 1955 the American Jewish Congress filed a complaint with theNew York State Commission Against Discrimination (SCAD) charging Pre-siding Justice John Warren Hill of the Domestic Relations Court of the Cityof New York with discriminating on the basis of religion against applicantsfor the position of probation officer in his court. The specific charge was thatJustice Hill directed the appointment of probation officers to the children's

KSyres v. Oil Workers International Union, 223 F. 2d 739.a Syres v. Oil Workers International Union, 350 U.S. 892.

CIVIL RIGHTS 127

division of his court on the basis of religious quotas. These quotas tried tomaintain the same ratios among Catholics, Protestants and Jews among theprobation officers as, on the basis of experience, could be expected to appearamong the probationers likely to require the services of such officers.

Following the filing of the complaint, Justice Hill asked the New YorkState Probation Commission whether he was correctly interpreting the sec-tion of the law which required that a child, "when practicable," should beassigned to a probation officer of the same religious faith. On April 22, 1955,the commission advised Justice Hill that the appointment of probation offi-cers to the children's court should be made "strictly in accordance with theCivil Service Law, and without regard to the religious faith of the eligibles."The commission refused, however, to express an opinion on whether goodprobation practice required "so far as may be practicable" that probation offi-cers in the children's court should be assigned (as distinguished from ap-pointed) on the basis of the religious faith of the probationers. Demandswere voiced that the commission reconsider its ruling. In resolutions adoptedby the commission on December 12, 1955, its April 22 ruling on the firstpoint was affirmed; the commission expressed its view that sound probationpractice was followed when a child placed on probation was, when practica-ble, placed with a probation officer of the same religious faith.

On July 9, 1956, Commissioner J. Edward Conway of the New York SCADhanded down his ruling on the American Jewish Congress' complaint. Heordered Justice Hill and the New York City civil service commission to de-sist from questioning applicants for positions as probation officers about theirreligion. He dismissed that portion of the complaint, however, which chargedthe presiding justice with discriminating in hiring probation officers; thecommissioner ruled that the congress had no standing to challenge the prac-tice, since it was not a "party claiming to be aggrieved" within the meaningof the state law against discrimination. There the matter rested at the end ofthe reporting period (July 1956).

PUBLIC ACCOMMODATIONS

Transportation

A number of very significant developments occurred during the reportingperiod (July 1, 1955, through June 30, 1956) in the area of public transporta-tion. Both the administrative agency and court decisions handed down virtu-ally destroyed the legal sanction for racial segregation in intrastate as well asin interstate transportation.

ADMINISTRATIVE ACTION

The NAACP and a group of individuals filed a complaint with the Inter-state Commerce Commission (ICC) charging fourteen southern railways andthe Union News Company with discriminating against Negro passengers trav-eling in interstate commerce by enforcing racial segregation on trains and indepots and stations. On November 7, 1955, the ICC issued a cease and desistorder in which it found that:


The practices of the defendants . . . in assigning or directing Negro inter-state passengers to coaches or portions of coaches designated or providedfor the exclusive use of such passengers, and in maintaining waiting roomsin their stations designated for the exclusive use of such passengers, subjectNegro passengers to undue and unreasonable prejudice and disadvantage.

The railroads were thereupon ordered to end their discriminatory practiceson or before January 10, 1956.

On the same date the ICC issued a ruling on a complaint of a Negro mem-ber of the Women's Army Corps against the Carolina Coach Company. Thecomplainant charged that while on an interstate trip she was put off a bus bythe driver upon reaching Roanoke Rapids, N. C, when she refused tochange her seat to the section "reserved for Negroes." The commission foundthe carrier's rules and regulations requiring racial segregation implied the"inherent inferiority of a traveler solely because of race or color [and] mustbe regarded as subjecting the traveler to unjust discrimination, and undueand unreasonable disadvantage." The bus company was thereupon orderedto discontinue on or before January 10, 1956, its practice of enforcing racialsegregation upon interstate travelers.

Compliance with the ICC decisions was spotty. After the effective date seg-regation of passengers in waiting rooms was abandoned in railroad stationsin Nashville and Knoxville, Tenn., Oklahoma City, Okla., Atlanta, Ga.,Birmingham, Ala., and at one station (of three) in Richmond, Va. In somesouthern cities former "White" signs were replaced by ones reading "WaitingRoom" while the "colored" signs became "Waiting Room for Colored Intra-state Passengers." Defiance of the ICC order was voiced by public authoritiesin Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina.

CIVIL AERONAUTICS AUTHORITY

The Civil Aeronautics Authority (CAA) announced on May 14, 1956, thatno Federal funds would thereafter be available for the construction or im-provement of airport facilities in which the races would be segregated. Sinceabout $63,000,000 had been appropriated from Federal funds for airport con-struction during the fiscal year beginning July 1, 1956, this step on the partof the CAA could penalize substantially those states that refused to complywith the desegration mandates of the Federal authorities.

ILLINOIS COMMERCE COMMISSION

In an order dated December 21, 1955, the Illinois Commerce Commissiondirected all common carriers operating in the state to end all forms of racialsegregation and discrimination in connection with the transportation ofpassengers.

Court Action

A very important case reached the United States Supreme Court duringthe reporting period. A Negro woman sued the Columbia, S. C, bus com-pany for $25,000 damages under the Federal civil rights law, because thedriver had forced her to change her seat in accordance with the state's segre-gation statute. She claimed that the bus company, acting "under color of

CIVIL RIGHTS 129

law," had violated her right to the equal protection of the laws under theFourteenth Amendment.

The Federal district court had dismissed the suit on the ground that theSouth Carolina statute requiring racial segregation in buses was constitu-tional under the "separate but equal" doctrine of Plessy v. Ferguson. On ap-peal, the United States Court of Appeals, in an unanimous decision handeddown on July 14, 1955, reversed the lower court, and held that the "separatebut equal" doctrine had been repudiated by the recent Supreme Court de-cisions in the School Segregation Cases.

The appellate court ruled that the principle underlying the SupremeCourt's decision in the School Segregation Cases applied equally to cases in-volving intrastate transportion.54 On April 23, 1956, the United States Su-preme Court, in a per curiam opinion, dismissed the petition of the buscompany on the technical ground that the appeal was premature because thejudgment of the lower court was not a "final order." S5 The reaction to thatdecision was most significant. The New York Times headlined the dismissal"High Court Voids Last Color Lines in Public Transit," 56 and a number ofsouthern bus companies immediately ordered an end to segregated seating.The Montgomery (Ala.) City Lines posted a notice on the company bulletinboard ordering its employees not to enforce segregated seating, and citing thedecision of the United States Supreme Court that "segregated seating wasunconstitutional." The Little Rock (Ark.) Transit lines followed suit; de-segregation took place without incident and with the tacit approval of thecity council. In Nashville the traction company discreetly directed its busdrivers to "forget racial segregation." Negroes were not molested in Atlantaand Birmingham for disregarding the segregated seating requirement, be-cause the local authorities did not "want a Montgomery here." (See p. 130-31,below.)

The city of Montgomery brought an action in the state circuit court to en-join the bus company from violating the city ordinances and state statuteswhich required racial segregation on local buses. On May 9, 1956, the CircuitCourt of Montgomery County issued an injunction holding that the Flem-ming case was no legal authority for abandoning segregation on the Mont-gomery city bus lines.57

In a second United Sates Court of Appeals action involving racial discrimi-nation in transportation, the right of Negro passengers to sue an air carrierfor money damages resulting from a violation of the nondiscrimination pro-visions of the Civil Aeronautics Act was upheld on January 26, 1956. In thiscase Judge Jerome Frank held that when Congress made it a criminal offensefor air carriers to discriminate, it did so for the benefit of passengers whoused the facilities of the air carriers. Therefore, violation of the criminalstatute created "an actionable civil right for the vindication of which a civilaction may be maintained by any person who has been harmed by the viola-tion." This, "although the Act does not expressly create any civil liability." 58

"•Flemming v. South Carolina Electric and Gas Co., 224 F. 2d 752.66 351 U.S. 901.M The New York Times, April 24, 1956.67 City of Montgomery v . Montgomery City Lines, Inc., No. 30358.68 Fitzgerald v. Pan American World Airways, 229 F . 2d 499.


MONTGOMERY BUS BOYCOTT

Mrs. Rosa Parks, a Negro seamstress of Montgomery, Ala., was arrested onNovember 30, 1955, for refusing to vacate a seat in what was considered the"neutral" section of a bus operated by the Montgomery City Lines. Accord-ing to segregation rules enforced by the bus drivers, white passengers enteredthrough the front door of the vehicle and took vacant seats from the fronttoward the center of the bus. NegTo passengers paid their fares to the driver,and then were required to get out of the bus, walk around to the back of thevehicle, enter through the rear door, and take vacant seats from the rear to-ward the front. There was a "neutral" section in which Negroes could sitonly when no whites were standing in the front. Mrs. Parks, having taken aseat in the neutral section, refused to get up when a white man entered thebus and found no more seats in the front section. She was arrested upon thecomplaint of the bus driver.

Boycott leaflets flooded the city on December 1, and a Montgomery Im-provement Association, led by Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., pastor of alocal Baptist Church, was set up. By December 5 a general Negro boycott wasin effect against all bus lines in the city of Montgomery. Negroes walked towork or shared car pools. Soon car sharing was organized, with thirty-two dis-patch stations and forty pick-up points using the station wagons of the sev-eral Negro churches and private automobiles as means of transporting Mont-gomery's 42,000 Negroes to and from their daily work. For some months thebuses continued to run virtually empty in the predominantly Negro sectionsof the city. Finally, in June 1956, many bus drivers were dismissed and fran-chise runs abandoned because they were losing money. During this entireperiod the Negro residents acted with dignity and decorum. In many in-stances where they worked as domestics, they advised their white employersthat they were unable to get to work unless the employers furnished themeans of transportation.

What had originally started out as a protest against discourteous and un-fair treatment of Negro passengers soon became an organized demand forthree basic reforms in local transportation. The Montgomery ImprovementAssociation listed the demands as: (1) elimination of the discourtesies anddiscriminations practiced by bus drivers toward the Negro passengers; (2)employment of Negro bus drivers on predominantly Negro runs; and (3)abandonment of segregated seating.

On February 23, 1956, some ninety-odd leaders of the local Negro com-munity, including Rev. King and twenty-three other Protestant ministers,were arrested and charged with organizing and directing an illegal boycott.Rev. King was the only defendant brought to trial, and he was convicted onMarch 22, 1956, and sentenced to pay a §500 fine. Notice of appeal was filed,and the trials of the other defendants were postponed pending the outcomeof King's appeal.

On June 5, 1956, a three-judge Federal district court ruled by a two toone division that racial segregation on the Montgomery city bus lines was aviolation of the due process and equal protection clauses of the FourteenthAmendment to the Federal Constitution.59 The Alabama Public Service Com-

"Browder v. Gayle, U.S.D.C, Middle Dist., Alabama, No. 1147.

CIVIL RIGHTS 1 3 1

mission announced that an appeal would be taken to the United States Su-preme Court. The boycott, however, went on, and was still in full force atthe end of the reporting period (July 1956).

Places of Public Resort, Amusement or Service

LEGISLATIVE ACTION

The only public accommodations law enacted during the reporting periodwas a bill in Michigan, signed into law by Gov. G. Mennen Williams onApril 18, 1956 (see p. 121, above).

RULINGS BY STATE ATTORNEYS GENERAL

On June 4, 1956, Attorney General Thomas M. Kavanagh of Michiganruled restrictive in design and intent language in an advertising calendar ofthe Tabor Farms vacation resort which stated that "for 63 years we haveserved a gentile clientele." He interpreted the statement as an "indirect"means of advertising discrimination in violation of the state's civil rights law.State agencies were advised not to permit the use of their facilities or servicesby the discriminatory advertiser.

On August 31, 1955, Attorney General Robert T. Stafford of Vermont ad-vised the state development commission that it could delete the names ofplaces practicing racial or religious discrimination from listings of resorts andhotels in official publications. The attorney general said:

To our mind the practice of discrimination, on a basis of race or color,by places of public accommodation, violates the fundamental concepts ofour government—state and national. Under the circumstances we do notbelieve the public purse should be utilized to gratuitously advertise anypublic accommodations indulging in such activity.

COURT ACTION

On September 29, 1955, Municipal Court Judge John J. Malloy of the Dis-trict of Columbia ruled that an 1869 ordinance of the city of Washingtonbarred discrimination by places of public accommodation in the District ofColumbia, and that the term "places of public accommodation" in the ordi-nance included bowling alleys and a wide variety of other amusement placesopen to the general public. On April 3, 1956, the municipal court of appealsaffirmed the decision of Judge Malloy.60

In Holmes v. City of Atlanta the Federal district court for the northerndistrict of Georgia had held in 1954 that the "separate but equal" doctrine asapplied to public golf courses in the city of Atlanta had not been overturnedby the Supreme Court decision in the School Segregation Cases (see AMERI-CAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 167). This decision was affirmed onJune 17, 1955 by the United States Court of Appeals.61 On November 7,1955, the United States Supreme Court reversed the decision of the court ofappeals and, in eEect, held that the city of Atlanta could not deny the useof its municipal golf course to any of its citizens on the basis of their race or

°° Central Amusement Co. v. District of Columbia, 121 A. 2d 865."•Holmes v. City of Atlanta, 223 F. 2d 93.


color.62 The case was decided on the same day as Mayor and City of Balti-more v. Dawson, which prevented Maryland from invoking its police powerto impose racial segregation at public beaches and in public bathhouses63

(see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 168). The action of theSupreme Court in these two cases was generally interpreted by the courts asdestroying the "separate but equal" doctrine which had sanctioned racial seg-regation at public recreational facilities.84 Thus, the principle of the SchoolSegregation Cases was extended to public parks, beaches, bathhouses, andgolf courses.

Six Negroes of Beaumont, Tex., brought an action in the Federal districtcourt to enjoin the mayor and other city officials from refusing Negroesthe equal and unrestricted use of the city's public parks.

The city admitted the right of the plaintiffs to use the public parks, butasked the court to permit the authorities to make "reasonable regulations" toenable the plaintiffs to use the parks "only upon a segregated basis."

This the court refused to do. Rather, on September 7, 1955, the courtfound that the basic principle of "separate but equal" had been destroyed bythe May 17, 1954, decision of the United States Supreme Court in the SchoolSegregation Cases.65

One of the most significant cases decided during the reporting period inthe field of public recreational facilities was the case of Tate v. Departmentof Conservation of Virginia.68 On July 7, 1955, Federal district Judge WalterB. Hoffman held that neither Virginia, nor any person or group to whomthe state might lease its parks, could constitutionally operate those parks ona racially segregated basis. The opinion held:

The judgment of this Court is not rendered without the full realization ofthe impact of this decision on the State Park System in Virginia. The fu-ture course rests in the hands of the elected and appointed representativesof the Commonwealth. This opinion follows the law as set forth in all de-cided cases touching on the subject matter, and it is rather significant thatno legal authority has been cited by the defendants to justify any otherconclusion. The contention that a normal lessor-lessee relationship shouldbe permitted in leases of public property must give way to the constitu-tional rights of the citizens as a whole.

On April 9, 1956, the United States Court of Appeals affirmed the districtcourt opinion with the comment:

We think that the decree appealed from is correct for reasons adequatelystated in the opinion of the district judge and that little need be addedthereto. It is perfectly clear under recent decisions that citizens have theright to the use of the public parks of the state without discrimination onthe ground of race. And we think it equally dear that this right may not

«* Holmes v. City of Atlanta, 350 U.S. 879.63 350 U.S. 877."Hayes v. Crutcher, 137 F. Supp. 853, involving public golf courses in Nashville, Tenn.;

Alsup v. City of St. Petersburg, March 22, 1956, U.S.D.C, So. Dist. Florida, involvingmunicipal swimming pool and beach; Plummer v. Case, Dec. 29, 1955, U.S.D.C, So. Dist.Texas, involving public restaurant in courthouse; Augustus v. City of Pensacola, May 24,1956, U.S.D.C, No. Dist., Florida, involving municipal golf course; Moorman v. Morgan,285 S.W. 2d 146, involving Kentucky state parks.aFayson v. Beard, 134 F. Supp. 379.

«133 F. Supp. 53.

CIVIL RIGHTS 133

be abridged by the leasing of the parks with ownership retained in thestate. And it is no ground for abridging the right that the parks cannot beoperated profitably on a non-segregated basis.67

On October 8, 1956, the United States Supreme Court refused to reviewthe court of appeals decision.68

State Courts

There were also a number of state court cases in which proprietors ofplaces of public accommodation were fined for violations of state civil rightslaws. In Omaha, Neb., the operators of the Peony Park swimming pool wereconvicted and fined on September 7, 1955, for excluding Negro contestantswho sought to participate in a swimming meet.69

A Negro and his white wife commenced an action in the municipal courtof the City of New York; they charged a hotel with having discriminatedagainst them on the grounds of race when they were refused accommodationsafter a confirmed reservation had been made. In its decision on October 18,1955, the court noted that both plaintiffs claimed discriminatory treatment.The civil rights law was interpreted as providing protection for white per-sons, as well as Negroes, who were rejected at places of public accommoda-tion because of race or color. The plaintiffs were awarded a $100 judgmentagainst the defendant.70

On September 23, 1955 a Seattle, Wash., tavern keeper was found to haveviolated the state's public accommodation law by refusing service to a Negropatron. King County Superior Court Judge Henry Clay Agnew awarded thecomplainant $200 damages plus costs and disbursements.71 On January 31,1956, a jury in the state circuit court in Lansing, Mich., found a local barberguilty of having violated the state's civil rights law in refusing to cut the hairof a five-year-old Negro boy. The judge imposed a $25 fine and $5 court costs.

CHURCH AND STATE

During 1955—56, as in the past few years, problems involving the relation-ship between church and state arose most frequently in the area of publiceducation. This was probably associated with the revival of emphasis on re-ligion, and disagreements among the major religious groups concerning therole, if any, that the public schools should play in "preconditioning" thechild to a belief in God.

Rulings of States Attorneys General and School Counsel

CALIFORNIA

On October 14, 1955, Los Angeles County Counsel Harold W. Kennedyadvised the committee on human relations of that city that a public school

"Department of Conservation v. Tate, 231 F. 2d 615.o« 77 S. Ct. 58.m State of Nebraska v. Peony Park. Docket No. C.R. 15, p. 121.™Hobson v. York Studios, 145 N.Y. Supp. 2d 162.•"•Holifield v. Paputchis, No. 471949.


teacher could not legally engage in Bible instruction to students on publicschool property during the school day, and that the school day included thelunch period. He also ruled that organized religious groups could not begranted the rent-free use of school property during the school day for reli-gious purposes.

Relying on the decisions of the United States Supreme Court in theMcCollum 72 and Zorach 73 cases, the opinion held that religious instructionshould not be given to pupils during the school day on public school prop-erty, and that the principle established by the Supreme Court "cannot beavoided by the simple expedient of giving the religious instruction duringthe lunch hour."

COLORADO

In response to a request from the state commissioner of education, Attor-ney General Duke W. Dunbar of Colorado ruled on June 19, 1956, that themachinery of Colorado's public schools could not be used to help the GideonsInternational to distribute its version of the Bible. Citing both the state andFederal constitutions, and relying heavily on the New Jersey Supreme Courtcase of Tudor v. Board of Education of Rutherford7i (see AMERICAN JEWISHYEAR BOOK, 1955 [Vol. 56], p. 217), the opinion concluded that the Gideons'plan of Bible distribution through the public schools violated both state andfederal law.

INDIANA

On June 1, 1956, in response to an inquiry from Wilbur Young, state su-perintendent of public instruction, Attorney General Edwin K. Steers of In-diana ruled that the state statutes governing released time and credit forBible reading were constitutional. He relied heavily upon the Zorach deci-sion of the United States Supreme Court, which sustained the New York re-leased time plan, and he held that the Indiana plan was similar.

PENNSYLVANIA

On May 31, 1956, Deputy Attorney General Elmer T. Bolla of Pennsyl-vania advised the state superintendent of public instruction that the distribu-tion of the Gideons' Bibles in the public schools of the commonwealth vio-lated the First Amendment of the Federal Constitution, which was madeapplicable to the states by the Fourteenth Amendment. The opinion alsopointed out that the Gideons' program of Bible distribution contravened thatsection of the Pennsylvania constitution which provided that "no preferenceshall ever be given by law to any religious establishment or mode of worship."

WASHINGTON

On March 19, 1955, Attorney General Don Eastvold of the state of Wash-ington, ruled that the Bible might legally be placed on the reference shelf inthe libraries of the state's public schools.

The ruling stated that an opinion handed down by the state's attorneygeneral in 1930 had used language which might imply that the Bible must be

n McCollum v. Board of Education, 333 U.S. 203 (1948).78 Zorach v. Clauson, 343 U.S. 306 (1952)." 1 4 N.J. 31 (1953), appeal denied 348 U.S. 816 (1954).

CIVIL RIGHTS 135

excluded completely from the public schools. Attorney General Eastvold re-jected this inference. The 1930 opinion cited provisions of the state constitu-tion which barred sectarian control or influence in the public schools and theuse of public money for the support of any religious establishment or wor-ship. However, the attorney general pointed out that these provisions had noapplication to the problem under consideration, since the inclusion on thereference shelf of the public school library of any or all of the various ver-sions of the Bible could not be considered religious worship or an act in sup-port of religious establishment; nor could it operate to exert control or influ-ence upon the public schools.

In an earlier opinion rendered on December 6, 1955, Attorney GeneralEastvold had ruled that public school officials might not excuse pupils fromphysical, dental, or x-ray examinations or required courses in health instruc-tion because of the religious beliefs of the student. He cited the provisionsof state law -which made both health examinations and courses in physiologyand hygiene mandatory in the public schools. "We recognize" the opinionsaid, "that the area of apparent conflict between the required courses ofstudy and religious beliefs is a particularly sensitive one."

Court Rulings

KENTUCKY

On February 10, 1956, the Court of Appeals of Kentucky, the highest ap-pellate court of the state, upheld the right of nuns in religious garb to teachin the public schools, and to endorse their salary checks over to their reli-gious orders. In addition, the court found no constitutional barrier to theschool board's renting space from Catholic churches or parochial schools foruse as public school classrooms. The court did find unconstitutional the useof public school funds to defray any part of the cost of transporting childrento or from parochial schools75 (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol.57], p. 175).

In its majority opinion, written by Judge Porter Sims, the court cited boththe Federal and state constitutions as guaranteeing religious freedom to thecitizens of Kentucky and forbidding the use of tax-raised funds in aid of anychurch, or sectarian or denominational school. A distinction was drawn, how-ever, between the dress and emblems worn by teaching nuns and the injec-tion of religion into their teachings. "The garb does not teach. It is thewoman within who teaches." The court went on to say that the state legisla-ture had not prescribed what dress a woman teaching in the public schoolsmust wear "or whether she may adorn herself with a ring, button, or anyother emblem signifying she is a member of a sorority." Since the agreedstatement of facts did not claim that the nuns were injecting their religiousviews into the subject matter that they were teaching to the public schoolchildren, the court concluded that it would be a denial of the equal protec-tion of the laws, in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment of the FederalConstitution, to prohibit the nuns from teaching in the public schools "be-cause of their religious beliefs."

76 Rawlings v. Butler.


A dissenting opinion was filed by Judge Astor Hogg, who reasoned that thedistinctive garb, so peculiar to the Roman Catholic Church, created "a re-ligious atmosphere in the classroom" having a "subtle influence on thetender minds being taught and trained by the nuns." The dissenter felt thatthe distinctive garb proclaimed the Catholic Church and the representativecharacter of the teachers in the public school classrooms. "Indeed, these goodwomen are the Catholic Church in action in the most fertile field."

Judge Hogg concluded:

By no stretch of the imagination would I deny the Sisters the right to teachin our public schools. Let these Sisters when in the school rooms exchangetheir religious raiment and insignia for a dress or garment that is withoutdistinctive suggestion and which does not itself proclaim sectarianism inaction, and I shall be the first to approve.

A second important case involving church, state, and public schools was de-cided by the Kentucky Court of Appeals on June 22, 1956.76 The court or-dered the Marion county board of education to put an end to the distribu-tion of books and literature of the Roman Catholic Church in the publicschools. Sectarian periodicals were also ordered removed from the schoollibraries. In addition, the court directed the school board to stop its practiceof halting public school bus service on Catholic religious holidays which werenot also legal state or national holidays.

The case was instituted in September 1954, after the Marion county schoolboard voted four to one to close Bradfordsville high school and transport itspupils to the Lebanon school eight miles away. Bradfordsville students wenton "strike," and their parents extended the demonstration to the gradeschool. The "strike" lasted through the entire 1954-55 school year.

Some 460 parents were listed as petitioners in the lawsuit, which chargedthe local school board with putting into operation a calculated and system-atic plan of discrimination against the Bradfordsville High School in an ef-fort "to destroy the public school system of Marion County," and with pro-moting the educational policies of the Roman Catholic Church.

The court summed up its views of the controversy as follows:

It seems to us that the entire County system of schools should be reorgan-ized so as to produce substantial equality of the several sections of thecounty and to abolish sectarianism in all parts thereof.

PENNSYLVANIA

The public school buses of Robinson Township, Pa., had been picking upthe nonpublic school children who resided along their customary routes anddepositing them at the various public schools, where private transportationwas provided to the private schools. The number of nonpublic school chil-dren provided with free transportation part way to their ultimate destinationwas between 38 and 60, while the total number of public school childrentransported was 1,167.

The school board commenced an action for a declaratory judgment, on thebasis of an agreed statement of facts, to clarify its legal duties-

78 Wooley v. Superintendent of Schools of Marion Co.

CIVIL RIGHTS 137

Common Pleas Judge Marshall wrote the opinion for a unanimous three-judge court. On the authority of the state school code as interpreted by theSupreme Court of Pennsylvania, the court held that there was neither ju-dicial "decisions nor statutory laws sanctioning the present practice of themembers of the School District of Robinson Township" in permitting thenonpublic school children to ride on the public school buses. Although thedecision was not predicated upon the cost factor, the opinion stated that ifthe use of the school buses were limited to but one nonpublic school child,an extra cost, not authorized by state law, would be involved.

The decision turned solely upon the theory that the school district lackedthe legal authority to permit its buses to be used to transport nonpublicschool children.77

TENNESSEE

The reading of the King James version of the Bible in public school class-rooms received the approval of the Supreme Court of Tennessee on March 9,1956.78 A state statute required teachers "to read, or cause to be read, at theopening of the school every day, a selection from the Bible and the same se-lection shall not be read more than twice a month." This statute was at-tacked by the father of four children attending the public schools of Nash-ville on the ground that it violated both state and Federal constitutionalguarantees of freedom of worship.

The court held that

reading of . . . the Bible without comment, the same verse not to be re-peated more than once every thirty days, the singing of some inspiringsong, and repeating the Lord's Prayer, is not a violation of the constitu-tional mandate which guarantees to all men "a natural and indefeasibleright to worship Almighty God according to the dictates of their own con-science"; nor is it reasonable to suppose that it is in support of any placeor form of worship, or an effort to "control or interfere with the rights ofconscience."

The court added, however, that

it is beyond the scope and authority of school boards and teachers in thepublic schools to conduct a program of education in the Bible and toundertake to explain the meaning of any chapter or verse in either theOld or the New Testament.

Moral and Spiritual Values in the Public School

Following the opening of the schools in September 1955, the New YorkCity Board of Education released a document prepared by the city board ofsuperintendents for the purpose of providing guidance for teachers in thedevelopment of moral and spiritual values in the public school children. Theguide received strong support from the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of NewYork, but it was criticized by many groups, including the New York Board ofRabbis, the American Jewish Committee, the American Jewish Congress, the

77 School District of Robinson Township v. Houghton, Common Pleas, Allegheny Co., Pa.™Carden v. Bland. 288 S.W. 2d 718.


Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, the New York Civil LibertiesUnion, the Teachers Guild, the Teachers Union, and the United ParentsAssociation. At first the Protestant Council of the city of New York was di-vided in its stand on the guiding statement; but on January 20, 1956, thecouncil released a statement which called for reconsideration and revision ofthe guide.

The guide stated that it was the responsibility of the public schools to "en-courage the belief in God." It described the function of the public schools asto "reinforce the program of the homes and church in strengthening belief inGod." The concluding paragraphs of the guide were particularly objec-tionable to its critics.

The public schools encourage the belief in God, recognizing the simplefact that ours is a religious nation, but they leave and even refer to thehome and to the church the interpretation of God and of revelation. Atappropriate levels and appropriate contexts the public schools teach therole of religion and encourage factual study about religion but they do notundertake religious instruction.They teach the moral code and identify God as the ultimate source ofnatural and moral law. They encourage children to discover and developtheir own relationship to God, referring them also to their families,churches and synagogues. In their programs of moral and spiritual educa-tion the public schools maintain a climate favorable to religion withoutmaking value judgments about any particular religion. Thus the publicschools devote their primary efforts to the development of the values andobjectives of our democracy, recognizing their spiritual and religious moti-vations.

RABBINICAL OBJECTIONS

On November 10, 1955, the New York Board of Rabbis (NYBR) releasedits detailed statement of opposition to the proposed guide. The NYBRpointed out that public school teachers, no matter how skilled and devotedto their profession, did not possess the specialized competence or training re-quired to "predispose" children to the faith of their parents. The teacherswere selected and trained to teach secular subjects, not to teach religion. TheNYBR denied "that a non-Jewish teacher, however deeply devoted he may beto his own faith," could "conscientiously and properly teach Jewish childrenthe fundamentals of their faith or precondition them to a belief in God," asthe rabbis understood that term.

Secondly, the NYBR argued that the guide, if adopted, would have theultimate effect of establishing a religious test for teachers. "And what of theteachers who do not belong to a church or synagogue?"

Third, the NYBR rejected the notion that moral and spiritual valuescould neither be learned nor taught without a religious sanction. The NYBRstatement termed such a conclusion a serious attack upon the "millions of re-ligiously unaffiliated Americans who lead wholesome and moral lives."

Other objections voiced by the NYBR were that implementation of theguide would lead inevitably to competing pressures on teachers and schoolauthorities from rival sectarian groups; that the guide's concept of "naturallaw" would engender theological and denominational disputes; that there

CIVIL RIGHTS 139

was an implication that religious groups in the community had failed intheir responsibilities; and that the proposals of the guide constituted a clearviolation of the constitutional requirement of separation of church and state.

As a result of the widespread criticism of the first draft of the guide to theteaching of moral and spiritual values in New York City's schools, the boardof education decided to have the document revised with the help of repre-sentatives of the three major religious groups in the community.

A second version was made available at the end of July 1956 to the inter-ested groups. It had taken into serious consideration the objections voiced tothe earlier draft. For example, the revised document said:

The teachers in the public schools know that while most pupils and theirparents are affiliated with some church or synagogue, some are not; indeed,they also know that there are some children in the public schools whoseparents give their allegiance to no religion.

The new guide also contained a clear and unequivocal statement that "Re-ligious education and training are not functions of state-supported schools."The revised document, however, incorporated a quotation from the 1951statement of the New York Board of Regents that the public school should

fulfill its high function of supplementing the training of the home, everintensifying in the child that love of God, for parents and for home, whichis the mark of true character training and the sure guarantee of a country'swelfare.

The board of education held a public hearing on September 17, 1956, onthe revised statement, which was called "The Development of Moral andSpiritual Ideals for the Public Schools." Some seventy-four spokesmen forvarious organizations registered their intention to speak for or against theproposed guide. Many, including the NYBR and the American Jewish Com-mittee, commended the board for the improvements over the earlier draft,and called the board's attention to some inconsistent statements. It waspointed out that the section quoted above contradicted the general tenor ofthe document. A number of Catholic organizations supported the revision,while the American Jewish Congress questioned the need for any guidingstatement on the subject. The Protestant Council said that the documentwould "prove generally acceptable to the diverse elements of our religious com-munity." The board of education approved and adopted the revised guide ata meeting on October 4, 1956.

A Report on Released Time

A nation-wide survey of released time programs and practices was made bythe department of weekday religious education of the National Council ofChurches of Christ in the United States of America. The results of the study,published in the January-February 1956 issues of Religious Education, estab-lished that one-third of all released time classes were still being held in pub-lic school buildings, notwithstanding the decision of the United StatesSupreme Court in the McCollum case that such released time programs wereunconstitutional. In 86 per cent of the programs children in the same city


were released at different hours during the school day to avoid the employ-ment of the large number of part-time religious teachers who would be re-quired if all the children were released simultaneously.

CONGRESSIONAL ACTION

The eighty-fourth Congress passed no civil rights legislation, and repealedone existing provision of a statute that protected the right to vote. In theclosing days of the first session which adjourned on Aug. 2, 1955, Congresspassed a new absentee voting law, and in the process repealed a provisionthat had allowed servicemen to vote in time of war without paying a poll tax.

The usual large number of bills urging fair employment practices, repealof the poll tax, anti-lynch action, nonsegregation in interstate transportation,establishment of a commission on civil rights, revision of the civil rights stat-utes of the Federal code, and other recommendations made originally by thePresident's Committee on Civil Rights in 1947, were all introduced in bothbranches of the Congress.

On April 9, 1956, Attorney General Herbert Brownell, Jr., submitted theadministration's civil rights proposals. He asked for the creation of a bi-partisan civil rights commission, whose members would be appointed by thePresident with the advice and consent of the Senate, to study the status ofcivil rights throughout the country. A second suggestion was that the civilrights section of the United States Department of Justice be raised to di-visional status and placed under an assistant attorney general. The thirdpoint of the program would have strengthened the powers of the justice de-partment to protect the right to vote in primary and general elections forFederal officials. Finally, the administration proposed strengthening the lawsprohibiting conspiracies to interfere with certain basic civil rights.

The House Judiciary Committee embodied the proposals in one bill, H.R.627, which the rules committee at first refused to bring to the floor of theHouse for debate and vote. As a result of the circulation of a discharge peti-tion, the committee gave the bill a rule on June 27, 1956, thus clearing theway for House consideration. The bill passed the lower chamber and was re-ferred to the Senate during the last week of the session. There it was sent tothe judiciary committee, under the chairmanship of Senator James O. East-land (Dem., Miss.). All efforts on the part of the pro-civil rights Senatorsfailed to dislodge the bill from that committee before the Congress adjournedon July 27, 1956.

IMMIGRATION

The eighty-fourth Congress also failed to enact any immigration legisla-tion, although reforms were urged by both the Republican administrationand the Democratic majority leadership. The only immigration bill to comeup for vote in either house was H.R. 6888, which sought to authorize theentry of additional sheep-herders to satisfy the needs of the sheep-raisingstates. Senator Herbert H. Lehman (Dem., N.Y.) tried to amend the bill toincorporate his proposed general reform of the 1952 Immigration and Na-tionality Act. Senator Arthur V. Watkins (Rep., Utah) sought to attach the

ANTI-JEWISH AGITATION 141

administration's liberalizing proposals to the bill. On the last day of the Con-gress the Senate leadership proposed some thirteen amendments which it feltcould receive general support in both chambers. Parliamentary maneuverspreserved these provisions, while preventing either Senator Lehman or Sena-tor Watkins from adding their more general revision proposals. Although theSenate passed the bill in its amended form, the Congress adjourned on July27, 1956, before the amended bill could be considered by the House.

MISCELLANEOUS

In the first such action taken by any state south of the Mason-Dixon line,the Maryland National Guard was ordered desegregated on November 20, 1955,Governor Theodore R. McKeldin issued the directive in a letter to AdjutantGeneral Milton A. Reckord, who said the necessary implementing instructionswould go out the following day.

On November 7, 1955, Governor Averell Harriman ordered the deletion ofthe word "color" from New York State driver's licenses. The governor saidthat the requirement was "offensive," and that the decision to remove it wasmade after consultation with police and public officials. The item was blottedout on the 1956 license forms which had already been printed.

On July 21, 1955, the United States Court of Appeals ruled that an Okla-homa statute that required candidates who were Negroes to be described assuch on state election ballots was unconstitutional, because it involved dis-criminatory state action prohibited by the Fourteenth Amendment. The ap-pellate court rejected the reasoning of the Federal district judge that thedesignation was "merely descriptive" and did not deny the Negro candidatethe "equal protection of the laws." The United States Supreme Court refusedto review the decision on November 14, 1955.79

THEODORE LESKES

ANTI-JEWISH AGITATION

f"T-«HE ANTI-SEMITIC movement continued its activities during the periodA. under review (July 1, 1955, through November 30, 1956) at approximately

the same level as the previous year. Noted, however, were marked shifts in stressof propaganda themes.

ThemesSouthern tensions over school desegregation (see p. 96-116) were most in-

tensively exploited by bigots, who also concentrated on adapting politicalthemes and Arab-Israel tensions as vehicles for their racism. Hatemongers

""McDonald v. Key, 224 F. 2d 608, cert, denied, 350 U.S. 89S.


supplemented these propaganda lines with fomentation of such perennialcanards as the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, or more topical anti-Semiticmendacities cast in the same conspiratorial format. They continued to smearJews as being Communist, or Communist-dominated, and equated Zionismwith Communism. To attract reactionary or ultra-conservative elements, theystepped up their attacks upon the income tax (characterized as a Socialist orCommunist measure), opposed liberalized immigration, and called for the"abolition of government controls." The United Nations (UN) remained afrequent target of their attacks, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organizationwas deplored as the entering wedge of internationalism.

DesegregationWith tension mounting in the South over the problem of public school

desegregation, agitators stepped up their exploitation of extreme racistthemes during 1955-56. Most of their output combined anti-Semitism withanti-Negro propaganda, reflecting the response to such propaganda on thepart of "white supremacy" groups and individuals. Thus, they circulated ca-nards that the Supreme Court's historic decisions of May 17, 1954, and May31, 1955 (see p. 96) were part of a "Jewish-Negro conspiracy" inspired bythe Communists to "mongrelize the country." Agitators also charged that theJews dominated Negro organizations, and they stressed the activities of thoseprominent Americans of Jewish faith who were in any way linked with ef-forts to further civil rights. Illustrative of this approach was the May 15,1956, issue of Common Sense, a publication put out by Conde McGinley inUnion, N. J. Under a banner heading, NAACP Leaders and Their Commu-nist Front Citations, it printed large photographs of Supreme Court JusticeFelix Frankfurter, Senator Herbert H. Lehman (Dem., N.Y.), and Arthur B.Spingarn. Besides extensive mailing from New Jersey, McGinley's periodical,his pamphlets and leaflets, were shipped in bulk to the South for distribu-tion. This activity marked a curious situation: Most of the anti-Negro andanti-Semitic literature distributed in the South originated from areas wheredesegregation was not a major issue. Much of the literature of this naturethat flooded tense Southern states was published in such states as California,Colorado, Missouri, New Jersey, and New York. By comparison, most of theliterature produced by Southern white supremacy groups, dealing with"states' rights" and exhorting Southern whites to resist desegregation by boy-cott, seemed temperate. Actually, many white supremacy groups and theirmembers were paying for and relying on the imports from the North, Mid-west, and West for the more extreme literature.

From Glendale, a Los Angeles, Calif., suburb, Gerald L. K. Smith and hisstaff increased production of literature along anti-Negro lines, as typifiedby his pocket-size booklet, White Man Awaken!, published in the latter partof 1955. Similar in content was another product of the Los Angeles area, TheAmerican Nationalist, published at Inglewood, Calif., by Frank L. Britton.This monthly was received by residents of all Southern states, and appearedto be the recognized source for agitation throughout the region.

From Denver, Col., Kenneth Goff, a former Smith assistant, published apamphlet, Father Divine—Fake or Father?, with anti-Jewish, as well as anti-


Negro material. From St. Louis came The White Sentinel, edited by JohnW. Hamilton, another former associate of Smith, which was found to beused extensively as an ideological source by pro-segregation groups. A pamph-let widely circulated in the South and Southwest was Joseph P. Kamp'sBehind the Plot to Sovietize the South, which smeared and attacked unionsand Negro, Jewish, and other groups and their leadership. When a pro-segregation group in Texas conducted a mail solicitation in Houston (No-vember 1955), it enclosed a reprint of Merwin K. Hart's Economic CouncilLetter of August 1, 1955, attacking desegregation and pointing out Jewishorganizational support of the measure. The Economic Council Letter waspublished in New York City.

WHITE CITIZENS COUNCILS

The White Citizens Councils (WCC) movement, dedicated to resisting de-segregation, became more receptive to anti-Semitic and anti-Negro publica-tions and agitators during 1955—56. As early as the summer of 1954, RobertB. Patterson, executive secretary of the Mississippi state parent-group of theWCC, had recommended to WCC members the products of such agitators asSmith, Conde McGinley, and Britton. Coinciding with increased distributionby WCC members (and in some instances, by WCC units) of such literature,was the rapid growth of the WCC movement itself throughout the South. Inits Second Annual Report (August 1956) the Mississippi state WCC claimed80,000 members, boasting that it was "corresponding regularly with inter-ested Americans in forty-eight states. . . . We have mailed over two millionpieces of literature . . . and members and officials of the State [WCC] As-sociation have traveled into eleven Southern States, telling them what wehave accomplished in Mississippi and helping them to organize." Reliableestimates of WCC membership in the South were unobtainable, althoughvarious reports indicated that it had swelled to several hundred thousand.This increase was primarily the result of local reaction to flare-ups of tensionin specific areas stemming from specific incidents of attempts to end desegre-gation. Immediately after the riots attendant upon the attempts of AutherineLucy, a Negro student, to enter the University of Alabama (see p. 97-98), WCCunits in that state rose from forty-seven to sixty-one. Another reason for theproliferation of the councils was that, while its original activators envisionedthe WCC as a highly unified movement, the reverse proved to be the case.Actually, WCC units were highly varied in the intensity of their animus andresentment. Illustrative of this diversity was the situation in Alabama, wherethe state WCC split into two factions, one moderate, the other extremist.The latter, known as the North Alabama WCC, was headed by Asa Carter, aformer radio commentator, who openly collaborates with leading anti-Semiticactivists. In April 1956, five North Alabama WCC members ran onto thestage of Birmingham's Municipal Auditorium and assaulted Negro singerNat Cole during his performance before a segregated audience. The fivewere arrested, along with a sixth who had waited outside in a parked carcontaining rifles, brass knuckles, and a blackjack. Two of the assailants wereheld for assault with intent to murder, the others on minor conspiracycharges.


On cordial terms with Carter was John Kasper, an associate and one-timepublisher for anti-Semitic writer Eustace Mullins. In 1955 Kasper ran a "na-tionalist" bookshop in New York, later moved his store to Washington D. C,where in 1956 it became the headquarters for his Eastern Seaboard WCC's.The orderly integration of twelve Negro students into the high school atClinton, Tenn., was disrupted (end of August 1956) by Rasper's appearancein that town, where he conducted an anti-integration rally attended by 800,haranguing the audience to oppose the Federal Court's integration order. Asa result, considerable public disorder and some violence occurred in Clintonfor several days before the disturbances were quelled. On August 30, 1956,Kasper was arrested on a writ of attachment for contempt of court. Anothervisitor to Clinton was Carter, whom Kasper characterized as being "the onlysincere and courageous leader in the entire movement." Released on bail,Kasper traveled to other Southern communities, and at Birmingham, Ala.,(September 12, 1956) urged the use of "every type of resistance" to fight the"open and naked display of power of the Supreme Court."

Evidence that the WCC movement was not confined to the South was con-firmed when a new WCC was launched in Detroit, Mich., during July 1956.Claiming that additional units in Michigan were scheduled to open in High-land Park, Flint, Lansing, and other localities, the council rented headquar-ters in Dearborn, Mich., under the name of Homeowners' Association of theState of Michigan. After learning the true identity of his tenants, the land-lord took steps to oust the organization. In charge of this WCC group wasJames Douglas Carter, brother of Asa Carter.

The foregoing is representative of the extremism in the WCC movement.However, it is noteworthy that the many WCC units ranged from extremeto mild; while some inspired violence, others concentrated on promotinglegal means of avoiding integration, such as interposition (see p. 98); stillothers encouraged boycotts of those aiding the moves to integrate Negroes inpublic schools, or public accommodations; yet others, such as the LouisianaWCC's, took credit for a court decision prohibiting the activities of theNAACP; and some WCC's resorted to political moves. Most of the WCC'sdisavowed religious and racial bigotry (including anti-Negro bias), while thepresence of locally important individuals in some councils provided a brakeon fanaticism. Finally, WCC units tended to reflect the tensions and attitudesof the locality, and its membership and activities appeared to fluctuate indirect ratio to specific incidents involving integration, declining sharply assoon as those incidents were resolved.

Ku Klux Klan

Attempts at revival of the Ku Klux Klan were accelerated during 1955-56.Considering the WCC's to be "too mild," rabble-rousers and other oppor-tunists sought to stimulate public acceptance of the discredited Klan through-out the South. In Montgomery, Ala., (September 1956) Imperial Wizard E. L.Edwards attacked "Catholics, Communists, Jews, Negroes and Northern agi-tators" as the principal threats to "destruction of the white heritage." Hisremarks were applauded enthusiastically by the assemblage of 1,200, includ-ing 200 robed Klansmen. In Woodruff, S. C, a "Grand Titan," addressing a


Klan rally of 400 by the light of a thirty-foot gasoline-soaked fiery cross (June1956), declared that "the Klan has always been against the use of violenceand has never taken the law into its own hands. The record shows that anytime the Klan took action, the facts justified it." A Klan meeting in Tusca-loosa, Ala., (August 1956) reportedly gave the state senator, Albert Davis, a tu-multuous ovation as he intoned his peroration, "Give me segregation or giveme death!" Several hundred journeyed from many points in Tennessee for aKlonvocation held in October 1956 at Clinton, Tenn., scene of school inte-gration troubles. In Tallahassee, Fla., Bill Hendrix, Grand Dragon of theFlorida Klan, informed his followers (August 1956) that he was organizing aKlan unit in Chicago. A state-wide organizing drive was launched at Lake-land, Fla., in July 1956, followed by another meeting at Orlando the follow-ing month.

In Atlanta, Ga., traditional home of the Klan, over 3,000 persons attendeda Klonvocation and cross-burning ceremony atop Stone Mountain (Septem-ber 1956), Imperial Wizard E. L. Edwards announcing that "the Klan isgrowing faster than you think." In June 1956, the Klan obtained a nonprofitcorporate charter from Louisiana's secretary of state, Wade O. Martin. InJuly 1956, at Richlands, N. C, a cross was burned on the lawn of a countrychurch whose pastor had invited a Negro to preach to his white congregation.

There were many other such instances of Klan activity. There were manycross-burnings, especially in connection with demonstrations in opposition toschool desegregation. It must be observed that cross-burnings in themselvesdid not necessarily indicate the presence of the Klan, but rather the perpe-tration of a Klan-like act, the culprits generally escaping apprehension byauthorities. Some prominent targets of cross-burnings were the Washington,D. C, residences of Senator Lehman, and Supreme Court Justices Earl War-ren and Felix Frankfurter (July 1956); the home of Speaker Sam Rayburn(July 1956); and the home of Archbishop Joseph F. Rummel in New Orleans,La., (May 1956).

Despite the activity during 1955-56 here reported, the Klan had nothinglike the integrated structure and direction it had in the 1920's, or even the1940's.

Politics

Anti-Semites concentrated on exploiting ultra-conservative political move-ments more than a year in advance of the 1956 presidential elections. Longaccustomed to wooing extreme rightists by tying in their bigotry with attacksupon the UN, the income tax, liberalized immigration, and denunciationsof alleged Federal government encroachments, agitators found the emer-gence of desegregation as a burning issue in the South a fertile politicalfield. Non-Southern political dissidents formed alliances with pro-segregationmovements in the South, under a common slogan of "states' rights." Agi-tators conspicuously lent their support to "third party" and "third force"movements throughout the United States, attending conferences of manysuch groups. Thus, the ultra-conservative Congress of Freedom, an amalgamof many rightist groups, meeting in Dallas, Tex., April 5-7, 1956, numberedamong its participants Elizabeth Dilling, whose periodic newsletter was rarely


rivaled for racial and religious venom. Also present were Kenneth Goff,Denver, Colo., agitator, and Marilyn Allen, a Klan-apologist, and publisherof bigoted pamphlets. Resolutions adopted at the convention voiced the Con-gress of Freedom's opposition to Federal subsidies, compulsory unionism, in-come taxes, tax-exempt foundations, desegregation, and social security. Alsoadopted was a resolution which declared:

The Congress [of Freedom] has come to the conclusion that both majorparties have been taken over by socialistic forces, that the socialistic revolu-tion has taken place, and that only a counter-revolution can still save theChristian States from succumbing to the fate of European nations.

In 1952 the anti-Semites had achieved extensive notoriety. In 1956, how-ever, the efforts of agitators to exploit the differences and divisions at theconventions of the major parties met with scant success. The Chicago Com-mittee for the Reception of Nationalist Observers, a project sponsored byMatt Koehl and other local activists, set up headquarters. Its peak meeting,held August 12, was addressed by Joseph E. McWilliams, quondam fuehrer ofNew York City's Christian Mobilizers, an activist group of pre-Pearl Harbordays. McWilliams had not been overtly engaged in agitation for more than adecade prior to this meeting. He attacked President Dwight D. Eisenhowerand ex-President Harry S. Truman for having "turned the country over tothe leftists and Communists," and exhorted pro-segregationists to greaterachievements. McWilliams praised "nationalist groups" who, he said, were"the nation's defenders against Communist, internationalist, and Jewish in-filtration"; he also acclaimed Egypt's President Gamal Abdel Nasser for hav-ing seized the Suez canal (see p. 217). Materials distributed through the head-quarters of the Chicago committee included The Democratic Party, Arch-Foeof Civilization, a leaflet from James Madole's National Renaissance Party(NRP) in New York, and Fightum, a pamphlet devoted to a letter by Gen.George Van Horn Moseley (ret.). This letter charged the Jews with using theNegro "to mongrelize the race," hoped for Israel to be "completely wiped offthe map," and prayed "to see a fearless American leader arise from theChristian majority, take over our nation as did Mustafa Kemal Ataturk inTurkey." Conde McGinley's Common Sense also was extensively circulated.

At San Francisco, Gerald L. K. Smith achieved national press coverage bygratuitously endorsing Vice President Richard Nixon. Nixon immediately re-pudiated Smith, pointing to attacks which Smith had previously made on him.

The alertness of anti-Semites to exploit events of political import was bestexemplified by Robert H. Williams' vitriolic Williams' Intelligence Sum-mary and Conde McGinley's Common Sense. When it was uncertain whetherPresident Eisenhower would run for re-election, the July 1955 issue of Wil-liams' publication urged "some Republican patriot" to enter the Presidentialrace without waiting for President Eisenhower's decision. The October 1955issue of the same publication, which appeared shortly after the President'sheart attack, urged ultra-conservatives to "take advantage of the break." Asthe Presidential campaign of 1956 drew to a close, a "third party" ticket,headed by former Internal Revenue Commissioner T. Coleman Andrews andformer Representative Thomas H. Werdel, running for President and VicePresident, respectively, had been agreed upon by ultra-conservative elements


of the North and pro-segregationists of the South. Though this movementwas not anti-Semitic, agitators such as McGinley joined it, and assiduouslypromoted the ticket. On October 1, 1956, Common Sense prominently dis-played the photos of both these candidates, including what was labeled as thetext of an address given before the National States Rights Conference atMemphis, Tenn., on September 14, 1956. It also gave considerable space to aso-called New Party Directory, listing the names of third party politicalgroups in twenty-nine states, and it urged its readers to "register your protestagainst these former two parties which have been merged and are shadow-boxing, while directed by international Marxist Conspirators."

Jack Tenney, former California state senator and colleague of Gerald L. K.Smith, fared poorly at the June 1956 primaries in Los Angeles in his bid fornomination for Municipal Court Judge; Tenney received 79,000 votes against340,000 for his opponent.

Pro-Arab Propaganda

As tensions in the Middle East mounted during 1955 and 1956, anti-Semites accelerated their promotion of pro-Arab and anti-Jewish themes. Attimes they actually aided the dissemination of official Arab propaganda insuch a manner as to give rise to the inference that there was a working liai-son between agitators and official and semi-official Arab units in the UnitedStates.

Thus, the May 1956 issue of The National Renaissance Bulletin, organ ofthe neo-Nazi NRP, devoted a page to an "urgent appeal" to its readers "toassist by purchasing any two of the following books for $1." Of the eightitems listed, seven were of Arab origin, including Zionist Espionage in Egypt,a tract originating at the Egyptian Embassy. Also advertised were such itemsof general Arab propaganda as The Philosophy of the Revolution, by Egyp-tian President Nasser, which, according to the NRP Bulletin, "every na-tionalist needs for his library." An indication of the strenuous effort of Arabagencies in the United States to stir up suspicion and hatred of AmericanJews was a 250-page manual for American pro-Arab speakers and writers,Tension, Terror and Blood in the Holy Land. Issued toward the end of 1955and extensively distributed during 1956, the book bore the official seal andimprint of the Palestine Arab Refugee Institution, Damascus, Syria. One ofits characteristic excerpts read:

It is time that Americans realize that these teeming masses of Zionists whoinfest their cities and sit astride the arteries of their commerce are, inevery sense of the word aliens. They are aliens by choice and by tradition.They are aliens because they render their first allegiance not to the UnitedStates of America, but to their own so-called state of Israel.

Charges of "Jewish dual loyalty," either outright or by pointed implica-tion, were contained in most of the public addresses by Arab officials, and bypro-Arab speakers. The leading instance of this charge during 1955-56 wasthe address of Syrian Ambassador Farid Zeneiddine before the Women's Na-tional Democratic Club (November 13, 1955). Zeneiddine was quoted as say-ing that Jews throughout the world considered themselves "different," rather


than as an integral part of the country in which they resided, and that theirallegiance was only to Zionism. The ambassador was reported to have queried,"Why not let New York be a homeland for the Jews?" Some pro-Arab Ameri-can publicists went beyond this point. Lawrence Griswold published a news-letter, Background for Tomorrow, which in its October 31, 1955, issue, re-ferred to "the selfish aggressiveness of privileged Jews, both in this countryand abroad. . . . Thoughtful Americans should consider well, if they wish toavoid the demoralization of society which follows pogroms, whether theyshould employ enlightened self-interest now and write off the ugliness ofIsrael."

Anti-Semites made continuous use of the Middle Eastern tensions asspringboards for their bigotry. Gerald L. K. Smith, for instance, tied in thePresidential campaign with this problem, writing to his followers in hisSpecial Appeal Letter (August 6, 1956):

You can rest assured that if Eisenhower can be propped up long enoughto get the nomination, and if Stevenson or whoever is nominated headsthe ticket of the "kidnapped" Democrat Party, these internationalists whoagree on practically everything will outpromise each other in order to getthe Zionist Jew vote.

Merwin K. Hart's Economic Council Letter (August 1, 1956), copies ofwhich were mailed to legislators, feared that "barring a miracle, the sameMarxist-Zionist forces will select the candidates of both parties."

Horace Sherman Miller, of Waco, Tex., digressed from his white su-premacy publicity to distribute a flyer reproducing a letter dated March 16,1956; the letter urged, "I call upon the American Government to arm theArabs, and help them drive the Jews and Jewish parasites into the sea."Easily the bellwether of anti-Jewish propaganda in discussions of MiddleEast tensions was McGinley's Common Sense.

Specific AgitatorsJoseph Beauharnais, who had formerly headed Chicago's anti-Negro White

Circle League, started (March 1956) the World Federation of the Pure WhiteRace, and issued a "call" to a convention for anti-Semitic, anti-Negro leaders.However, Beauharnais was unsuccessful in his endeavors to consolidate thesegregationist movement. Eustace Mullins, anti-Semitic writer, published aGerman-language edition of his book, Federal Reserve, in West Germany.The work was reported seized by authorities in August 1956. In a suit filedby Mullins against an oil industry public relations group, American Pe-troleum Industries Committee, for breach of contract (February 1956), Mullinsalleged (and the defendant denied) that he had been hired to run what wastantamount to "a clearing-house for anti-Zionist propaganda." John Kasper,Seaboard WCC leader, was charged (September 25, 1956) in Tennessee withsedition for inciting to riot, arising out of his participation in the Clinton,Tenn. demonstrations against integration of Negro students in that city. [Hewas acquitted after trial in November 1956.] Previously, Kasper had beenadjudged in contempt of a Tennessee Federal Court decree, and sentencedto a year in jail on August 30, 1956. He was released on bail pending appeal.


Attempts were made by the NRP to hold weekly outdoor meetings in theYorkville section of New York City. After disturbances at the first meeting(June 1956), this project was discontinued. Agnes Waters was active in Chi-cago during the Democratic Convention there (August 1956), resuming heragitation after several years of quiescence.

Anti-Semitic PressThe anti-Semitic press generally continued to register improvement in the

quality of its typography. New items consisted mainly of flyers and pamphletsdealing with desegregation, while such staples as the Protocols of the Eldersof Zion were extensively circulated through the South. The most widely cir-culated periodicals appeared to be Common Sense and the American Na-tionalist. Examples of poorer typography were Elizabeth Dilling's PatrioticNewsletter, and Howard Pyle's Grass Roots. Leonard E. Feeney, excommuni-cated priest of Boston, continued publication of a small, four-page periodical,The Point, which stressed Talmud expose themes during 1955-56. FrederickC. F. Weiss, neo-Nazi promoter, issued a new section of his book, Russia, inpamphlet form, under the imprint of LeBlanc Publishers; its advertisementscontained anti-Semitic cartoons. Alexei Jefimov, a Conde McGinley assistant,occasionally produced flyers in Ukrainian linking Jews with Communism:these, McGinley produced in English. Robert H. Williams gave extensive dis-tribution to a large flyer in telegram format condemning President Eisen-hower and libeling Jews as Red Zionists. Gerald Winrod's Defender con-tinued to mix racism with religious messages. Perhaps the low point of racistpublications was reached in a pornographic pamphlet, Virginians on Guard,distributed by Frederick Kasper, ostensibly suggesting legislation to reinforcesegregation. The Coming Red Dictatorship, a large flyer containing photos ofprominent Americans of Jewish faith smeared as being Communist-influ-enced, continued to be widely distributed throughout the country, its con-tents revised with each edition. This work was also published during thesummer of 1956 in Oberammergau, West Germany, under the title Die Kom-mende Rote Diktatur, and was accompanied by many Streicher-like carica-tures. Its concluding phrases may be said to sum up the import and objectiveof all such literature:

In case you think we are prejudiced, history for more than 1,000 yearsindicates that wherever these people have settled, it was necessary to evictthem eventually—Babylon, Spain, France, England, and as recent as 1939,Germany. And it will happen in America.

GEORGE KELLMAN

Communal Affairs

^

RELIGION

General Religious Situation

Evidence continued to mount during the period under review (July 1,1955 through June 30, 1956) of a widespread and deep interest in religionthroughout the United States, particularly among young people.

RELIGION AND THE YOUTH

James L. Stoner, director of the University Christian Mission of the Na-tional Council of the Churches of Christ in the U.S.A. (NCCC), a federa-tion of thirty Protestant and Orthodox bodies, reporting on a series of talkshe had held with students and faculty members at 300 colleges and universi-ties (The New York Times, October 22, 1955), noted that there were 3,000student religious groups with 1,200 full-time employees, where there hadbeen 200 such employees twenty years before, in the 1930's. In many schoolsa higher proportion of students was enrolled in religion courses than couldbe attributed simply to the increase in the student body. Educational institu-tions both large and small, from New York University (with a student popu-lation of 59,161) to Carleton College in Northfield, Minn, (student popula-tion, 860) had organized departments of religion. More than 1,200 of thenation's 1,900 colleges and universities now had a "religious emphasis week"of some sort. Typical of the recognition by secular universities of the rele-vance of religious instruction in a university education was a special arrange-ment between the Teachers Institute of the Jewish Theological Seminary ofAmerica (JTSA), and Columbia University, under which students were al-lowed to receive credit from Columbia for courses taken at the TeachersInstitute.

Citing studies he had conducted in a typical Southwest city and similarstudies in the Midwest, Professor Carson McGuire, director of the laboratoryof human behavior at the University of Texas, asserted that "85 per cent ofyoung people have some sort of religious affiliation, a proportion which issignificantly greater than the 59.5 per cent of adults in the United Statesclaimed as church members." He stressed that "children are also more reli-gious than their parents in the sense of seeking a faith and set of beliefs theycan live by." In a private communication to the author (June 27, 1956), Pro-fessor McGuire noted that he believed the proportion of young people affili-ated in some manner in churches might be higher in the Southwestern areacovered in his report than in many other parts of the country. ReverendStoner, in his interview quoted in The New York Times (see above), had

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RELIGION 151

also pointed out that student interest in religion was "perhaps a little greaterin the Midwest" than elsewhere in the United States.

CHURCH MEMBERSHIP

The NCCC announced on September 9, 1956, that more than 100,000,000persons were affiliated with churches or synagogues in the continental UnitedStates.

Church membership had increased by 2.8 per cent during 1955, as com-pared with a 1.8 per cent increase in population, according to the NCCC.These statistics were gathered by the council from 258 religious bodies re-porting a total membership of 100,162,529, or 60.9 per cent of the popula-tion. The NCCC reported that the 60.9 per cent of the population withformal religious affiliation compared with 57 per cent in 1950, 49 per centin 1940, and 36 per cent in 1900. A century before, in 1855, less than 20 percent of the American population had been church-affiliated.

On October 8, 1955, the information service of the NCCC published a listof cautionary exceptions for the use of such statistics. It noted the lack ofannual compilations of church statistics gathered by uniform methods *; vary-ing definitions of membership; and the lack of systematic inquiry concerningsuch matters as the "reasons for the marked gains in church membershipsince 1940."

AUTHENTICITY OF RELIGIOUS REVIVAL

In fact, the question whether the obvious growth of interest in religiousinstruction and affiliation was a genuine religious revival or not remained amoot one. Some serious-minded religionists of the three dominant faithsthought that, while statistically a success, the revival was spiritually a failure.Eugene Carson Blake, president of the NCCC, questioned whether the coun-try was witnessing a religious revival or "a moral bust." (Look, September 20,1955.) The Catholic magazine America denied that the United States had"gotten religion," warning that "much complacency melts away when it isrecalled that recent graphs of organized crime, narcotics traffic, juvenile de-linquency, and prison populations parallel the same upward trend [as reli-gious affiliation]." And Jewish sources reflected the same incredulity. TheReconstructionist (February 18, 1955) summarized the attitude in the words:"To say that a large number of Americans believe in God tells us nothingabout the quality of their belief." Rabbi Roland B. Gittelson, on June 2,1956, directly made the charge that "many persons had turned to religion toescape from the reality of modern life." Will Herberg, in his article, "TripleMelting Pot" (Commentary, August 1955), pointed out that large-scale reli-gious affiliation was accompanied by a trend toward secularism, and that itwas necessary to define just what it was that people meant when they identi-fied themselves religiously.2

1 The information service itself listed the total estimated Jewish population of the UnitedStates as members of Jewish congregations—though it was common knowledge that large num-bers of American Jews were unaffiliated.2 Herberg developed his ideas on the current religious situation in the United States inProtestant, Catholic, Jew (1955), a book that aroused much comment.


RELIGIOUS INSTITUTION CONSTRUCTION

Whatever the motivation for their religious interest, church and syna-gogue-goers continued to invest large sums in the construction of buildingsto house religious institutions. Per capita contributions in 1955 to religiouscauses in general was reported by the NCCC on September 9, 1956, as §48.81a year, an increase of 7 per cent over 1954. The New York Times, on De-cember 10, 1955, provided some documentation for this phenomenon. Its in-formed estimate based on personal talks was that, since 1950, 5250,000,000had been invested in religious building projects in the metropolitan NewYork area. At least $50,000,000 of the total had been earmarked for buildingby Protestants, and $10,000,000 by Jews. The buildings involved includednew houses of worship, new schools, and other religious institutions.

RELIGIOUS LITERATURE

Another evidence of an increased interest in religion was the continuedpopularity of Bibles and Bible-related books: commentaries and concord-ances, historical, archaeological, and theological interpretations, atlases andindexes, and Bible books for children. Thus, by October 1956 the RevisedStandard Version of the Bible had sold some 5,000,000 copies since its pub-lication in 1952; the Doubleday Image Books, Confraternity New Testamentfor Catholic readers was published in October 1956 in a 6rst edition of50,000 copies; and the twelve-volume Interpreter's Bible, which offered theKing James and Revised Standard translations in parallel columns, in addi-tion to extensive exposition and exegesis, had sold over 500,000 volumessince publication began in 1951.

The Jewish Publication Society (JPS) in its annual report for 1955 notedan "encouraging increase" in the distribution of the Bible and other worksof Jewish interest. The JPS Bible sold 41,271 copies in 1955, as compared with35,421 in 1954, and 26,430 in 1953, with a total of 638,789 in print. PathwaysThrough the Bible, by Mortimer J. Cohen, another perennial bestseller onthe JPS list, sold 12,347 copies in 1955, as compared with 10,788 in 1954, and9,606 in 1953 (the total printing was 95,750).

Lay Organizations

During the period under review (1955-56), there was no special study ofthe membership and numbers of chapters of Jewish lay religious organiza-tions in the United States. The following information is incomplete and veryapproximate. The Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations (UOJC) had700 congregations; the United Synagogue of America (Conservative), 559 con-gregations representing over 200,000 families; and the Union of AmericanHebrew Congregations (UAHC) (Reform), 530 congregations representingover 255,000 families.

REGIONAL LAY GROUPS

In September 1955 the metropolitan council of the (Conservative) UnitedSynagogue of America was reorganized with the aim of extending the servicesof the United Synagogue to all Conservative synagogues in the New York area.

RELIGION 153

On March 10, 1956, Rabbi Bernard Segal, executive director of the UnitedSynagogue, declared that the roster of Conservative congregations in the NewYork area had risen during the previous five years from 68 to 125; the totalmembership affiliated with these congregations was now approximately 60,000families. An additional seventy-five Conservative congregations were in theprocess of formation.

Rabbinic OrganizationsIn describing the religious situation in the United States during 1955, the

NCCC had reported that there were 353,695 ordained persons ministering tocongregations, 222,018 of them with active charges. In 1954 there had been342,442 ordained persons, 213,167 of them with active charges. On the basisof the incomplete and tentative data available, and allowing for some dupli-cation of membership, it appeared that approximately 2,500 of these or-dained persons were rabbis connected with congregations. The combinedmembership reported by the five national rabbinical organizations exceeded3,000, but many of these rabbis did not serve congregations. The membershipfigures were: Rabbinical Council of America, 660; Rabbinical Alliance ofAmerica, 500; Union of Orthodox Rabbis of the United States and Canada,650 (all three Orthodox bodies); Rabbinical Assembly of America (Conserva-tive), 625; Central Conference of American Rabbis (CCAR) (Reform), 715.

RABBINICAL COLLABORATION

As in previous periods, during 1955-56 one of the problems vexing rab-binical groups (particularly the Orthodox) was the extent to which they mightin all conscience collaborate with other rabbinical groups.

The ultra-Orthodox Rabbinical Alliance of America pressed hard for Or-thodox rabbis to disassociate themselves entirely from coordinated activitywith rabbis from other wings of Judaism. On July 28-29, 1955, the Rabbini-cal Alliance, in common with the two other groups (the Union of OrthodoxRabbis of the United States and Canada, and the Rabbinical Board of NewYork) represented in the Joint Orthodox Chaplaincy Board, protested toMayor Robert F. Wagner of New York City against "ignorance of and dis-crimination against the organized Orthodox rabbinate of New York City."They urged that all possible steps be taken to insure the recognition of theJoint Orthodox Chaplaincy Board by the New York City administration,which recognized the New York Board of Rabbis (NYBR). The RabbinicalAlliance also called upon its membership not to belong to any rabbinicgroup which had Conservative and Reform rabbis among its members, par-ticularly the NYBR.

On March 6, 1956, the Rabbinical Alliance released the text of an interdic-tion signed by the deans of ten Orthodox rabbinical seminaries forbiddingOrthodox rabbis to participate in the NYBR. As a result, all of the alliance'smembers who had previously belonged to the NYBR resigned. The AgudathIsrael, representing the extreme wing of Orthodoxy, expressed its support ofthis interdiction.

There was a difference of view on this question within the RabbinicalCouncil, which consisted mainly of graduates of the Rabbi Isaac Elchanan


Theological Seminary of Yeshiva University. The Rabbinical Council presi-dent, Rabbi David B. Hollander, favored withdrawal from the SynagogueCouncil of America, the coordinating body of the three wings of Judaism,on the grounds that membership on religious bodies that included otherwings of Judaism gave status to non-Orthodox rabbis, confusing the laity. Onthe other hand, the Rabbinical Council vice president, Rabbi Emanuel Rack-man, maintained that progress in such areas as kashrut had been made pos-sible only by the cooperation of the three wings of Judaism. In April 1956the executive committee of the Rabbinical Council decided to continue itsrepresentation on the Synagogue Council of America. In addition, the nationalexecutive committee disassociated itself strongly from the action taken by itsNew York metropolitan region in disaffiliating from the NYBR. The execu-tive committee declared that such regional action could not in any way beconsidered the official policy of the Rabbinical Council.

Religious Practices and Jewish Law

Each of the three branches of American Judaism continued its efforts toformulate the basic principles of its movement, particularly in respect to re-ligious observance. This effort reflected both the variety of practices withineach of the religious movements, and the felt need to rationalize a character-istic approach to Jewish tradition and law.

The Orthodox rabbinate was most concerned with the difficulty of resolv-ing questions of Jewish law along traditional and authoritative lines. TheRabbinical Alliance convention in the spring of 1956 resolved that its presi-dent appoint a special Bais Din committee to establish a Jewish court of lawto study and pass on rabbinical questions of law and related problems, andto have this court function as the final recognized authority for the entiremembership.

The (Conservative) Rabbinical Assembly convention in April 1956 adopteda proposal advanced by Rabbi Jacob B. Agus calling for the creation of a con-tinuing conference for the clarification of Conservative Jewish ideology. Thehope was that out of this conference, together with congregational forums,a handbook of guiding principles would emerge for Conservative Jews.

In June 1955, at the CCAR convention, Rabbis David Polish and FredericA. Doppelt presented a sampling from a forthcoming Guide for ReformJudaism, intended for laymen, which they were preparing jointly. The guide,when completed, was to cover every aspect of Jewish life; it was to indicatein considerable detail those religious principles recommended for observanceas being in the spirit of Reform Judaism.

In this connection, Rabbi Leonard J. Mervis reported on an informal sur-vey which he had conducted among Chicago Reform colleagues on their atti-tudes toward the increasing use of ritual in Reform congregations. Themajority of the rabbis consulted endorsed the prevailing trend toward cere-monialism in Reform Judaism.

CONFIRMATION

The practice of having confirmation ceremonies for Jewish girls was thesubject of adverse comment by the Rabbinical Alliance. This organization

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adopted a resolution at its 1956 convention noting that such bat mitzvahcelebrations had become a very real question in Orthodox synagogues; itcalled for the appointment of a special commission to study the problem ofbat mitzvah, together with that of the Hebrew education of Jewish girls, andto make positive recommendations.

CALENDAR REFORM

In May 1956, the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC)voted to postpone indefinitely a proposal to reform the civil calendar. Thisproposal had been opposed by Jewish groups as threatening hardship to Or-thodox Jews, by producing a "wandering Sabbath." (See AMERICAN JEWISHYEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 194-95.)

The calendar reform plan had originally been introduced to ECOSOC in1953. Twenty-four governments had gone on record as opposing the pro-posal, seven countries declared they would withhold approval unless religiousauthorities agreed, and only one country had come out in favor.

DOMESTIC RELATIONS

In April 1956 the Rabbinical Assembly renewed for an additional threeyears the arrangement by which the assembly and the faculty of the JewishTheological Seminary of America continued the National Beth Din ("JewishCourt of Domestic Relations"). Rabbis from various parts of the country re-ported that the new Conservative ketubah, or marriage contract (see AMERI-CAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 193-94), had been used in thou-sands of marriages. Under the terms of this ketubah, both husband and wifeagreed before marriage to present any domestic difficulties to the NationalBeth Din before resorting to divorce action.

In 1955 Yeshiva University published a pamphlet entitled New Provisionsin the Ketubah: A Legal Opinion, by A. Leo Levin, professor of law at theUniversity of Pennsylvania, and Rabbi Meyer Kramer. This Orthodox opin-ion criticized the Conservative ketubah as "not a legally binding contract;court enforcement of a financial award made in order to compel the grantingof a religious divorce would offend against the First and Fourteenth Amend-ments and would be unconstitutional."

In January 1956 the NYBR announced its continued support of the Gor-don-Peterson Bill, which called for the creation of a commission to study thedivorce laws of the state of New York (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK,1956 [Vol. 57], p. 202). The NYBR was making a special study of a recom-mendation by the New York State Catholic Welfare Committee, submittedin a letter to Assemblywoman Janet Gordon on August 24, 1956, that com-pulsory reconciliation services be set up in the courts before any divorce orseparation action could be begun. At a public hearing before the joint legis-lative committee on matrimonial and family laws held on August 2, 1956,Rabbi Eugene J. Sack, representing the NYBR, urged a detailed study of theextent of fraud and perjury involved in divorce cases in New York State.

DIETARY REGULATIONS AND PRACTICES

In 1956 the Rabbinical Alliance set up an investigative committee to"bring clarification into the kashrut situation in America." This committee


was to serve only as a clearing house, whose first objective would be to in-vestigate various catering establishments serving the New York City Jewishcommunity.

The UOJC reported that during the calendar year 1955, 113 productsmanufactured by 34 companies in 58 plants had been added to the list offoods certified and endorsed as kosher.

In September 1956 the Federation of Jewish Philanthropies of New Yorkannounced that kosher-catered food had been made available in six NewYork City hospitals under Jewish auspices. Strictly kosher food was availablein five other such hospitals. In addition, kosher-catered meals were availablein three New York City hospitals under non-Jewish auspices.

On April 8, 1956, a proposed bill to further regulate slaughter houses sothat more humane methods were used, was withdrawn from consideration bythe New York State Legislature. Senator Pliny W. Williamson (Rep.), authorof the bill, was prevailed upon to withdraw it by the NYBR, on the groundthat special state laws in regard to "humane methods for slaughter" alwayswere used by anti-Semites as a means to attack the Jewish method ofslaughter.

On May 9-10, 1956, hearings were held in the United States Senate on abill introduced by Senator Hubert Humphrey (Dem.) aiming to establish hu-mane methods for the slaughter of livestock and poultry; the bill specificallyexempted Jewish ritual slaughter. The Senate passed a resolution favoringthe bill as proposed by Senator Humphrey. However, the Humphrey bill didnot reach the House in 1956, because it was submitted on the last day beforeCongress closed.

SABBATH OBSERVANCE

On March 22, 1956, 250 rabbis representing Conservative, Orthodox, andReform Judaism urged Mayor Robert Wagner of New York City to "protectthe rights of the Jewish citizens of this city" by requesting immediate amend-ment of the city's Sabbath Law. A proposed local law allowing stores to op-erate on Sunday if they closed on another Sabbath encountered oppositionin the city council. The matter was referred to the city council's rules com-mittee for study.

SURGICAL PRACTICES

The New York State Assembly twice during its 1956 session rejected a billsponsored by Genesta M. Strong that would have liberalized the provisionsfor authorizing the dissection of dead bodies. The principal opponents ofthe bill were Jewish legislators, who protested that it violated religious prin-ciples against disturbing the repose of the dead and the sanctity of thehuman body.

WOMEN IN THE SYNAGOGUE

Two contrary tendencies with regard to re-evaluating the role of women inthe synagogue were evident during 1955-56. A growing number of Orthodoxcongregations (sixteen, according to a communication by Rabbi David B.Hollander, president of the Rabbinical Council) had reinstated the me-chitzah, or special pews for women. In one case that was tried in the Macomb

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County, Mich., Circuit Court, the attorneys for the synagogue minority re-questing the tnechitzah had successfully cited a relevant decision of theUnited States Supreme Court in 1954. The Supreme Court had ruled that:"While it is true that the membership [of the church in question] is a self-governing unity, a majority of its membership is supreme and is entitled tocontrol its church property only so long as the majority remains true to thefundamental faith, usages, customs and practices of this particular church, asaccepted by both factions before the dissension."

On the other hand, in June 1956 the Reform rabbinate again discussed theadvisability of granting women the right to read from the Torah duringservices; the question of the advisability of discussing the ordination ofwomen as rabbis was also again under consideration (see AMERICAN JEWISHYEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 195).

Primary and Secondary Religious Education

At the end of May 1956, the Mizrachi National Education Committee(MNEC) reported that sixty Jewish all-day schools had been establishedthroughout the United States in the period 1940-55; of these ten were highschools. Over 100,000 students were reported to be attending a total of 150day schools and 170 yeshivot ("talmudic academies") affiliated with the MNEC.

The Mizrachi committee was concerned about the acute need for largernumbers of competently trained nursery and kindergarten teachers. In an at-tempt to meet this need, the MNEC conducted seminars for teachers duringthe summer and winter of 1955. It had also, in 1953, set up an institute forHebrew pre-school education, which had since become an integral part ofYeshiva University.

Significantly, the MNEC had concentrated its activities in the suburbswhere the Jewish population was moving. Thus, in 1955, there were ten dayschools in the Long Island suburbs of New York City, and five more were inthe process of organization. Isidor Margolis, the MNEC's executive director,foresaw the organization of fifty new yeshivot in the period 1955-60. To de-velop religious and lay leadership for this promising future, the MNEC hadformed a National Commission for Yeshiva Education, composed of repre-sentatives of the principals, teachers, laymen, and parents active in yeshivaeducation.

Orthodox religious groups were eager to influence young people in extra-curricular activities. Thus, the Rabbinical Alliance, Rabbinical Council,UOJC, and the UOJC Women's Branch established a National SynagogueYouth Commission of the UOJC in March 1956. Its major activities were tobe: to establish a network of summer camps; to intensify the activities of theUOJC-sponsored National Conference of Synagogue Youth; to developTorah study programs; to provide opportunities for synagogue youth tospend time at yeshivot; to explore new avenues of approach to teen-age re-ligious programing; and to organize synagogue youth groups.

In the spring of 1955 the Commission on Jewish Education of the Rab-binical Assembly began a survey of the current status of Jewish education inthe Conservative movement. The results were reported in the Proceedingsof the Rabbinical Assembly for 1955. The schools replying to the question-


naire were divided into three categories, according to the size of the sponsor-ing congregations: small congregations with a membership of up to 200families; medium congregations, with 200 to 500 families; and large congre-gations with more than 500 member families. Thirty-nine small congrega-tions, forty-five medium and thirty-five large congregations were covered bythe survey.

Nearly 90 per cent of the schools reporting stated they had raised theirstandards in such matters as hours of instruction, and requirements for barmitzvah. A few schools reported the abolition of the Sunday school.

Three-fourths of the elementary schools operated on a three-day-a-weekschedule, and 15 per cent operated four days a week. Forty per cent had sixhours of instruction per week, 30 per cent a maximum of four and one-halfhours. The three-day-a-week system prevailed in 30 per cent of the mediumcongregations, and 70 per cent of the large. On the other hand, the four-day-a-week system had been introduced into 23 per cent of the small congrega-tions. Less than half of the medium and large congregations offered six hoursor more of instruction weekly.

Forty per cent of the medium congregations, one-third of the large, andone-third of the small congregations did not accept children above the age ofnine (the maximum age requirements applied both to girls and boys). How-ever, girls above this age limit were accepted into the religious schools in de-partments other than the elementary (Hebrew) department. Approximatelytwo-thirds of all the schools, and in each category of school, required attend-ance of five years or more for graduation; 20 per cent required attendance ofonly three or four years.

One-third of the congregations accepted three years of Hebrew training asa prerequisite for bar mitzvah; 42 per cent required four or more years; andonly 10 per cent of the small and 3 per cent of the large congregations ac-cepted less than three years. Nearly all the schools required of the girl be-coming bat mitzvah the same number of years of preparation as they did ofthe boy becoming bar mitzvah.

Nearly all the congregations maintained a Sunday school; only one of thelarge congregations reported no Sunday school. Ninety-three per cent of thesmall congregations, 81 per cent of the medium-sized, and 77 per cent of thelarge congregations did not expect to eliminate the Sunday school in thenear future.

About one-third of all the congregations reported nursery schools, and asomewhat higher proportion reported kindergartens. Only 3 per cent re-ported foundation schools. There were high schools in about one-third of allthe congregations; of these, 60 per cent offered a maximum of four-and-one-half hours of instruction weekly.

Half of the schools used teachers without a knowledge of Hebrew in thenon-Hebraic subjects; and nearly 60 per cent of the schools were compelledto have some unlicensed teachers on their staffs.

During the year ending May 1956, the American Council for Judaism(ACJ) reported the development of its religious education program (seeAMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 196-7). Five new textbookshad been produced; two new Schools for Judaism had been established andoperated by parent-teachers, in Denver, Colo., and East Rockaway, N. Y.;

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there had been a "substantial" growth of congregations in WestchesterCounty, N. Y., and Highland Park, 111., where ACJ Schools for Judaism hadpreviously been organized. A new monthly newsletter, Education in Judaism,and an Inter-School Memoranda and Interschool Information Bulletin werebeing published and distributed. An annual teachers' institute had been heldto provide the parent-teachers and congregational leaders with the oppor-tunity to counsel with leading religious educators.

Seminaries and Higher Education

In March 1956 Yeshiva University ordained 131 Orthodox rabbis who hadbeen graduated from the university during the previous three years. In June1956, the JTSA ordained 20 Conservative rabbis, and the Hebrew UnionCollege-Jewish Institute of Religion (HUC-JIR) graduated 20 Reform rabbis.

On September 10, 1955, the national planning committee of the JTSAadopted plans for developing the JTSA as a Center of Human Brotherhood.The over-all plan, to be carried out within the coming ten years, was forwork in six major areas: Biblical and Talmudic study; research in ethics andthe transmission of ethical ideas; Jewish education; study of the nature ofhuman motivation; research into better understanding among all peoples;and the common study by scholars of all groups of contemporary problems.

To meet the rising national need for rabbinic leaders by new congrega-tions, the HUC-JIR board of governors at its annual meeting in the summerof 1956 re-established its New York school as a full graduate school with afive-year program leading to ordination of Reform rabbis. A Los Angeles,Calif., branch of the HUC-JIR was also established, with the first two yearsof rabbinic training leading to a Bachelor of Hebrew Letters degree beingmade available, particularly to university graduates. The goal was to graduatesome fifty Reform rabbis annually "within a reasonable number of years."

Scholarship

The Christian Century noted on February 15, 1956, the continuing over-whelming popular interest in one aspect of religious scholarship—the inter-pretation of the Dead Sea scrolls first discovered in 1947. Many churches werescheduling meetings and lectures on the subject of the Dead Sea scrolls, inan attempt to take advantage of this tremendous public interest.

In February 1956 three churchmen warned scholars and public alike notto be carried away by the fancied implications of the Dead Sea scrolls. Mon-signor John J. Dougherty, professor of sacred scripture at the ImmaculateConception Seminary, Darlington, N. J., Dr. Samuel Sandmel, professor ofBible at HUC-JIR, and Dr. John Sutherland Bonnel, a Presbyterian minister,underlined the incompleteness of present studies, the disagreement amongcompetent and informed scholars on such basic points as translation ofwords, and the extreme tentativeness of every hypothesis advanced. They par-ticularly warned against a premature acceptance of the Dupont-Sommertheory—the claim, taken over by Edmund Wilson, that the discoveries provedthat Jesus had deliberately modeled himself after a great Essene teacher whoimmediately preceded him in Palestine. An international scholarly sym-


posium to assess the Dead Sea scrolls after a decade of investigation andstudy was to be held in New York in September 1957, under the sponsorshipof the HUC-JIR.

The Dead Sea scrolls were published in 1956 in The Dead Sea Scriptures,with a translation, introduction, and notes by Theodor H. Gaster; 50,000copies were printed in a paper-book edition, and another 15,000 copies in ahard-cover edition. Within one month of publication the unprecedentednumber of 23,000 copies of the paper-book edition, and 12,000 of the hard-cover edition, had been sold.

The interest in American Jewish history, stressed in the celebration of theAmerican Jewish Tercentenary during 1954-55, found its expression in twoactivities by religious seminaries during 1955-56.

On December 1, 1955, a conference was held in Cleveland, sponsoredjointly by the American Jewish History Center of the JTSA (established inDecember 1953), the Western Reserve Historical Society, and Western Re-serve University. Its purpose was to discuss the writing of regional history,and to consider the results of a two-year study of Jewish life in six Americancommunities. The first case study, of the Jewish community of Cleveland,was published in 1956. Others under way embraced the Jewish communitiesin Milwaukee, Wis.; southern Florida, especially Miami; agricultural sectionsof New Jersey, focusing on Vineland; Montreal, Canada; and southern Cali-fornia, especially Los Angeles. The center, under the directorship of Profes-sor Allan Nevins of Columbia University, had adopted a comprehensive planso that the articles, local histories, and biographies written would fit into abroad pattern, and prepare the way for a sound general history. It was an-ticipated that five to seven years would be required to complete the studiesof six communities.

On February 15, 1956, a second conference took place in Miami Beach,Fla., on "The Writing of Southern Regional History with Emphasis on Reli-gious and Cultural Groups." The conference was sponsored jointly by theUniversity of Miami, the Historical Association of Southern Florida, and theAmerican Jewish History Center of the JTSA.

On April 9, 1956, an advisory council was formed to help locate periodicalsfor the American Jewish Periodical Center, established by the HUC-JIR tomicrofilm more than a century of Jewish periodical publications in America.Jacob R. Marcus, HUC-JIR professor of history and director of the AmericanJewish Archives, became director of the center, on a grant from the Jacob R.Schiff Fund. It was intended to microfilm every Jewish periodical publishedin the United States from 1823 to 1925, as well as a selected group of journalsafter 1925. These microfilms were to be made available to recognized institu-tions, libraries, and scholars on an inter-library loan basis.

An expanded program of graduate study for those men in the active min-istry who wished to renew systematic scholarship was initiated in the fall of1955 by the HUC-JIR in New York. While primarily for HUC-JIR alumni,this program would be open to graduates of all accredited theological schools.

On February 27, 1956, through the grant of a subvention from Louis M.Rabinowitz, the NYBR sponsored the Rabinowitz Lecture Series. The aim ofthis series was to bring to the rabbinate and laity some of the outstandingscholars in history, theology, literature, and archaeology.

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Religion and Mental Health

The plans for a Human Brotherhood Center at the JTSA advanced inSeptember 1955 (see above) included endowment of a chair in mental health.The mutual relevance of religion and mental health had been stressed formany years in articles, books, and sermons.

On May 26, 1956, the Information Service reported that a new organiza-tion "engaged in research and education in all relationships between religionand health, and especially mental health," had opened in New York City.Named the National Academy of Religion and Mental Health, its presidentwas Kenneth E. Appel, president of the Joint Commission on Mental Illnessand Health, professor of psychiatry at the University of Pennsylvania, andpast president of the American Psychiatric Association. On the advisorycouncil were Catholic, Jewish, and Protestant theologians and clergymen.This academy was to sponsor research in relationships between religion andmental health, conferences, scholarships, publications, as well as consultativeand advisory service.

Military Chaplaincy

In February 1956, the National Jewish Weltare Board (JWB) reported thecompletion of five years since the fall of 1950 of a voluntary draft systemthrough which all rabbis upon ordination became subject to chaplaincy duty.During this five-year period the three major rabbinical associations constitut-ing the JWB's Commission on Jewish Chaplaincy (CJC) had brought 203rabbis into the chaplaincy. Of these, 131 had already completed their chap-laincy service, and 72 others were still in active service. In addition, 21 had be-come Jewish career chaplains. Another 44 were being prepared for chaplaincyservice.

Set up by the (Reform) CCAR, (Conservative) Rabbinical Assembly, and(Orthodox) Rabbinical Council of America, and administered by the CJC,the chaplaincy availability program consisted of a voluntarily imposed draftunder which the rabbinical groups and their associated rabbinical seminaries(HUC-JIR, JTSA, and Yeshiva University) required that every rabbinicalstudent upon ordination make himself available for at least two years ofchaplaincy service. The CJC, through the JWB, was the official agency rec-ognized by the United States Department of Defense for giving ecclesiasticalendorsement to all Jewish chaplains. Each of the three major rabbinicalgroups took an equal share of the annual quota.

JWB's Armed Services Division, assisted by the CJC, was also pioneering inorganizing local pre-induction orientation programs for Jewish teen-agerssoon to enter military service. These programs were a joint effort of syna-gogues, Jewish community centers, and armed services committees, whoseleadership was used on the panels of experts who counseled the pre-inductees.

On February 1, 1956, Rabbi Aryeh Lev submitted a director's report to theCJC summarizing activities for 1955. It noted that 3,000,000 men had beendrafted (including Jews) in 1955, and almost 20,000 Jewish veterans hadpassed through the Veterans Administration hospitals.


TABLE IJEWISH CHAPLAINS, 1946-55

Year No." Year No.*1946 411947 251948 221949 211950 28

46 1951 7429 1952 10328 1953 9627 1954 8834 1955 94

8111010395101

« The first figure relates to military alone, without regard to Veterans Administration andJWB chaplaincies. The second figure reflects the actual total.

The CJC had served chaplains with religious supplies, program aids, andpersonal contacts, besides prayer books, calendars, mezuzot, kosher food, sac-ramental wine, audio-visual aids, Sunday School texts, model radio presenta-tions, Jewish periodicals, altar cloths, marriage canopies, and even TorahScrolls. For new chaplains a fourteen-volume basic library in Judaica hadbeen made available, and, for chaplains overseas, a large sampling of newJewish literature.

New material published in 1955 included an Armed Forces edition of TheJewish Songster, and a calendar for 1956. The CJC helped the military au-thorities prepare a new Jewish section for the Armed Forces Hymnal, usedby Jewish laymen in the military in the absence of a Jewish chaplain. Theend of 1955 found the CJC engaged in preparing the manuscript for a newedition of a prayer book to be printed at government expense. The editionwas to run into 100,000 copies.

Rabbi Lev noted that the part-time chaplaincy had grown steadily. Civil-ian rabbis served the great majority of domestic federal installations as part-time chaplains. This aspect of chaplaincy was expected to remain significant,since it served the needs of veterans to a considerable extent.

TABLE 2GROWTH IN PART-TIME CHAPLAINCY SERVICE

Domestic Installations Part-TimeYear Served Chaplains1950 511 1971951 576 2181952 605 2251953 622 2291954 641 2491955 680 253

Civilian Chaplaincy

In 1955-56, 163 hospitals and institutions in New York State were servedby the NYBR chaplaincy corps of 93 rabbis. In 1956, for the first time, theNYBR supplied eighteen state mental institutions in New York State withPassover food, and Passover sedarim were arranged under the guidance ofchaplains there. It was estimated that the religious needs of approximately250,000 men, women, and children in these institutions were being metannually.

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Religion and Public Education

Religious groups in the United States remained divided over the advisa-bility and extent to which teachings about religion, or values traditionallyassociated with religion, might be introduced into the public schools. On thewhole, Catholic groups were in favor, Protestant groups hesitant, and Jewishgroups opposed (see p. 137-39).

In the fall of 1956 Rabbi Arthur Gilbert, of the Anti-Defamation Leagueof B'nai B'rith, in a communication to the author, analyzed the current situ-ation in regard to the teaching of moral and spiritual values in the publicschools throughout the United States.

Some of the school systems Rabbi Gilbert found to be "boldly sectarian."Thus, Character and Religious Education in the Elementary Curriculum,issued in 1940 by the Meridian, Miss., Public Schools, maintained that "re-ligious education must be included in the daily program of the publicschools. . . . There should be religious pictures on the wall. . . . The teachershould believe what she teaches."

Similarly, the Guide on Moral and Spiritual Education in ElementarySchools, adopted in 1953 by the San Diego, Calif., Board of Education,urged the school to encourage children to participate in church activities,and teachers to affiliate themselves closely with the churches and synagoguesof the community. The St. Louis Public School Journal of January 1954,made it mandatory for the teacher to "endeavor to develop in his pupilsprinciples of morality, love of God, and love of man." The Resource Bulletinon Moral and Spiritual Values, issued by the division of instruction of theFairfax County Schools, Fairfax, Va., in September 1953, suggested that theteacher "begin the day with some type of inspirational program . . . have ablessing before meals . . . discuss what churches in the community have donefor better living."

Rabbi Gilbert noted that a number of guides showed an awareness of thecomplexity of the problem. For example, the Los Angeles city schools' pub-lication on Moral and Spiritual Values in Education, issued in 1954, de-clared: "We may not all define God in the same terms, but at least we canagree that faith in God means faith in a power greater than ourselves, andthat is the important thing."

In contrast with these guides, which overtly suggested that it was the func-tion of the public school to teach a belief in God, other guides, in RabbiGilbert's view, took a more subtle and sophisticated approach. Asserting thatreverence for God and religious faith was one of the significant values in theAmerican heritage, these guides held it to be the responsibility of the publicschool to insist that faith in God was among the values long held importantby the American people.

Thus, in Nebraska, in a program developed by the Nebraska Departmentof Public Instruction in cooperation with the American Legion in 1954, ref-erences to the deity appearing in such basic American documents as theDeclaration of Independence and the United States Constitution werestressed and discussed in full so that the students might come to understand


that their rights and their responsibilities were based upon their creationby God.

A similar approach was taken in a special curriculum bulletin issued bythe department of instruction of the Cincinnati Public Schools in May 1954;and in a publication issued in 1955 by the division of education of SanMateo, Redwood City, Calif., entitled Moral and Spiritual Values in Educa-tion for Elementary Schools.

Rabbi Gilbert pointed out that not all teachers were convinced that Godwas the source of all values, or that God as the sanction for values should betaught in the public school. In a survey made in 1954 by the State of UtahDepartment of Public Instruction, Utah superintendents and teachers wereasked whether the school should positively attempt to give a religious sanc-tion to chaste living. The educational personnel were divided in their views;half were in favor, and half opposed.

However, Rabbi Gilbert concluded by noting that there were severalguides that reflected a profounder understanding of the difficulties involvedin transmitting values and in changing character. Examples of such programswere the Openmindedness Study of the curriculum office of the PhiladelphiaPublic Schools issued in 1951, the program of Moral and Spiritual Values inEducation developed by the Commonwealth of Kentucky in 1955, and theExplorations in Character Development undertaken by the Albany UnifiedSchool District, Albany, Calif., in 1950 under the direction of Hilda Tabba,professor of education at San Francisco State College. The Albany and Phila-delphia programs were based on an awareness that values were not com-municated by didactic teaching or through isolated experiences in formalizedreverence, but rather emerged in the daily interpersonal association of stu-dent to parent, peers, and teacher.

Writing in Religious Education (July-August 1956), J. Mansir Tydings de-scribed the Kentucky program. This program was noteworthy in that it re-jected both sectarianism and the idea of trying to teach a "nonsectarian"religious common denominator. Teachers of different religious commitment(and those with none) were encouraged to help boys and girls arrive at theirown right decisions, based on sanctions deriving from law, justice, propertyrights, personal integrity, and group approval. (The pupils' own personalreligious convictions were not excluded.) The Kentucky program did notteach about religion, but attempted to study all subject matter thoroughlyand realistically, taking account of religion fully and fairly wherever itoccurred.

Social Action

The most important social issue facing American clergymen, as well as laypeople, during 1955-56, was that of the implementation of the United StatesSupreme Court decision of 1954 in respect to educational desegregation.

Rabbi Eugene Lipman, executive secretary of die commission on socialaction of the UAHC, writing in the Jewish Frontier, November 1956, notedthat only a few Jews had joined White Citizen Councils, but few Jews in theDeep South were willing to identify themselves publicly with the struggle toeliminate segregation. "To do so, they feel, would call down upon them the

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furies of hatred which now buffet the Negro community, would open thePandora's box of long dormant anti-Semitism." Rabbi Lipman cited instancesof Southern rabbis who had attempted to justify desegregation. He con-cluded that "most Southern rabbis are frustrated and torn by the conflictingdemands of their timid laymen and the nagging dictates of their conscience."

On March 1, 1956, 100 students, professors, and other personnel of theHUC-JIR protested the arrests of Negroes in the bus boycott dispute inMontgomery, Ala.

Israel

The concerns of Jewish and non-Jewish religious bodies in Israel revolvedduring 1955—56 around political, economic, humanitarian, and domesticIsrael issues.

On the political front, Nelson Glueck, president of the Reform HUC-JIR,on October 15, 1955, denounced proposals that Israel cede part of the Negevdesert to neighboring Arab states in return for Western guarantees of herborders; and on November 14, 1955, the National Council of Young Israel(NCYI) urged President Eisenhower to provide defensive arms for Israel. OnJuly 18, 1956, the NCYI requested President Eisenhower and Secretary ofState Dulles to "effectuate an immediate change in any treaties or agreementscontaining such discriminatory clauses" as those countenancing the boycott bySaudi Arabia and other Arab countries of American Jews (see p. 218-19). OnNovember 10, 1955, an Agudath Israel delegation asked the State Departmentto "save Israel from its endangered position provoked by Communist ma-neuvering in the Middle East." The NYBR during 1955—56 issued a series ofresolutions and sent several telegrams to the President and the State Depart-ment, asking them to abandon their "policy of opportunism and self-interest"in connection with Egypt and its "war-like policies to Israel," and rather tobase American policy upon moral and ethical considerations. The RabbinicalAlliance appealed to President Eisenhower in the spring of 1956 to takeevery measure to safeguard Israel's security. The Mizrachi Organization ofAmerica strongly urged the United States to make available to Israel ade-quate military means for self-defense against aggression.

The problem of Arab refugees and that of the internationalization of Jeru-salem continued to agitate non-Jewish religious groups. On March 25, 1956,Our Sunday Visitor, the largest Catholic weekly in the United States, edi-torialized that "justice for the 900,000 Arabs driven from their homes by theJews" and internationalization of Jerusalem were basic for easing the mount-ing tension between Israel and the Arab world. The editor went on to accuseAmerican Jews of divided loyalty.

Commonweal, a liberal Catholic weekly, in its April 20, 1956 issue repudi-ated the charge that some American Jews held a first political loyalty to Is-rael as "dangerous nonsense." Commonweal pointed out that "Catholicsshould be particularly wary of such charges of divided loyalty; certainly thesame charge has been made against Catholics so often that one would expecta Catholic editor to hesitate about using it against the Jews."

Our Sunday Visitor itself, on June 10, 1956, published as a guest editorialone of the many comments it had received on its March 25 editorial. Entitled


"The Story of Israel in Its Eighth Year," it presented "in the interests offairness . . . another point of view." The anonymous author comparedAmerican Jewish help to Israel with American Irish Catholic help to theIrish Free State.

Within the religious Jewish community, in April 1956, the NYBR issued astatement signed by 1,350 Orthodox, Conservative, and Reform rabbis con-demning the American Council for Judaism, which had leveled a similarcharge of dual loyalty against American Jews who supported Israel politi-cally, as misrepresenting Jewry and Judaism in respect to Israel.

Some Orthodox Jewish groups in the United States, such as Agudath Is-rael and the NCYI, repeated during 1955-56 their charges that the JewishAgency was engaging in the "spiritual brainwashing" of North African emi-grants to Israel (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 201); 80per cent of these emigrants were being sent to settlements in Israel underthe auspices of non-religious parties. The Israel consul in New York statedthat the Jewish Agency Executive, to meet this objection, had decided toform a special committee of the Agency at which all parties would be repre-sented, whose purpose would be to find a more acceptable arrangement forthe resettlement of new immigrants.

An interesting development in the relations between American Jewish re-ligious bodies and religious Jews in Israel was the establishment of two con-gregations in Israel, one in Jerusalem, the other in Haifa, along Conservativelines. These represented an innovation in Israel, where all congregations hadtraditionally been strictly Orthodox. Rabbi Alfred A. Philipp of the EmetVe'emunah Synagogue in Jerusalem communicated with the (Conservative)United Synagogue of America on July 2, 1956, expressing his congregation'sinterest in affiliating with the American Conservative movement. The NewCarmel Congregation in Haifa reported to the February 1956 meeting of theexecutive council of the United Synagogue that it had held its first serviceson Rosh ha-Shanah, 1955. More than 100 persons had sought admission tothe congregation for Yom Kippur. The congregation was still without arabbi.

All three Jewish religious groupings in the United States, Orthodox, Con-servative, and Reform, initiated institutions of higher learning in Israel dur-ing 1955-56. In September 1955, the (Orthodox) Bar Ilan University openedin Ramat Gan, a suburb of Tel Aviv, to the first group of 125 students,including 25 Americans.

On November 16, 1955, the United Synagogue of America endorsed a planto establish a division of the (Conservative) JTSA in Israel. Future graduatesof the JTSA would be required to spend a year of study in the Israel di-vision as a prerequisite to ordination in the rabbinate. It was anticipatedthat the Israel school would be able to accommodate about thirty rabbinicstudents annually. (About twenty-five students were graduated yearly fromthe JTSA.)

In the summer of 1956, Nelson Glueck, president of the HUC-JIR, indi-cated his intention to hold Sabbath services in the library of the projectedAmerican School of Archaeology in Jerusalem. The school was to be attendedmostly by graduate students, professors, and ministers of all faiths.

The Israel rabbinate immediately organized resistance to what it regarded

RELIGION 167

as an infringement by Reform Judaism on Israel Orthodoxy. On July 29,1956, opposition by religious representatives on the Jerusalem MunicipalCouncil forced postponement of the issuance of a building permit for theschool. On July 30, the chief rabbinate of Israel issued a formal prohibitionagainst the establishment of the school. On August 12, in a last attempt toprevent the issuance of the building permit, Rabbi Yekutiel Halberstam at-tempted to persuade Prime Minister David Ben Gurion to intervene, andMayor Gershon Agron of Jerusalem to withhold his approval of the permit.However, the same day the Municipal Council voted the permit. (See alsop. 390.)

Public Information

American religious bodies exploited the mass media of communication,radio, television, and advertising, to educate and influence the Americanpublic for religious ends.

The extent of this work may be gauged from the fact that business and in-dustry contributed $6,000,000 worth of free advertising in November 1955 topersuade Americans to attend church and synagogue. Twenty-four nationalreligious bodies supported the Religion in American Life, committee's cam-paign conducted by the Advertising Council.

Among Jewish religious groups, the JTSA had been producing the "Eter-nal Light" weekly radio program since 1944, and had been participating inthe 'Trontiers of Faith" television series devoted to studies of Catholicism,Protestantism, and Judaism on alternate weeks. During 1955-56, the JTSAformed a national committee on television to act as a coordinating councilfor religious programs, and to formulate policy for future JTSA televisionprograms.

In December 1955 the UOJC began sponsoring its own weekly radio pro-gram as part of a membership drive. Though conducted in Yiddish, the pro-gram was to feature guest speakers in English.

In April 1956, the NYBR joined the Federation of Jewish Philanthropiesof New York in sponsoring television programs of public interest to describeJewish activities in the fields of health, chaplaincy, and social welfare. TheNYBR noted that there were television programs on every major Jewish holi-day. The NYBR sponsored a children's religious program, "The Fourth R,"as well as the "Look Up and Live" and "Along the Way" television programs.

The American Jewish Committee, in cooperation with the NYBR, held itsfourth rabbinical workshop on June 11-12, 1956, to give rabbis a workingknowledge of how to use television. Representatives of the religious depart-ments of each of the three major television networks participated.

JACOB SLOAN


JEWISH COMMUNAL SERVICES

THE PURPOSE of this article is to review the major developments in thefield of Jewish communal service during the period under review (July 1,

1955 through June 30, 1956). Since data must be drawn from the separate re-ports of about 150 overseas and national agencies, 250 federations and wel-fare funds, and 800 local agencies, those reports have been utilized which mostclosely approximate the period under review, although they coincide with thisperiod infrequently. The work of an agency is continuous, and references arerequired to developments which occurred prior to July 1955 or which con-tinue beyond June 1956. Because all agencies do not report all relevant dataon a timely basis, some estimating has been required.

Comparisons are made of the most recent two years' experience of agencies.For technical reasons, the samples selected in each of the articles in this seriesmay vary, and those attempting to link the data over a longer time-span thanspecifically indicated must exercise due caution.

The present-day Jewish federation came upon the American scene aroundthe turn of the century. The Jewish welfare fund emerged about thirty yearsago and was built upon the earlier successful experience of federations.Originally existing as parallel structures, although frequently staffed jointly,the federation and welfare fund tended to merge over the years, so that by1956 all but a few cities were conducting unified activities. The local re-sponsibility of the federation and the overseas and national responsibility ofthe welfare fund are generally looked upon as coordinate tasks.

The Jewish federation and welfare fund organizes annual fund-raisingcampaigns. It distributes the proceeds to Jewish services in the home city,nationally and overseas, through a process of budget review. The 217 federa-tions and welfare funds in the United States associated in the Council of Jew-ish Federations and Welfare Funds (CJFWF) conduct their activities inalmost 800 communities inhabited by 95 per cent of the total Jewish popu-lation, and supported by an estimated total of over 1,000,000 contributors.

The remaining 5 per cent of the population is spread through thousandsof small cities, and their limited concentration has not made possible the or-ganization of year-round communal structures. Despite this spread, local com-mittees are organized for fund-raising purposes in at least 800 additionalareas. However, their loose structure frequently necessitates their skippingcampaigns in some years. The United Jewish Appeal (UJA) is the majorbeneficiary of such campaigns, although a small number of other appeals arefrequently included.

Each federation and welfare fund is autonomous, and determines for itselfits specific structure and scope of activity. Although there is a core group ofactivities and agencies included by all of them, there are variations in the ex-tent of coverage (e.g., some welfare funds exclude congregational institutionson the theory that their support is a responsibility of the congregationalgroups themselves rather than the total Jewish community). The objective isto combine fund-raising activity rather than to monopolize it, and some insti-

JEWISH COMMUNAL SERVICES 169

tutions continue separate fund raising, frequently by arrangement and co-operation with welfare funds.

An agency budget is concerned with the human need behind the dollar. Itis a maxim in budgeting that program and finances are indivisible. This in-tegration of program and finances is reflected in the summary of develop-ments in Jewish communal service which follows.

Central Jewish Community Fund Raising

Spring 1956 campaigns conducted by Jewish federations and welfare fundswere unique in a number of ways: They registered the first significant in-creases since the downward trend between 1948 and 1954; they were able todo so at the same time as they provided $40 million in new borrowing for theUJA; and they occurred concurrently with a step-up in sales of Bonds forIsrael. With a 19 per cent increase for 1956 indicated on the basis of springcampaign results (based on 84 campaigns which had raised 65 per cent of thetotal raised in 1955 outside of New York City), 1956 campaign results wereexpected to approximate $128 million, assuming that fall campaigns and theNew York City campaign followed the spring trend.

These results began to become evident in the fall of 1955, when fifty-ninecampaigns increased their totals by 18 per cent, compared with the earlierspring campaigns, which had increased by one per cent.

The groundwork for the 1956 increase was laid in 1955, when campaignresults were stabilized for the first time since 1948. At the conclusion of the1955 campaigns there was widespread confidence in communities that 1956campaign results would increase. A drive for a Special Survival Fund was an-nounced in November 1955 by the UJA with an objective of raising $25 mil-lion over and above the estimated pledge total of $60 million annually whichUJA had attained in 1955 and 1954. Latest data indicated that there wouldbe an increase of about $18 million in campaign results of welfare funds, ofwhich UJA might secure about $16 million over and above its normal alloca-tions. One of the difficulties arising out of the Special Survival Fund cam-paign was that increased contributions for UJA were frequently earmarked,while there could be no earmarking for losses incurred as a result of deaths,removals, and business reverses. As a consequence, some communities werefaced with a need to adjust the "normal" UJA allocation in order that nor-mal allocations for some other agencies might not be reduced in a year ofrising campaign results.

Almost $1.4 billion was raised by central Jewish community organizationsin the decade which ended in 1955. Peak results of over §200 million wereattained in 1948, reflecting response to the needs of Jewish displaced personsand to the opportunity for mass immigration to the newly proclaimed Stateof Israel. There was a lull in immigration to Israel between 1951 and 1954.Immigration, mainly from North Africa, rose moderately in 1954 (17,250 im-migrants), increased sharply in 1955 (37,528 immigrants), and was averaging4,365 monthly in the first half of 1956. Restrictions on mass emigrationwere imposed by the Moroccan government in mid-1956, with consequentuncertainty regarding the number of individual emigrants who might leave


North Africa for Israel in the subsequent period. Moderate rises were begin-ning in immigration from Eastern European countries.

In 1945, the last year prior to the postwar emergency period, a total of $57million was raised.1 In 1955, the total of §110 million was almost double the1945 amount. However, the rise in the price level of about 37 per cent meantthat the constant purchasing power of pledges in 1955 was about 40 per centhigher than in 1945.

GIVING AND GIVERS

Reports filed with CJFWF by sixty welfare funds outside of New YorkCity indicated that, on the average, 26 per cent of the total Jewish popula-tion of all ages contributed to welfare fund campaigns in 1955.

However, 89 per cent of the amount raised was provided by 17 per cent ofthe contributors. The average per capita gift for the total Jewish populationcovered by these sixty campaigns in 1955 was $28.60. (By contrast, the av-erage per capita gift to community chests and united funds in 1955 for 1956needs had been $4.47, although the degree of coverage, 25 per cent, had beenabout the same.)

Independent Campaigns

Each federation and welfare fund is autonomous and determines for itselfthe scope of services which it finances through allocations from central funds.There are ten non-local agencies which are included almost universally bywelfare funds.2 Twenty other agencies are included by half or more of allwelfare funds; other agencies receive less extensive inclusion.

Agencies conduct independent fund-raising campaigns in specific citieswhere they are not included in welfare funds. The general rule is that abeneficiary agency has to waive independent fund raising in localities whereit receives an allocation from the welfare fund, unless specific arrangementsto the contrary with the welfare fund are made.

Extensive independent fund raising continued in many communities. In1955 some sixty-five agencies raised $37 million independently, comparedwith $35.3 million raised in 1954.

Welfare funds frequently define their responsibility in terms of the totalJewish community, hence exclude efforts considered to be the responsibilityof limited groups or special interests. Involved in the total of $37 millionraised independently are:

(1) Drives for Israel authorized by the Jewish Agency for Palestine Com-mittee on Control and Authorization of Campaigns raised $14 million.That committee has authorized thirteen campaigns, including the UJAand other beneficiaries of welfare funds, and has prevented the mush-rooming of scores of additional drives for Israel.

(2) Since the New York UJA includes only National UJA, American Jew-1 Exclusive of the capital fund campaign of the Federation of Jewish Philanthropies of

New York City.2 United Jewish Appeal, Joint Defense Appeal, National Jewish Welfare Board, HebrewUniversity in Jerusalem, American Fund for Israel Institutions, B'nai B'rith National YouthService Appeal, United HIAS Service, American Jewish Congress, and American Associationfor Jewish Education.


ish Congress and National Jewish Welfare Board (JWB), the way isleft open for independent fund raising by other non-local agencies inNew York City. While no accurate estimates are available regardingthe totals raised in New York City, partial information suggests that atleast one-third of the total of $37 million is raised in New York City.3

(3) National hospitals are not included in most of the larger welfare fundswhich support local Jewish hospitals. They raise about §5.2 millionindependently.

(4) American universities in this country are not included by welfare funds(or by community chests). Brandeis University and the Einstein Medi-

cal College raised $4.2 million independently.(5) The national Reform and Conservative religious organizations raise

about $2.7 million from their congregational membership. An addi-tional 10 per cent is secured from welfare funds, but such allocationsare for activities related to the total Jewish community (e.g., "EternalLight" radio program, interfaith activities).

(6) Membership organizations raise funds within their own membership fortheir own program. Hadassah, the National Council of Jewish Women,Pioneer Women, and Organization for Rehabilitation Through Train-ing (ORT) raised $9 million. The fraternal order of B'nai B'rith pro-vided $1.7 million from its membership toward the work of the B'naiB'rith National Youth Service Appeal, Anti-Defamation League, andLeo N. Levi Memorial Hospital. These organizations also receive partof their income from welfare funds.

The figures cited above are not additive since some of the categoriesoverlap.

Restricted independent fund raising for local agencies (generally arrangedby agreement with federations) raises smaller sums for operating purposes—187 local hospitals, family agencies, child care agencies, and homes for theaged raise a total of $3.4 million independently. Contribution income oflocal community centers is probably an additional $160,000.

Capital fund campaigns for local institutions, mainly synagogues and tem-ples, continued to be extensive, but the national congregational groups donot publish annual statistics regarding the extent of fund raising for suchpurposes.

While the ratio of Jewish welfare fund drives to independent drives wasabout 3 to 1 (§110 million against $37 million) in 1955, this was a much dif-ferent ratio from that which prevailed in the nonsectarian field: in 1955,community chests and united funds raised for 1956 needs about $340 million,contrasted with $245 million raised independently by thirteen major agen-cies.4

DISTRIBUTION OF FUNDS

There was little change in the pattern of fund distribution in 1955. Of theamount remaining for distribution by welfare funds (after provision had

8 This is the ratio which generally prevails in fund raising as between New York Cityand the remainder of the United States.4 Complete data on amounts raised independently is not available. But the total of $245million is an understatement in view of the existence of at least 600 nonsectarian nationalagencies seeking funds.


been made for local administrative costs and normal shrinkage of pledges),the UJA received 58 per cent, or almost one per cent more than in 1954 (seeTable 3). The UJA percentage share had been declining for several years,but the 1955 experience indicated an upward turn which was expected torise even more sharply in 1956, as a result of the collections in that year forthe UJA Special Fund. The rise in 1955 occurred in the face of some shiftingof funds from UJA to United HIAS Service (UHS), as a result of the trans-fer of a portion of UHS financing from UJA to welfare funds directly. Thischange also accounted for the greater part of the 7 per cent rise experiencedby other overseas agencies. On the other hand, funds provided for local refu-gee care continued to decline. They fell 15 per cent in 1955, and reflectedthe continuing reduction in immigrants arriving in the United States andthe lesser needs of aid by immigrants already here.

National domestic agencies were allocated an estimated $4.5 million bywelfare funds in 1955. This was slightly more than the entire group of agen-cies had secured in 1954.

Local services received, for operating purposes, about S27.6 million in 1955from funds raised by federations, or about 2 per cent less than in 1954—mak-ing 1955 the first recent year in which the over-all total provided for localservices declined. The reduction was chiefly in allocations to hospitals, witha slight decline in allocations to aged homes. In these cases, this developmentwas facilitated by the rise of income from recipients of service and from pub-lic assistance (tax) funds. This reduction in Jewish federation income waspartially offset by further rises in chest income for local Jewish services. Re-ports from ninety-three cities showed that while federation allocations fell by4.4 per cent in 1955, chest allocations rose 4.7 per cent.

Allocations for local capital purposes were reduced from $1.57 million in1954 to SI-48 million in 1955. Most local capital fund campaigns were notpart of the central annual drive conducted by federations and welfare funds(although usually by agreement with federations and welfare funds), andwere, therefore, not reflected in Table 3.

The pattern of income of agencies from welfare funds differed widelyfrom the pattern of the agencies' own independent fund-raising efforts. (Thiswas also related to the fund-raising experience of agencies in New York City,where the relative shares of funds secured by most national and overseasagencies depended on the effectiveness of their fund-raising efforts, ratherthan on a process of central budgeting based on review of program and fi-nances.)

Table 4 indicates the pattern of distribution of funds by federations in1955, and that of independent fund raising, by fields of service. It indicatesthat the UJA and national service agencies secured a greater share of theirfunds from federations, while overseas campaigns other than UJA, and thosefor health, cultural, and religious agencies, relied more heavily on independ-ent campaigns.

Local programs were most highly developed in the larger centers of Jewishpopulation. As a result, the share of funds for local services was higher in thelarger cities than in the smaller ones. Cities with Jewish population of 40,000and over allocated 59 per cent of their budgeted funds to UJA and otheroverseas and refugee needs, and 35 per cent to local operating and capital


needs in 1954; smaller communities (under 5,000 Jewish population) allo-cated 72 per cent to overseas needs and 20 per cent to local needs. However,in the smaller communities the trend toward growing local programs con-tinued.

Aid to Israel

Aid to Israel by Jews in the United States is channeled through the UJAand other overseas agencies and through the Israel Bond Drive. UnitedStates governmental assistance and restitution from Germany are the othermajor external sources of aid to Israel. These "fundamental four" sources offoreign currency supplement Israel's own earnings abroad. American sourcesprovided one-third of Israel's total foreign currency income of $419 millionfor the fiscal year ending March 30, 1956. (The proportion had been higherin the preceding year because of the receipt of the proceeds of the 1954 UJARefunding Loan.) Together with restitution income, these four sources of in-come provided 55 per cent of total foreign currency income.

Israel's own earnings are largely in the form of exports of goods and serv-ices, supplemented by foreign investments and private transfers of funds. Tothe extent that these sources rise and are not offset by rises in imports, gov-ernment expenditures, and new borrowing, the need for American funds, in-cluding philanthropy, is lessened. While Israel exports reached a peak of §88million in 1954, or almost 30 per cent of imports of §296 million, exports re-mained stable at $88 million in 1955 in the face of a rise in imports to $338million. This retrogression was caused by rises in world prices, increaseddomestic consumption, and increased government consumption for nationalsecurity.

PHILANTHROPIC PROGRAMS

Philanthropic funds continued to be an important source of income forIsrael. While the fundamental use of these funds was for welfare programs,the exchange of dollars for pounds was helpful to the State of Israel in mak-ing available foreign currency.

American Jewish philanthropic agencies reporting to the CJFWF hadavailable for overseas purposes some $80 million in 1955, including about$65 million for Israel purposes. This total was expected to be well over SI00million in 1956 as a result of the UJA Special Survival Fund and new bor-rowings.

A major development in the Israel programs supported by philanthropicfunds was the resumption of large-scale immigration in 1954. The Israel au-thorities arranged for the admission of 30,000 immigrants from North Africaduring the year ending September 30, 1955. This total increased to about52,000 in the year ending September 30, 1956. The Moroccan governmentordered a change from group visas to individuals visas in 1956. The effectson volume of immigration were not yet known.

The Malben program of the American Jewish Joint Distribution Commit-tee (JDC) expanded its facilities for care of the aged and handicappedamong the immigrants, while other American-supported agencies contributed


to Israel's needs in the fields of health, vocational training, and higher edu-cation.

A special five-year loan project for the UJA was undertaken by welfarefunds just prior to their annual spring campaigns in 1954. Under the plan,the sura borrowed for a five-year period—$62.8 million—was transmittedthrough the UJA and the United Israel Appeal (ULA) to the Jewish Agency,which exchanged the dollars for pounds and drew upon the pound balancesto carry out its welfare activities in Israel (immigration, absorption, and landsettlement). The dollars received by the Israel government were available toit as a foreign currency pool to meet its then current dollar shortage, thuschanging short-term debts to medium or long-term debts.

By September 30, 1955, the Jewish Agency had drawn the equivalent of atleast $35 million for use in its program. The withdrawal rate was higher thanthe repayment rate in the United States as a result of the flow of North Afri-can immigration which was higher than originally planned for.

The 1954 loan was refunded in 1956, and welfare funds provided an addi-tional $40 million in new borrowings, bringing the total debt to $75 million.This loan was to provide for additional costs of North African immigrationwhile it was possible to arrange mass movements.

BOND SALES

The three-year flotation period of the Israel Independence Bond Issue ofthe Israel government ended in May 1954 with reported sales of $145.5 mil-lion; of this, $3.6 million in bonds was converted within the ensuing yearinto the Israel Development Issue, which was floated in May 1954. Duringthe four calendar years 1952-55, a total of $12 million in bonds was trans-mitted to the UJA in payment of pledges. By the end of 1955, outstandingbonds of the first issue totaled $120.4 million.

Sales of the second bond issue (Israel Development Issue) from May 1954totaled $41.4 million by April 1, 1955, $71.7 million by December 31, 1955,and $82.5 million by March 1956.5 At the completion of five years of bondsales in March 1956, total sales were reported at $230 million; the total roseto $249.8 million by the end of October 1956.

Proceeds of bond sales provided 35 per cent of income to Israel's develop-ment budgets in this five-year period. In 1955-56, bond revenue was utilizedas follows: agriculture, 42 per cent; industry, 25 per cent; housing, 17 percent; and transportation, 16 per cent.

The State of Israel designated the Development Corporation of America toreplace the American Financial and Development Corporation for Israel assole underwriter of Israel bonds effective May 16, 1955. With the change inleadership, the efforts of the bond drive and the welfare fund campaigns forUJA were coordinated more closely.

REPARATIONS FUNDS

Payments from Germany under the collective restitutions agreement con-stituted the largest single source of foreign currency for Israel during 1955-56(almost $90 million).

B Includes surrender of $4.5 million in Independence Issue Bonds. Sales during calendaryear 1955 were $42.3 million; from January through December 19, 1956, they were $51 million,and there were indications that the 1955 sales total might be exceeded by the end of 1956.


Individual restitution payments reached Israeli citizens at a rate of $2million a month in 1955 and 1956, with an increase anticipated as a result ofa 1956 liberalization of the indemnification law by the West German par-liament.

In January 1956, the Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Ger-many (CJMCAG) made the third yearly allocation of funds put at its dis-posal by Israel from collective restitutions payments. Of $10 million allocatedfor relief of Nazi victims outside of Israel, 56.7 million was granted to theJDC for relief and rehabilitation; about $6.9 million was granted to the JDCfor relief and rehabilitation, including about $1-3 million allocated to com-munal and social welfare agencies in twelve countries of Europe, admin-istered mainly through the JDC. There was also a number of grants for cul-tural and educational reconstruction in Europe and the United States, totalingabout SI.3 million, including about $440,000 for transplanted yeshivot andcultural agencies in the United States. About §12 million went to relief pro-grams in Israel, with the Jewish Agency as the major beneficiary.

The CJMCAG received requests for over $30 million from some 400 or-ganizations in various countries, about three times as great as the amountavailable outside of Israel. With the termination of the JDC guarantee ofthe deficit of UHS in 1956, a request for a CJMCAG allocation for UHS wasanticipated for 1957 for its international program of aid to Nazi victims.Welfare funds in the United States did not apply for funds for local refugeeprograms.

Overseas Agencies

The UJA is the major channel for American Jewish philanthropy to Israeland to other overseas areas where assistance is required. The UJA raisesfunds, mainly through allocations by Jewish welfare funds, for the UIA, theJDC, and the New York Association for New Americans (NYANA).

UJA receipts were distributed in accordance with a formula effectivethrough 1958, which provided that UIA was to receive 67 per cent and JDC33 per cent of the first $55 million raised, after deduction of campaign ex-penses and allocations to NYANA. For sums in excess of $55 million, UIAwas to receive 87.5 per cent and JDC 12.5 per cent. Ten per cent of thefunds for each campaign year might be "renegotiated in the event that someunusual emergency arises."

UJA is the largest beneficiary of funds raised by welfare funds. In smallnonfederated communities, the UJA deals with local leaders, who take re-sponsibility for conducting local campaigns for the UJA.

UJA estimated its total pledges for 1955 at $60 million, which was also the1954 level. Cash received in 1955, regardless of campaign year, totaled 558.8million. In 1954, the special loan project of the UJA had raised $62.8 mil-lion. After repayment of principal and interest, the UJA had succeeded inproviding 578.5 million in 1954 from allocations and from loans for trans-mission to Israel, S13.6 million for the JDC Malben program in Israel, NorthAfrica, and other overseas areas, and 51-5 million for NYANA (including theUnited Service for New Americans).

By contrast, the UJA provided in 1955 §20.5 million for cash transmission


to Israel, after deducting installment payments on loans; $17.4 million forthe JDC program; and $0.9 million for NYANA, etc. It was against this back-ground that the UJA appealed to welfare funds to refund and increase the1954 loan; the result was new borrowings of over $40 million in 1956.

The welfare fund achievement for 1956 for UJA was expected to makeavailable the largest cash sums since 1948: $56 million in "normal" cam-paigns, $16 million for the UJA Special Survival Fund, and $40 million innew borrowings, less repayment of loans due. Many welfare funds departedfrom past practice to permit earmarking of gifts to the UJA Special SurvivalFund because of the emergency.

UNITED ISRAEL APPEAL

The UIA functions in the United States by the authority given to it bythe Keren Hayesod (Palestine Foundation Fund) to act as the latter's fund-raising agency in the United States for funds destined for the Jewish Agencyfor Palestine. All of the UIA's funds received from UJA, after deduction ofexpenses, are transmitted to the Jewish Agency, and allocations to otherbeneficiaries are made at the latter's direction.

Before 1952, the Keren Kayemeth (Jewish National Fund-JNF) had beenpart of the UIA structure, and had shared funds equally with the KerenHayesod. Since 1952, the JNF has been receiving annual allocations in Israeldirectly from the Jewish Agency (about $3,250,000 in 1954-55). Under theUJA agreement, the JNF is permitted to raise $1,800,000 annually from "tra-ditional collections," after deduction of expenses not exceeding $300,000. Ex-cess collections beyond this limit are considered to be equivalent to UJA in-come, with UIA responsible for turning over the excess funds to UJA.

Receipts of the UIA in 1955 were $36.6 million, compared with $30 mil-lion in 1954. Receipts in 1954 had been abnormally low, because of delays insecuring short-term bank loans by communities on current pledges; these de-lays were related to the efforts to secure five-year loans for the special loanproject of the UJA. Deductions will be made by UIA from income allocableto the Jewish Agency over the next five years to repay the $75 million loan.

On behalf of the Jewish Agency, the UIA allocated $1,932,000 in 1955 tothe Mizrachi Palestine Fund, Agudath and Poale Agudath Israel, the WorldConfederation of General Zionists, and the United Zionist Revisionists. Thefunds were earmarked for "constructive enterprises," and each of the groupswaived its rights to independent fund raising in the United States for theirIsrael projects. This arrangement eliminated a substantial number of cam-paigns previously conducted.

JEWISH AGENCY FOR PALESTINE

The Jewish Agency spent l£ 110 million in the fiscal year ending Septem-ber 30, 1955, compared with I£ 89 million in the previous year. In 1954—55the largest single amount was spent on agricultural settlement (62 per cent).Expenses for immigration, absorption, and Youth Aliyah made up 19 percent of the total. The Hadassah Women's Zionist Organization of Americaand other organizations continued to supply about one-third of the cost ofYouth Aliyah, with the Jewish Agency supplying the other two-thirds.

Other Jewish Agency expenditures included grants for: 1) the JNF for


land development programs; 2) interest payments on loans and loan repay-ments; 3) educational and cultural activities; 4) organization and informationactivities, and general administrative expenses.

Receipts of the Jewish Agency in 1954—55 were I£ 74.4 million, comparedwith l£ 90.7 million in 1953-54. The operating deficit of I£ 35 million in1954-55 was covered mainly by new loans.

Contributions (85 per cent from the United States, 15 per cent from otheroverseas drives) were about 60 per cent of receipts in 1954—55, while incomefrom collective restitutions was about 30 per cent. Both of these majorsources of income had declined in 1954—55.

The number of Jewish Agency-sponsored immigrants was 11,388 in1953-54. It rose to 31,929 in 1954-55, and was expected to reach about 52,000in 1955-56, mainly from North Africa.

AMERICAN JEWISH JOINT DISTRIBUTION COMMITTEE

JDC spent $29 million in 1955, compared with $20.6 million in 1954. Ap-propriations of S25.1 million were voted by JDC for 1955 and $24.6 millionfor 1954. Unexpended appropriations are adjusted in subsequent periodswhen final accountings for actual expenditures are made. Because of itsworld-wide operation, there is a time lag in receipt of records of actual ex-penditures for some overseas areas.

The JDC Malben program of service to sick, aged, and handicapped immi-grants in Israel continued to absorb the largest single share of appropriations—about 40 per cent in 1955. Together with its program of aid to 132 yeshivotand other traditional institutions in Israel, JDC had obligated itself to spendabout S10.8 million in Israel in 1955. Malben assisted 19,400 persons in 1955,including 6,879 institutionalized patients. Facilities for 1,600 additional bedsfor the aged were provided in 1955, with a total capacity of 7,710 institu-tional beds projected for the end of 1956.

Relief, health and educational programs in Moslem countries, mainlyNorth Africa, expanded in 1955 and 1956 as a result of unsettled conditionsaffecting the status of the local Jewish populations. JDC appropriated $3.7million in 1955, compared with $1.9 million in 1953, for work in Moslemareas.

JDC appropriations for Europe, which had risen in 1954 for the first timesince 1950, changed little in 1955. They were $4.2 million in 1955, exclusiveof relief in transit and reconstruction of community institutions. The risewas related to the availability to the JDC for the first time in 1954 and 1955of $6.7 million annually in funds from the CJMCAG for aid to victims ofNazism.

Although JDC had relinquished the work of its migration department withthe creation of UHS, it continued to carry financial obligations arising fromits agreement to underwrite UHS deficits in 1955 and 1956 up to $1 millionannually.

Cash receipts of JDC in 1955 were $28.8 million, compared with $20.6million in 1954. The rise in UJA receipts in 1955 was largely accounted forby nonrecurrence of delays due to the 1954 UJA loan project.


ORT

Since 1947, the JDC has had an agreement with the American ORT Fed-eration and the World ORT Union, under which ORT's vocational trainingactivities overseas are subventioned by the JDC. It guarantees a minimumof $1,450,000 from JDC for ORT's activities in Western Europe, Israel,North Africa, and Iran in 1956, compared with §1,390,000 in 1955. (Thetotal ORT budget for 1956 provides for expenditures of about $4,000,000.Actual expenditures in 1955 were $3,700,000.) As under previous agreements,the American branches of ORT may continue to recruit members at annualdues not to exceed $25, which are used to supplement other ORT resources.

In 1955, a total of 18,705 trainees attended ORT courses and other pro-grams financed by JDC, including 8,631 trainees in Western Europe, 5,550 inMoslem countries, and 4,794 in Israel. ORT in Israel received an allocationof 1£ 185,000 from the CJMCAG in 1955.

OSE

The Oeuvre de Secours aux Enfants Israelites (OSE), established in 1912in Eastern Europe, is an organization devoted to protecting the health ofJews. Its operations, which stress preventive, curative, and convalescent serv-ices for children are now concentrated in France, North Africa, and Israel.In France and North Africa the work of the local OSE branches is subsidizedby JDC, with funds made available from JDC appropriations to the particu-lar country. OSE has taken over health services to emigrants in Morocco andTunisia which were formerly provided by the Jewish Agency.

NEW YORK ASSOCIATION FOR NEW AMERICANS

NYANA continued to be a direct beneficiary of UJA, as heretofore, forits program of aid to immigrants in New York City. UJA allocations toNYANA decreased from §1,004,000 in 1954 to $677,000 in 1955. Jewish im-migration to the United States decreased from 5,500 in 1954 to 4,200 in 1955.The number of displaced persons in the total and the active caseload ofNYANA decreased in 1955. Arrivals under the Refugee Relief Act were smallin number during 1955.

OTHER OVERSEAS AGENCIES

Overseas agencies other than the UJA reported total income of $17.9 mil-lion in 1955, compared with $18.2 million in 1954.

UHS voluntarily submitted its budgets for cooperative review with theLarge City Budgeting Conference (LCBC), an informal grouping of welfarefunds in eighteen large cities. The LCBC recommended that welfare fundsconsider, for allocation purposes, a UHS budget of between $2,185,000 and$2,485,000 for 1956, based on varying estimates of immigration. Welfare fundallocations to UHS more than doubled in 1955, compared with grants toHIAS in 1954.

UHS assisted 2,841 Jewish immigrants to migrate in 1955, compared with3,933 in 1954. It expected to assist a total of 4,400 migrants in 1956. Arrivalsin the first half of 1956 totaled 1,796, with a monthly arrival rate of 400 as ofAugust 1956. Assisted arrivals in the United States were 60 per cent of the


total Jewish immigration. The indicated increase in immigration for 1956was chiefly of immigrants from North Africa to Latin America.

Maintenance appeals of the American Friends of the Hebrew University inJerusalem and the American Technion Society were merged beginning in1955, as the result of an agreement reached in Jerusalem in November 1954among officials of the institutions, the UJA, the Jewish Agency, the govern-ment of Israel, and the CJFWF Committee on National-Local Relations. Amerger of capital fund drives had not been effected. The American Commit-tee for the Weizmann Institute of Science entered into an agreement with thegovernment of Israel and the Jewish Agency for Palestine whereby it ceasedall appeals to welfare funds for a share of the proceeds of 1955 and 1956campaigns. Weizmann Institute funds are derived from Jewish Agency andIsrael government grants, from an annual fund-raising dinner, and from aninvestment program.

Hadassah, the Women's Zionist Organization of America, continued toraise the largest sum among non-UJA overseas agencies ($8.3 million in 1955),mainly through membership activities. Its major projects are for medicalservices and Youth Aliyah.

The National Committee for Labor Israel, and Pioneer Women, theWomen's Labor Zionist Organization of America, raise funds for activities ofthe Histadrut in Israel in the areas of education, vocational training, health,and immigrant welfare.

The American Fund for Israel Institutions (AFII) raised funds on behalfof fifty cultural, social, and educational agencies in Israel. With a reductionin the number of its beneficiaries, the AFII was beginning to shift its em-phasis to a cultural exchange program.

The Federated Council of Israel Institutions (FCII) seeks funds for sev-enty-eight Orthodox institutions—yeshivot, as well as orphanages, homes forthe aged, hospitals, and the like. Many FCII beneficiaries also seek fundsseparately in the United States.

The Jewish Agency Committee on Control and Authorization of Cam-paigns continued to authorize a limited number of compaigns for Israel.6

Authorization was denied groups whose projects had questionable validity,that duplicated existing services, or for other reasons. Limitations wereplaced on the scope of membership activities related to projects in Israel.The committee continued its program of educating the contributing publicto the primacy of UJA needs for Israel.

Community RelationsPrograms designed to improve group relations are primary functions of

five major national agencies. More limited activities in this area are also con-ducted by other agencies whose major programs are centered in other areas.

* Authorized agencies for 1956 were: American Committee for the Weizmann Instituteof Science, Inc. (annual fund-raising dinner only); American Friends of the Hebrew Uni-versity; American Fund for Israel Institutions; American Red Mogen Dovid for Israel,Inc. (membership campaign only; no application to welfare funds); American TechnionSociety; Federated Council of Israel Institutions; Hadassah, the Women's Zionist Organiza-tion of America, Inc.; Jewish National Fund (traditional collections only; no applicationto welfare funds); Mizrachi Women's Organization of America (no application to welfarefunds); National Committee for Labor Israel (Histadrut Campaign); Pioneer Women, theWomen's Labor Zionist Organization of America, Inc.; Women's League for Israel, Inc.(New York area).


The largest agencies in the national community relations field also conductactivities in other fields (cultural and educational, overseas affairs, and serviceto membership). On the local scene, many areas are served by local com-munity relations councils or committees, including all major groups in thecommunity related to this interest. Regional offices are also maintained bythe national agencies.

The American Jewish Committee (AJC) and the Anti-Defamation Leagueof B'nai B'rith (ADL) raised most of their funds through the Joint DefenseAppeal (JDA), and shared equally in the proceeds. The JDA agreement alsoprovided for a grant by ADL to B'nai B'rith National Youth Service Appeal.Separate fund-raising by ADL from B'nai B'rith lodges, and by the AmericanJewish Committee from "special contributions" are limited to |250,000 an-nually for each agency.

The National Community Relations Advisory Council (NCRAC), servingas a coordinating and clearance agency for projects and policies, consists ofsix national agencies, twenty-nine local community relations councils, oneregional, and four state-wide organizations. During 1955, the NCRAC devel-oped a third joint program plan for recommendation to all of its nationaland local member agencies. The JDA agencies had withdrawn from theNCRAC in 1952.

National community relations agencies had receipts of $5,970,000 in 1955,compared with $5,666,000 in 1954. Increased income was attained in 1955 byall operating agencies. The NCRAC sought no increase in its budget in 1955.

The NCRAC, American Jewish Congress, Jewish Labor Committee (JLC)and Jewish War Veterans (JWV) again participated in 1955 and 1956 in thecooperative budget review process of the LCBC. Recommendations for ap-proved budget levels for these agencies were among the elements consideredby each community in arriving at local decisions about funds' distribution.

National Health AgenciesSix national health agencies raised $6,895,000 in 1955 compared with

$6,688,000 in 1954, with almost 80 per cent raised by the two largest hospi-tals: the City of Hope in Duarte, California, and the National Jewish Hos-pital in Denver, Colorado. Four of the agencies had originally been devotedexclusively to tubercular care. With improved methods of treating tuberculo-sis, there had been a shift in emphasis to include heart, cancer, research, andtreatment of asthma in adults. The percentage of service to Jewish patientscontinued to decline in recent years. It ranged from 13 per cent for the Na-tional Jewish Hospital to 60 per cent for the Leo N. Levi Memorial Hospital.

Most fund raising by these agencies was conducted outside of the welfarefund framework. Their increasing receipts paralleled the recent fund-raisingexperience of nonsectarian "dread disease" campaigns (cancer, heart, polio).

National Service AgenciesThere are five national organizations that furnish service to local agen-

cies in the specific fields of Jewish community centers, programs for the armedforces, Jewish education, religion, and vocational guidance. These agenciesserve as coordination and consultative bodies for their respective fields.


The JWB is by far the largest of these agencies. The JWB received$1,267,000 in 1955 out of a total of $1,456,000 for the five agencies. The na-tional association of Jewish centers, the JWB, also conducted a program ofservices to Jews in the armed forces, participated in nonsectarian United Serv-ice Organization (USO) programs, and sponsored a number of broad Jewishcultural projects. The JWB again participated in a cooperative budget reviewprocess with the LCBC in 1955 and 1956 which resulted in recommendationsregarding its budgetary needs.

A national study of Jewish education conducted by the American Associa-tion for Jewish Education (AAJE), was planned for completion during 1957.Studies of two pilot communities (Cleveland and Savannah) had been com-pleted in 1954, studies of Akron, Ohio, and Binghamton, Buffalo and Roches-ter, N. Y., were completed in 1955, and surveys were under way in additionalcommunities. AAJE services local communities with studies in educationaltrends, stimulation of student enrollment, recruitment and placement of teach-ers, and pedagogic materials.

Other national service agencies are the Jewish Occupational Council, whichserves local Jewish vocational service bureaus; the National Conference onJewish Communal Service, which serves as a forum for exchange of experienceof professional workers in all fields of Jewish communal service; and the Syna-gogue Council, which represents its affiliated Orthodox, Conservative, and Re-form rabbinical and congregational associations.

Cultural AgenciesJewish cultural agencies are defined in this context as those which are

primarily concerned with efforts in the field of Jewish scholarship, includingresearch, training, and publication.7

Each of the Jewish cultural agencies conducts separate, limited activities.While eighteen agencies in this field received §8,820,000 in 1955, comparedwith $7,966,000 in 1954, the three largest (Brandeis University, B'nai B'rithNational Youth Service Appeal, and the Zionist Organization of America) ac-counted for 80 per cent of the funds. Half of the remaining agencies had in-comes ranging from $20,000 to $60,000.

Four higher educational institutions are included in this group: BrandeisUniversity (liberal arts), the National Agricultural College, Dropsie College(graduate studies in Semitic culture), and the Jewish Teachers Seminary andPeople's University.

Religious AgenciesReligious institutions seek support from the total Jewish community on the

ground that they are training rabbis, Hebrew teachers, and religious function-aries to serve in cities throughout the United States; in many cases these in-dividuals come from different cities to pursue their studies.8

'Jewish research and scholarship are engaged in by YlVO-Institute for Jewish Research,the Conference on Jewish Social Studies, the American Academy for Jewish Research, theAmerican Jewish Archives, and the American Jewish Historical Society. The Jewish Pub-lication Society of America, Histadruth Ivrith of America, Bitzaron and Menorah publishliterature of Jewish interest. The B'nai B'rith National Youth Service Appeal (Hillel,B'nai B'rith Youth Organization and Vocational Service Bureau), Brandeis Youth Founda-tion, and "Jewish Chautauqua Society emphasize youth activities.

* The Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion prepares religious functionaries


Some of the programs conducted by the major seminaries involve interfaithactivities designed to promote better understanding between Jewish and Chris-tian spiritual leaders.

Yeshiva University established the Albert Einstein Medical School, whichbegan functioning in the fall of 1955 with an entrance class of fifty-five.

The fostering and coordination of religious day schools is a major functionof the Mizrachi National Education Committee, the United LubavitcherYeshivoth, the National Council of Beth Jacob Schools, and Torah Umesorah.All but Torah Umesorah concentrate on serving a particular network of Or-thodox all-day schools.

The three congregational associations: the (Reform) Union of AmericanHebrew Congregations, the Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations, and the(Conservative) United Synagogue of America, also seek public support tosupplement funds raised through congregational membership. The related rab-binical associations seek support for relief funds for aged and retired rabbis.

Eighteen national religious agencies raised $10,342,000 in 1955, comparedwith $8,971,000 in 1954. All but three of the agencies increased their incomein 1955, with the largest increases attained by the three major drives: YeshivaUniversity and Einstein Medical School, the combined campaign of HebrewUnion College-Jewish Institute of Religion-Union of American Hebrew Con-gregations, and the Jewish Theological Seminary of America.

Financing Local Services

Jewish federations supplied about $30.7 million in 1955 ($31.6 million in1954) to local services in the fields of health, family and child care, refugeeaid, Jewish centers, Jewish education, care of the aged, and community rela-tions. Federations constituted the major source of contributed income forthese agencies.

Community chests provided an additional estimated $12,000,000, in mostcases through Jewish federations, but in some cases directly to local functionalagencies. Community chests generally restricted their support to agencies oper-ating in the fields of health, family and child care, care of the aged, and Jew-ish centers. The major share of contributed income even in these fields camefrom Jewish federations; federations had, in addition, the exclusive responsi-bility for sectarian activities in the fields of refugee care, Jewish education,and community relations.

Table 5 indicates how central communal funds (federations and chest in-come via federations) were distributed in ninety-three communities amongvarious fields of local service in 1954 and 1955. The following observations arebased on an analysis of the data for this group of cities, with selected refer-ences to earlier studies where relevant.

The total dollar allocations for local services decreased slightly (about oneper cent of amounts budgeted) between 1954 and 1955. This was the first de-

for Reform Judaism, the Jewish Theological Seminary for Conservative Judaism, andYeshiva University and several smaller institutions for Orthodox Judaism. While mostOrthodox yeshivot are located in New York City, others are: the Hebrew Theological Col-lege in Chicago, Illinois; the Rabbinical College of Telshe in Cleveland, Ohio; the NerIsrael Rabbinical College in Baltimore, Maryland; and the Chachmey Lublin TheologicalSeminary in Detroit, Michigan.


dine in the last decade. It was made possible by reduced needs for local refu-gee care and a drop in federation allocations to hospitals and aged homes(offset by other income). The rise in costs continued for other local fields ofservice.

Federations and welfare funds decreased their support of local Jewish serv-ices in 1955 by 4.1 percent (primarily because of lowered refugee costs), whilecommunity chests increased such support by 4.7 per cent for the areas of serv-ice receiving chest support. This continued a trend which became evident in1950. Prior to that time federation support had increased more sharply thanchest support.

Federations in about half of the communities studied were not receivingchest support. In some communities such support went directly to the localagencies, while in the smallest communities services theoretically eligible forchest support had not been developed, or were supported entirely from Jew-ish resources.

SHIFTS IN EMPHASES OF SPECIFIC LOCAL PROGRAMS

Health and Hospital Programs.—-These programs have emerged as the largestsingle category of local federation beneficiaries, with 92 per cent of the alloca-tions to these programs occurring in the very largest cities (with Jewish popu-lation of over 40,000). Funds granted have more than doubled since 1946, asyear after year saw steady and substantial rises in allocations, until the alloca-tion for health alone in the largest cities averaged 33 per cent of all allocationsfor local purposes in 1955. While income from "third party" payments—BlueCross, tax support, etc.—has increased, the costs of operation have riseneven more sharply. "Third party" payments have, however, helped preventgreater increases in allocations by federations.

New and extended facilities, particularly for the chronically ill, have playeda part in the rise in costs. In some cities, chests do not include hospitals intheir allocations. The hospitals have a nonsectarian admission policy, with 56per cent of care extended to non-Jewish patients.

Refugee Programs.—These programs are financed locally, although they aresometimes considered to be a local extension of an overseas problem. Postwarimmigration began in volume late in 1946, reached its peak in 1950, and de-clined steadily afterward. As refugees were resettled in American cities, thesecosts mounted sharply. By 1950, they were nine times as high as they had beenin 1946. The subsequent decline has been a steady one. While refugee costsaccounted for 23 per cent of all local allocations in 1950, they accounted foronly 6 per cent by 1955.

Recreational Programs.—These programs are conducted mainly by Jewishcommunity centers. According to the National Jewish Welfare Board, therewere some 345 such centers in 215 cities with a membership of over 550,000.Federation allocations to centers rose by almost 5 per cent in 1955, and havemore than doubled since 1946 in a steady year-by-year rise.

Unlike hospital programs, center programs generally received relatively littleincome from fees, since fees have been kept at a level judged low enough toadmit all who seek to use the facilities. In a number of cities, however, in-come from fees and memberships represents a substantial part of the totalincome. Chests shared in the support of centers in many communities.


Family and Child Care Agencies.—The existence of these agencies has easedthe problems of communities in resettling refugees. Agencies with trained case-work staffs have been able to absorb efficiently and quickly the immigrantsarriving in their communities with social and economic problems. During thepeak of the refugee load, the normal program was displaced to some extent.With the refugee load diminishing, the family and children's agencies have,readjusted their operations to provide increased service to native-born fami-lies and children, particularly with regard to services to the aged, to disturbedchildren, and in family counseling programs.

Allocations to these agencies rose by one per cent in 1955. Between 1946and 1955 the casework agencies allocations increased by 59 per cent—two-thirdsof which was offset by the price level increase in this period.

Jewish Education.—Allocations to local Jewish schools and bureaus of Jew-ish education were provided by Jewish federations and welfare funds. A riseof 4 per cent occurred in federation allocations in 1955. A slow, steady increasein allocations to Jewish education since 1946 paralleled the over-all increase inlocal allocations. While the rise had lagged in earlier years, since 1950 the rateof allocations to Jewish education had moved forward faster than the rate ofrise of the overall allocations. Jewish schools received tuition fees, but thesefees were usually set below actual tuition costs.

Aged Homes.—Allocations to homes for the aged had almost tripled between1946 and 1954, rising steadily each year as the proportion of aged in the popu-lation continued to increase. In 1955, allocations for aged care declined forthe first time (by 2 per cent) as payments on behalf of residents increased.Although the two-year rise was greater than the over-all rise in total alloca-tions, an even greater rise in costs had been avoided by public old age assist-ance (tax) funds.

Community Relations.—Programs designed to improve intergroup relationsand to deal with specific instances of anti-Semitism exist primarily in the largercenters of Jewish population. The local activities financed by federations andwelfare funds received increased allocations from 1946 to 1948, and smallershares after 1948. The level in 1955 was one per cent above the 1954 level.

In some areas, local and regional community relations programs are financedby national agencies (mainly ADL) as part of a national network of regionaloffices. Such programs continued to receive increased grants from nationalagencies. As a result, combined local service by local and national agenciesactually increased.

Employment and Vocational Guidance.—These programs are designed toassist Jews in finding employment and in guiding Jewish youth and others inthe selection of a trade or profession. They exist mainly in the larger cities.A complementary program, financed by the B'nai B'rith National Youth Serv-ice Appeal, operates a series of vocational service bureaus.

Local allocations for vocational programs rose by 3 per cent in 1955. Therise since 1946 has been a moderate one, below the over-all rise in local alloca-tions. This lag may have partially reflected an improved employment market.Jewish vocational services had been a mainstay of the resettlement programsfor newcomers. As in the case of family agencies, vocational agencies werecurrently concentrating increasingly on services to the native-born Jewish com-munity. S. P. GOLDBERG


TABLE 1

AMOUNTS RAISED IN LOCAL CENTRAL COMMUNITY CAMPAIGNS, 1945-55

(Estimate in thousands of dollars)

Year

19451946194719481949195019511952195319541955b

Total, 1946-55

Total

71,162131,421156,589200,721170,330142,192136,035121,173115,266107,548109,995

§1,391,270

New YorkCity

$ 36,222*44,27350,22765,15763,368'50,20548,18743,07639,74637,99440,400

$482,633

OtherCities

$ 34,94087,148

106,362135,564106,96291,98787,84878,09775.52069,55469,595

5908,637

* Includes capital fund campaigns of the Federation of JewishPhilanthropies of New York: $14,264,000 in 1945, and $11,000,000in 1949.b Totals exclude about $5.7 million raised annually in smaller citieshaving no welfare funds, but include about $4.5 million in multiple-city gifts which are duplications as between New York City and theremainder of the country.

TABLE 1-A

SALES OF ISRAEL BONDS, 1951-56

(in thousands of dollars)

Year Cash Sales

1951 (May 1-Dec. 31) $ 52,6471952 47,5211953 36,8611954 37,2471955 42,3011956 (Jan. 1-Dec. 20) 51,000

Total $267,577"

» Total includes "cash-ins" for bonds used in pay-ment of welfare fund pledges, conversion of firstbond issue to second bond issue, and the like.


TABLE 2

MAJOR INDEPENDENT FUND-RAISINC CAMPAIGNS, 1954 AND 1955

(in thousands of dollars)

Agency

Funds RaisedIndependently

1954

$7,1242,3871,9852,2092,0712,2101,577

1,4301,4301,4061,1541,065

812864765572660421456678439

1955

§6,9692,6402,5252,3132,2762,2461,662

13531,5501,3071,2171,025

992861790602519499468465451

Hadassah *Brandeis Universityb

Yeshiva University and Medical School °City of Hoped

Joint Defense Appeal Agenciesc

Jewish National Fundb

National Jewish Hospital•Hebrew College-Jewish Institute of Religion-Union of

American Hebrew Congregations t

B'nai B'rith National Youth Services Appeal8

National Committee for Labor Israelh

Jewish Theological Seminary *Pioneer Women Organizationb

American Friends of the Hebrew University'American Technion Society 'American Fund for Israel Institutionsc

United HIAS Service *American Medical Center at Denver °ORT-Women's Division •• »Torah Vodaath Yeshiva >American Committee for the Weizmann Institute *National Council of Jewish Women a

• Mainly from funds raised by members.b No appeal to welfare funds.<= Substantial proportion raised in New York City.d Substantial proportion raised on West Coast.6 Limited inclusion by welfare funds.• Mainly from congregational membership.« Mainly from B'nai B'rith membership." Mainly in cities where no welfare fund allocation is sought1 Welfare fund allocations not sought for capital funds.J Mainly in New York City.


TABLE 3

DISTRIBUTION TO FIELDS OF SERVICE OF FUNDS RAISEDBY CENTRAL COMMUNITY CAMPAIGNS*

(Estimates in thousands of dollars)

Total

1955 1954

New York Cityb

1955 1954

Other Cities

1955 1954

TOTAL AMOUNT BUDGETED.Per Cent

Overseas and Refugee NeedsUnited Jewish Appeal

Per CentOther Overseas Agencies..

Per CentLocal Refugee Care

Per CentNational Agencies

Community RelationsPer Cent

Health and WelfarePer Cent

CulturalPer Cent

ReligiousPer Cent

Service AgenciesPer Cent

Local Operating NeedsPer Cent

Local Capital NeedsPer Cent

$89,755100.0

56,16352,158

58.12,413

2.71,592

1.84,4682,461

2.71190.1

4070.5

3740.4

1,1071.2

27,59030.7

1,4811.7

$89,592100.0

55,46451,351

57.32,244

2.51,869

2.14,4142,383

2.71270.1

4610.53590.4

1,0841.2

28,12431.4

13701.8

$30,619100.0

18,00018,000

58.8

6943471.1

$29,997100.0

17,50017,500

58.4

6803401.1

3471.1

11,92539.0

3401.1

11,81739.4

$59,136100.0

38,16334,158

57.82,413

4.11,592

2.73,7742,114

3.61190.2

4070.73740.67601.3

15,66526.5

1,4812.5

$59,595100.0

37,96433,851

56.82,244

3.81,869

3.13,7342,043

3.41270.24610.83590.67441.3

16,30727.4

13702.6

* The difference between totals budgeted and totals raised represents "shrinkage" allowancefor nonpaymnt of pledges, campaign and administrative expenses, elimination of duplicatingmultiple-city gifts, exclusion of informal joint appeals in small cities, and contingency or otherreserves. The figures for 1955 are preliminary, subject to revision when more complete reportsare available.b Figures for New York include the United Jewish Appeal (UTA) of Greater New York andFederation of Jewish Philanthropies. Local refugee costs in New York City were borne byNYANA, a direct beneficiary of the UJA nationally. Most overseas and domestic agencies whichwere normally included in welfare funds in other cities conducted their own campaigns in NewYork. The New York UJA included the following beneficiaries (in addition to the NationalUJA): The American Jewish Congress and the National Jewish Welfare Board (JWB).


TABLE 4DISTRIBUTION OF CONTRIBUTED FUNDS IN 1955 TO NATIONAL AND OVERSEAS FIELDS

(Estimates in thousands of dollars)

Field of Service, Per Cent

TotalPer Cent

OverseasUnited Jewish Appeal..

Per CentOther Overseas

Per CentNational

Community Relations..Per Cent

Health and Welfare...Per Cent

CulturalPer Cent

ReligiousPer Cent

National ServicePer Cent

Total

$101,238100.0

57,36556.7

18,88718.7

5,0435.0

5,3195.2

5,5955.5

7,8797.8

1,1501.1

By WelfareFunds

$59,039

52,158

2,413

2,461

119

407

374

1,107

00 0

88 4

41

4 ?

0.2

0.6

0.6

1.9

Through IndependentCampaigns

$42,199

5,207 *

16,474

2,582

5,200

5,188

7,505

43

100.0

1?.4

39.0

6.1

12.3

12.3

17.8

0.1

a Represents amounts raised in smaller cities with no formal welfare fund structure.TABLE 5

DISTRIBUTION OF FEDERATION ALLOCATIONS (INCLUDING CHEST FUNDS)FOR LOCAL SERVICES IN 93 COMMUNITIES, 1954, 1955

HealthPer Cent

Family, Child ServicesPer Cent

Recreation, CulturePer Cent

Jewish EducationPer Cent

Refugee CarePer Cent

Aged CarePer Cent

Employment and GuidancePer Cent

Community RelationsPer Cent

OtherPer Cent

TOTALPer Cent

Provided by FederationsProvided by Chests

1954

% 7,065,40328.4

4,862,20819.5

4,966,11020.0

2,840,67811.4

1,742,7557.0

1,555,6886.3

769,5003.1

626,2602.5

451,4201.8

$24,880,022100.0

516,307,339S 8,572,683

1955

% 6,705,49327.3

4,924,43320.0

5,198,16221.1

2,946,81912.0

1,415,4835.8

1,521,9536.2

791,1773.2

634,4052.6

433,9951.8

$24,571,920100.0

$15,596,651$ 8,975,269

PercentageChange

— 5.1

+ 1.3

+ 4.7

+ 3.7

—18.8

— 2.2

+ 2.8

+ 1.3

— 3.9

— 1.2

— 4.4+ 4.7


TABLE 6

DISTRIBUTION OF FEDERATION ALLOCATIONS •FOR LOCAL SERVICES IN 73 COMMUNITIES

1946, 1955

(Amounts in thousands of dollars)

TABLE 6A

INCREASES IN TOTALALLOCATIONS IN 73 CITIES

Local Services

Family and Child ServicesEmployment and Voca-

tional GuidanceCare of the AgedHealthRecreation and CultureJewish EducationCommunity Relations..Other . .

TOTAL

1946

Amount

§ 3,044

441558

3,1112,1361,307

500266

§11,363

PerCent

26.8

3.94.9

27.418.811.54.42.3

100.0

1955

Amount

$ 4,835

7911,4996,7014,9092,812

627416

$22,590

PerCent

21.4

3.56.6

29.721.712.52.81.8

100.0

Amounts Allo-cated in 1955(thousandsof dollars)

$ 4,835

7911,4996,7014,9092,812

627416

$22,590

Index ofChange

1946=100

159

179269215230215125156

199

* Includes both federation and community chest funds. Local services for refugees are excluded.N.B. During this period the United States Consumer Price Index rose by 37.3 per cent.


TABLE 7: RECEIPTS OF NATIONAL JEWISH AGENCIES FOR OVERSEAS PROCRAMS

Federations & Welfare Funds

United Jovish Appeal & Beneficiary AgenciesUnited Jewish Appeal(a) $58,796,647 $48,613,861American Jewish Joint Distribution Comm. (b)United Israel Appeal(b)Jewish National Fund(c)New Tork Association for New Americans(b)QRT - Women 'a Division - __

Total UJA and Beneficiaries $58,796,647 $48,6l3,86l

Other Overseas Agencies, American Ccmm. for Weizmann Inst. of Science

American Friends of Hebrew Univer6ity(cl)American Technion SocietyAmerican Fund for Israel InstitutionsEzras Torah FundFederated Council of Israel Institutions(d)

()()Junior Hadassah(e,f)Medical School Campaign-Hebrew Uhiverslty(g)National Committee for Labor Israel (h)Rational Council of Jewish Women(i)Pioneer Women(e)United Hias Service (f,j)

87,729* $349,677163,819283,104

9,979111,341626,000

1,00014,710

346,61440,00019,000

331,415

160,620390,393189,876297,00810,771

108,988644,000

1,0002,760

382,56040,00018,500

236,854

Sub-Total $ 2,384,388 $ 2,483,330

OVERSEAS TOTAL $6l,l8l,O35 $51,097,191

* Represents 1954 and prior allocations paid in 1955.** Excludes contributions and earnings of Investment Fund established

in 1955.(a) Income is for calendar year on cash basis; pledges for each campaign

year are higher. Cash receipts In 1954 were delayed because of flota-tion of a special loan of $64,251,500 (excluded from totals) of which$12,998,1^0 was repaid in 1954.

(b) Excludes income from.UJA; also income from campaigns abroad, frominter-governmental agencies and reparations income of $6,867,900 in195^ and $7,923,100 in 1955 for JDC; and excludes the dollar equiv-alent of about $17,000,000 in 1954 and about $12.5 million in 1955 forthe Jewish Agency, the major beneficiary of the United Jewish Appeal.

(c) Traditional collections in U.S.; exclusive of Jewish Agency grants toJNF in Israel.


FROM FEDERATIONS AND WELFARE FUNDS AND FROM OTHER DOMESTIC SOURCES,1955 AND 1954

Other Contributions

1925

$--

2,2^5,733-

"•98,739

$2,744,472

$ 465,148991,740

860,673789,664

150,65971,533

6,968,71424,92622,064

1,307,051450,585

1,024,582602,387

$13,729,726

$16,474,198

1954

$

-2,210,185

-421,268

$2,631,453

$ 677,718812,456

863,683765,369156,92038,705

7,124,43727,3454,146

1,405,925438,505

1,064,025572,101

$13,951,335

$15,582,788

$

$

$

$1

$2

Other1951

437,000

20,293-

27,1862,410

486,889

270,491-_

3,884

698,4514,386

68,660-

195,672

56,51.3516,941

,814,998

,301,887

Income

$

$

$

$1

$1

1954

46,400

98,689-

29,1755,223

179,487

163,157--

4,018-

789,1^54,980

41,447

-188,71059,483

526,618

,777,558

,957,045

T 01955

$58,796,647437,00020,293

2,245,73327,186501,149

$62,028,008

t a 11954

$48,613,861

46,40098,689

2,210,18529,175426,491

$51,424,801

$ 552,877**$ 838,3381,611,9081,024,4921,072,768164,522182,874

8,293,16530,312

105,4341,653,665686,257

1,100,0951,450,743

$17,929,112

$79,957,120

1,366,0061,053,5591,062,377171,709147,693

8,557,58233,32548,353

1,788,485667,215

1,142,008

1,335,573

$18,212,223

$69,637,024

(cl)Excludes UTT income for 1951 received in 1955.(d) FCII estimates that additional direct transmissions to yeshlvoth in

Israel are about $1,200,000 annually.(e) Welfare income estimated by CJTWF; amounts raised for JNF are

excluded.(f) Excludes grants from other organizations.(g) Based on estimate by Medical School campaign that 40 per cent of

amounts raised are secured from welfare funds.(h) Excludes overseas income.(i) Estimated by NCJW(j) Cash basis; allocation basis for welfare fund grants, $520,000 for'

1955 and $220,000 for 1954;


T A B L E 8: RECEIPTS OF NATIONAL JEWISH AGENCIES FOR DOMESTIC PROGRAMS


Community Relations AgenciesJoint Defense AppealAmerican Jewish Com!ttee (a)Anti-Defamation League(a)

American Jewish Congress-World Jewish Congressfb)Jewish Labor Committee(b)Jewish War Veterans of U.S.National Community Relations Advisory Council

$1,628,672) $1,632,364)

783,00518U,338127,296106,1*25

691,559206,1*26113 A05121,165

Sub-Total(c) $2,829,736 $2,76^,919

Health and Welfare AgenciesAmerican Medical Center (formerly JCRS) $ 2l*,l*91 $ 26,9^"City of Hope"(d) 35A91* 38,7^*Ex-Patients Sanitarium for TB 8,612 7,559Leo N. Levi Memorial Hospital 66,233 7^,236National Jewish Home for Asthmatic Children 13,01*3 15,529National Jewish Hospital 5J*,7**5 65,1*30

Sub-Total $ 202,318 $ 228,10*2

National Service AgenciesAmerican Association for Jewish Education 'Jewish Occupational CouncilNational Conference of Jewish Coanunal ServiceNational Jewish Welfare BoardSynagogue Council of America

$ 67,386 $ 68,3757,835 8,1*107,250 6,655

l,12l*,6ol* 1,078,0058,627 7,787

Sub-Total $1,215,702 $1,169,232

Cultural AgenciesAmerican Academy for Jewish Research $ 3,230 $ 3,293American Jewish Historical Society 2,878 1,891*American Jewish Tercentenary Committee* 13l*,l*65 52,170Bitzaron 2,835 1,630B'nal B'rith National Youth Service Appeal(e) 1*12,931* 1*33,875Brandeis University 7,000(f) 7,000(f)Brandeis Youth Foundation l*,37O 3,855Conference on Jewish Social Studies (CJE) 2,175 1,638Dropsie College 39,885 37,350Histadruth Ivrith(g) l8,6OO 2,8,222Jewish Braille Institute l*,3O7 l*,O65Jewish Chautauqua Society 7,^20 7,6l6Jewish Publication Society 9,576 8,826Jewish Teachers Seminary(g) 5,735 5,389Menorah Association !*,532 6,153National Agricultural College 9,983 10,766Yiddish Scientific Institute(h) 30,1*90 31,665Zionist Organization of America 20,000(f) 20,000(f)

Sub-Total $ 720,1*15 $

For footnotes, see page 194.



$1

Other Contributions1955

,91*0,00086,lU7

250,067-

292,07813,610

1*50

$2,582,352

$2

1

$5

$

$

$

12

$5

518,922,313,1*03126,1*35196,786382,129

,662,035

,199,710

29,l6l-

7,1*11*-

6,6661*3,21*1

12,81*812,191

136,8ll*9,01*1

,5^9,695,639,656117,231

13,021*61*, 03156,01*82l*,913

120,95130,88638,7598,304

116,852237,588

,188,132

1954

$1,781,50039,253

250,02050,000(f)

245,58124,434

-

$2,390,788

$ 660,2662,208,580

132,697201,796341,321

1,577,421

$5,122,081

$ 22,536-

6,629-

6,360

$ 35,525

$ 4,57715,30657,27810,934

1,430,2372,387,221

124,1557il86

61,17638,98723,531

103,53325,94837,428

9,981-

122,062209,823

$4,669,363

$

$

$

$1

$

$

$

1

$2

Other1951

275,^96

113,77336,805

132,06336,720

558,137

64,374773,77013,571

101,6o439,429

499,991

,492,739

36,204437

14,340142,266

4,052

197,299

3,15519,28017,95615,52059,203

,432,1889^,6454,017

33,12168,2911,4731,260

283,5469,783

16,451256,384

594,968

,911,241

Income

$

$

$

$1

$

$

$

1

$2

1954

225,47798

121,39437,265

125,84930,455

510,083 .

82,126265,187

8,8l4127,386231,622622,853

,337,988

38,6881,865

13,761158,224

7,785

220,323

2,89314,149

11414,40457,652

,26T,96646,2275,210

32,25161,1332,9231,317

247,9526,946

15,966223,397

-64o,83O

,641,330

T o t1955

$3,568,672361,643250,067896,778513,221272,969143,595

$5,970,225

$ 607,7873,122,367

148,618364,623434,601

2,216,771

$6,894,767

$ 132,7518,272

29,0041,266,870

19,345

$1,456,242

$ 19,23334,349

289,23527,396

2,021,8324,078,844

216,24619,216

137,037142,93930,693

129,631324,0085^,27729,287

266,367147,342852,556

$8,820,488

a 11954

$3,413,864264,730'250,118862,953489,272263,688151,620

$5,665,790

$ 769,3362,512,511

149,070403,418588,472

2,265,704

$6,688,511

$ 129,59910,27527,045

1,236,22921,932

$1,425,080

$ 10,76331,349

109,56226,968

1,921,7643,662,187

174,23614,034

130,777118,34230,519

112,466282,72649,76332,100

234,163153,727870,653

$7,966,099


T A B L E 8: RECEIPTS OF NATIONAL JEWISH AGENCIES FOR DOMESTIC PROGRAMS (Continued)


Religious AgenciesBeth Joseph Rabbinical SeminaryCombined Campaign HUC-JIB-UAHC

Hebrew Union College-Jewish Instituteof Beligion(j)

Union of Amer. Hebrew Congregations(j)Hebrew Theological CollegeJewish Theological SeminaryMesifta Tifereth JerusalemMirrer Teshiva Central InstituteMizrachi National Education CommitteeNer Israel Rabbinical CollegeNational Council of Beth Jacob SchoolsRabbinical Seminary of AmericaTorah. UmesorahTorah Vodaath TeshivaTelshe Rabbinical CollegeUnited Lubavitcher TeshivothUnion of Orthodox Jewish Congregations(g)Teshiva UniversityTeehiva University-Einstein Medical School

Sub-Total

1255.

$ 1,6*2 $137,095)

]30,566

119,1731,9383,000(f)2,8016,0393,3365,8553,569

19,5356,6508,1823,273

97,272

3,**81*3,113)

)

)32,5*0

128,9693,3253,000(f7,3157,0*02,7975,3053,871

21,2128,688

10,32*3,*19

115,018

$ 1^9,926 $

TOTAL DOMESTIC $5,»H8,O97 $5,317,38U

• 1955 data are for fourteen months (terminal period).(a) Excludes income from JBA.(b) Excludes overseas income.(c) Excludes "other income" of NCRAC obtained from national agencies to

avoid double counting.(d) Includes Building Fund income.(e) Excludes ADL grants to prevent double counting.(f) Estimated by CJIWF.(g) Excludes grants by national agencies, to prevent double counting.(h) Excludes foreign income.(j) Income from Combined Campaign shown under Combined Campaign.



Other Contributions

$ 61*,2011,1*24,196

81,453**7,73l*

281,3321,216,570

131,121158,130

23,829209,0931*8,837

120,63858,969

U67,677269,20433"*,32842,786

964,4881,560,849

$7,505,1*35

$20,519,570

1954

$ 58,1821,299,908

83,31*146,600

265,2661,154,441

140,439146,081

24,428152,149

40,182125,623

5l*,!*93>*55,99611*4,139325,57817,216

75l*,5361,230,791

$6,519,389

Other1£5.

$ 9a-

275,80170,61733,133

333,1*1552,36122,9103,274

"*4,339^ l ^44,58711,038

166,16261,27855,248

222,001907,1*59

38,809

$2,386,496

$7,51*5,912

Income1954

$-

238,67976,60751,9"*2

31*9,11132,28120,2852,977

25,80837,71*6**5,7376,796

143,92850,41753,108

167,196638,91*110,417

$1,951,976

$6,661,700

T o t1955

$ 66,7641,561,291

357,251*118,35131*5,031

1,669,158185,420184,040

29,904259,47195,316

171,08073,576

653,371*337,132397,758268,060

1,969,2191,599,658

$10,341,857

$33,1*83,579

a 11954

$ 61,6301,443,021

322,020123,207349,7**8

1,632,521176,045169,36634,720

184,99780,725

176,66565,160

621,136203,244389,010187,831

1,508,4951,241,208

$8,970,71*9

$30,716,229


JEWISH SOCIAL SERVICE

DURING THE PERIOD under review, July 1, 1955, through June 30, 1956, theindividual and family services offered by Jewish agencies, institutions,

and hospitals in the United States reflected developments observable in thegeneral Jewish community. The programs at the annual meetings of nationalcoordinating bodies such as the Council of Jewish Federations and WelfareFunds (CJFWF), the National Conference of Jewish Communal Service, theNational Jewish Welfare Board (JWB), et al., were concerned with a varietyof trends and developments within the Jewish community of the UnitedStates. One of the most frequently repeated themes at such conferences, how-ever, was that the clientele of Jewish social agencies was changing in charac-ter, and that services offered by such agencies had to be adapted to a native-born, middle-class, suburban population. It was a population, on the whole,which had more formal American education than the preceding one.

A growing part of the disposition and outlook of this new clientele wasthe acceptance of professional help in problems of social and psychologicaladjustment. The stigma of the recipient of "charity" appeared to be rapidlydisappearing, as the new clients of Jewish social agencies applied for helpwith much the same spirit as they had in accepting educational and culturalservices offered by the general community. The term "community services"could be found in the names of many Jewish agencies, and the implicationof the term was that the services given by such agencies were available to theentire Jewish community.

Added impetus toward such a development may have been given in1955-56 by the increase in funds raised. Fund-raising campaigns in a fewcommunities exceeded the peak year, 1948. In 1955, the downward trend infund raising since 1948 was stemmed, and in 1956 most campaigns were moresuccessful than in 1955.1 However, the case loads of Jewish agencies, on thewhole, did not show a corresponding decline. One important reason for thiswas to be found in a shift in the type of service offered in order to meet theneeds of an ever-widening section of the total Jewish community.2

Family Services

Of the various types of agency providing social services for the Jewishcommunity, the so-called family agencies (which, in actual fact, were multipleservice agencies administering a variety of tangible and psychological serv-ices) showed the change from a relief to a service function most clearly.Twenty years before, all family agencies had performed a direct relief-givingfunction for both native and foreign-born clientele. Since that time, the re-lief function for the native-born population had been taken over to a con-siderable extent by the public nonsectarian agencies, and during the Forties,

1See "Campaigns Head for Banner \ear," The Jewish Community, May 1956 Vol. II,No. 2.

2 See Isidore Sobeloff, "Changes in the Jewish Community—An Appraisal of Trends Affect-ing Jewish Communal Service," Journal of Jewish Communal Service, September 1956. VoLXXIII. No. 1.

JEWISH SOCIAL SERVICE

TABLE 1

SOURCES OF OPERATING RECEIPTS

197

Source

56 HOMES FOR THEAGED

AmountPerCent

16 CHILD CAREAGENCIES

AmountPer

Cent

TOTALJewish Federation or Welfare FundCommunity Chest ,Payment for ServiceContributionsPublic FundsOther

$12,239,8421,620,072

530,3048,065,4831,234,867

208,942580,174

100.013.24.3

66.010.1

1.74.7

$6,4945722,363,406

728,603827,066420,854

1,849,152305,191

100.036.411.212.76.5

28.54.7

51 JEWISH HOSPITALSJEWISH FAMILY

SERVICE

SourceAmount Per

Cent Amount PerCent

TOTALJewish Federation or Welfare FundCommunity ChestPayment for ServiceContributionsPublic FundsOther

$119,719,5088,309,8282,743,024

89,456,1786,263,4308,735,6054,211,443

100.07.02.3

74.75.27.33.5

$8,047,0974,315,0142373,832

255,715267,695342,853291,988

100.053.632.0

3.23.34.33.6

the relief services of Jewish family agencies were administered primarily forrefugees. By 1956 however, the refugee case load of most family agencies haddeclined considerably, and the function of even most of the small familyagencies was described in terms of personal and family counseling, psychiatricservice, family life education, and assistance with problems of the aging.3

Recognizing the rapidity of change within the family service field, thefamily services planning committee of the CJFWF planned a survey to becarried out in November 1956, in order to outline the types of service cur-rently offered in Jewish family agencies. This survey would look into counsel-ing services, as well as such concrete services as financial assistance and home-maker service offered by the family agencies to both refugees and nonrefugees.

This study would also secure data on the extent of psychiatric treatmentservices in Jewish family agencies. A preliminary study of direct psychiatrictreatment carried out by the social planning committee of the CJFWF earlyin 1956 showed that such treatment to agency clients was then given bythirty-five different agencies, including family and other multiple service andspecialized child care agencies. The number of clients receiving such servicewas still comparatively small. The Jewish Community Services of Long Is-land, which reported the largest number of clients receiving psychiatrictreatment under agency auspices, reported 105 such cases for the first six

8 See Robert Morris, "The Small City Jewish Family Service," Report of the CJFWF, April19S6.


months of 1955, approximately one-sixth of the total active case load. Psychi-atric treatment in the larger communities, such as New York City, Boston,and Los Angeles, was offered generally through psychiatric panels; in thesmaller communities, such as Atlanta, Ga., Buffalo, N. Y., and Hartford,Conn., through the agency's psychiatric consultants. A few agencies (Passaic,N.J., Seattle, Wash.) referred cases to private psychiatrists in the community,while others, such as Baltimore, Md., used hospital-connected clinics.4

Aside from direct treatment, increasing attention was given in 1955-56 tothe counseling function of Jewish family agencies. While it was by no meansuniversally agreed that "the goal of the Jewish family agency's service was itscounseling or case work help to people with problems in interpersonal re-lationship," 5 the principle that counseling was one appropriate function forthe family agency with a properly trained staff did seem to be generally ac-cepted. The extent of such service and its relation to other more tangibleservices administered by Jewish family agencies was to be disclosed by thestudy of the CJFWF's planning committee scheduled for November 1956.

During the calendar year of 1955, seventy-two agencies served 32,725 cases,as compared with 34,610 during 1954, or a decrease of 5.4 per cent. Seventy-three agencies were staffed by 412 supervisors and caseworkers. In 1955, im-migrant cases were 13.8 per cent of the total cases served by sixty family serv-ice agencies, excluding the New York Association for New Americans, ascompared with 20.3 per cent in 1954.6

Care of the Aged

Further evidence regarding the use of social services by the whole Jewishcommunity was provided in the admissions requirements of Jewish homes forthe aged. A study by the CJFWF7 published in June 1956 disclosed the factthat such homes were no longer dealing exclusively with an indigent popula-tion. Thirty-eight representative homes provided information showing thatmore than half of their operating income was derived from payments forservice by residents of the homes or their families. True, more than half ofthe residents were recipients of old age assistance, social security, and othertypes of pension. However, a large percentage could afford to pay, at leastpartially, for the care they received without such outside assistance.

One Jewish home, namely the Home for Aged and Infirm Hebrews of NewYork City, had had considerable experience in serving residents who couldafford the full cost of care. In its private pavilion, the admissions policy re-quired a set fee of $13.00 per day, and verification of income through bankstatements and other such material—to make sure that applicants could affordto meet the cost of service.

Another home, in Miami, Fla., was currently giving consideration to the

*See "Case Work Adds a New Dimension," CJFWF Report, The Jewish Community, July1956, Vol. XI, No. 3.

6 See Theodore R. Isenstadt, "The Role of the Family Agencies in the Jewish Community,"Jewtsh Social Service Quarterly, December 1954, Vol. XXXI, No. 2; also the comment onthe above article by Milton Goldman. See also Martha K. Selig, "The Role of the FamilyService Agency, ibid.

' I am indebted to the statistical service of the CJFWF for the statistical informationappearing in this report.

' "Financial Requirements for Admission to Jewish Homes for the Aged," Council Report 1,

JEWISH SOCIAL SERVICE 199admission of applicants with substantial assets. This home planned to requirea capital contribution from applicants who could afford it.

While such instances were representative of a trend in Jewish social serv-ice, it must be emphasized that considerable financing of homes for the aged•\vas provided through community funds. Of fifty-three homes reporting in1954, 13.7 per cent of the total income came from central Jewish organiza-tions, and 4.8 per cent from community chests.

In 1955, 8,634 aged persons were resident in sixty-one homes for the aged,as compared with 8,418, in 1954. In 1955, 827 (or less than one per cent) ofthe residents were under seventy years of age, 7,805 seventy years of age andover, compared with 815 under seventy and 7,597 over seventy during 1954.

While the volume of intramural care for the aged was considerable, itshould be remembered that extramural service for the aged was also givenby family agencies and by other types of agency. Particularly noteworthywere the programs of private residence care now offered in several citiesunder the auspices of family or multiple service agencies. Through such pro-grams, elderly persons, who formerly could have received care only in an in-stitutional setting, now were placed in "foster homes" maintained under thesupervision of an agency or, in some instances, of an institution for the aged.Statistics were not available on the extent of such service throughout theUnited States. One agency maintaining such a program, however, namely theJewish Community Services of Long Island, had 116 elderly persons in place-ment during the year 1954-55, and 106 during the year 1955-56.

As in the case of institutional care for the aged, payments were made bythe elderly person himself wherever possible or by his relatives. Public agen-cies contributed part of the total board cost wherever the client was eligiblefor public assistance. In most cases, the agency paid approximately % 150.00 amonth for room and board, and in addition provided supervision of thehome, medical care where necessary, and concrete and counseling services forthe elderly individual and members of his family. The cost of care over andabove that covered by public assistance, insurances, or help by the family, wasborne by the agency. (See Table 2.)

TABLE 2

PUBLIC AID OR INSURANCE IN 64 HOMES FOR THE AGED

December 1954 and 1955

Type of Aid or Insurance

Old Age AssistanceAid to the BlindOld Age and Survivors Insurance...Other Public Aid

Numberof HomesRecipients

Dec.1954

57305737

Dec.1955

59346038

Per CentRecipients

Among Residentsof 64 Homes *

Dec.195444.9

1.719.05.1

Dec.195547.0

1.722.34.4

* Total Number of Residents in Homes: December 31, 1954—8,973December 31, 1955—9,202


Child Care Services

There was an outstanding decline in admissions and in the total numberof cases of children under care. This decline, amounting to 8 per cent in thenumber of admissions and 3.1 per cent in the total number of cases undercare, contrasted with an increase in the case loads of family agencies. It wasnot as inconsistent as it might seem to be, however, with the general trend inJewish social service noted earlier in this report. Two or three decades be-fore, institutions for children and child care agencies were populated to aconsiderable extent by children from broken homes where economic needwas a paramount factor. Within the past few years, however, many Jewish childcare institutions, such as the Pleasantville Cottage School in New York andBellefaire in Cleveland, Ohio, had begun to offer "residential treatment"rather than "custodial" institutional care. The foster home agencies, whichformerly provided little in the way of psychiatric treatment or other types ofmental hygiene service, had also shifted in their outlook so as to meet theneeds of a different group of children requiring care.

On the whole, children coming into the care of such agencies in 1955-56were considered to be in need of psychological treatment, and professionalstaffs employed by the agencies were oriented to such treatment. Economicneed or a broken home were not considered sufficient reasons for placementin institutions or foster homes, since public agencies or the family agencycould provide help in such instances through financial assistance, home-maker, and other types of service. The philosophy that children should receivecare in their own homes, wherever possible, was shared by both family andchildren's agencies. As a result, the children receiving care in institutions andplacement agencies represented a group considered to be in need of such carebecause they could not be helped psychologically within their own homes.

Considerable shifting in the use of existing child care resources was evidentin an extensive study carried out in 1955 by the Federation of Jewish Philan-thropies of New York.8 This study of both Federated and non-Federated Jew-ish child care services in New York City pointed up a need for examinationof present child care resources in terms of their adaptability to the need forpsychiatric and other types of treatment on the part of children coming intotheir care. During 1955, fifty-five child care agencies supervised 4,251 chil-dren, as compared with 4,385 in 1954. The agencies themselves directly super-vised 90.4 per cent of the children in 1955; of those under their direct super-vision, 45.7 per cent were placed in foster homes, 32.4 per cent in theagencies' own institutions, and 20.4 per cent in the homes of parents.

Hospital Care

As in previous years, the Jewish community provided a tremendous volumeof hospital care in 1954-55 for both Jewish and non-Jewish patients. WhileJewish hospitals received considerable subsidy from public sources, paymentfor service continued to be the largest source of operating funds. Here, as in

8 The complete study was published in January 1956 by the Federation of Jewish Philan-thropies of New York under the title, To Serve Children Best. An interpretative report ofthe study by Martha K. Selig was published in the Journal of Jewish Communal Service:"Changes in Child Care and Their Implications," September 1956, Vol. XXXIII, No. 1.

JEWISH SOCIAL SERVICE 201

the case of the Jewish social agencies, all economic groups and all segments ofthe population were the beneficiaries of Jewish philanthropy. During 1955,sixty-one hospitals under Jewish auspices had a total of 502,492 admissions andlive births.

Jewish Vocational Service9

During the twelve-month period ending June 1956, Jewish communities inthe United States and Canada, which had a part-time or full-time vocationalservice facility, served 83,283 individuals, according to reports submitted tothe Jewish Occupational Council. Of this number, 21,430 were served in thevocational guidance departments of Jewish vocational service (JVS) agencies,and 61,853 in the employment departments of these agencies.

Of those who were considered employable, 16,971 received direct assistancein finding employment. This was more than one out of every four individ-uals. It should be remembered that these agencies gave priorities to marginaland handicapped individuals in their employment departments.

Of the total number served during this period, 5,134 were refugees. Ofthose refugees considered ready for job referrals, 2,756 received direct help infinding employment.

The average total number of professional workers who rendered theseservices was 107.

SHELTERED WORKSHOPS

Thirteen out of twenty-six communities in the United States and Canadawith JVS facilities now had sheltered workshop programs operated by thesefacilities, or conducted in cooperation with these facilities. These communi-ties included Chicago, 111., Cincinnati, Ohio, Denver, Col., Detroit, Mich.,Miami, Fla., Milwaukee, Wis., Montreal, Quebec, New York, N. Y., Newark,N.J., Pittsburgh, Pa., Seattle, Wash., St. Paul, Minn., and Toronto, Ontario.Denver, New York, and Toronto added these workshops during 1955-56. Itwas very likely that additional communities would add these facilities in thecoming year. Several had the subject under study.

EMPLOYMENT DISCRIMINATION

In March 1956 the JVS agencies repeated a cooperative study with thecommunity relations agencies first carried out in March 1955. Job-seeking ap-plicants to Jewish vocational service agencies were asked to fill out uniformquestionnaires regarding their job-seeking experience, including experienceof job discrimination because of religion. This survey was part of the co-operative program of the joint committee on employment discrimination ofthe Jewish Occupational Council and the National Community RelationsAdvisory Council.

The results of the 1956 survey confirmed the 1955 findings. Considerableeffort had been made in recent years to induce employers to eliminate ques-

_ ' I am indebted to Roland Baxt of the Jewish Occupational Council, who prepared this sec-tion of the report.


tions about religion from application forms and all interviews. Such ques-tions were prohibited in cities and states with fair employment practice(FEP) laws. Nevertheless, approximately 7 per cent of those who made directapplication to employers reported that they had been questioned about theirreligion. Since discrimination on the basis of religion was frequently prac-ticed subtly, it may be estimated that the extent of such discrimination wasmore widespread than revealed by this statistic.

In 1956 applicants in communities without FEP laws were questioned byemployers about religion almost four times as often as applicants in citiescovered by such legislation—the proportions being 15.2 and 4.0 per cent re-spectively in 1956, compared with 17.1 and 8.6 per cent in 1955.

The use of questions about religious affiliations by commercial employmentagencies continued to be fairly widespread. Of those applicants who regis-tered with commercial employment agencies in the two months preceding thestudy, approximately 13 per cent reported in 1956 that they were questionedabout religion (20 per cent in 1955).

It was also clear from the survey that many applicants neither recognizednor complained of discrimination, even when they encountered it; as in 1955,only a small proportion of those asked about their religion felt that theywere discriminated against. This was despite the fact that such questionswere deemed discriminatory by all state commissions against discrimination,and in areas of FEP jurisdiction would constitute ground for valid com-plaints of violation of the law. (See also p. 123-24.)

FINANCIAL SUPPORT

Under Public Law 565, three JVS communities, namely Chicago, 111., Mil-waukee, Wis., and New York City, received grants to total approximately$150,000 over a three-year period. The projects covered by these grants in-cluded special experiments in diagnosis of employability and restorativetraining of severely disabled, and an understanding of employer policies andpractices in the utilization or lack of utilization of handicapped workers.

JVS agencies in Chicago, 111., Detroit, Mich., Newark, N.J., Pittsburgh, Pa.,and St. Louis, Mo., were used by the local offices of the state division of vo-cational rehabilitation on a fee basis. During 1955-56 the New York JVSundertook a special project aimed at personal adjustment training for workof severely retarded school youth, with funds which were made available bythe New York State Division of Vocational Rehabilitation.

Of the twenty-six Jewish communities which had full or part-time Jewishvocational service facilities, twelve now had a policy of a fee for vocationalguidance service based on ability to pay. Several JVS agencies (New YorkCity, Chicago, Boston) received foundation support for special programs dur-ing the 1955-56 year. It was believed that this source of support would in-crease in the next few years.

OTHER TRENDS

The increasing number of Jewish students seeking entrance to colleges anduniversities, and the growing shortage of adequate facilities, had increased

THE UNITED STATES, ISRAEL, AND THE MIDDLE EAST 203

the demands for assistance from JVS agencies in planning for college. Fromall indications, the demand for this type of assistance would mount duringthe next few years.

In several communities, social planning bodies had called upon JVS agen-cies to undertake special programs to help prevent delinquency. Studies ofthis problem by national, state, and local bodies had pointed to an increasedneed for assisting youth in job planning, as well as in obtaining suitableemployment.

Increasing acceptance of the feasibility of vocational rehabilitation, aidedby funds from government and other sources, was bringing many of the JVSagencies and Jewish hospitals together in cooperative effort. This, again, wasan area where increased activity could be expected within the next few years.Membership organizations, such as the National Council of Jewish Womenand the Cerebral Palsy Association, had accepted such responsibility, as hadstate departments of labor and various public mental health funds.

The JVS agencies continued their pioneering efforts in serving the agedJewish community support from other sources was expected to increase dur-ing the next few years.

JEWISH OCCUPATIONAL COUNCIL

The Jewish Occupational Council was the national coordinating agencyfor Jewish vocational services throughout the United States, Canada, andmore recently, Israel. In 1954, the Hadassah Organization of America, whichmaintained vocational services in Israel, joined the JOC. In addition to itslong list of basic services to these agencies and other organized Jewish com-munities, the Jewish Occupational Council completed a number of specialstudies during the 1955-56 year. These covered the areas of sheltered work-shops, the implications of recent legislative developments, and the contribu-tions of Jews to the American economy.10

HERBERT H. APTEKAR

THE UNITED STATES, ISRAEL, AND THEMIDDLE EAST

DURING THE PERIOD between the summer of 1955 and the fall of 1956, theMiddle East assumed primary importance in American foreign policy.

From August 30, 1955, when Secretary of State John Foster Dulles reportedthat the United States had unofficial information about Soviet offers to supplyarms to Arab states, American policy in the Middle East had centered on twomain objectives: (1) preventing Russia from becoming a dominant influencein Middle Eastern affairs, and (2) maintaining peace in the Middle East.

10 Survey of Sheltered Workshops under Jewish Auspices, N. Y., Jewish Occupational Coun-cil, 1955; Budget Analyses of Sheltered Workshops/ N. Y., Jewish Occupational Council,1956; Implications of Public Law 565, and Implications of Public Law 634, N. Y., JewishOccupational Council, 1956; and Contribution of Jews to the Development of the AmericanEconomy, Jewish Occupational Council, 1955.


Because of the increasingly critical nature of Middle Eastern problems, theUnited States had no opportunity to work toward the permanent settlementof the Arab-Israel conflict that had been outlined by Secretary Dulles onAugust 26, 1955 (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 283-84).Events diverted American policy from long-term solutions to immediate con-siderations arising from the Communist-Arab rapprochement.

Arms

Since 1948 Egypt had been seeking arms from the United States. ButEgypt's unwillingness to participate in a Western-sponsored military defensescheme and her conflict with Britain over the evacuation of the Suez Canalzone, had prevented Egypt from receiving major military supplies from theUnited States. After the Anglo-Egyptian agreement on the evacuation of theSuez Canal zone, signed on October 19, 1954, the United States sent increasedeconomic aid to Egypt and promised military aid. But Egypt refused to signthe mutual security agreement on military aid, because she felt that it wouldcommit her to the West. Egypt was then granted the possibility of receiving"cash-reimbursable" military aid, along with Israel, Iran, Lebanon, and SaudiArabia.

Because of the continuing tension between Israel and Egypt, and theUnited States commitment to avoid an arms race between the Arab statesand Israel, as stated in the Tripartite Declaration of May 25, 1950, requestsfor major military purchases by both Egypt and Israel had been rejected.

Because of the recurring references to the Tripartite Declaration, the en-tire text follows:

The Governments of the United Kingdom, France, and the United States,having had occasion during the recent Foreign Ministers meeting in Lon-don to review certain questions affecting the peace and stability of theArab states and of Israel, and particularly that of the supply of arms andwar material to these states, have resolved to make the following statements:1. The three Governments recognize that the Arab states and Israel allneed to maintain a certain level of armed forces for the purposes of assur-ing their internal security and their legitimate self-defense and to permitthem to play their part in the defense of the area as a whole. All applica-tions for arms or war material for these countries will be considered in thelight of these principles. In this connection the three Governments wish torecall and reaffirm the terms of the statements made by their representa-tives on the Security Council on August 4, 1949, in which they declaredtheir opposition to the development of an arms race between the Arabstates and Israel.

2. The three Governments declare that assurances have been received fromall the states in question, to which they permit arms to be supplied fromtheir countries, that the purchasing state does not intend to undertake anyact of aggression against any other state. Similar assurances will be re-quested from any other state in the area to which they permit arms to besupplied in the future.

3. The three Governments take this opportunity of declaring their deepinterest in and their desire to promote the establishment and maintenance


of peace and stability in the area and their unalterable opposition to theuse of force or threat of force between any of the states in that area. Thethree Governments, should they find that any of these states was preparingto violate frontiers or armistice lines, would, consistently with their obliga-tions as members of the United Nations, immediately take action, bothwithin and outside the United Nations, to prevent such violation.

Though the United States at first tried to forestall the Communist-Egyptianarms deal by offering Egypt arms on credit, the British opposed this plan.On September 27, 1955, when Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt an-nounced officially that Egypt had concluded an agreement with Czecho-slovakia exchanging cotton and rice for armaments,1 Secretary Dulles andBritish Foreign Secretary Harold Macmillan issued a joint statement avowingAnglo-American harmony of views and expressing their desire to avoid an"arms race which would inevitably increase the tensions in the area." Thenext day, the State Department sent Assistant Secretary of State George V.Allen to Cairo, but Allen's two conversations with Premier Nasser had nopractical results.

In the next few days, France aligned herself with the Anglo-Americanposition; the Soviet Government issued a statement on October 1 declaringthat "every state has the legitimate right to provide for its own defense andto purchase arms for its defense needs from other states at the usual com-mercial terms." The Council of the Arab League expressed support ofNasser's "firm stand"; Syrian and Saudi Arabian spokesmen indicated theirwillingness to make similar arrangements.

At a press conference held in Washington on October 4, 1955, SecretaryDulles refrained from criticizing Egypt: "It is difficult to be critical of coun-tries which, feeling themselves endangered, seek the arms which they sincerelybelieve they need for defense." From the standpoint of United States rela-tions with the Soviet Union, Dulles stated that "such deliveries of armswould not contribute to relaxing tensions." He was also skeptical about thepossibility of achieving security through an arms race.

On October 11, 1955, Abba Eban, Israel ambassador to the United States,proposed to Assistant Secretary Allen that the United States put into effecta guarantee of the borders between Israel and the Arab states; he also askedthat the United States promise to help Israel maintain her arms balance.However, Israel made no specific request, pending further information as tothe quantity and quality of Communist arms shipments to Egypt. The sameday Syrian Ambassador Farid Zeineddine told Allen that any United Statessecurity guarantee to Israel "would very probably create outright struggle" inthe Middle East.

Toward the end of October, the scope of the Communist-Egyptian armsdeal became known; it was reported to total about §80,000,000, with individ-ual weapons priced considerably below what Western countries would charge.The arms included 200 Soviet MIG jet fighters, 100 Russian tanks, 6 sub-marines, and a substantial amount of artillery. From the first, Israel con-

1 On July 26, 1956, Nasser, speaking at Alexandria on the nationalization of the SuezCanal, admitted that the arms agreement had been made with the Soviet Union and not withCzechoslovakia. This admission appeared the next day in the Soviet press, which had previ-ously scrupulously identified the arms deal as Czech-Egyptian.


tended that the arms deal constituted a major danger to her, and attachedparticular importance to a security pact with the United States. The size ofthe Communist arms shipments to Egypt impelled Israel to seek arms aidfrom the West.

On October 26, Israel Prime Minister Moshe Sharett went to Paris to puthis case before the foreign ministers of the United States, Great Britain, andFrance, just prior to the Big Four foreign ministers conference in Geneva.Though Secretary Dulles agreed to consider a specific request from Israel forarms, he emphasized that this was not to be construed as a promise to supplyarms.

The first official policy statement clearly indicating the American positionon arms to the Middle East was enunciated by President Eisenhower onNovember 9. Reaffirming the Tripartite Declaration and supporting SecretaryDulles' August 26 peace proposals (security guarantees to Israel and its Arabneighbors based on a prior agreement between them on borders), the Presi-dent said that the United States would "continue willing to consider requestsfor arms needed for legitimate self-defense," but that the United States didnot intend to "contribute to an arms competition."

On the same day Prime Minister Eden, speaking at the Lord Mayor'sbanquet in London, urged Israel and the Arab countries to compromise onterritorial claims, offering British and American formal treaty guaranteesonce an acceptable agreement had been reached.

On November 15, in a message addressed to Rabbi Abba Hillel Silver andread at a rally called by the American Zionist Council in Madison SquareGarden in New York City, President Eisenhower reiterated his views ofNovember 9, stressing the imperative need of a peaceful settlement of theArab-Israel conflict.

On November 16, Ambassador Eban submitted to Under Secretary of StateHerbert Hoover, Jr., a formal bid to be allowed to purchase a listed quantityof arms "under the most lenient conditions of credit and price." The sameday Premier Nasser broadcast a statement from Cairo in which he accusedthe United States of a "deliberate attempt to maintain the military superi-ority of Israel over the Arabs," and warned that United States arms aid toIsrael would force Egypt to seek additional arms.

During November and December 1955, when Israel Foreign MinisterMoshe Sharett was in the United States on a speaking tour in behalf ofIsrael Defense Bonds, he twice conferred with Secretary Dulles about Amer-ican arms for Israel. On December 12, diplomats representing eight Arabstates called on Secretary Dulles to inform him that if the United Statessupplied arms to Israel, they would be forced to rely on the Soviet bloc forarms of their own.

On December 13, two days after Israel's raid against Syrian military posi-tions near the Sea of Galilee (see p. 212), Assistant Secretary of State Allenreportedly informed Ambassador Eban that the State Department must beable to assure Congress that any arms hereafter sold to Israel would be usedonly for defensive purposes, and that Israel's raid against Syria had slowedconsideration of Israel's request for arms. On January 15, 1956, Allen saidthat Israel's request for arms was still under consideration, but added thathe did not think it realistic for Israel with a population of 1,700,000 to


"expect to have indefinitely, plane for plane and gun for gun, as large anarmaments position as that of 40,000,000 Arabs."

On January 25, Ambassador Eban visited Secretary Dulles to press Israel'srequest to purchase arms in the United States, and was told by the secretarythat though the United States had not shut the door on the matter, it wasnot prepared at the time to meet Israel's request.

In the meantime, British and American diplomats had jointly been ex-amining their Middle Eastern policies with the view to establishing a force-ful common policy. After a series of preparatory meetings between membersof the British Foreign Office and the State Department, President Eisenhowerand Prime Minister Eden held a three-day conference in Washington. Theconference concluded on February 1, 1956, with the issuance of both a jointdeclaration contrasting the record of the Soviet Union and the Westerncountries on colonialism and a statement summarizing the substance of theAnglo-American talks. Though the conference dealt with most of the troubledareas in the world, the statement put the greatest emphasis on the MiddleEast. It stressed Anglo-American efforts for a settlement of Israel-Arab con-flict, reaffirmed the Tripartite Declaration, gave full support to the effortsof the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization to maintain peaceon the borders, and cautioned that security "in this area cannot rest uponarms alone." The statement noted that Soviet arms supplies had added tothe tension in the area and increased the risk of war.

These views were repeated, with some elaboration, by Secretary Dulles onFebruary 6, in written reply to a letter from forty Republican congressmenurging arms aid for Israel. Reaffirming that American foreign policy "em-braces the preservation of the State of Israel" and the principle of main-taining friendship with both Israel and the Arab states, Secretary Dulleswrote that the combined influence of the signatories of the Tripartite Dec-laration and of the United Nations "against any armed aggression is a farmore effective deterrent to any potential aggressor than any amount of arms."Nevertheless, Dulles added that he did not exclude the possibility of armssales to Israel.

PUBLIC REACTION

American public awareness of the problems in the Middle East was height-ened by the Communist-Egyptian arms deal. Public opinion polls taken inthe last half of 1955 showed that though more people tended to sympathizewith the Israel than with the Arab position, this pro-Israel sentiment did notaffect the concern felt for the maintenance of peace in the Middle East andthe protection of American interests in the area, especially oil. The pollsshowed that a majority of Americans favored close American relations withIsrael; however, an even larger number favored close cooperation with theArabs. The polls also indicated that public sentiment did not support armsaid to Israel.

Similarly, national editorial opinion in the general press was favorable toIsrael, critical of Egypt, and condemnatory of the Soviet bloc; but only asmall number of influential newspapers advocated American arms aid toIsrael. In the main, the national press reflected the hesitant policy of theState Department.


Most Jewish organizations urged the United States to sign a mutual defensepact with Israel, and to provide Israel with defensive arms. On September 29,1955, the National Executive Committee of the Zionist Organization ofAmerica (ZOA) adopted a unanimous resolution urging the speedy con-clusion of a defense pact in view of the threat created by the Egyptian-Czecharms deal. On October 5, the presidents of sixteen major American Jewishorganizationsl issued a statement expressing concern over the Communistarms deal and the belief that the American government would not succumbto "pressures on matters of conscience and higher self-interest."

At its executive board meeting on October 22, 1955, the American JewishCommittee urged the United States to offer security guarantees, within theframework of the United Nations, to all the peoples of the Middle East, andto assure full protection against aggression to any government that became aparty to a security agreement.

On November 15, the American Zionist Council convened a meeting inMadison Square Garden in New York City that urged both security guaran-tees and defensive arms for Israel. At the beginning of January 1956, a dele-gation of military figures representing the Jewish War Veterans of Americamet with Assistant Secretary of Defense Gordon Gray to discuss the militaryaspects of providing arms aid to Israel. On January 29, 1956, the AmericanJewish Committee adopted a statement at its annual meeting urging theUnited States to permit Israel to purchase defensive arms in this country.

The American Veterans Committee, at its annual convention on Novem-ber 15, 1956, advocated arms to Israel pending an effective security guar-antee.

Many leaders in politics urged arms aid and security guarantees to Israel.These included Senator Herbert H. Lehman (Dem., N. Y.), New York StateAttorney General Jacob K. Javits (Rep.), Senator Estes Kefauver (Dem.,Tenn), Adlai E. Stevenson (in an address at the University of Virginia onNovember 11, 1955), Senator Hubert H. Humphrey (Dem., Minn.), andMayor Robert F. Wagner of New York City.

Possibly the most widely reported statement on arms for Israel was issuedjointly by former president Harry S. Truman, Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt,and Walter P. Reuther on January 28, 1956. This statement said the UnitedStates "must counteract every attempt by the Soviet Union to upset the pres-ent precarious balance of power" in the Middle East, and hence the "UnitedStates should now provide the defensive arms needed by Israel to protectitself against any aggression made possible or incited by the introduction ofCommunist arms."

Though there were not many ardent proponents of military aid andguarantees to Israel outside of Jewish organizations, there were even fewer

canLabor , F __ o,_ j ,Feuerstein, Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations of America; Israel "Goldstein," AmericanJewish Congress; Adolph Held, Jewish Labor Committee; Mrs. Moise Kahn, National Council

Committee, Labor Zionist Organization of America; Mrs. Rebecca Shulman, Hadassah-Women'sZionist Organization of America; Bernard H. Trager, National Community Relations AdvisoryCouncil. This statement was signed also by Nahum Goldmann on behalf of the Jewish Agencyfor Palestine.


opponents of this position. These opponents included the pro-Arab AmericanFriends of the Middle East (AFME). AFME took the position that the MiddleEastern arms balance could be rectified only by providing "the governmentsof the Arab states with equipment equal to that which has been providedIsrael," according to a statement by its executive vice president, GarlandEvans Hopkins on October 10, 1955. A newly formed group, the Committeefor Security and Justice in the Middle East, whose twenty-nine memberswere largely drawn from Americans long sympathetic to the Arab cause,issued a statement on January 24, 1956, asserting that "furnishing munitionsto Israel will have the direct effect of driving the Arab world once and forall into the outstretched arms of the Kremlin."

Only a very small number of senators and congressmen expressed them-selves as opposed to arms aid to Israel; these included Senator William F.Knowland (Rep., Calif.) and Congressman James P. Richards (Dem., S. C),chairman of the House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Committee.

SAUDI ARABIAN ARMS SHIPMENT

On February 16, 1956, the State Department confirmed press reports thatit had approved the sale of eighteen M-41 light tanks to Saudi Arabia. Thisannouncement created a furor in Washington, because for four months StateDepartment policy had seemed directed toward a complete embargo on allmilitary shipments to the Middle East. In the light of the State Department'sfailure to act on Israel's request to purchase arms, and the American gov-ernment's continued avowal of its intention to avoid an arms race in theMiddle East, the Saudi Arabian tank shipment aroused considerable con-sternation. In confirming reports of the imminent shipment of the eighteentanks, Lincoln White, State Department press officer, explained that SaudiArabia had requested permission to purchase the tanks in the spring of 1955,and that the United States had agreed to the transaction in the fall of 1955,under a mutual security agreement between the United States and SaudiArabia signed June 18, 1951. The United States was satisfied that the ship-ment would not increase the danger of war in the Middle East, and that thetanks were intended for training purposes, and would be used in connectionwith the United States training mission in Saudi Arabia.

Israel's ambassador to the United States Abba Eban promptly denouncedthe tank shipment as a "regrettable departure" from American policy ofmaintaining an arms balance; several congressmen and senators expressedtheir disapproval. On February 17, Senator Walter F. George, chairman ofthe Senate Foreign Relations Committee, called for a Congressional investi-gation of the tank transaction.

When news of the tank sale was reported, Secretary of State Dulles wasaway on vacation; the matter was judged sufficiently important to be handledby the White House. Early on February 17, the White House announceda suspension of arms shipments to the Middle East, pending further exami-nation. That day Saudi Arabian Ambassador Sheikh Abdullah al-Kahyyalregistered with Assistant Secretary of State Allen his country's protest againstthe suspension of the tank shipment.

The next day, February 18, President Eisenhower lifted the embargo, andthe State Department issued a statement prepared by Acting Scretary of


State Herbert Hoover, Jr., announcing that the shipment would go forward.The statement indicated that the American government believed this par-ticular transaction would meet the conditions of the Tripartite Declaration,and indicated that the issuance of export licenses in this instance would notaffect the "most careful scrutiny" being given to outstanding requests—pre-sumably a reference to the Israel application of November 16, 1955. It wasgenerally believed that the decisive factor in lifting the twenty-four-hourembargo was American fear lest Saudi Arabia refuse to renew the five-yearagreement for use of the Dhahran Air Base by the United States Air Forcewhich was to expire in June 1956.

The Saudi Arabian tank incident evoked considerable public controversy;Zionist organizations criticized the transaction, and pro-Arab groups urgedthat the Saudi Arabian shipment should not furnish "an excuse for grantingthe heretofore rejected Israeli applications."

On February 24, 1956, following Secretary Dulles' return to Washington,the Senate Foreign Relations Committee heid a hearing on the situation inthe Middle East, with the particular purpose of clarifying United Statespolicy with regard to arms shipments to the Middle East. Both Dulles andHoover testified. The hearing clearly indicated that the tank shipment hadbeen considered in connection with renewal of the air base agreement. Sec-retary Dulles reiterated the view that Israel, because of its small size, couldnot win an arms race with the Arabs. He also repeated that the UnitedStates did not exclude the possibility of arms sales to Israel or the Arabstates. He assured the committee "that there is no problem" that the tanksto Saudi Arabia could be used against Israel, because of the impassabledesert and the fact that Saudi Arabia did not have a common frontier withIsrael. Dulles stressed the urgent need for a peace settlement between Israeland her Arab neighbors, and restated his proposals of August 26, 1955.

MODIFICATION IN AMERICAN ARMS EMBARGO

On February 28, 1956, Israel Ambassador Abba Eban and Israel MinisterReuven Shiloah presented to Assistant Secretary of State Allen, Israel's de-mand for a yes-or-no reply on Israel's request to purchase arms in the UnitedStates. The following day Premier David Ben Gurion made the same requestin Israel of American Ambassador Edward B. Lawson. On March 2, SecretaryDulles received Ambassador Eban, but told him only that Dulles' testimonybefore the Senate Foreign Relations Committee should not be interpretedas foreclosing an affirmative decision on Israel's request.

In the meantime, events in the Middle East {see p. 393-96) had appar-ently stiffened British and French attitudes toward Egypt and Jordan, andthe United Kingdom and France were viewing Israel's requests for armsmore sympathetically. The United States, too, had been reassessing its atti-tude, particularly toward Egypt, and at the end of February it was reportedthat the United States would not object to a shipment of twelve Mystere IVjet interceptors ordered in 1955 for the Israel Air Force. By the end ofMarch, when France began delivery of the planes, it was clear that theUnited States would raise no objections to British and French arms sales toIsrael, while she herself failed to approve or reject Israel's pending request.Realizing that she could not await early action from the United States,


Israel turned also to Canada for arms purchases, and negotiations were re-ported under way in April. Israel continued, however, to press the UnitedStates; on April 23, Ambassador Eban called on the State Department, point-ing out that it was self-defeating for the United States to say that arms salesto Israel by other countries might be useful, but that the United States wouldnot sell her any at this time. Eban urged the United States to take thelead in such sales.

But on May 8, in an address before B'nai B'rith, Secretary Dulles reiteratedAmerican opposition to an arms race in the Middle East.

Despite the secretary's verbal adherence to the arms policy in force in1955, revision of State Department attitudes toward Egypt and related Mid-dle Eastern problems became apparent in the summer of 1956 when therewas a radical reshuffle of United States representatives in that area. Earlyin July the Senate Foreign Relations Committee had been notified by theWhite House to act on the nominations of new ambassadors. RaymondArthur Hare, director general of the Foreign Service, was appointed to re-place Henry A. Byroade as ambassador to Egypt; William M. Rountree,Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, was appointed to replace George VenableAllen in the post of Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern, South Asian, andAfrican Affairs. It was generally believed that one reason for the change hadbeen the ineffectiveness of Byroade, reputed to be a warm friend of theArabs, in guiding American relations with Egypt.

In the second half of September, Canada announced a sale of twenty-fourjet planes to Israel. On September 21, 1956, the State Department declaredthat Canadian officials had consulted the United States on the transaction,and that the United States had raised no objections to the sale. At this point,American policy was summed up as follows: Though the United States op-posed an arms race, it opposed the creation of a serious arms imbalance inthe Middle East which might result from Communist arms shipments. Inorder to avoid the semblance of a Middle Eastern cold war between Russiaand the United States, with each country shipping arms to conflicting na-tions, the United States preferred to have other Western countries help rec-tify the arms imbalance.

DOMESTIC POLITICAL ISSUE

At a news conference held on January 24, 1956, Secretary Dulles mentionedthe possibility of keeping one or two matters of foreign policy out of debatein the Presidential election campaign. This statement was widely interpretedas referring to the question of American Mid-Eastern policy, particularlywith reference to arms for Israel. The suggestion was hailed by the AFME,which had earlier demanded that the Arab-Israel conflict not become a matterof domestic politics, and by the American Council for Judaism. The Ameri-can Zionist Council denounced the proposal as "a cowardly departure fromAmerican political custom and precedent."

That Middle Eastern policy was indeed a matter of domestic politics wasmade very clear at the Democratic Party convention on August 16, 1956,when the party's platform was adopted. The Democratic platform attackedRepublican policy in the Middle East, and put the Democratic Party onrecord as supporting arms shipments to Israel "to redress the dangerous im-


balance of arms in the area," as well as the conclusion of security guarantees.A week later the Republican Party convention adopted a platform whoseplank on the Middle East avoided commitment of arms to Israel. The Re-publican platform merely declared that "we shall support the independenceof Israel against armed aggression," and pointed to the United Nations asthe best hope for peace in the Middle East.

Border TensionAt the end of August 1955, renewed shooting between Israel and Egypt

broke out on the Gaza border, the scene of major border incidents earlierin the year (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 281-82).At this time the fear that border incidents might lead to war was heightenedby the new factor of Soviet arms to Egypt. On September 1, the State De-partment reported it had instructed its diplomats to impress upon Egyptand Israel the gravity of the situation. When, on September 8, the UnitedNations Security Council unanimously adopted a resolution endorsing aseries of proposals by Maj. Gen. E. L. M. Burns, chief of staff of the UNTruce Supervision Organization (UNTSO), to bring about peace on theborders, United States Representative to the UN Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.urged Israel and Egypt to give General Burns their full cooperation andaccept his proposals.

Although Egypt and Israel had conditionally agreed on September 27 towithdraw from the demilitarized zone, Israel attacked the demilitarized zoneat El Auja on the Egyptian border on November 2. Fifty Egyptians werekilled, forty were wounded, and four Israelis were killed. The next dayUnited Nations Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold made new proposalsto restore quiet on the border. On November 5, the State Department issueda statement after the ambassadors of Israel (Abba Eban) and Egypt (AhmedHussein) had called on Assistant Secretary Allen, at the request of the de-partment. The United States deplored "resort to force for the settlement ofdisputes," and expressed strong support of UN efforts for a peaceful settle-ment.

Tension next erupted on the Syrian border on December 11, when Israelforces attacked Syrian positions on the northeast corner of Lake Tiberias(Sea of Galilee), killing fifty-six Syrians, taking twenty-nine prisoners, with atleast six Israelis killed. At Syria's request, the UN Security Council took upthe question on December 16. Ambassador Lodge extended American sym-pathy to the Syrian government for the loss of life and urged Israel not toresort to force. On January 12, 1956, the United States, France, and Britainintroduced a draft resolution. Though falling short of Syrian demands forsanctions against Israel and Israel's expulsion from the UN, the resolutioncondemned Israel for the attack, and called upon her to comply with herobligations under the UN charter and the armistice agreements. The resolu-tion was unanimously adopted by the Security Council on January 19, 1956.

HAMMARSKJOLD MISSION

The continued tension on the borders between Israel and her neighborsremained the subject of American concern. On March 7, 1956, President


Eisenhower called for "urgent and early action" by the United Nations tokeep the peace in the Middle East. The following week, the President re-ported that the United States was drawing up proposals for a new approachby the United Nations to the problems of the Middle East. On March 20,the United States asked for an urgent meeting of the Security Council, theitem on the agenda as proposed by Ambassador Lodge to be: "The PalestineQuestion: Status of Compliance Given to the General Armistice Agreementsand the Resolutions of the Security Council Adopted During the Past Year."

The following day the United States submitted its proposal to the SecurityCouncil in the form of a resolution requesting the secretary general of theUnited Nations to "undertake, as a matter of urgent concern, a survey ofthe various aspects of enforcement of, and compliance with, the four generalarmistice agreements and the council's resolutions under reference." Theresolution also requested the secretary general to arrange for the adoptionof specific measures designed to reduce border tension: withdrawal of forcesfrom armistice demarcation lines, full freedom of movement for UN ob-servers along the demarcation lines and in the demilitarized zones, and es-tablishment of local arrangements for the prevention of incidents. The sec-retary general was to report back to the Security Council within a month.

On March 26, the Security Council acceded to the request of the Arabnations for a delay in the consideration of the United States proposal, despiteAmbassador Lodge's plea for urgent action. On April 3, the Security Councilbegan discussion of the proposal, and the next day unanimously adopted theUnited States resolution.

Just before Hammarskjold left for the Middle East, fighting broke outagain between Israel and Egypt. On April 9, James C. Hagerty, press sec-retary to the President, released a statement that the President had conferredwith Secretary Dulles, that they regarded the situation with the "utmostseriousness," and that the United States would support in fullest measurethe mission of the UN Secretary General. The statement also stressed UnitedStates commitments "within constitutional means" to oppose aggression inthe Middle East, and to assist any nation subject to such aggression. At thattime, Egypt had been raiding the Israel border with its suicide squads, andthe United States had been trying to persuade Nasser to end the raids andavoid counterattacks by Israel. (On April 10, United States Ambassador toIsrael Edward B. Lawson, speaking in Ramat Gan in Israel, praised theIsraelis for their "remarkable restraint and composure" in the face of Egyp-tian "terrorism.")

On May 6, Secretary General Hammarskjold returned from his mission,and on May 10 he presented his report to the Security Council (for detailsof his accomplishments, see p. 397).

On May 29, during the debate in the Security Council on Hammarskjold'sreport, Great Britain introduced a resolution requesting the secretary generalto continue his good offices in connection with enforcement of the armisticeagreements. This proposal was supported by the United States, and unani-mously adopted on June 4. On July 19, Hammarskjold began his secondround of talks in the Middle East.


Baghdad PactOn October 26, 1955, when the Shah of Iran ratified Iran's adherence to

the Baghdad Pact for mutual defense in the Middle East, the nations in theBaghdad Pact included Iraq, Turkey, Great Britain, and Pakistan, in addi-tion to Iran. This "northern tier" defense scheme had from the start arousedbitter opposition from the Soviet Union. It had also aroused the hostility ofEgypt, who viewed Iraq as her rival for leadership in the Arab world. As acountermove to the pact, Syria and Egypt signed a defense pact on October20, 1955; Saudi Arabia and Egypt signed one on October 27. In NovemberEgypt established a joint military command with Syria, and in December,one with Saudi Arabia. Israel, too, viewed the Baghdad Pact with suspicion.

On November 21 and 22, 1955, an inaugural organizational meeting ofthe Council of the Baghdad Pact was convened in Baghdad. The UnitedStates, which had engineered the defense plan and was supporting some ofits member nations with military aid, had nonetheless been resisting Britishpressure to adhere to the group. But at the opening session, the United Statesexpressed its approval of the pact and its intention to establish permanentpolitical and military liaison with the council. The council welcomed thisintention, and in its final communique1 expressed appreciation of the "gen-erous and valuable help" which the United States had given "in the pro-vision of arms and other military equipment to enable them to strengthentheir defense against aggression," and for extensive American economic as-sistance.

On April 16-20, 1956, the Council of the Baghdad Pact held its secondmeeting in Teheran. Though the State Department declared that the UnitedStates was not prepared to adhere to the pact "at this time," a high-rankingdelegation, headed by Loy W. Henderson, Deputy Under Secretary of Statefor Administration, attended the meeting as observers. At the opening ses-sion, Henderson stated that the United States delegation had come preparedto discuss its supplementing of bilateral programs of economic and militaryassistance which the United States had with each of the pact member nations"through a program of broader economic cooperation coordinated throughthe Pact Organization." He pointed out that the United States would none-theless continue to retain friendly ties with other nations in the area. Thisstatement supported the generally held view that the United States had re-frained from joining the pact because of Egypt's opposition to it.

In the course of the meeting, however, the United States drew dose to thecouncil: it agreed to establish a military liaison office at the permanent head-quarters of the council; and it became a member of the council's economiccommittee and of its counter subversion committee. The United States alsoagreed to pay a share of the cost of the council's permanent secretariat. Inits final communique, the council stressed the active participation of theUnited States in its work.

Economic AidUnder the Mutual Security Act of 1955, $73,000,000 had been provided

for economic assistance in the Near East and North Africa for the fiscal year


ending June 30, 1956. Because of the uncertain atmosphere resulting fromSoviet military, diplomatic, and economic intervention in the area, the UnitedStates found it difficult to plan firm projects during this fiscal year.

During fiscal year 1956, Israel received $22,500,000 for development assist-ance, of which 510,000,000 was on a loan basis. Part of these funds were usedto complete a project to bring water into the Negev and make possible theirrigation of over 200,000 acres of once barren soil.

Israel also received $1,500,000 in technical cooperation assistance.On July 17, 1956, Secretary Dulles gave his recommendation to a proposal

that the United States expend §3,500,000 (over I£ 6,000,000) on deposit inIsrael for scientific and humanitarian projects there. These funds had accu-mulated to the credit of the American Embassy in Israel under the Informa-tional Media Guaranty Program of June 9, 1952, under which Israel dis-tributors were allowed to import American books and publications in returnfor payment of local currency to the United States Embassy. On January 25,1956, Secretary Dulles had appointed Bernard Katzen as special consultantto recommend uses for the local funds. An important consideration in theselection of the projects was "the potentiality of each project for the con-solidation of goodwill between the people of Israel and the United States."On July 25, 1956, the Senate authorized this appropriation in an amendmentto the second supplemental appropriation bill of 1957.

On May 9, 1956, it became known that Israel had asked the Export-ImportBank for a loan of $75,000,000 to finance development of water resources,for projects other than the Jordan River.

During the fiscal year ended June 30, 1956, United States economic aid toLebanon amounted to $5,470,000 for development assistance and §2,293,000for technical cooperation. Most of these funds were used to help accelerate amajor program of public roads construction undertaken by the Lebanese gov-ernment as part of a five-year economic development plan.

Jordan received §5,000,000 in development aid and $2,625,000 in technicalassistance during the 1956 fiscal year. These funds were used for road con-struction and projects in afforestation, agriculture, health, and education.

Technical assistance in the amount of §2,300,000 was provided to Iraq,whose tremendous oil revenues were being used in basic developmentprojects.

ARAB REFUGEES

In August 1955, Eric Johnston, President Eisenhower's special envoy tothe Middle East, began a new round of discussions with Arab and Israelofficials regarding the plan for joint development of the Jordan Rivervalley. Negotiations had seemed to be proceeding favorably toward a suc-cessful conclusion of the mission which Johnston had first undertaken inOctober 1953. But with the announcement of the Communist-Egyptian armsdeal, with growing anti-American sentiment among the Arab countries, andwith increased border tension between Israel and her neighbors, the Leagueof Arab States, at a conference in Cairo on October 8, postponed considera-tion of the question.

The United States had held that acceptance of the Jordan River develop-ment plan would represent a "substantial start" toward the solution of the


Arab refugee problem. James J. Wadsworth, United States representative inthe General Assembly, in a statement to the Ad Hoc Political Committee onNovember 16, 1955, discussing the report of the director of the United Na-tions Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA), criticizedthe leaders of the Arab nations for their failure to "let us help them helpthemselves." He said that upon their shoulders "rests the choice betweenprogress to greatness and prosperity or the narrow clinging to the status quowhich benefits no one but those who profit from misery and chaos."

On December 3, 1955, the General Assembly approved a resolution on thePalestine refugees, drafted by the United States, Great Britain, and Turkeyembodying criticism at the lack of progress, and requesting the governmentsof the area "to make a determined effort" to cooperate with UNRWA's pro-gram for the relief and rehabilitation of the refugees.

Only §16,700,000 of the $62,000,000 appropriated as the United States con-tribution to UNRWA was used during the fiscal year of 1956. The unex-pended balance of $45,300,000 was reappropriated for fiscal year 1957.

ASWAN DAM

Since 1953, the Egyptian plan to build the High Dam at Aswan had beenseriously studied by the International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop-ment under the assumption that the United States would also provide a loanor a grant. By the fall of 1955, studies by the International Bank showed theEgyptian project to be feasible if Egypt could arrive at an agreement withthe Sudan on sharing the Nile waters, and if Egypt could work out aneconomic plan for the next ten years that would effectively concentrate herdomestic resources on the construction of the dam.

Despite the Communist-Egyptian arms agreement, the United States hadcontinued to provide Egypt with economic assistance under the MutualSecurity Act of 1955 in the amount of $40,000,000 for the fiscal year endingJune 30, 1956. The United States also showed her willingness to help financethe dam, even though there were reports about Soviet offers to finance con-struction of the High Dam. An allocation of $56,000,000 from developmentassistance funds for fiscal year 1956 seemed assured as an outright gift towardthe financing of the dam. Great Britain, too, promised $14,000,000 in theform of blocked sterling. These assurances were made on December 16, 1955;on their basis Eugene R. Black, president of the International Bank, under-took negotiations with Premier Nasser over a loan to Egypt of $200,000,000.On February 9, 1956, Black concluded two weeks of negotiations with PremierNasser, and announced that "substantial agreement" had been reached.

But on April 1, Nasser declared that Egypt had not yet rejected the Sovietoffer, and that she had had to postpone the start of the project because of"many complex difficulties," including failure to agree with the Sudan onsharing the Nile waters.

In the meantime, the State Department had for some months been reas-sessing its policy toward Egypt, largely because of her increasingly anti-Western attitude and her economic commitments to the Soviet bloc. Egypt'srecognition of Communist China in May 1956 also affected the State De-partment unfavorably (Secretary Dulles described the recognition as "anaction that we regret").


By June 30, 1956, the Egyptians had not yet decided to accept the Ameri-can offer of aid, and the amount of $56,000,000 which had been set asidefor a grant under the Mutual Security Act of 1955 was no longer available.Though experts believed that this amount could be provided for out ofthe new foreign aid bill, even at the expense of other projects, the SenateAppropriations Committee, on July 16, issued a directive to the adminis-tration which declared that none of the funds provided for in the newmutual security bill should be used for assisting in the construction of theAswan Dam. The following day, Ahmed Hussein, Egyptian ambassador tothe United States, arrived in Washington with instructions from PremierNasser to reach final agreements as soon as possible on the basis of theoffers of December 16, 1955.

On July 19, when Hussein called on Secretary Dulles, he was informedthat the United States "has concluded that it is not feasible in presentcircumstances to participate" in the construction of the High Dam. TheState Department noted that agreement had not been reached with theSudan, and that "the ability of Egypt to devote adequate resources to as-sure the project's success has become more uncertain than at the time theoffer was made." The next day, Britain followed suit and canceled heroffer of aid. In the wake of these announcements, the Soviet Union an-nounced that it had not been considering aid to Egypt in the constructionof the Aswan Dam; it then became clearly evident that Egypt had beenusing exaggerated reports about Soviet economic aid to obtain Western fi-nancing.

On July 24, Premier Nasser violently denounced the United States forits withdrawal of aid, declaring:

If an uproar in Washington creates false and misleading announcements,without shame and with disregard for the principles of international re-lations, that the Egyptian economy is unsound and throwing shadows ofdoubt on'Egypt's economy, I look at Americans and say: May you choke todeath on your furyl

Two days later, in an address at Alexandria, Premier Nasser announcedthat his government had seized full control of the Suez Canal and that theprofits of the waterway would be used to build the High Dam at Aswan.

At the time of writing (September 1956), joint American, British, andFrench efforts to obtain international control for the Suez Canal werestill unsuccessful.

Technical cooperation assistance in the amount of $2,716,000 had never-theless been made available to Egypt during the fiscal year of 1956. OnAugust 23, 1956, the International Cooperation Administration said itwould not send any additional staff to Egypt or begin any new projectsuntil the Suez Canal crisis was over.

Arab Discrimination Against American Jews

In the course of the broad public discussion about American policy inthe Middle East, certain discriminatory practices by some Arab govern-ments—to which the United States was acceding—came under sharp attack.


RIGHT OF TRAVEL AND TRANSIT

The Arab countries, with the exception of Egypt, which had recently dis-continued its ban on Jewish travelers, had prohibited travel and even rightof transit by American citizens of the Jewish faith. Visa applications issuedby Arab countries required the applicant to specify his religion and, witha few exceptions, American Jews were denied visas. Concurrence by theUnited States with this practice had been evident in the notification issuedby the United States Passport Office to Americans who indicated that theyintended to travel in the Middle East; the Passport Office advised Americansto supply themselves with a "baptismal certificate or a letter from a pastor."American ship and air lines advised travelers of "Jewish faith or Jewishname" that they would be refused landing privileges in Arab ports.

During the spring of 1956 protests to the State Department about Ameri-can compliance with this discriminatory practice were submitted by severalJewish institutions, including the American Jewish Committee and theAmerican Jewish Congress.

In June 1956 it was learned that the National Education Association(NEA), the largest teachers' organization in the United States, was sponsor-ing study tours to Middle Eastern countries, despite the Arab denial oftravel rights to American Jews. Individual members and regional bodiesof the NEA urged the association to discontinue these tours, but at itsannual convention on July 5 the resolutions committee of the NEA side-stepped the requests of local groups by referring the issue to the associa-tion's board of directors for consideration in the fall. On October 11,Bernard Donovan, chairman of the New York City NEA committee, an-nounced that a meeting of the NEA board of directors held earlier inWashington had decided to exclude the kingdom of Jordan from the round-the-world tours to be sponsored by the NEA in the summer of 1957.

EMPLOYMENT DISCRIMINATION

The Arab League boycott against Israel was widely applied to includea boycott by several of the Arab states against American Jews as well; thisbecame a subject of major controversy during the first half of 1956. Oneaspect of this discriminatory policy was Saudi Arabia's insistence on herright to exclude from the American air base at Dhahran all Americans ofJewish faith. Various Jewish and non-Jewish groups objected to Americanacquiescence in this policy. At the hearing of the Senate Foreign RelationsCommittee on February 24, 1956, Secretary Dulles was questioned on thesubject; he justified the barring by the United States of Jewish personnelfrom the air base as follows:

Now we do not like or approve or acquiesce, except perforce in any suchpractices, such as that, but we do have to recognize the fact that SaudiArabia is an ally . . . and we have a very special relationship there withthat Government.That does not mean we approve of all its practices at all. It does mean weget along together in a way which is of mutual advantage.

On March 1, Senator Herbert H. Lehman (Dem., N. Y.) accused Secre-tary Dulles of "moral blindness" in standing by the agreement for the use


of the ait- base at Dhahran; Lehman called upon the State Department torenegotiate the arrangements with Saudi Arabia which were due to expirein June 1956.2 On June 27, Senators Lehman, Paul Douglas (Dem., 111.),and William Langer (Rep., N. D.) introduced a resolution in the Senateaimed at outlawing the discrimination against American Jews practiced bySaudi Arabia and other Arab countries. By the beginning of July, the reso-lution had eighteen co-sponsors (six Republicans and twelve Democrats);it was referred to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee for consideration.Under State Department pressure, the resolution was watered down incommittee to read that "it is a primary principle of our Nation that thereshall be no discrimination among United States citizens based on their in-dividual religious affiliations." In this form, the resolution was unanimouslyadopted by the Senate on July 26. Passage of the resolution was welcomedby all major Jewish organizations.

On August 18, the B'nai B'rith made public a letter from Secretary Dullesin which he said that the resolution introduced into the Senate "has af-forded the Department of State the opportunity to continue its efforts toimpress on the Arab states the sentiments of this country."

Almost all Jewish organizations had expressed their objections to Ameri-can acquiescence in Saudi Arabian discrimination against American Jews;these were joined by the American Civil Liberties Union, the AmericanVeterans Committee, and Protestants and Other Americans United forSeparation of Church and State; the last group charged that Christians,though admitted to the Dhahran base, were subject to restrictions in theirreligious practice, without objection by the United States.

Saudi Arabian and Iraqi actions in barring American Jews from privateemployment with American or other foreign firms in these countries(Arabian-American Oil Company—ARAMCO, for example) and ascertain-ing the religion of the personnel of American firms doing business withtheir countries were also strongly protested by many Jewish organizations.On December 29, 1955, a State Department spokesman said the matterwas under study.

LUCY DAWIDOWICZ

2 On August 23, 1956, the State Department announced that an "informal agreement" hadbeen reached with Saudi Arabia to extend indefinitely the right of the United States to use theair base at Dhahran. It was understood that the State Department preferred this arrangementduring an election year to formal renegotiations.

World Jewish Population

DURING THE second half of 1955 Jewish migration increased considerably;it rose still higher during 1956. It was estimated that about 46,000 Jews

from North Africa entered Israel during the period October 1, 1955, throughSeptember 30, 1956, as against 26,500 for the same period in 1954-55.1 InNovember 1956, refugees from Hungary and Egypt further swelled the vol-ume of Jewish migration, but at this writing (December 1956) this migrationcould not be taken into account in estimating the Jewish population of vari-ous countries. The estimates of Jewish population in some countries couldnot be ascertained with any degree of accuracy; the data presented below,therefore, represent only the best approximation that could be arrived atunder the circumstances, and will have to be continuously revised.

Method of InquiryTo obtain the figures presented in this survey, the author used information

obtained from censuses and from estimates by informed local individuals. Inaddition, the special inquiry initiated in 1955 was continued throughout1956. (For a description of the scope and procedures of the inquiry, seeAMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 290.) Special questionnairesfor reporting the numbers of Jews in various countries were sent to the cen-tral Jewish communal bodies of seventeen countries with Jewish populations.As of November 1956, eight responses had been received at the offices of theAMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK. Including the seventeen responses to thirty-eight inquiries received in 1955, the total responses thus far obtained weretwenty-five.2

Responses to Inquiry

Data supplied by local communal bodies were based mainly on estimatesmade by responsible individuals dealing with various Jewish communal ac-

1A Progress Report on Israel, Government of Israel—Jewish Agency, Jerusalem, October 1956.2 The following organizations responded to the inquiry during 19SS and 1956: Australia:Executive Council of Australian Jewry; Austria: Bundesverband der Israelitischen Kultus-gemeinden; Chile: Comite Representative de la Colectividad Israelite; Colombia: United HIASService; Denmark: Mosaisk Trossamfund; England: Board of Deputies of British Jews; Finland:Central Council of the Jewish Congregations in Finland; France: Union des Associations Cul-tuelles des Israelites de France et d'Algerie; Germany: Zentralrat der Juden in Deutschland;

Mosaiske Trossamfund; Philippines: Jewish Community of the Philippines; Portugal: Com-munidade Israelite de Lisboa; South Africa: Jewish Board of Deputies; Sweden: MosaiskaForsamlingen; Switzerland: Federation Suisse des Communautes Israelites; Tunisia: Conseil desCommunautes Israelites de Tunisie; Turkey: Grand Rabbinat de Turquie; Uruguay: ComiteCentral Israelite del Uruguay; Yugoslavia: Federation of Jewish Communities in Yugoslavia.

220

WORLD JEWISH POPULATION 221

tivities. In some cases the data were supported by figures obtained throughregistrations for religious purposes (Italy, Greece, Portugal). In a few coun-tries there were census figures, which in some cases had to be adjusted onthe basis of local estimates (Australia, India, Norway, South Africa, Tunisia,and Yugoslavia). The data supplied were most helpful in certain instancesinsofar as they documented the current estimates on the size of the Jewishcommunities in individual countries; however, the figures will have to befurther refined and checked against new information if and when such in-formation becomes available. In some cases data on unattached Jews werenot available, and it was difficult to ascertain whether the estimates obtainedcovered the total Jewish population or were limited to the members of Jew-ish communal bodies.

Total World Jewish Population by Continents

It is estimated that the world Jewish population in 1956 was about 11,936,-000. Of this total, some 6,000,000 (51 per cent) resided in North and SouthAmerica. More than 3,461,000 (29 per cent) were in Europe. Asia had morethan 1,750,000 (14.5 per cent), and some 600,000 and 58,000 were residing inAfrica and Australia-New Zealand, respectively.

TABLE 1

DISTRIBUTION OF JEWISH POPULATIONBY CONTINENTS

Continent Number Per CentEurope (including Asiatic USSR and

Turkey) 3,461,450 29.0America (North and South) 6,063,362 51.0Asia 1,753,296 145Africa 600,750 5.0Australia and New Zealand 58,013 0.5

TOTAL 11,936,871 100.0

EUROPE

There were about 3,461,000 Jews in Europe. This number included an es-timated 2,000,000 Jews in the Soviet Union, and about 430,000 in the satellitecountries. Estimates on the number of Jews in the Soviet Union varied from2,000,000 to 3,000,000. Unfortunately, there was no way of arriving at a defi-nite figure, as no official statistics on the number of Jews in the Soviet Unionwere available. The lower estimate would seem to be more realistic (see p.309) and this estimate will have to be accepted until such time as official databecome available. About 1,000,000 Jews resided in Western Europe and Scan-dinavia. The largest Jewish community (450,000) was in England, and thenext largest (325,000) in France. At the time of writing, there was a consid-erable flow of Jewish refugees from Hungary to Austria, but it was too earlyto assess the population changes resulting from this phenomenon.


NORTH AND SOUTH AMERICA

The Jewish population in North and South America stood at about 6,000,-000. This figure included some 5,200,000 Jews in the United States, 233,000in Canada, and 630,000 in Latin America. The figure for the United States isthe current estimate accepted by students of Jewish population in thiscountry.

Few changes have been recorded in the figures given for Latin America. Itshould be pointed out, however, that estimates of the Jewish population inArgentina varied from 360,000 to 400,000.

ASIA AND AUSTRALIA-NEW ZEALAND

Of the approximately 1,753,000 Jews in Asia, 1,621,000 resided in Israel.8

The only other substantial Jewish settlement in Asia was in Iran, wherethere were 80,000 Jews. There were some 53,500 Jews in Australia and 4,500in New Zealand.

AFRICA

There was a considerable decrease in the number of Jews in Africa as a re-sult of continuing migration from French North African countries to Israeland France. It was estimated that Morocco had 200,000 Jews, Algeria 140,000,and Tunisia 85,000. The Jewish population of South Africa stood at 110,000.At this writing (December 1956) it was not yet possible to record the Jewishpopulation changes that occurred in Egypt.

Countries With Largest Jewish Population

The three countries with the largest Jewish population—the United States,the Soviet Union, and Israel, in that order—accounted for some 73 per centof the total Jewish population of the world. Altogether there were ninecountries with Jewish communities of 200,000 or more, with Morocco nowoccupying the last place in that group. It should be noted that, with theobvious exception of Israel, the ratio of Jewish to total population in all thecountries of the world is below 4 per cent, and in some countries it is lessthan 1 per 1,000.

Selected Cities

The estimates of Jewish population in selected cities presented in Table 8are based largely on figures obtained through our inquiry. While the infor-mation is incomplete, it serves as an indication of the distribution of theJewish population by cities.

LEON SHAPIRO

* Statistical Bulletin of Israel, Vol. VII, No. 7, July 1956, Jerusalem, Israel.


TABLE 2

ESTIMATED JEWISH POPULATION OF EUROPE,BY COUNTRIES a

Country GeneralPopulation

1,394,0006,974,0008,868,0007,548,00013,089,0004,439,000

50,968,0004,289,000

43,600,00069,865,000

22,5007,973,0009,805,0002,933,000

48,016,000309,000

10,888,0003,425,000

27,680,0008,837,00017,300,000

200,200,00029,203,0007,262,0005,023,000

24,797,00017,799,000

632,506,500

JewishPopulation

30010,07735,0006,000

20,0006,500

450,0001,752

325,00025,000650

6,000135,0005,400

31,0001,000

25,0001,000

50,000723

225,0002,000,000"

3,00012,50019,04860,0006,500

3,461,450

Per Cent

0.00.110.40.00.20.110.9 *0.0 *0.7 x

0.0 x2.90.11

1.40.2 x0.0 x

0.3 *0.20.0 *0.20.0 *1.31.00.00.21

0.4 x0.2 x

0.0 x

0.5

AlbaniaAustriaBelgiumBulgariaCzechoslovakiaDenmarkEnglandFinlandFranceGermanyGibraltarGreeceHungaryIrish Free StateItalyLuxembourg . .Netherlands . . .NorwayPolandPortugalRumaniaSoviet Union . .SpainSwedenSwitzerland . . .TurkeyYugoslavia . . . .

TOTAL

• Data on general population are based on the Monthly Bulletin of Statistics published by theStatistical Office of the United Nations, November 1956, Vol. X, No. 11, New York. Where suchmaterial was not available, use was made of other sources, including local publications.b Including Asiatic regions of the Soviet Union and Turkey.1 Indicates, in this and other tables, that the figure was obtained through a questionnaire sent tothe central communal body of the country.


TABLE 3

ESTIMATED JEWISH POPULATION OF NORTH ANDSOUTH AMERICA, BY COUNTRIES"


15,970,000168,091,000

184,061,000

19,740,0003,235,000

59,846,000472,000

6,761,00012,939,000

988,0005,829,000

148,0002,463,000

223,0003,777,0002,269,0003,258,0003,305,0001,711,0001,518,000

30,538,0001,245,000

934,0001,601,0009,605,000

721,0002,615,0005,949,000

181,690,000

365,751,000

JewishPopulation

233,0005,200,000

5,433,000

360,0002,700

120,000130

30,000 x

8,000 x

1,50011,000

1,000600

1,0002,000

2001,000

200150

2,20025,632*

15023002,0003,000

40050,000*5,000

630,362

6,063,362

Per Cent

1.53.1

2.9

1.80.00.20.00.40.00.1020.70.00.40.00.00.00.00.00.10.00.00.20.10.00.01.90.0

0.3

1.6

Canada

United States

TOTAL NORTH AMERICA

ArgentinaBoliviaBrazilBritish GuianaChileColombiaCosta RicaCubaCuracaoDominican RepublicDutch GuianaEcuadorEl SalvadorGuatemalaHaitiHondurasJamaicaMexico ,Nicaragua ,PanamaParaguayPCTUTrinidadUruguay ,

Venezuela ,

TOTAL SOUTH AMERICA .

GRAND TOTAL

» See footnote (a), Table 2."See footnote (x). Table 2.

WORLD JEWISH POPULATION

TABLE 4

ESTIMATED JEWISH POPULATION OF ASIA,BY COUNTRIES'

225


730,00012,000.00019,856,000

582,603,000520,000

381,690,00081,900,00021,146,0005,100,0001,823,000

90,000,0001,425,000

83,603,00022,265,000

1,213,0003,856,0003,500,000

1,313,230,000

JewishPopulation

8004,0001,5001,000

17021.1261

1,20080,000

6,0001,621,000

2,2006,000

700300 *800

3,0003,500

1,753,296

Per Cent

0.10.00.00.00.00.00.00.40.1

88.90.00.40.00.00.00.00.1

0.1

AdenAfghanistanBurmaChinaCyprusIndiaIndonesia . .IranIraqIsraelJapanLebanon . . .Pakistan . . .PhilippinesSingapore . .SyriaYemen

TOTAL

• See footnote (a), Table 2.*See footnote (x), Table 2.

TABLE 5

ESTIMATED JEWISH POPULATION OF AFRICA,BY COUNTRIES *


15,000,0009,620,000

12,317,00022,934,0006,150,0001,072.0009,591,0002,130,0002,399,0003,782,000

13,669,000

98,664,000

JewishPopulation

12,000140,000

2,00040,000

1,0003,750

200,0001,5005,500

85,000 x

110,000 x

600,750

Per Cent

0.01.40.00.20.00.32.10.00.22 20.8

0.6

AbyssiniaAlgeriaBelgian CongoEgyptKenyaLibyaMorocco (including Tangier)Northern RhodesiaSouthern RhodesiaTunisiaUnion of South Africa

TOTAL

• See footnote (a), Table 2.*See footnote (x), Table 2.


TABLE 6

ESTIMATED JEWISH POPULATION OF AUSTRALIAAND NEW ZEALAND "

Country

AustraliaNew Zealand

T O T A L . . . . . .

GeneralPopulation

9,428,0002,172,000

11,600,000

JewishPopulation

53,513*4,500

58,013

Per Cent

0.60.2

0.5

• See footnote (a), Table 2.1 See footnote (x). Table 2.

TABLE 7

COUNTRIES WITH LARGEST JEWISHPOPULATION

JewishCountry Population

United States 5,200,000Soviet Union 2,000,000Israel 1,621,000England 450,000*Argentina 360,000France 325,000Canada 233,000Rumania 225,000Morocco 200,000

'See footnote (x), Table 2.

TABLE 8

ESTIMATED JEWISH POPULATION,SELECTED CITIES •

JewishCity Population

Abo 355*Amsterdam 14,000Ankara 1,000*Antwerp 12,000Athens 2,852*Basle 2.4711

Belgrade 1,451x

Berlin 6,000Berne 7921

Bogota 4,500*

Bombay 18,126*Boras 300*Bordeaux 5,000Brussels 20,000Cairo 20,000Calcutta 2,500 *


TABLE 8 (Continued)

JewishCity Population

Casablanca 65,000Cochin 5001

Florence 1,500Geneva 2.6421

Glasgow 13,400*Haifa 154,000Helsinki 1,333*Ismir 5,000*Istanbul 50.0001

Jerusalem 143,000Johannesburg 50,000La Paz 1,500Leeds 2,500*London (Greater) 280,000x

Luxembourg 8001

Manchester 31,000*Manila 3001

Marrakech 18,500Melbourne 25,000Milan 6,000Montreal 95,000Novi-Sad 2861

Oslo 6201

Paris 175,000

Rio de Janeiro 45,000Rome 12,000Salonika 1,279 x

Santiago 25,000 *Sao Paulo 40,000Sarajevo 1.0381

Stockholm 6,000x

Subotica 404*Sydney 22,000Teheran 30,000

Tel Aviv 350,000Toronto 77,000Trieste 1,500Tunis 60.0001

Valparaiso 2,000Vienna 9.2301

Warsaw 5,000Zagreb 1,286*Zurich 6,169*

Mostly for 1954-1955.See footnote (x) , Table 2.

Canada

FOR THE CANADIAN ECONOMY the period from July 1, 1955, to June 30, 1956,was one of record activity. Production increased more rapidly than in

any other postwar year. There was a large increase in investment and ex-ports, and the textiles, clothing, and other secondary industries recoveredfrom their recession of the previous year. Most of the increase in exports wasaccounted for by larger shipments of forest, mineral, and bulk chemicalproducts.

Elections for the legislatures of three provinces were held in June 1956.The parties in power retained substantial majorities—the Progressive Con-servatives in Nova Scotia, the Union Nationale in Quebec, and the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (Social Democrats) in Saskatchewan.

Jewish Population x

The total population of Canada in 1956 was estimated at 16,000,000 andthe Jewish population at 233,000, or 1.46 per cent of the total. MetropolitanMontreal had a Jewish population of 95,000, Metropolitan Toronto 77,000,Winnipeg 20,000, and Vancouver 7,000.

MARRIAGE AND FERTILITY

In 1951, as in 1941, there were fewer spinsters among Canadian and for-eign-born Jewish women in Canada than among the non-Jewish population.There were also fewer late marriages above the age of forty, fewer marriagesbelow the age of twenty, and fewer childless women among the Jewish popu-lation than among the non-Jewish population. A standard pattern appearedto prevail among Jews in Canada to a greater extent than among other eth-nic groups. The typical Jewish girl in Canada was marrying between twentyand twenty-four years of age and having from two to four children. The fer-tility rate was slightly higher among Jewish women in Canada than amongwomen of Anglo-Celtic origin, and was lower than among women of Frenchand Slavic origin. Jews in Canada who had been born in European countrieswere having larger families than those who had been born in Canada, theUnited States, or the United Kingdom.

1 Population and vital statistics are from the official records of the Dominion (of Canada)Bureau of Statistics. Immigration statistics are from the annual reports of the Canadian Depart-ment of Citizenship and Immigration. Population estimates, intermarriage rates, etc., have t>eencalculated by the Bureau of Social and Economic Research of the Canadian Jewish Congress

228

CANADA 229

Intermarriage

As previously reported in the AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 (Vol. 57,p. 301), the intermarriage rate among Jews in Canada had more than doubledduring the period from 1926 to 1953. It was not uniform throughout Canada,but varied considerably with the province of residence and the size of thecommunity.

With the sole exception of the period from 1926 to 1930, the intermarriagerate among Jews had been higher in British Columbia than in any otherprovince in Canada. Above average rates characterized the western prairieprovinces of Saskatchewan and Alberta, and the Atlantic provinces of NovaScotia, New Brunswick, Newfoundland, and Prince Edward Island, wheremany Jewish communities were small and far from the larger Jewish urbancenters. In the provinces of Ontario and Manitoba, where the rate closelyapproximated the average for Canada, it had increased from 4.7 per cent in1921-25 to more than 12 per cent in 1951-53.

Intermarriage was lowest in the Province of Quebec, where the overwhelm-ing majority of the non-Jewish population was Roman Catholic, and wherethere was little intimate social contact among the predominant French Catho-lic majority, the British Protestant minority, and the Jews, who formed aminority among the English-speaking minority.

It should be borne in mind that these were minimum rates, as reported tothe Vital Statistics Branch of the Dominion Bureau of Statistics, and did notinclude those marriages in which the Jewish groom or bride did not declarehis or her religion, or marriages in which the Jewish or non-Jewish partnerhad become converted before marriage.

TABLE 1PERCENTAGE OF INTERMARRIAGES TO TOTAL MARRIAGES

AMONG JEWS IN CANADA, 1921-53

Province

British ColumbiaSaskatchewanAlbertaNew BrunswickNova ScotiaManitobaOntarioQuebecCanada

1921-25

28.9%11.018.517.611.25.15.9an

1926-30

26.9%10.711.034.113.44.74.73.04.9

1931-35

23.1%20.722.815.413.56.94.62.95.1

1936-40

33.9%13.816.014.56.46.66.53.16.2

1941-45

33.7%24.129.431.632.310.59.84.79.6

1946-50

37.6%23.319.310.016.29.09.15.69.1

1951-53

34.0%27.619.414.718.212.112.65.5

11.0

D Information unavailable.

MOTHER TONGUE

The number of Jews in Canada reporting Yiddish as their mother tonguedecreased from 149,520 in 1931 to 103,593 in 1951, while the number report-ing English as their mother tongue increased during the same period from3,691 to 87,669.


In 1931, 95.4 per cent of the Jewish population of Canada reported Yid-dish, 2.4 per cent English, and 2.2 reported some other language as theirmother tongue. In 1951 those designating English had increased to 42.8 percent and those reporting Yiddish had decreased to 50.6 per cent. The per-centage of Canadian-born Jews whose mother tongue was Yiddish decreasedfrom 95.8 per cent in 1931 to 37.8 per cent in 1951; for those not born inCanada the percentage was 99.4 per cent in 1931 and 83.5 per cent in 1951.(The mother tongue is defined by the Canadian census in the instructions tocensus enumerators as the language a person first learned in childhood andstill understands, and in the case of infants is the language commonly spokenin the home.)

Immigration

Canada admitted 1,655 Jewish immigrants in 1955. Of these, 576 camefrom the United States and 1,084 from all other countries. This was the small-est number admitted to Canada in any postwar year, 83.2 per cent below thepostwar peak of 1948, and 18.5 per cent below the number admitted in theprevious year (1954).

Immigrants of all origins admitted to Canada in 1955 showed a decrease of43.4 per cent from the postwar peak of 1951, and 28.7 per cent from thenumber admitted in 1954.

Of the 2,036 Jewish immigrants admitted to Canada in 1954, the latestyear for which detailed official statistics were available, 34.6 per cent camefrom the United States, 25.1 per cent from Great Britain and Ireland, 16.9per cent from Israel, and 5.4 per cent from France.

Among Jewish immigrants admitted to Canada in 1954, former owners andmanagers of business and manufacturing enterprises ranked first in number,followed by clerical workers, stenographers and typists, needle-trade workers,commercial travelers, salespersons, domestic servants, and carpenters. Amongnon-Jewish immigrants unskilled laborers were most numerous, followed byfarm laborers, domestic servants, clerical workers, carpenters, stenographersand typists, auto mechanics, and bricklayers. Wives and children accountedfor 48.6 per cent of the Jewish immigrants, as compared with 44.3 per centamong immigrants of all origins.

The number of immigrants admitted to Canada from Israel during the sixyears from 1949 to 1954 inclusive was 6,032, of whom 5,414 were Jews and618 non-Jews (see Table 2). During that period 22.7 per cent of all Jewishimmigrants admitted to Canada came from Israel. At their 1952 peak of2,439, immigrants from Israel constituted 42.9 per cent of all Jewish immi-grants to Canada; they decreased to 344, or 17.3 per cent, in 1954.

A study 2 of a sample of seventy Jewish immigrant families from Israel,forming approximately 15 per cent of all immigrant Jewish families fromIsrael living in Toronto, found that most of them had come to Canada withthe object of improving their personal fortunes or to join relatives living inCanada. Approximately 76 per cent had come to Israel after World War II,

2 Newcomers from Israel, by David Savan and Moshe Katz. Canadian Jewish Congress, centraldivision, 1955.

CANADA

TABLE 2

IMMIGRANTS FROM ISRAEL ADMITTED TOCANADA, 1949-54

231

Year

194919501951195219531954

TOTAL . . .

Jewish Immigrants

From AllCountries

5,0473,0067,1675,6824,3002,036

27,238

FromIsrael

53105676

2,4391,797

3445,414

Non-Jewish

FromIsrael

1442

22517713030

618

13 per cent had lived in Israel for periods ranging from twelve to twenty-four years, and 11 per cent had been born in Israel.

Civil and Political StatusOn July 28, 1955, Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent appointed David

Croll as the first Jewish member of the Canadian Senate. Croll had previ-ously served as mayor of Windsor, as a member of the Ontario legislatureand the Canadian House of Commons, and as a minister in the Ontario pro-vincial cabinet.

In announcing Senator Croll's appointment, the prime minister stated thatalthough he was being named as a representative of the city of Toronto inthe Senate, Senator Croll "will be looked upon as a representative of ourfellow-Canadians of Jewish origin throughout the country." Senator Croll'sappointment left only one Jewish member in the Canadian House of Com-mons, Leon Crestohl.

In the provincial election of August 1955 A. W. Miller of Edmonton waselected a member of the Alberta provincial legislature, the first Jew to holdthat office.

Nathan Phillips, who in 1955 became the first Jew to be elected mayor ofToronto, was re-elected for a second term in 1956, as was Leonard Kitz,elected in 1955 as the first Jewish mayor of Halifax.

Discrimination and Anti-SemitismDuring the week of April 23-27, 1956, the first constitutional convention

of the Canadian Labor Congress, formed by the merger of the Trades andLabor Congress of Canada (AFL) and the Canadian Congress of Labor(CIO), passed several resolutions dealing with human rights. It pledged itselfto support the maintenance and expansion of freedom in Canada and tocombat any threat to civil liberties, endorsed the United Nations (UN) Uni-versal Declaration of Human Rights, and urged adoption of a Canadian Billof Rights.


Other resolutions called upon the Federal Department of Labor to appointa Citizens Advisory Committee representing labor, management, and com-munity groups to assist in setting up an effective educational program for theelimination of racial and religious discrimination in employment; recom-mended strengthening the Federal Fair Employment Practices Act and pro-viding severer penalties for infractions; urged amendments to the FederalNational Housing Act prohibiting discrimination because of race, creed,color, or nationality, in the sale or rental of houses built under its pro-visions, and providing penalties for any builder, real estate firm, or agentpracticing such discrimination; and called for the repeal of clauses in theImmigration Act which prohibited the admission of prospective immigrantsto Canada solely on the basis of race, creed, or color.

COURT DECISIONS

An Ontario court in February 1956 convicted a restaurant keeper in Dres-den, Ont., of practising racial discrimination by refusing to serve Negroes,and ordered him to pay the maximum fine. His previous conviction before amagistrate for the same offense had been quashed by Judge H. E. Grosch ontechnical grounds.

The Supreme Court of Canada, in a unanimous judgment on November15, 1955, awarded damages to a member of the Witnesses of Jehovah againstthree Quebec policemen who had broken up a religious meeting at his homein 1949. The judgment stated that since Canada had no official state religion,no one religious group had the right to impose its will on a minority, andthat police officers had no right to interfere with religious gatherings, exceptto prevent an infraction of law:

All religions are on an equal footing, and Catholics as well as Protestants,Jews, and other adherents to various religious denominations enjoy themost complete liberty of thought. The conscience of each is a personal mat-ter and the concern of nobody else. It would be distressing to think that amajority might impose its religious views upon a minority, and it wouldalso be a shocking error to believe that one serves his country or his re-ligion by denying in one province, to a minority, the same rights whichone rightly claims for oneself in another province.

After protracted litigation which had commenced in 1951, the SupremeCourt of Canada on October 19, 1955, unanimously invalidated the Holy DayClosing By-Law passed by the Montreal City Council on November 2, 1951,and the Quebec Provincial Act of 1949 upon which it was based. These hadobliged 20,000 retail stores in Montreal to close on four Roman Catholicholy days in addition to Christmas and New Year's Day. This decision con-firmed the original judgment of the Superior Court in Montreal and re-versed a decision of the Quebec Court of Appeal in 1954. The court heldthat neither the province nor the City Council could pass legislation com-pelling the observance of religious holy days or feast days. The appealagainst the Holy Day Closing By-Law was made by seven of the largest storesin Montreal, all of them non-Jewish.

CANADA 233

LEGISLATION

T h e n u m b e r of Canadian provinces that had passed antidiscriminationlaws was increased to six in March 1956. T h r e e provinces, New Brunswick,British Columbia, and Saskatchewan, passed Fair Employment Practices(FEP) acts in 1956 prohibi t ing discrimination in employment and tradeunion membership on grounds of race, religion, color, nationality, ancestry,or place of origin, and barr ing questions as to race, religion, etc., in applica-tion forms, advertising, or writ ten or oral inquiries. T h e only remainingprovinces wi thout their own antidiscriminatory laws were Prince EdwardIsland, Newfoundland, Quebec, and Alberta.

T h e Province of Saskatchewan also passed a Fair Accommodation PracticesAct, which together with the new FEP act replaced sections of the provincialBill of Rights passed in 1947. T h e new acts carried over from the Bill ofRights a general guarantee of the r ight to employment and admission to pub-lic places regardless of race, creed, religion, color, and ethnic or nationalorigin.

Unlike the Onta r io FEP act, that passed by the Saskatchewan legislatureprovided for government-init iated educational programs and inquiries anddid not rely on complaints filed by individuals. Penalties for job discrimina-tion increased with the number of offenses. Where it was established that theaccused had deprived, abridged, or restricted any person's rights, the onuswas on h im to prove that it was not because of race, religion, color, ornational origin.

Other provisions of the Saskatchewan Bill of Rights, which had been inforce since May 1, 1947, included guarantees of freedom of speech, worship,and association, freedom from arbitrary arrest and imprisonment, and theright of individuals to own or rent property and to engage in business andprofessions wi thout discrimination. All provisions of the act were b inding onthe government as well as on private individuals and corporations.

Community Organization and Communal AffairsThe agreement by which the National Conference on Israel and Jewish

Rehabilitation was set up in 1951 to combine all fund-raising campaigns inCanada for Israel, United Jewish Relief Agencies (JDC), and other Jewishoverseas needs into one United Jewish Appeal throughout Canada expiredin December 1955. The United Israel Appeal, the United Jewish ReliefAgencies (JDC), and the Canadian Jewish Congress decided to continue theUnited Jewish Appeal, the United Israel Appeal receiving 65 per cent, andthe Canadian Jewish Congress and the United Jewish Relief Agencies 35 percent, of the proceeds of the annual campaign.

In the larger Jewish communities such as Montreal, Toronto, Winnipeg,and Vancouver, the annual campaign was conducted by the community's Jew-ish welfare fund or combined Jewish appeal, in conjunction with the cam-paign for funds for its local Jewish institutions. In the smaller Jewish com-munities the United Jewish Appeal was conducted under the auspices of theJoint National Fund-Raising Committee of the Zionist Organization ofCanada and the Canadian Jewish Congress.


While the results of the 1955-56 fund-raising campaigns were better thanin the preceding year, particularly in the larger Jewish communities, theywere still below the peak reached in 1948-49.

Jewish EducationThe number and proportion of Jewish children in Canada attending Jew-

ish schools of various types continued to increase. Approximately 60 per centof all Jewish boys and 40 per cent of all Jewish girls of school age in Canadaattended some type of Jewish school for an average of seven hours a week.The largest enrollment was in the modern Talmud Torahs and congrega-tional Hebrew schools using the direct method of instruction in modernHebrew. Next in number of pupils came the Farband schools, where Hebrewand Yiddish occupied equal places on the curriculum. Since 1941 the type ofschool known as the mesifta or yeshiva k'tana (modified yeshiva) had shownrapid growth, particularly in the city of Montreal.

The percentage of children in Canada whose Jewish education was limitedto the Sunday school was comparatively small, while children attendingHebrew or Yiddish day schools where they also received their education inthe public school subjects formed from 20 to 40 per cent of all children at-tending Jewish schools in such cities as Montreal, Winnipeg, Edmonton, andCalgary.

Whereas in the United States the majority of Jewish day schools or "pa-rochial" schools were yeshivot ktanot maintained by Orthodox groups, thefirst Jewish day school in Canada was established by the Peretz Folk Schoolin Winnipeg, and the majority of the Hebrew day schools in Canada wereconducted by modern Talmud Torahs and Conservative congregations.

The Canadian Jewish Congress maintained two Hebrew teachers' trainingschools, the United Jewish Teachers' Seminary in Montreal and the Mid-rasha l'Morim in Toronto. Nine teachers graduated from the United JewishTeachers' Seminary on June 13, 1956, and fifteen teachers who had graduatedin 1954 received their permanent teacher's diplomas after two years of teach-ing. Most of the students were graduates of the Hebrew and Yiddish dayschools in Montreal.

Religious Life

The building of new synagogues in the suburban areas of Canadian citiesreached a peak during 1955-56. In Montreal two new synagogues, one Ortho-dox and the other Conservative, were completed and dedicated, and buildingwas commenced of five additional Orthodox synagogues and one Reformtemple. In Toronto two new synagogues, one Orthodox and the other Con-servative, were erected and dedicated in the new suburban area of NorthYork, and another Orthodox synagogue erected a new youth recreationalcentre. New synagogues were completed and dedicated in Niagara Falls, On-tario, and Lethbridge, Alberta, and a new Orthodox synagogue was plannedfor the Winnipeg suburb of West Kildonan.

There had been no rabbinical seminaries in Canada prior to 1941, but in1955-56 there were three yeshivot in Montreal, the Lubavitcher Tomchei

CANADA 235

T 'mimim, the Merkaz H a T o r a h , and the Meor Hagolah. Since 1950 theMerkaz H a T o r a h and Lubavitcher Yeshiva in Montreal had graduatedtwenty-two rabbis. Twenty-three Canadian students had graduated from rab-binical seminaries in the Uni ted States since 1946. Of these, twelve graduatedfrom the Or thodox seminaries of Yeshiva University in New York, the He-brew Theological College in Chicago, and the Ner Israel Rabbinical Collegein Baltimore; ten graduated from the Jewish Theological Seminary in NewYork, and one graduated from the Hebrew Union College in Cincinnati .Most of these forty-five new Canadian rabbis were Canadian-born, or hadlived in Canada since early childhood. T h e r e were forty-eight Canadian rab-binical students a t tending seminaries in the Uni ted States in 1955-56. Thir ty-five were in Or thodox yeshivot, ten in the Jewish Theological Seminary ofAmerica, and three in the Hebrew Union College—Jewish Inst i tute of Re-ligion.

Zionism and Relations with IsraelIt was reported at the biennial national convention of the Zionist Organi-

zation of Canada held on March 8 to 11, 1956, that $3,950,000 had beenraised in Canada for the United Israel Appeal and $650,000 for the JewishNational Fund during 1954 and 1955, making a total of $4,600,000 for thattwo-year period, as compared with a total of $5,000,000 raised in 1952 and1953.

In March 1956 an Emergency United Israel Appeal Fund was launchedwith a quota of $2,000,000 over and above the annual objective of the UnitedIsrael Appeal; efforts were being made to equal or even exceed in 1956 theamounts raised in Canada for the United Israel Appeal in the peak yearof 1949.

The goal of §7,000,000 within three years, set in 1953 when the IsraelBond Campaign was inaugurated in Canada, was surpassed when sales byMay 1956 totalled approximately $12,000,000 in less than three years.

The Canada-Israel Corporation, established jointly by the Zionist Organi-zation of Canada (ZOC) and the Canadian Jewish Congress (CJC) with acapital of §500,000, financed the purchase and export of Canadian wheat toIsrael valued at more than $2,800,000 during a period of six months fromJuly 1, 1955, to December 31, 1955, with the aid of the Canadian Govern-ment Exports Credits Insurance Corporation.

Canadian Hadassah, affiliated with the Women's International Zionist Or-ganization (WIZO), had 300 chapters in 80 Jewish communities throughoutCanada. Its 13,000 members raised slightly more than $1,800,000 in the twoyears 1954 and 1955; $659,000 was earmarked for Youth Aliyah, and the bal-ance went for Canadian Hadassah projects.

The Canadian Friends of the Hebrew University undertook to erect abuilding to house the law faculty in Jerusalem at a cost of $750,000, and itspresident, Allan Bronfman, announced a personal gift of $100,000 for theerection of an amphitheatre on the university's new campus.

The Mizrachi Organization of Canada undertook the erection of a CanadaHouse on the campus of the new Bar-Ilan University at Ramat Gan at a costof $300,000.


The ZOC and the CJC in June 1956 made representation to Prime Min-ister Louis St. Laurent and Secretary of State for External Affairs Lester B.Pearson, urging the Canadian government to make an immediate and favora-ble decision to sell Israel the jet planes it had requested.

Social Services

A new wing of the Jewish Hospital of Hope, a hospital for chronic invalidsin Montreal, was to be completed in August 1956, at a cost of $265,000.

The new hospital wing of the Jewish Old Folks Home of Winnipegopened on June 24, 1956, providing accommodation for thirty-four beds,a pharmacy, and a solarium. The home housed 180 persons whose averageage approximated ninety years. Plans for the erection of a new Jewish homefor the aged in Vancouver, at a cost of $200,000, were announced on May11, 1956.

In June 1956 the Bureau of Social and Economic Research of the CJCpublished the sixth of a series of new "Canadian Jewish Population Studies,"the Population Characteristics of the Jewish Population of Montreal, and astudy of synagogue and Jewish educational facilities in the new residentialarea of Montreal.

The Central Division of the CJC also published in February 1956 a Self-Survey of the Jewish Community of Peterborough, the tenth of a series ofself-surveys of small Jewish communities in Ontario, and a Study of New-comers from Israel, by David Savan and Moshe Katz, a survey of recentJewish immigrants from Israel to Canada.

Cultural ActivitiesThe Jewish Music Council in Montreal, sponsored by the CJC, had a very

active season and presented a number of well-attended concerts and recitals.These included one of contemporary Jewish music, featuring the McGillChamber Music Ensemble, conducted by the well-known Jewish composerand conductor, Alexander Brott; one of Jewish music for children, con-ducted by Ethel Stark, founder and conductor of the Women's SymphonyOrchestra in Montreal; a festival of folk art, consisting of Jewish andFrench folk songs and dances; and on May 30, 1956, before an audience ofmore than 1,200, a festival of synagogue music featuring the first perform-ance of Shiro Chadosho composed by Lazar Weiner, sung in Hebrew by theElgar Choir of Montreal, and conducted by the composer.

The Central Division of the CJC in Toronto commissioned in 1955 anoriginal composition entitled A Suite of Israeli Dances by Raymond Jassel,a Jewish composer in Toronto.

Exhibitions of the paintings of the late Alexander Berkovitch (1892—1951) and his daughter, Sylvia Ary, were sponsored by the CJC during thelatter half of 1955, as was an exhibition of Jewish religious art objects atMcGill University.

Among the books published by Canadian Jewish authors during 1955-56was a novel of Montreal Jewish life, entitled Son of a Smaller Hero, by Mor-decai Richler, which was greeted with much greater acclaim by non-Jewish

CANADA 237

critics in London than by Jewish critics in Canada. A Yiddish translationof the Midrash Lamentat ions was also published by Shimshon Dunsky inMontreal , and a book of historical essays by Ar thur A. Chiel, entit led JewishExperiences in Early Manitoba, was published in Winnipeg.

Personalia

Moishe Dickstein, veteran Labor Zionist leader and one of the foundersof the CJC and the Jewish People's Schools in Montreal, died on February26, 1956, at the age of sixty-five. Louis Fitch, veteran lawyer, prominentZionist leader and former member of the Legislative Assembly of Quebec,died in Montreal on April 13, 1956, at the age of sixty-seven. Israel Hoffer,one of Canada's pioneer and successful Jewish farmers and founder of theJewish settlement of Sonnenfeld in Saskatchewan, died March 20, 1956, atthe age of sixty-nine.

Louis ROSENBERG

Western Europe

GREAT BRITAIN

IN THE PERIOD from July 1, 1955, through June 30, 1956, the Anglo-Jewishcommunity celebrated the three-hundredth anniversary of the resettle-

ment of the Jews in England under Oliver Cromwell, following Menassehben Israel's petition of 1656.

Tercentenary Celebration

Celebrations of this event began with Tercentenary Sabbath on January 7,1956, when a message of good wishes to the community was received from theQueen. Chief Rabbi Israel Brodie preached at the Great Synagogue—the"Cathedral Synagogue" of Anglo-Jewry, now, unhappily, to cease to exist.An exhibition of Anglo-Jewish art and history was opened by ViscountSamuel at the Victoria and Albert Museum on January 5, 1956.

On May 28, 1956, a banquet at Guildhall, London, was attended by rep-resentatives of the crown (the Duke of Edinburgh), the state (the primeminister and leaders of the opposition parties), and the Anglican, RomanCatholic, and Free churches. Viscount Samuel presided. It was the first timethat a Jewish gathering had ever been addressed by both a member of theroyal family and a prime minister. Also unique was the garden party givenin honor of the tercentenary by the Council of Christians and Jews, withthe Archbishop of Canterbury as host, on June 12, 1956.

On March 22, 1956, a tercentenary service of dedication and thanksgivingwas held at Bevis Marks, the London Sephardic synagogue erected only forty-five years after the resettlement. It was attended by the principal represen-tatives of Jewry throughout Britain—Ashkenazic and Sephardic, Orthodox,Liberal, and Reform. The only previous joint service of this type was held atthe Great Synagogue in 1937, on the occasion of the coronation of the lateKing George VI. Complete harmony was not, however, attained, since theUnion of Orthodox Hebrew Congregations was not officially represented,and some members of the London Beth Din were also absent.

International Relationships

The question of Egypt's refusal, in defiance of the United Nations, toallow free passage through the Suez Canal to ships bound for Israel, was re-peatedly raised in Parliament during the year, generally by members of theLabor opposition, although Conservative members also lodged protests. How-

238

GREAT BRITAIN 239

ever, this problem had become mainly of academic interest since Egypt'sseizure of the Suez Canal, on July 26, 1956.

During the visit of Nikolai A. Bulganin and Nikita S. Khrushchev to Brit-ain in April 1956 it was hoped a representative Anglo-Jewish delegationmight be received by the Russian leaders to discuss the situation of the Jews inthe Soviet Union. A proposal to this effect by the Board of Deputies of BritishJews was turned down, as were similar approaches by the European Execu-tive of the Agudas Israel and the World Jewish Congress (British Section).In April 1956 a memorandum on the situation of Russian Jewry was sent bythe Board of Deputies to the Soviet leaders.

The various Anglo-Jewish organizations subsequently claimed that lack ofunity had led to the loss of an opportunity for British Jewry to intervene onbehalf of their co-religionists in Russia, and each sought to justify its ownposition.

The Board of Deputies was still considering the possibility of a visit tothe Soviet Union by an Anglo-Jewish delegation, and at a meeting on June17, 1956, its president, Barnett Janner, expressed the hope that other or-ganizations would join with the board in making the delegation as repre-sentative as possible. It appeared likely, however, that other representativebodies would also send their own delegations.

Although Bulganin and Khruschev did not meet any Jewish delegationduring their stay in Britain, they were not left wholly unacquainted with theviews of the Jewish community. Following a request by the Jewish LaborCommittee of the United States, the Socialist leader, Hugh Gaitskell, raisedthe issue at a private dinner given the Soviet delegation by the Labor PartyExecutive at the House of Commons on April 23, 1956. Asking about SocialDemocratic leaders imprisoned in Eastern Europe, he added: "The LaborParty is also concerned about the position of the Jewish minority in Russia."This apparently innocent remark led to an uproar, believed by some ob-servers to have been due to a mistranslation. Khruschev seemed to be underthe impression that there had been a charge of anti-Semitism in Russia—anaccusation that he hotly denied. Indeed, the atmosphere became so acri-monious that there was no opportunity to pursue the matter further.

SHECHITA

It seemed improbable that the Crouch bill, removing the exemption ofJewish and Moslem communities from having to stun beasts before slaughter-ing them for food, would be reintroduced in the near future (see AMERICANJEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 309). The opponents of Shechita (ritualslaughter) in Britain had been relatively inactive. Nevertheless, the questionof kashruth was giving cause for some anxiety, largely because the relativelyhigh price of kosher meat was making it increasingly difficult for Jewishfamilies in the lower-income level to observe the dietary laws.

A committee of inquiry set up by the Board of Deputies in October 1955to consider this matter reported to the board in June 1956 that the averagedifference between the retail prices of kosher and nonkosher meat was ls.6d.($ .21) per pound, of which sixpence ($ .07) was attributable to the higherprices paid by the kosher butcher to the wholesaler. The committee recom-


mended that the prices paid by the public should be reduced by at least six-pence per pound, and that unless the butchers voluntarily took steps in thisdirection, consideration be given to a scheme whereby consumers would begiven some voice in the fixing of prices of kosher meat, e.g., by the setting upof a consultative committee on prices or a price regulation committee. TheLicensed Retail Kosher Meat Traders' Association, while rejecting the pricereductions proposed by the committee, nevertheless declared itself willing toserve on a consultative committee to deal with questions relating to thekosher meat trade.

A further complication in regard to the administration of Shechita in Britainlay in the fact that the Union of Orthodox Hebrew Congregations suppliedcertain kosher butcher shops in London, and it was charged that this vio-lated an agreement arrived at in 1933 between the United Synagogue andother interested bodies.

The Board of Deputies, at its meeting on April 15, 1956, considered a re-port of its law and parliamentary committee on "the possibility of the legali-zation of the word 'kosher' and the protection of that word for the benefit ofthe Jewish community." The committee thought that there was little likeli-hood of such legislation being introduced; but a possibility was the registra-tion of a distinctive trademark described as "kosher" under the authority ofthe rabbinical authorities. However, agreement would have to be reached be-tween the various sections of the community before this step could be taken.The matter was left for the consideration of the rabbinical authorities; at thetime of writing (August 1956) no decision had been arrived at.

Community OrganizationHopes that had been entertained for a greater degree of cooperation be-

tween Anglo-Jewish organizations were not fulfilled. There seemed littlelikelihood of the restoration of the Joint Foreign Committee of the Boardof Deputies and the Anglo-Jewish Association which went out of existencein July 1943; independent representations were being made to the Britishgovernment by a number of organizations purporting to speak for Anglo-Jewry—such as the Board of Deputies, the Anglo-Jewish Association, theAgudas Israel, and the British Section of the World Jewish Congress. Thiswas notable in connection with the Jewish case relative to the British supplyof arms to the Arab States and their refusal to Israel, as well as to the plightof Jewry in North Africa and other trouble-spots. The Board of Deputies re-jected a formal proposal made by Nahum Goldmann in February 1956 toenter into a world-functioning Jewish organization, on the ground that par-ticipation might affect the board's independence.

Nor were communal organizations without their internal dissensions. Abra-ham Cohen, its former president, issued a warning on October 16, 1955, thatit would be disastrous if the Board of Deputies broke up into parties.

Strong protests were voiced by the Board of Deputies as well as by otherorganizations and individuals, against allegedly unsatisfactory methods ofallocating German restitution funds so far as British claims were concerned.There was particular concern at the failure of the Conference on JewishMaterial Claims against Germany (CJMCAG) to recommend relief allocations

GREAT BRITAIN 241

to Britain, and its decision to recommend what was described as a compara-tively small sum to British organizations for cultural activities. British reliefapplications had totaled $722,400. Cultural claims by British groups hadamounted to $836,500, of which $123,284 was recommended by the Britishadvisory committee. But only about §100,000 was allocated by the CJMCAGfor cultural activities in Britain, of which $56,000 was for schools.

Anti-Semitism and DiscriminationDuring 1955-56 active anti-Semitism in Britain was almost moribund. Sir

Oswald Mosley's Union Movement was inactive so far as Jews were con-cerned; his major subject of agitation was the danger of colored immigrationfrom the West Indies and the consequent perils of miscegenation; Mosleyalso had a brief and inconclusive flirtation with the French Poujadist move-ment. His candidates in the London County Council elections were withoutexception at the bottom of the polls. One or two organizations among the"lunatic fringe" continued to attack the Jews, but their influence was negli-gible. The defense committee of the Board of Deputies, however, remainedactive, on the principle that even though anti-Semitism appeared dead, socialdisturbances or a trade recession might bring it to dangerous life.

Allegations of anti-Semitism in professions and in schools were difficult tosubstantiate or to refute. At the annual dinner of the London Jewish Hos-pital Medical Society on March 22, 1956, Dr. Max Sorsby, the society's presi-dent, declared that there were in the medical profession restrictions againstJews amounting to a numerus clausus. It was not uncommon, he added, fora Jewish student to apply to all the London medical schools and not be ac-cepted.

Religious ActivitiesThe rift between Orthodoxy on the one hand and Reform and Liberal

Judaism on the other apparently widened during the period under review;as previously noted, some Orthodox representatives refused to attend theTercentenary Service at Bevis Marks Synagogue because Liberals and Re-formers had been invited to participate. However, in view of the importanceof the occasion, the chief rabbi agreed to attend the Bevis Marks service. Thematter was raised at the Conference of Anglo-Jewish Preachers held in Lon-don in May 1955, when Rabbi Wolf Gottlieb (chairman of the Glasgow BethDin) declared that there was "no room for spiritual coexistence between usand them [the Reform movement]." Referring to the service at Bevis Marks,Chief Rabbi Brodie said that he did not normally approve of services whereall sections participated, and that, bearing in mind the need to emphasize theOrthodox position, it was important not to "blur distinctions." He also de-plored "pandering" to Jews who, whatever might be their services to thegeneral community, had made no contribution as Jews and could be classifiedas such only because of their Jewish descent.

There were no reliable statistics, but it appeared that numerically the Re-formers were gaining in strength and that Anglo-Jewry was less traditionallyobservant than it had been even a few years previous.


A loan of £200,000 ($560,000) for building projects was approved by theUnited Synagogue; plans were published in October 1955 for the new build-ing of the St. John's Wood Synagogue, London; and the Marble Arch andDistrict Hebrew Congregation was established in February 1956.

Jewish EducationThe problem of financing Jewish education in London became even more

acute during 1955-56. At a communal conference on the subject convened byChief Rabbi Brodie on October 4, 1955, it was stated that the London Boardof Jewish Religious Education was faced with a current deficit of £15,000($42,000), and that this would rise in subsequent years to £25,000 ($70,000).The main source of revenue was a 25 per cent education tax levied on allmembers of the United Synagogue. The London Board had an enrollment of15,000 pupils.

Some controversy arose between the Zionist Federation of Great Britainand Ireland and the Orthodox religious leaders on the subject of Zionistparticipation in Jewish schools and the fear that the education in them mightbe to some extent "nationalized" or secularized. The chief rabbi had, as farback as 1953, declared that "not a single penny of Jewish Agency fundsshould be spent on Jewish education," and advised Zionist groups who mightconsider offering financial assistance to Jewish day schools to refrain from do-ing so. However, in January 1956 the Zionist Federation established its firstJewish primary day school at Edgware, London, with the London Board ofJewish Religious Education as a party to the agreement; and at the annualconference of the federation (April 16, 1956) the retiring chairman, IsaacSolomon Fox, said that the federation had now "adopted" the Jewish dayschool movement, and hoped by so doing to create "a revolution in the up-bringing of our children." At the Anglo-Jewish Preachers' Conference (May3, 1956), Rabbi Brodie said that he had received pledges from the federationthat nothing would be done at its schools which would offend the scruples ofOrthodox Jews, and should there be any difficulty the matter would be re-ferred to him for his final decision. But the chief rabbi made it clear that hehad given his approval to only one of these schools (that at Edgware); and hewarned ministers that they should not accept "tempting offers" or rely onany statement that Zionist schools had his approval.

HIGHER EDUCATION

Jews' College, the principal stronghold of Orthodox Jewish education inBritain, celebrated its centenary on November 16, 1955, when Alan A. Mo-catta laid the foundation stone of its new building to be erected in MontaguSquare, London. The dedication ceremony was performed by Chief RabbiBrodie, president of the college. The new building was to be completedwithin two-and-a-half years at a cost of £150,000 ($420,000); and another£30,000 ($84,000) would be needed for its equipment as a teaching and resi-dential college. In connection with its centenary celebrations the collegepublished Jews' College 1855-1955 by the late Albert M. Hyamson.

At its annual meeting in London on May 13, 1956, the Association of Svna-gogues in Great Britain, the principal Reform organization, decided to ap-

GREAT BRITAIN 243

point a director of religious studies as a preliminary to the establishment ofa theological college at Oxford or Cambridge for the purpose of trainingministers and teachers.

At Hillel House, London, the Selig Brodetsky Library was opened; and anew Jewish section of the Manchester Central Library was established tocommemorate the lord mayoralty of Alderman Abraham Moss.

Zionism and Fund Raising

The Zionist Federation of Great Britain and Ireland and other Zionist or-ganizations were active throughout 1955-56. Like other Jewish bodies, theymade representations to the British government on Middle Eastern affairsaffecting the interests of Israel, particularly the supply of arms to the Arabstates.

The annual Joint Palestine Appeal was launched on February 18, 1956,the target figure being £2,500,000 ($7,000,000). This was £500,000 ($1,400,-000) more than the previous year. Some £650,000 ($1,820,000) was raised atthe opening dinner. The institutions aided by the appeal included the KerenHayesod (Palestine Foundation Fund), the Keren Kayemet (Jewish NationalFund), the Mizrachi, and the Histadrut.

An Anglo-Jewish Development Corporation was launched in June 1956 todevelop Kiryat Gan in the Lachish area. Anglo-Jewish volunteers went toIsrael border settlements as part of the Shacham scheme, under which Jewishyouth between the ages of eighteen and twenty-seven from the Diaspora wentto Israel for a period of one year to assist hard-pressed collective settlementson the frontiers. A menorah, the work of Benno Elkan, was presented to theKnesset in Jerusalem in April 1956 as a gift from the British Parliament. Anappeal to the government to reconsider the possibility of a bilateral defensetreaty with Israel was contained in a resolution passed by the Board ofDeputies on November 13, 1955.

PARLIAMENT

Questions and debates in Parliament on subjects of Jewish interest wereconfined largely to Egypt's restrictions on the passage of Israel-bound shipsthrough the Suez Canal, and the supply of arms to the Arab states to the dis-advantage of Israel.

The speech of Prime Minister Sir Anthony Eden, at the Lord Mayor's ban-quet at Guildhall, London, on November 9, 1955, caused considerable dis-may. Declaring that the British government would be willing to help to pro-duce a "compromise solution" between Israel and her Arab neighbors, Edenoffered a formal guarantee to both sides, provided an "acceptable arrange-ment" could be made about their common boundaries. This was generallyinterpreted to mean territorial concessions by Israel, and was described asbeing "Munich all over again."

While refusing to withdraw or qualify his Guildhall speech, Sir Anthonydid, however, in the course of a subsequent debate (December 12, 1955) re-affirm the Tripartite Declaration pledging assistance to Israel if it were at-tacked or to an Arab country if it were attacked by Israel.


As the result of a by-election another Jew, Sir Keith Joseph, was returnedto Parliament as a Conservative. There were now nineteen Jewish membersof parliament, two of them Conservative and seventeen Labor.

Cultural Activities

The Ben Uri Art Gallery, wnich in addition to painting and sculpture alsoencouraged drama and other cultural activities, in June 1956 celebrated itsfortieth anniversary. The centenary of the birth of Sigmund Freud waswidely commemorated, and a tablet was unveiled outside his former home inLondon. The newly established Isaac Wolfson Foundation at Manchestersponsored a new quarterly, the Journal of Semitic Studies, whose first issueappeared in April 1956.

A Jewish Book Week exhibition, in connection with the tercentenary, wasopened at Woburn House, London, on March 21, 1956.

Social Service

The past year saw a notable growth in the number of Friendship Clubs forolder people. At the time of writing (August 1956) there were fifty-four ofthese clubs in London and the provinces with a total membership of about6,000. Many of the clubs were assisted by the welfare committee of the UnitedSynagogue. In addition to social and cultural activities, there was a centralholiday scheme which offered members the opportunity to have holidays atreduced prices. Over 800 members took advantage of this opportunity.

Personalia

Viscount Samuel celebrated his eighty-fifth birthday on November 6, 1955,when he was honored by Jews and non-Jews alike. At a dinner organized twodays later by the British Friends of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, itwas announced that about £65,000 ($182,000) had already been subscribedin London and Manchester towards a testimonial fund of £100,000 (§280,-000) to enable the university to build a library, housing books on philosophyand science, to be named after Lord Samuel.

Rabbi Meyer Steinberg, minister of the Brixton Synagogue, London, wasappointed a day an of the London Beth Din on March 12, 1956. Sir BasilHenriques retired, on October 31, 1955, from the East London JuvenileCourt after thirty-two years as a member and eighteen years as chairman.

In the New Year Honor List (January 2, 1956) Arthur David Waley wasmade a Companion of Honor for his services to the study of Chinese litera-ture; while knighthoods were conferred on Professor Hersch Lauterpacht,judge of the International Court of Justice; Colonel Frederick C. Stern, treas-urer of the Linnaean Society; and Professor Solly Zuckerman, deputy chair-man of the Advisory Council on Scientific Policy. In the Queen's BirthdayHonors List (May 31, 1956) a baronage was conferred on Sir Henry Cohen, pro-fessor of medicine at Liverpool University, for services to medicine, while aknighthood went to Brigadier Edmund H. L. Beddington; Rabbi Jacob Dang-

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low was made a C.M.G. (Companion of the Order of St. Michael and St.George) for services to the community in Australia.

Among prominent members of the Anglo-Jewish community who diedduring 1955-56 were: Professor Samson Wright, John Astor professor ofphysiology of the University of London and a vice president of the BritishFriends of the Hebrew University (March 11, 1956); Sigmund Gestetner,president of the Jewish National Fund of Great Britain and Ireland (April19, 1956); Abraham Abrahams, chairman of the Zionist Revisionist Organi-zation of Great Britain and Ireland (July 22, 1955); Noah Barou, chairmanof the European Executive of the World Jewish Congress (Sept. 5, 1955);Maurice Simon, translator of the Talmud and the Zohar (November 21, 1955);Rabbi Isaiah Raffalovich, a pioneer Zionist and former minister in Liverpool(June 1956); Percy Newman, prominent Birmingham industrialist who in1953 had presented £55,000 ($154,000) to the Jewish National Fund Chari-table Trust for establishing a village for settling Yemenite families nearJerusalem (July 6, 1955); Dr. Arthur Felix, bacteriologist and authority ontyphus (January 17, 1956); Mark Labovitch, industrialist and president ofthe Leeds Jewish Representative Council (February 1956); and Hyman Mor-ris, lord mayor of Leeds in 1941-42 (December 1955).

CHARLES SOLOMON

FRANCE

T~'RANGE UNDERWENT a turbulent and difficult year domestically and in itsA. dealings with North Africa during the period under review (November1955 through October 1956). Rising dissatisfaction with the Edgar Faure gov-ernment and the sharp parliamentary attacks of Pierre Mendes-France led toFaure's downfall in November 1955, after ten months in office, and broughtnew elections on January 2, 1956. A new party, Union et Fraternite Fran-caise, headed by Pierre Poujade, won more than two and a half million votes,12 per cent of the total, and elected 53 deputies. Twelve parties shared the544 seats in metropolitan France. The Communists won 145, with a fourthof the popular vote. The election confirmed the fragmentation of the Ras-semblement du Peuple Fran^ais, founded by General Charles de Gaulle in1950. A new government was formed by a coalition of Socialists headed byGuy Mollet, with ninety-four seats, and Radical-Socialists headed by Mendes-France, with thirty-four seats, with the parliamentary support of the bulk ofthe centrist parties. Mollet became premier, and Mendes-France vice premier.In succeeding months, Mendes-France (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK,1955, [Vol. 56], p. 317-18; 1956. [Vol. 57], p. 318-19) saw his influence inthe government diminish. He finally withdrew over Mollet's Algerian policyin the summer of 1956.

The election campaign produced anonymous anti-Semitic tracts in someparts of the country. In Paris, anti-Semitic stickers were plastered by night onthe election posters of various Jewish candidates. There was no evidence,however, that this had any significant effect on the vote. Jews elected to par-


liament included Mendes-France; Daniel Mayer, who became chairman ofthe assembly's foreign affairs committee; and Jules Moch, a former ministerof the interior. Among the many Jews who held posts of importance inFrance during the year were Professor Ren6 Cassin, vice president of theConseil d'Etat; Senators Leo Hamon and Michel Debrd, who continued inoffice; jurists Lyon-Caen and Leon Meiss; Julien Cain, head of the Frenchlibrary system; and Max Hysmans, head of the nationalized aviation com-pany, Air France. Jews were prominent in journalism, in the law and medi-cal professions, and in academic circles.

North African SituationFrance relinquished its protectorate over Morocco in an accord signed in

Paris on March 2, 1956. The limitations on Tunisian sovereignty included inthe French-Tunisian accord of September 1955 were gradually dropped, andthat country, too, became fully independent of France. The French govern-ment was determined, however, to hold Algeria, which it insisted was an in-tegral part of France. Premier Guy Mollet refused to deal with Algeriannationalists, who had begun guerrilla fighting against French rule in Novem-ber 1954. He followed Algerian Resident Minister Robert Lacoste's recom-mendation that Algeria be pacified first, with free elections and reformsafterward. In a show of determination the French government resortedto the draft in order to bolster regular army forces in Algeria. The sultanof Morocco, Sidi Mohammed Ben Youssef, and Premier Habib Bourguibaof Tunisia repeatedly expressed their sympathy with Algerian national-ists. They warned France that their own moderate regimes, friendly to theFrench, would be threatened by extremist sentiment unless the Algerian con-flict could be resolved quickly. A meeting of the sultan, Premier Bourguiba,and Algerian nationalist leaders was due to take place in Tunis in October1956. The French, angered at the sultan's hospitality to Algerian leaders, onOctober 22, 1956, pirated a Moroccan plane containing five Algerian na-tionalist chiefs, and imprisoned them; French relations with North Africancountries reached a new low.

The French accused Egyptian Premier Abdel Gamal Nasser of aiding theAlgerian nationalists with arms and money. Egypt's nationalization of theSuez Canal in July 1955 was the last straw for French opinion. France'stroubles with Egypt brought her close to Israel, and the French furnishedIsrael with arms, including jet planes that she could not get elsewhere.When, in October 1956, Israeli troops entered Egypt's Sinai peninsula,France and Great Britain invaded the Suez Canal zone.

Economic Situation

The Algerian war strained the French economy. A strong tendency towardinflation was temporarily checked in the fall of 1956 by a bond issue and theborrowing of $250,000,000 from the International Monetary Fund. Frenchproduction made notable gains during 1955-56, but the balance of trade re-mained highly unfavorable. There was full employment and even a laborshortage, pushing the low French wage scale up slightly. Economists calcu-

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lated that the French worker's real take-home wage was a trifle higher thanbefore World War II, but added that concepts of decent minimum livingstandards had altered meanwhile. The government passed legislation makingthree-week vacations for workers mandatory, and increasing social securitybenefits for the aged, but it failed to tackle the wretched housing situation,a major source of French discontent, or to deal with fundamental French eco-nomic difficulties.

Anti-Semitic AgitationFrench economic maladjustment was largely responsible for the Poujade

movement, whose leadership showed anti-democratic and anti-Semitic tend-encies (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956, [Vol. 57], p. 320). The gradualintroduction of mass production and chain stores threatened the livelihoodof many small shopkeepers, businessmen, and artisans. There were numerouseconomically depressed regions, particularly in southwest France. The taxsystem was cumbersome, and often capricious and unjust. Capitalizing onsuch grievances, Poujade attracted over half a million people into his Unionde Defense des Commercants et Artisans de France (UDCA), which became apolitical movement in November 1955.

Poujadist anti-Semitism was due in part to former Vichy collaborationistswho became Poujade's allies. In part, it reflected a certain French "villagexenophobia," marked by suspicion of all things "different" or foreign. At thefirst Poujade postelection rally, one speaker declared: "Our government is atthe service of foreign powers, or of more or less stateless economic powers.""Our press is in homeless and foreign hands," asserted another. Followingthe meeting J. J. Kaufmann, a Jewish merchant from Strasbourg who hadbeen one of the founders of the movement, resigned, charging that there was"an atmosphere of hatred that foreshadowed pogroms."

Poujade denied that he or his movement was anti-Semitic, but he madesuch statements as: "I find it dishonorable for us to allow people who havebeen in France for scarcely a generation to take up the reins, and boastabout seeking to lead us." Or, "The real racists are the Jews, who for gen-erations have refused to marry Christians." According to the statutes of theUDCA, "Only Frenchmen whose families have been of French nationalityfor three generations can be part of the administrative council" of the or-ganization. A similar principle, Poujade asserted at a Foreign Press Associ-ation luncheon in Paris in January 1956, should apply to French governmentposts. The Poujadist leaders claimed that they were not attacking Jews, but"too-new Frenchmen who permit themselves to criticize in a country that isnot theirs." But their attacks were concentrated most viciously on Jewishparliamentarians, whether they were Frenchmen of recent date or sixth-gen-eration Frenchmen like Mendes-France, a particular Poujadist target. InApril 1956, Francis Caillet, administrative secretary of the Poujadist groupin parliament, resigned from the movement because, he said, "of disagree-ment over the anti-Semitic position of the group and because of certain po-litical considerations." In May 1956, the Poujadist weekly Fraternite Fran-gaise featured a picture story on the theme that Jewish smugglers werefeeding arms to the rebels in Algeria. A few weeks later it repeated all the


canards of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, and linked Jews with Com-munism.

Poujadism denounced French parliamentary institutions, demanding theestablishment of a corporative society with a system of "parallel unions . . .built upon well-defined social layers with readily defined interest." To paral-lel his UDCA, Poujade sought with little success to organize unions of peas-ants, workers, and the liberal professions. As time went on, Poujade's ad-herents began to feel deceived, since taxes continued to mount, despite thepresence of Poujadists in parliament. Some deputies left the movement.There were calls for an accounting of the huge sums of money raised byPoujade. Disgruntled UDCA members organized a dissident group. But inOctober 1956, Poujadism was still strong. As could be expected, French Jew-ish organizations came out vigorously against Poujadism. "We are opposedto Poujadism not just because it is anti-Semitic, but because it is anti-demo-cratic," declared the president of the Consistoire Central des Israelites deFrance et d'Alge'rie, Guy de Rothschild. "As so often in French history, ourinterests and those of the French community coincide."

Throughout 1955-56, Mendes-France continued to be the favorite whip-ping boy of the anti-Semitic press, which held him responsible for Frenchlosses in North Africa. These publications also sought to minimize the num-ber of Jewish dead resulting from Nazism and the war. They featured a pur-ported anti-Semitic statement of Benjamin Franklin (actually a product ofNazi propaganda mills), when his 250th anniversary was celebrated inFrance in February 1956. But, on the whole, Rivarol was somewhat less anti-Semitic in tone during 1955—56 than in previous years, due to a certaingrudging admiration for Israel. Indeed, this weekly even went so far as tosupport the sending of French arms to Israel. For so doing, Aspects de laFrance reproached Rivarol.

A number of new anti-Semitic publications appeared during 1955—56. LdonDupont, a former Poujade lieutenant who had split with him, issued a crudebimonthly paper Chevrotine. Francois Daudet published the magazine LesLibertes Frangaises. France's most notorious anti-Semite, Maurice Bardeche,continued to publish his magazine Defense de I'Occident. There were, in ad-dition, a variety of lesser sheets. A Paris daily Le Temps de Paris began pub-lication in February 1956, with a large number of former Vichy collabora-tionists on its staff. It collapsed in June, however, without having establishedany clear editorial position.

Ten years after the war, the rehabilitation of former Vichy collaboration-ists rarely excited comment. Nor did public protest have much effect in eventhe more outrageous cases. In November 1955, Horace de Carbuccia, formereditor-owner of one of the most notorious papers to serve the Nazis, Grin-goire, came back from exile in Switzerland, and stood trial for his pro-Naziactivities. The prosecutor of the French military court was castigated by theFrench press for failing to present readily available evidence—but de Carbuc-cia was acquitted. French student groups violently protested the reinstalla-tion at the Sorbonne of philosophy professor Jean Guitton, whose works hadbeen published under the imprimatur of Josef Goebbels' propaganda staff,but Guitton remained. Roger-Ferdinand, who had written anti-Semitic ma-

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terial during the war years, became head of the French Conservatoire, despiteprotests by Jewish groups.

The Conseil Repre'sentatif des Juifs de France (CRIF), grouping leadingJewish organizations under the presidency of Vidal Modiano, was active indenouncing anti-Semitism, as was the Ligue Internationale Contre le Ra-cisme et l'Antisemitisme (LICA), which celebrated its thirtieth anniversaryin the fall of 1956. The pro-Communist Mouvement Contre le Racisme, etPour la Paix (MRAP) organized its annual mass rally in June 1956. TheFe'de'ration des Socie^s Juives de France, representing two-score landsman-schaften, refused to join the rally, because MRAP had not taken a positivestand on religious and cultural freedom for Jews in the Soviet Union. Amide"Jude'o-Chre'tienne, devoted to promoting greater understanding betweenChristians and Jews, marked its tenth anniversary in May 1956. Particularlyvigilant with regard to the Poujade movement was the Centre d'£tudes desProblemes Actuels, composed of Jews and non-Jews.

Jewish PopulationThe troubles in North Africa brought increasing numbers of Jews from

that area to metropolitan France. French community leaders, lacking any de-finitive statistics, continued to estimate the Jewish population in France atabout 300,000. Over half were in Paris and its suburbs; about 40,000, in Al-sace and Lorraine (which had a separate Jewish community organizationfrom the rest of France); some 12,000, in the Lyon area; and 9,000, aroundMarseille. Most North African newcomers apparently made their way toParis, while the more prosperous immigrants settled in the Midi. No oneknew the precise extent of the North African immigration, but it numberedat least several thousand during 1955-56. North African Jews made up al-most one-fourth of the relief load of the Jewish welfare agencies in Paris.French organizations, such as the Comite1 de Bienfaisance Israelite de Paris,ran special fund-raising projects on behalf of the immigrants. The ConseilRepre'sentatif Judaisme Traditionaliste de France, under the presidency ofEdmond Weil, instituted special religious courses for North Africans livingin the housing projects founded by the Catholic champion of the homeless,Abbe" Pierre. Housing remained the most vexing problem for the newcomers;some first, not-too-hopeful steps were taken by Jewish community groups tofind lodgings for them.

Due to the arrival of the highly Orthodox North African Jews, Jewishcommunity schools reported an overflow of students, and sought ways to ex-pand their facilities. The Consistoire de Paris saw its synagogues morecrowded than in previous years, and opened prayer houses especially forNorth African Jews at Belleville, in the Marais district, and in Montmartre,leading Jewish population centers. Jewish community institutions, previouslyhard-pressed for staff with both French and Jewish training, now had an ade-quate supply of persons to choose from.

Migration from France was not very important during 1955-56. TheUnited Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS) Service helped 775 personsleave for destinations other than Israel from July 1955 to July 1956, a 50 percent increase over 1954-55 made possible by the United States Refugee Re-


lief Act. Marseille was an important transfer point for North African Jewson their way to Israel. At one point, in September 1956, there were over7,000 persons in the Jewish Agency camp there designed for only about 2,000,and the overflow had to be accommodated in lodging houses and tent towns.Only a handful of Jews from France itself left for Israel, however.

Community Organization and Activity

The French Jewish community made solid progress during 1955-56, a pe-riod which saw definite improvement in Jewish community structure, as im-portant new institutions arose in Paris and the provinces. The communitydeveloped an integrated three-year plan for the use of funds available fromthe Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany (CJMCAG).The Fonds Social Juif Unifie" (FSJU), the central fund-raising and planningorganization for local needs, sought to organize cultural and educationalcooperation with neighboring European communities.

The provisional YMHA-type of youth center which opened its doors inParis in September 1955, the first of its kind in France, soon attracted 800paid members and drew into activity many persons who had never been as-sociated with Jewish communal life. Property was purchased for a permanentcenter, and work was to begin on it in the spring of 1957.* Communal cen-ters were completed in the towns of Belfort, Roanne, and Lens, and wereunder construction in Grenoble and Lyon. In the fall of 1956, the Strasbourgcommunity was to take possession of a new government-built structure replac-ing the synagogue destroyed by the Germans, with facilities for a full-timeJewish school and kindergarten, community offices, a library, and youth ac-tivities. Following the success of the Limoges pilot project for the revitaliza-tion of small Jewish communities (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956,[Vol 57], p. 326), community workers were sent to the cities of Lille and LeHavre, Bastia in Corsica, and Champigny. The three Consistoire Centralyouth chaplains established groups in the south of France, at Beziers, Mont-pellier, Nimes, Avignon, and Perpignan; and around Clermont-Ferrand andVichy in the center of France. For some towns, it was the first attempt sincethe end of the war to organize Jewish activity.

In February 1956, the FSJU called a conference of Jewish groups fromneighboring and French-language countries for the end of June 1956. Later,however, the FSJU cancelled this conference, agreeing to work within theframework of a wider European cultural conference sponsored by the Ameri-can Joint Distribution Committee (JDC) in Paris in October 1956. A specialsession at the JDC conference, particularly directed at French-speaking coun-tries, was organized by the FSJU. It dealt with personnel training, publica-tion of books of Jewish interest, school curricula, and allied subjects. Whilethere was general agreement on the need for intercommunal cooperation, theactual form that this should take was not dearly indicated at the conference.

During 1955-56, the FSJU cultural action commission mapped out a three-year improvement program, to cover both cultural and general needs, costingmore than $3,250,000. Whether this could be achieved, it was clear, would

1 The building was to be purchased with the aid of the Ford Foundation of the United States.The CJMCAG-JDC was to equip the building at a cost of $67,500.

FRANCE 251

depend greatly on the CJMCAG and the JDC, since the French Jewish com-munity was in no position to undertake such a burden by itself.

FUND RAISING

The community still depended on outside assistance for more than three-fourths of its funds. Auren Kahn, JDC's director for France, estimated inOctober 1956 that the total JDC-FSJU expenditure for 1956 would be 575,-000,000 francs (§1,640,000), of which 85,000,000 francs, or not quite 15 percent, would go for one-time grants and investment, and the balance for theregular welfare and cultural activities of the thirty-five organizations receiv-ing their funds from FSJU. An additional 53,000,000 francs ($150,000) forcultural work came to French Jewish institutions directly from the CJMCAGcultural budget.

The FSJU expected to raise only about 180,000,000 francs, or just over$500,000 in 1956, with associated fund-raising drives in Strasbourg, Lyon,Marseille, and Nice, and by the individual Jews in institutions bringing inanother 95,000,000 francs, or $275,000. The FSJU drive showed a tendency tolevel off at about 160,000,000 francs during 1954-55, and strenuous com-munity effort was needed in 1956 to improve this showing.

A number of requests for assistance were made to the CJMCAG by FrenchJewish institutions acting independently of FSJU and its cultural action com-mission. Requests to the CJMCAG for relief and rehabilitation purposesfrom all sources in 1956 totaled well over $3,500,000, plus another $280,000for cultural purposes. But the bulk of money for France from the CJMCAGpassed through the JDC-FSJU.

Education and Youth Activity

Increased educational activity was shown, also, in five new two-hour-a-weekcourses for children in Paris; and the appointment of four traveling teachersto visit some thirty communities in the Bas-Rhin district, and two otherteachers to circulate in the Moselle region. A building site was found for alarge full-time secondary school in Paris to replace the existing Maimonidesand Yabne schools, and the CJMCAG allocated $100,000 toward acquiring it.In all France, some 750 Jewish children attended four full-time schools.Nearly 3,500 children received some form of part-time Jewish education.

Vocational training was carried on by the Organization for RehabilitationThrough Training (ORT) in schools at Montreuil, Lyon, Marseille, andStrasbourg for a monthly average of 1,750 students, of whom about 20 percent were adults. There was a special ORT pre-apprenticeship course forNorth African children.

The number of Jewish summer camps, run by a variety of organizations,had been growing steadily in the past three years. Thirty of them servedmore than 4,000 children throughout France in 1956. Originally these campswere meant for orphans and children whose parents did not have the meansto give them a vacation. Gradually, however, attendance had come to includechildren from all social elements, including many not otherwise touched bycommunity institutions.


Under the stimulus of the French cultural action commission which ad-vised the CJMCAG on cultural allocations in France, several children's booksand educational games were issued during 1955—56, and the preparation of anumber of textbooks was well advanced. Community worker Roland Musnickwas sent to the United States on a National Council of Jewish Women schol-arship, and brought back a variety of audio-visual educational aids and filmmaterial to be adapted to European use and distributed through the CentreEducatif at Paris, headed by Isaac Pougatch.

The number of persons receiving training in the rabbinate, as teachers,and as community center and youth group workers reached a new postwarhigh of almost 100 by the 1956 fall term.

Social Service

Though French Jewish leadership was primarily interested in cultural andeducational programs, by far the greatest expenditure went for welfare work.The thirteen children's homes, with a total population of about 850, receivedmore than half their funds from the FSJU, and the rest from public sourcesand parents' fees. Three welfare agencies cared for about 2,800 personsmonthly, almost 40 per cent of whom were over sixty. Two canteens servedabout 6,000 meals per month. Eleven old age homes had a population ofabout 900. These were supported by the government, but private funds wererequired for major improvements; six of the homes were thus helped by theJewish community through the year. The Caisse Israelite de Demarrage£conomique, a free loan service, granted about 100 loans a month totalingsome $55,000.

Zionist Activity and Relations with Israel

The French Federation Sioniste, under the presidency of Andr6 Blumel,worked more effectively during 1955-56 than it had during 1954-55. A spe-cial campaign on behalf of migration from North Africa, started in Novem-ber 1955 with a goal of 40,000,000 francs, was oversubscribed, raising 55,000,-000 francs ($157,000). Including the proceeds of this special campaign, theZionist fund-raising drive L'Aide Israel in 1955-56 netted over 200,000,000francs ($570,000), almost double that of 1954-55. The Zionists of easternFrance (who had maintained a separate body) merged with the Federation. Anumber of internal disputes which had previously plagued the Zionists wereresolved during the year.

France-Israel, an organization devoted to improving relations between thetwo countries and including Jews and non-Jews, helped to inform the Frenchpublic about Israel.

A series of cultural accords between France and Israel during 1955-56 pro-vided for book exchange, extension of Jewish studies in French universities,co-production of films, exchange of scholarship students, and exchange oftheatrical troupes. Two Ulpanim were started to give Hebrew training toNorth African teachers desiring to work in Israel and to educators workingin France.

BELGIUM 253

Religious ActivityThe Consistoire Central helped to provide for the religious needs of the

North African Jews and worked closely with the FSJU and its cultural actioncommission, particularly in rebuilding religious life in the provinces. TheConsistoire changed its statutes to permit the election of three vice presidentsinstead of two, thus making room for an Algerian vice president, E. Te-noudji of Constantine.

Cultural ActivityA popular Golden Chain book series under community sponsorship was

particularly directed at the older Jewish population. In 1956, three volumesappeared: A Brief History of the Jews of France; The Doctrine of Judaism;and A Brief History of Anti-Semitism. Six additional Golden Chain volumeswere in preparation, as was a much-needed, one-volume Jewish reference en-cyclopedia in the French language. Andre Chouraqui, with the aid of theAlliance Israelite Universelle, issued the first three volumes of his series deal-ing with Jewish literary subjects. Two books of the World Jewish Congresspopular series came out in French.

ABRAHAM KARUKOW

BELGIUM

BELGIUM WAS a peaceful and prosperous country during the year under re-view (July 1, 1955 through November 30, 1956). Industrial production

mounted to a new postwar high. There was full employment, with only someminor soft spots to trouble the Belgian economy. January 1956 brought withit the reduction of the Belgian work week from forty-eight to forty-five hours.The government kept in check a slight tendency toward inflation, and theBelgian franc was one of Europe's hardest currencies. Monthly Belgian ex-ports were over $250,000,000; and though Belgium had a balance-of-tradedeficit, this was more than made up for by benefits from invisible exports.Continued progress was made toward economic union with the Netherlandsand Luxemburg. The last major obstacle to Benelux integration—differencesin wage scales paid in Belgium and Holland—was disappearing as Dutchworkers' salaries rose to within about 30 per cent of Belgian standards during1955-56. At the end of 1956, Belgium was already preoccupied with prepara-tions for its 1958 World's Fair.

Politically, too, the country was serene under the leadership of the Socialist-Liberal coalition of Achille van Acker. The intense struggle between clericaland anticlerical forces over the size of government subsidies to be given todenominational schools, which had provoked much excitement early in 1955,had died down somewhat. The government took care, too, that no externalforces should be permitted to disturb Belgium's political tranquility. Thesuccess of demagogue Pierre Poujade in the French elections of January 1956inspired the formation of a Belgian Independence Association, which invited


Poujade to come and speak before it—but on February 25, the minister of jus-tice Albert Lilar barred Poujade's entry to Belgium. At the end of May 1956,Belgian political circles sharply criticized United States Assistant Secretary ofState George Allen after he made a trip to the Belgian Congo; the UnitedStates, it was charged, was seeking long-term gains in the region by backingthe natives against Belgium. The country continued to be a staunch advocateof Western European Union and of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization(NATO), Belgium's Foreign Minister Paul-Henri Spaak succeeding Britain'sLord Ismay as secretary-general of NATO in December 1956. A group ofBelgian leaders, headed by Premier Achille van Acker, visited the SovietUnion at the end of October 1956 at the invitation of the Soviet Union inthe hopes of furthering East-West understanding, but the delegation's visitwas overshadowed by developments in Poland, Hungary, and the Middle East.

Relations between Belgium and Israel were good throughout 1955-56.There was some public furor in December 1955, when 180 British World

, War II Valentine tanks were discovered to have been reconditioned at theport of Antwerp and sent on to Egypt. The Belgian government explained,however, that it could not prevent such trans-shipment without endangeringAntwerp's status as a free port. Trade between Belgium and Israel flourished,even though there was no formal agreement, and Israel managed to purchasecertain material in Belgium that she found it difficult to get elsewhere. Pressand public opinion showed sympathy for Israel's difficulties with her Arabneighbors, and understanding of the Israel move into the Sinai peninsula inOctober 1956. In November 1956, the government gave favorable considera-tion to applications from Jews in the Belgian Congo seeking visas for rela-tives being expelled from Egypt. At the request of the Consistoire CentralIsraelite de Belgique, Foreign Minister Spaak ordered Belgian consuls inEgypt to deliver visas to Jews there asking to go to Belgium.

Jewish Population

Economically, Jews in Belgium shared in the well-being of the country asa whole. There were an estimated 23,000 Jews in Brussels, playing an im-portant role in the manufacture of handbags, gloves, sportswear, and plastics,as well as in the fur and textile trades, and as shopkeepers. Antwerp hadsome 9,000 Jews. Most of the working population was connected with thediamond industry, but Jews were also influential in Antwerp's export andimport business. Liege had 300 Jewish families, with about 1,200 persons;Charleroi, 123 families, with 500 persons; and Ghent was growing as a Jew-ish center, having some 100 families as of October 1956. There were smallJewish communities in Arlon and Ostend, with about a dozen families each,and a handful of Jews in Tournai, Namur, and other localities throughoutBelgium. In the summer months, the Jewish population of Ostend and itsneighboring communities on the North Sea shore multiplied many timesover, the town being a favorite resort for Jews seeking kosher facilities and aJewish atmosphere. Vacationers came not only from Belgium itself but fromGreat Britain, France, and other Western European lands, as well.

Further evidence of Jewish integration in Belgium was the virtual absenceof Jewish emigration. The United HIAS reported aiding 271 persons leaving

BELGIUM 255

for countries other than Israel during the period from July 1, 1955 throughJune 30, 1956. Only a score of persons went to Israel during the same pe-riod. (Altogether, from the founding of Israel through April 1956, 1,270 Jewshad moved from Belgium to Israel, according to Jewish Agency figures.) Itwas estimated that returnees from Israel to Belgium numbered over 50.

Civic and Political StatusThe situation of Belgium's estimated 35,000 Jews reflected the nation's

peace and prosperity. Little difficulty was placed in the way of foreign Jewswho wished to obtain Belgian citizenship; this had not been the case duringthe less prosperous postwar years. It was also easier to obtain Belgian workpermits, and to acquire permission to exercise a profession. The sharp in-crease in the number of Jews acquiring citizenship, already noted during1954-55, continued during 1955-56. Jewish community leaders in Brusselsand Antwerp estimated, in October 1956, that more than 50 per cent of theJews in Belgium were citizens, as contrasted with only 10 per cent in 1951.It was expected that at least 30 per cent more of the Jewish populationwould fulfill the conditions for citizenship in the coming four or five years:ten years' residence, payment of a sizeable fee, and the hurdling of variousadministrative and parliamentary formalities. Poorer Jews in Brussels, whowere unable to pay the citizenship fee, were receiving financial assistance forthat purpose from the leading Jewish welfare organization in the city, Aideaux Israelites Victimes de la Guerre (AIVG), thanks to a $3,000 grant re-ceived from the Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany(CJMCAG). In previous years there had occasionally been reports of Belgianadministrators questioning whether participation in Zionist activities wascompatible with Belgian citizenship. This kind of question no longer came up;there seemed to be increased recognition that support of Zionism in no wayimplied any double loyalty. An increasing number of Jews in Belgium wereseeking court permission to change their names. As far as could be deter-mined, however, this was motivated primarily by the desire to eliminate or-thographic difficulties, rather than to avoid identification with Judaism.There was, however, a certain reluctance by Belgian courts to accede to suchrequests.

Inter group RelationsOvert anti-Semitism, never very strong in Belgium, reached a new postwar

low during 1956, in the opinion of Jewish community leaders. The AntwerpB'nai B'rith, under president Philippe Vecht, intervened informally and usu-ally successfully in half a dozen cases where persons with apartments or lodg-ings to rent indicated in their notices that they would not accept Jews.

WAR ORPHAN CASES

The Belgian courts continued to deal with the cases of two Jewish warorphans, Anneke Beekman and Henry Elias (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEARBOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 332), which attracted some attention. Dutch AnnekeBeekman was known to have been smuggled into Belgium in 1954 by her


erstwhile Catholic guardian, Mrs. Langendijk van Moorst, in an attempt toavoid turning the girl over to Jewish custody, as the Dutch courts had or-dered. Thorough investigation by the Belgian police during 1955 and thefirst half of 1956—including the raiding of various convents where Annekewas believed to be hidden—proved fruitless; finally, the belief grew thatAnneke had been spirited out of Belgium. The Dutch government asked forthe extradition of Mrs. van Moorst's sister from Belgium, to face trial in Hol-land. In September 1956, the Belgian courts handed down a non-lieu judg-ment, on the grounds that the time limit for extradition had expired. Mrs.van Moorst was then expelled from Belgium by the authorities.

Henry Elias had been turned over by Belgian courts in the fall of 1955 tothe custody of a Jewish uncle in Algiers, over the protests of a Catholicschool teacher in Antwerp, Fernande Henrard. Miss Henrard had hidden theboy during the war years, and sought to do so again, unsuccessfully, in orderto vitiate the court ruling. Miss Henrard, who appealed the custody decision,was also seeking court support for having the Alias lad stay with her duringcertain specified vacation periods. Decision had not yet been handed down asof this writing (December 1956).

Community Organization and ActivityThe increasing stability of Belgium's Jewish population encouraged vari-

ous efforts to create greater cohesion among Brussels Jewry, the great ma-jority of whom were not reached by any form of local Jewish communalactivity. These efforts, though by no means uniformly successful, were never-theless beginning to make their effects felt during 1955—56. There was atendency, too, to strengthen communication between the greatly disparateAntwerp and Brussels Jewish communities.

In Brussels (reported one request made to the CJMCAG in 1955) "there ispractically no contact between the different elements of the Jewish popula-tion . . . between native Jews and the later arrivals, between Jews comingfrom East, West, and Central Europe, between Orthodox and non-Orthodox,between Zionists and non-Zionists. . . . This constitutes a major reason forthe gradual dissociation from Judaism." In June 1956, in an effort to coun-teract this fragmentation, the Communaute" Israelite of Brussels under thepresidency of Paul Philippson invited forty-three other Jewish groups in thecity to join with it in forming a Consultative Committee. The purpose ofthis committee was to make a master study of the needs of Brussels Jewry,and to act as an advisory group to the CJMCAG on applications sent to itfrom Brussels.

Unspectacular but steady in growth was La Centrale, a central fund-raisingagency established in July 1952, to help meet the needs of six Brussels agen-cies: the AIVG; the local old-age home; the canteen-feeding program of the£cole Israelite; the Union des £tudiants Juifs; the Organization for Rehabili-tation Through Training (ORT) school; and the vacation colony Les Amisdes Enfants. In 1953, 774 donors gave 1,340,000 Belgian francs (|26,800); in1954, 997 contributors gave 1,500,000 francs ($30,000); in 1956 there were1,148 donors giving 1,825,000 francs ($36,500), and the drive was expected toyield dose to $40,000, despite a suspension in November and December 1956

BELGIUM 257

to permit a special fund-raising campaign on behalf of Israel. During 1956,furthermore, La Centrale ran a separate, successful campaign to resettlethirty-three families living under miserable slum conditions.

Such sums were nowhere nearly enough, however, to cover local welfareneeds. The AIVG alone, serving about 1,000 persons regularly during 1955,had a budget of over $330,000, and 80 per cent of its funds came from theAmerican Jewish Joint Distribution Committee (JDC). Relief grants, recog-nized as insufficient, were raised about 20 per cent during 1956 with the aidof a CJMCAG grant. A happy note, reported the AIVG, was that, of the organi-zation's 11 homes with 600 children in operation after the end of World WarII, only one remained, housing 35 children; all the other children had beensuccessfully resettled or had adjusted to an independent life. As an innova-tion, in the summer of 1956, AIVG sent eighty Jewish aged persons to theseaside and country on vacations at installations provided by SolidarityJuive. Providing legal assistance to Brussels Jews was another major AIVGservice. (Practically none of the persons benefited by these services were Bel-gian citizens.)

The situation of Antwerp Jewry was strikingly different from that of Brus-sels. Almost all Antwerp Jewish families belonged to either the MachsikeiHadas, headed by Itzhak Freylich, or the Shomrei Hadas, under the presi-dency of Herman Schamisso, which had a combined membership of about1,400. There was, in addition, a Sephardic community with fewer than200 members, and a variety of Chassidic and other groups. Something of Ant-werp's intense Orthodoxy—unmatched elsewhere in Europe—could be seenfrom the fact that there were five major synagogues, plus at least another halfdozen prayer rooms. Nor could any other European city boast five kosherrestaurants.

In the field of welfare work, the Antwerp community, through its Centrale,aided some 300 families regularly, maintained a kosher canteen, gave medicalhelp—often contacting the Dutch Jewish community, which had superior hos-pital facilities—and sent over 120 children on summer vacations. Communitycontributions covered about 70 per cent of the Centrale's 5,000,000 Belgianfranc ($100,000) budget. A major Antwerp achievement was the completionof a new five-story home for the aged, with fifty-five beds, due to be openedin December 1956. The Centrale managed to raise 2,200,000 francs ($44,000)for this building, with $115,000 coming from the CJMCAG. The CJMCAGalso contributed $60,000 toward the rebuilding of a Machsikei Hadas mikvahand swimming pool, which had been destroyed during World War II and onwhich work was progressing in 1956.

The heart of the Antwerp Jewish community was still located near thecity's Central Station, on Pelikaanstraat, but there was a growing tendencyfor Jews to move away into other parts of the city. There was no sign, how-ever, that this was affecting the cohesiveness of Antwerp Jewry.

Antwerp and Brussels Jewry still led almost completely separate commu-nity lives. There were, however, during 1956, increasing signs of joint ac-tivity, particularly among the younger elements. The B'nai B'rith—which wasquite dynamic, and which planned twenty meetings and events for 1956-57—established special youth sections; and the Brussels and Antwerp groups


often held joint affairs. The same was true of the Cercle Culturel Juif, wherethere was a growing tendency for collaboration between Antwerp and Brus-sels in arranging lecture and musical programs. Most important, however,was the creation in February 1956 of a new Federation de la Jeunesse Juivede Belgique, under the leadership of O. Unger. This body sought to co-ordinate the activities of all organizations working with Belgian Jewishyouth. A youth study day organized by the federation in October was anoutstanding success, with Emile Jacqmotte, counselor of the minister of pub-lic education, as a featured speaker.

Jewish EducationThe only major change in Jewish education in Belgium during 1955-56

was that the government agreed to appoint an educational inspector to con-cern himself particularly with the Jewish schools. There was, too, improve-ment in the physical facilities of the Yesode Hatorah Beth Jacob andTachkemoni day schools in Antwerp, and the £cole Israelite in Brussels.Enrollment at the Antwerp day schools mounted about 10 per cent, to wellover 1,100; the number of children reached by Jewish education in Brusselsremained constant at about 300.

Religious ActivityIn October 1956, Max Gottschalk was elected president of the Consistoire

Central Israelite de Belgique, the recognized Jewish religious body of thecountry, replacing General E. E. Wiener. Government recognition was beingsought for a Portuguese Jewish community in Brussels. Such recognition wasneeded, inasmuch as it was the Belgian government that paid the salaries ofrabbis and other religious functionaries, who were considered state officials.Though a first effort to get approval was rejected by the Belgian parliament'sbudget committee in July 1956, Consistoire leadership felt certain that therequest would be approved when renewed.

Invigoration of the Belgian rabbinical corps was felt to be essential, be-cause of the advanced age of Salomon Ullmann, the grand rabbi of Belgium,and the need for two Jewish military chaplains to serve in West Germany,where the majority of Belgian troops were located. In February 1956, MarcKahlenberg became rabbi of Brussels' leading synagogue, situated on rueRoyale.

Zionist and Pro-Israel Activity

Belgian Jewry was most active in support of Israel during 1955-56. Whileno figures were available, it was understood that funds raised for Israel in1956 would be more than double those raised in 1955. In November 1956,the Comite Unifie Juif d'Aide a Israel decided to launch a special fund-raising drive, and almost all other Jewish organizations in the country sus-pended their own campaigns. The first issue of Israel Bonds in Belgium($500,000) was sold out, and the government gave permission for a secondissue, of which about $300,000 had been sold by December 1956.

THE NETHERLANDS 259

Early in 1956 elections took place in the Federation Sioniste, preparatoryto the Zionist Congress in Jerusalem. Seven thousand shekels were sold, and.4,000 votes cast; the result was the defeat of the once-dominant General Zion-ists, who yielded first place to the Revisionists. Joseph Brandes of Mapai re-placed M. Anisfeld as Secretary-General; but General Zionist Sam Horo-witz remained federation president. The Zionist-oriented Menorah group,founded early in 1955 by Professor Chaim Perelman, demonstrated consid-erable vitality. It organized bi-weekly seminars on Jewish history and theTalmud that drew audiences of fifty or more, published a bulletin, and en-gaged in a variety of other activities.

The leading Jewish publication in Belgium was the federation's TribuneSioniste. The Centrales of both Brussels and Antwerp issued magazines everytwo months dealing with their work and matters of general Jewish interest;and the Communaute Israelite of Brussels published a monthly bulletin,Kehilitanu.

ABRAHAM KARLIKOW

THE NETHERLANDS

FROM JULY 1, 1955, to June 30, 1956, The Netherlands enjoyed full em-ployment—indeed, overemployment—as well as its traditional political

stability. Industry, agriculture, the professions, and the service trades all suf-fered an acute shortage of labor. Many branches of the economy had to post-pone expansion plans indefinitely for lack of manpower. Living costs werestable, with few inflationary pressures.

The housing shortage continued to be a major domestic problem. Thenumber of dwellings completed declined in 1955 to 60,819 from the 1954postwar peak of 68,487. The decline was largely due to poor weather duringthe first quarter of 1955.

Relations with Indonesia

The Netherlands-Indonesian conference, which opened December 10, 1955,ended in dismal failure on February 13, 1956, in Geneva, when the govern-ments disagreed on an arrangement for the settlement of legal disputes whichmight arise. On the very day the conference broke up the Indonesian cabinetdecided to abrogate the Dutch-Indonesian Union (which had remainedlargely a dead letter) unilaterally. The Netherlands Foreign Ministry casti-gated Indonesia's decision as "unprecedented in international relations inpeacetime and a bad example to the world."

JUNGSCHLAGER AFFAIR

There was further bad blood between the former colony and its one-timerulers over the trial in Jakarta of Leon N. H. Jungschlager, former head ofthe Netherlands Forces Intelligence Service. Jungschlager was arrested byIndonesian authorities on January 30, 1954, and charged with terrorist, anti-


government activities. He was brought to trial on February 17, 1955. TheDutch government—and most Dutch newspapers—called the charges trumpedup, and the case was closely followed. The prosecutor asked that Jung-schlager be condemned to death, but just before sentence could be pro-nounced Jungschlager died in the hospital to which he had been transferred.

Domestic AffairsIn June 1956, a hushed-up story of Queen Juliana's relations with a sixty-

one-year-old faith healer named Margaretha Hofmans was finally published,first in the West German news magazine Der Spiegel, and subsequentlythroughout the world. At Prince Bernhard's instigation, the Queen had con-sulted Miss Hofmans, hoping something could be done to improve the eye-sight of the fourth princess, Marijke. With the passage of time, Miss Hof-mans had gained considerable influence over the Queen, and Prince Bern-hard finally had the faith healer thrown out of the Palace, where she wasliving with the royal family. Their dispute over Miss Hofmans exacerbatedalready strained relations between the Queen and her husband. Shocked bypublications abroad, Queen Juliana and Prince Bernhard were induced toappoint three elder statesmen to investigate the whole situation and offer ad-vice. Dutch Premier Willem Drees meanwhile insisted that the Queen's pri-vate relationships had produced no constitutional difficulties, and that theQueen had never gone beyond the role (and powers) assigned to her by theDutch constitution.

Parliamentary elections on June 14, 1956, brought gains for the LaborParty, confirming it as the country's largest. It garnered 32.69 per cent of thevote, compared with 29 per cent in 1952. The Catholic People's Party won31.69 per cent, compared with 28.7 per cent for it and 2.7 per cent for a sub-sequently amalgamated group in 1952. The Communist poll fell from 6.2 percent in 1952 to 4.75 per cent.

SCHOKKING AFFAIR

One of the most controversial affairs of the postwar period centered aboutFrancois M. A? Schokking, burgomaster of The Hague. On February 2, 1956,the Haagsch Dagblad, an independent Socialist newspaper, charged thatBurgomaster Schokking had, in 1942, caused the arrest of a Jewish familysubsequently killed by the Germans. In 1942 Schokking was burgomaster ofthe town of Hazerswoude. Hiding in the town were Jakob Pino, his wife anddaughter. Schokking had indeed caused their arrest; he explained later thathe feared Pino was an agent provocateur. A violent press polemic resultedfrom the Haagsch Dagblad disclosures. While some favored awaiting the re-sults of a government investigation, others called for Schokking's resignation.

The ad interim minister of justice, Louis J. M. Beel, appointed an investi-gatory committee which found no reason to dismiss Schokking. But the con-troversy raged undiminished. Schokking filed a plaint against the HaagschDagblad with the disciplinary council of the Federatie van NederlandseJournalisten (Federation of Netherlands Journalists), which decided in favorof the newspaper, though criticizing the Haagsch Dagblad for linking Schok-king's wartime record with his achievements as burgomaster of The Hague.

THE NETHERLANDS 261

A sister of the late Jakob Pino and Pino's mother-in-law failed to get theDutch courts to accept a suit against Schokking. In Parliament an attempt tohave the government reconsider the Schokking affair was voted down on July6, 1956.

Jewish Population

There were still no reliable figures on Jewish population, partly because ofthe continuing reluctance of many to be considered Jewish. Compilation ofan approximate demographic study was continuing. The tentative figures,based on religious identification, showed about 24,000 Jews in The Nether-lands, with 14,000 in Amsterdam. In all there were about 4,000 couples withboth husband and wife Jewish, and about 3,100 couples in which either hus-band or wife, but not both, were Jewish. Though women outnumbered men,more boys than girls were being born.

During the period from October 1954 to mid-September 1955, 101 addi-tional prospective emigrants to Israel registered with the Jewish Agency forPalestine, in Amsterdam. In all, 67 persons emigrated from The Netherlandsto Israel at their own cost, and the migration of 11 others was financed byadvances from the Agency.

In the period July 1, 1955, to June 30, 1956, 178 emigrants were sponsoredby United HIAS Service. Of the total, 143 emigrated to the United States, 23to Australia, and 11 to Canada.

On June 30, 1956, United HIAS Service discontinued its activities in TheNetherlands. Its functions were taken over by Joods Maatschappelijk Werk.

Discrimination and Anti-Semitism

There were virtually no overt examples of anti-Semitism during the periodunder review.

In November 1955 the Verbund van Nederlandse Werkgevers (Union ofNetherlands Employers) was widely criticized for its reaction to a circularsent to Dutch firms by an Arab organization in Damascus seeking to deter-mine links of Dutch employers to Jews and Israel. In a first advisory memo-randum to its members, the union said individual employers would have todetermine for themselves the extent to which business with Israel comparedin importance to business with the Arab countries. A second memorandumattempted to pacify opposition roused by this advice—which many criticizedfor not being a firm stand against Arab anti-Semitism. It suggested thatunion members not answer the Arab circular without consulting the union,and declared that when consulted the union would advise members not toreply at all.

Community Organization and Communal AffairsThe Centrale Commissie of the Nederlands-Israelietisch Kerkgenootschap,

the Netherlands Jewish religious community, decided on July 5, 1955—by avote of 10 to 8—to publish its own community newspaper.

A continuing controversy engaged Orthodox and Liberal Jews in Amster-


dam, concerning the admission to the latter community of children of mixedmarriages. The Liberal Joodse Gemeente welcomed children of mixed mar-riages who applied of their own free will, or whose parents wanted them tobe members of the community, and who felt at home in the Liberal group.

On July 14, 1955, Premier Willem Drees officiated at the postwar reopen-ing of the Jewish Historical Museum, in Amsterdam's Waaggebouw. The firstJewish exposition had opened there in 1926, and the exposition had becomea more or less permanent museum after 1930.

On January 10, 1956, the Jewish Shopkeepers Association in Amsterdamasked the government, in reconsideration of the Sunday-closing law, to allowfull compensation to Sabbath-observing Jewish shopkeepers, who suffered fi-nancially from having to remain closed on Sunday, as well as Saturday.

With changes imminent in West Germany's 1953 regulations for damagepayments to victims of the Nazi regime, a commission was organized by nu-merous organizations of Dutch Jews to secure a maximum of benefits forDutch victims of the Nazis. But the commission members were pessimisticabout the chances of securing favorable changes.

BEEKMAN AFFAIR

On September 22, 1955, the trial of six defendants in the case of Jewishwar orphan Anneke Beekman opened in Amsterdam. The Beekman affairhad been a continuing source of controversy between Catholic authorities onthe one hand and the Jewish community, Protestant leaders, and the govern-ment on the other (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1955, [vol. 56], p. 330,335, 336, 337; 1956, [vol. 57], p. 332, 339).

The principal defendant in the Amsterdam proceedings was GeertruidaLangendijk, who had cared for Anneke during the war, and was charged withcomplicity in keeping her from Dutch authorities despite an official custodydecision. On October 24, 1955, Mrs. Langendijk was sentenced to eightmonths' imprisonment. When detectives came to arrest her, she had disap-peared. Her sister, Elisabeth van Moorst, who had not appeared for the trial,was sentenced to twelve months' jail, but was also in hiding. Anneke, mean-while, was thought to be hidden in Belgium under an assumed name.

The court sentences were appealed, and the Amsterdam Appeals Court re-duced Mrs. Langendijk's sentence to three months and her sister's to six. Thecourt declared their offense "most serious," but found lower sentences justi-fied because of the bond which had developed between the sisters and An-neke, and because of "their religious convictions concerning the welfare ofthe child." On August 19, 1956, Mrs. Langendijk was discovered in the Bel-gian village Nonceveux, near Liege. She was arrested by Belgian gendarmes,and jailed in Liege, to await action on a Dutch extradition request.

Jewish Education

Amsterdam's Jewish High School (founded in 1928 and the principal Jew-ish educational institution in the country), announced plans for a considera-ble broadening of its curriculum, beginning with the 1956-1957 academicyear. The curriculum had been confined to the so-called "B" or science sec-tion. There had been so many requests for studies in the "A" (liberal arts)

THE NETHERLANDS 263

section that this was being added, and pupils were already being admittedto it.

Amsterdam's municipal government announced on June 20, 1956, that itwas giving the Jewish elementary school title to the building in whichclasses were held. Municipal authorities were also providing 600,000 guilders($158,000) for repairs, furniture, and other furnishings.

There was a controversy within the Jewish community over the admissionto the Jewish High School of children of mixed marriages. The director ofJoodsch Bijzonder Onderwijs (Jewish Special Education), which administeredthe school, declared that the institution had not expected requests for ad-mission from the children of mixed marriages. Once the school realized suchrequests were coming in, it began asking applicants whether the mother, aswell as father, was Jewish.

Religious LifeIn The Hague, a proposal made by the Portuguese Jewish community at

the end of November 1955 to purchase the old, unused Portuguese synagogueon the Prinsessegracht, was under consideration by the city government.

On September 27, 1955, Aron Schuster was named chief rabbi of Amster-dam. He was to continue as rector of the Seminary, which was giving courseson the Bible but training no rabbis. A native of Amsterdam, Rabbi Schusterhad been imprisoned by the Germans in May 1943 and transferred to theBergen-Belsen concentration camp in January 1944. Of the eleven rabbisfrom The Netherlands incarcerated at Bergen-Belsen, he was the sole survivor.

On November 29, 1955, Benjamin Benedikt was installed as rabbi of TheHague's Jewish (Orthodox) community, the Nederlands Israelietische Ge-meente 'S-Gravenhage.

The Liberal Joodse Gemeente in Amsterdam named Jacob Soetendorp itsrabbi on October 5, 1955. On November 26 he was installed in office, thefirst native Netherlander to hold the post.

A meeting of representatives of nine local Orthodox synagogue councils onDecember 18, 1955, named Eliezer Berlinger chief rabbi for a widely scatteredcollection of localities with organized Jewish communities—all except Amster-dam, The Hague, and Rotterdam. By a vote of 16 to 10 it was decided thatUtrecht, rather than Arnheim, would be the rabbi's headquarters. Rabbi Ber-linger was installed in office February 5, 1956.

On February 21, 1956, Nederlands Israelietische Hoofdsynagoge Amster-dam (Amsterdam's Israelite Religious Community) named Josef Apfel, arabbi at Leeds, England, to serve the congregation as rabbi. Rabbi Apfel sub-sequently (April 1956) withdrew his acceptance of the post. The Nieuw Is-raelietisch Weekblad editorialized that the task of attracting rabbis to TheNetherlands would be simpler if their duties under Chief Rabbi Schusterwere more clearly defined.

Zionism and Relations with IsraelThe Joodse Wachter, organ of the Nederlandse Zionistenbond (NZB), an-

nounced in its issue of July 27, 1955, that the editorial staff had resigned.


The editors gave as their reason the time and energy-consuming difficultiesentailed in giving detailed explanations of their editorial decisions to anAppeal or Honor Commission. This involved procedure left the editors in-sufficient time in which to do their regular work, they maintained.

The NZB executive board called an emergency general assembly for Sep-tember 11, 1955, in Utrecht. In view of the opposition to its policies, theexecutive board had decided to resign and let the general assembly choosenew officers, as well as new editors for the Joodse Wachter.

On August 19, 1955, the executive board published a memorandum detail-ing its motives in presenting a collective resignation. It declared that the in-fluence of Zionists on Jewish life in The Netherlands had been continuouslyon the decline since the Liberation. This was in part due to the Zioniststhemselves, the executive board continued. It noted that a resolution hadbeen adopted at the last general assembly held December 25-26, 1954, author-izing the issue of Zionist directives to Zionists who were officers in other Jew-ish groups. The strongest opposition to the measure had been voiced by Zion-ists in the Amsterdam Synagogue Council. The retiring executive boardtherefore requested the election of a new council, to be granted more au-thority, or a dear mandate for its own (non-Zionist) views.

By a vote of 51 to 10 on September 11, 1955, the general assembly adopteda resolution declaring its opinion "that a commission should be instituted todeliberate regularly and . . . to take decisions in all affairs of Zionist interest. . . ; the commission to consist of five members of the Executive Board andthree members of the NZB." A motion of confidence in the editors of theJoodse Wachter was voted, 38 to 11, and the staff agreed to withdraw theirresignation.

On December 25 and 26, 1955, the NZB held its fifty-third (regular) gen-eral assembly. An important feature of the gathering was the absence of Miz-rachi representation, in protest against the decision to subject Zionists toNZB discipline. On March 4, 1956, the Nederlandse Mizrachie general as-sembly in Amsterdam approved the action of its council in staying awayfrom the Zionist general assembly.

The NZB had 2,581 members on November 1, 1955, compared with 2,688about a year before. One-third of the total membership lived in Amsterdam.

The Collectieve Israel Actie collected 585,000 guilders ($ 154,000) in theperiod October 1, 1954 to September 30, 1955.

The Joods Nationaal Fonds (Bureau Nederland) transferred 263,440 guilders($69,300) to Israel during the year from October 1, 1954 to September30, 1955.

Seven members of the Dutch Parliament visited Israel as guests of the gov-ernment there, and returned to express enthusiasm for the young nation'sachievements. Dutch Minister of Finance Johan van de Kieft spent twoweeks in Israel as the guest of officials there.

Interkerkelijk Contact Israel (Interchurch Contact Israel), representing theleading Protestant sects, urgently appealed to the Netherlands government inApril 1956 to influence the western powers to fulfill their guarantees for thecease-fire agreements.

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The Israel Philharmonic Orchestra played in the 1955 (summer) HollandFestival. A squad of twenty Israeli soldiers walked along in Nijmegen's an-nual Vierdaagse ("Four Days")—a mass walk by almost 10,000 civilian andmilitary sports enthusiasts. All the soldiers completed the prescribed 120miles. Amsterdam's Stedelijk Museum held an exposition (September 15—October 9, 1955) of works by Israel painter Joseph Zaritzky.

Social Services

The Centraale Financierings Actie voor Sociall Werk in Nederland,(CEFINA), the central fund-raising agency for Jewish welfare needs, netted389,459 guilders (5103,260) in its 1955 campaign.

The Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany (CJMCAG),making its second annual appropriation at the beginning of 1956, allocated440,164 guilders ($115,800) to the Netherlands.

At the end of 1955 the Berg-Stichting, which cared for problem children,had fifty-three boarders. Of these, twenty-eight were orphans. Ten hadmothers living, but no fathers. The foundation's principal difficulty was se-curing trained personnel in a period of overemployment. Other Jewishhomes reported similar personnel difficulties.

The Stichting Joods Maatschappelijk Werk (JMW), the central Jewish wel-fare organization, reported that on December 31, 1955, there were twenty-eight religious and thirty-seven private Jewish organizations affiliated with it.

The Vereniging Joodse Invalide, which opened a home for ninety agedpersons in Amsterdam in 1952, was allocated 100,000 guilders ($26,300) forexpansion from the funds of the CJMCAG. The home began an expansionto bring its total of accommodations up to 105.

There was a growing waiting list for admission to homes for the aged.Arnheim's Beth Miklath Lezikno planned to build a home for the aged to

replace the one destroyed in 1944. The JMW planned to organize a society ofthe aged, to provide leisure-time diversion for those in homes for the aged.

The JMW received from the CJMCAG 30,000 guilders ($7,896) to estab-lish a rest home for convalescents who could not easily be cared for in hos-pitals, at home, or in an institution for the aged.

Plans were being made to care for several aged Jewish refugees fromChina. The Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs offered 12,000 guilders($3,160) annually to finance the scheme.

Le Ezrath Ha-Yeled received 20,000 guilders ($5,260) from the CJMCAG,which it planned to use in paying social workers to visit Jewish orphans liv-ing in non-Jewish homes.

The commission for individual help and social section of the JMW re-ported that during 1955 it had considered 1,434 cases in 69 communities. So-cial workers had made 1,160 house calls in Amsterdam, and 466 elsewhere.The JMW provided 5,289 days of family care and help, thanks largely tonational and municipal subsidies. The ministry of welfare paid about 60 percent of the salaries of top officials of the JMW, the rest being covered by theCEFINA-JMW campaign.


Cultural Activities

The first publication of a series of Jewish monographs, a joint publicationof the NZB and the Nederlands-Israelietisch Kerkgenootschap, came off thepress in 1955. It was a children's book called Van Adam tot Ezra ("FromAdam to Ezra").

Abel J. Herzberg's Kronieh der Jodenvervolging ("Chronicle of the Perse-cution of the Jews"), written as a contribution to the collection Onderdruk-king en Verzet ("Oppression and Resistance") was published as a separatebook in 1956.

Jacob Soetendorp, rabbi of Amsterdam's Liberal Joodse Gemeente, pub-lished a book entitled Schepping en Ondergang in het Oude Oosten ("Crea-tion and Decline in the Old East").

Jewish actor-singer Nathan Szpiro made the first Yiddish record for thePhilips Phonograph Industry.

Personalia

Actor Jo Sternheim died in Amsterdam on February 17, 1956. JournalistPhilip Pinkhof died on March 1, 1956. Alfred Polak, a prominent Zionist,died on March 28, 1956.

ISRAEL SHENKZR

ITALY

AT THE BEGINNING of the year under review (July 1, 1955 to June 30, 1956)Mario Scelba resigned as prime minister, and was replaced by Antonio

Segni (on July 5, 1955). Though both men were members of the ChristianDemocratic Party, Segni was considered closer to its left wing. Despite thechange of personnel, the government coalition of the Christian Democratswith the Social Democratic and Liberal parties remained unchanged.

Throughout the year there was discussion regarding "an opening to theleft," by which was meant the inclusion in the government of the SocialistParty of Pietro Nenni. Nenni's position was strengthened by the municipalelections of May 1956, in which his party gained at the expense of theCommunists; the Communists received about 10 per cent fewer votes than inthe last national election. Most observers considered the Khrushchev denunci-ation of Stalin (see p. 305) to have been the main cause of the CommunistParty decline.

Italy's gross national product during 1955 increased by 9 per cent, which,according to the Organization for European Economic Cooperation, was arise second in Western and Central Europe only to that of the German Fed-eral Republic. Part of this increase was due to the beginning of returns fromthe work of the Cassa per il Mezzogiorno, a state corporation set up in1950 with a capital of Lire 1,280,000,000,000 (over $2,000,000,000) to developthe depressed southern area.

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There was little doubt that the Jews, who were predominantly in com-merce and the professsions, benefited by the improved economic conditions.The constantly rising number of tourists visiting Rome furnished an impor-tant source of revenue for the 700 licensed Jewish peddlers.

Anti-Semitism

There was very little evidence of anti-Semitism during 1955-56, but oneincident occurred which suggested that where Jews played a significant rolein economic activity, even Italians could be anti-Semitic.

In the latter part of 1955, the Italian parliament adopted a new tax law.Among other things the law, which aimed at reducing opportunities for taxevasion, required stockbrokers to submit a monthly report to the governmentlisting all persons who had purchased stocks during the month and theamount of money involved. The Associazione Nationale degli Agenti diCambio ("Association of Stockbrokers") headed by Gaetano Tedeschi, a Jew,protested bitterly against the required report, claiming that it would ruin theItalian stock market by driving investors out.

When negotiations with the government proved unavailing, the stock-brokers declared a thirty-minute protest strike for April 17, 1956. Meanwhile,on April 15, the Tedeschi brokerage firm included in a bulletin which itsent to its clients a statement indicating that the firm considered it unlikelythat the law would be modified. During the strike period a number ofbrokers accused Tedeschi and another Jewish member of the negotiatingcommittee of sabotaging the committee's efforts in order to earn large profitsfor their clients, whom they had advised to bet on a drop in stock prices.As tempers rose the accusation broadened to include all the Jewish brokers,who were estimated to number more than one-third of the total. The inci-dent ended when a certain Carlo F6a, a broker of Jewish origin, slapped anon-Jewish colleague whom he accused of passing insulting remarks that in-cluded some reference to his being Jewish. No further incidents were re-ported, but subsequently Tedeschi resigned from the presidency.

In a comedy program over the Radio Audizioni Italiane (RAI) on April 9,1956, the Italian government-owned radio network, a joke was told whichplaced the Jew in the position of being more concerned about the amountof inheritance he might receive from a late relative than about the loss ofthe relative. A humorous weekly Super-Calendario, with a relatively smallcirculation, in its issue of February 1956, also printed a joke which empha-sized Jewish parsimony. In this instance they went all the way back to CzaristRussia for the setting.

The Unione della Comunita Israelitiche Italiane, recognized by the law asthe official voice of Italian Jewry, protested in both instances and receivedapologies and assurances against recurrences.

Community OrganizationUnder a law enacted in 1930 Jews were required to belong to a Jewish

community unless they formally renounced Judaism. Membership carried withit the obligation to pay taxes to the community for the support of its reli-


gious and cultural activities. Taxes were paid on the basis of income, and therate was established by the council of each community. Only taxpayers hadthe right to vote in the elections of the community councils.

The community council had the right to fix the amount of taxes to bepaid by members, and could ask the government to collect the tax. Generally,however, this power was used only in extreme cases of flagrant refusal topay the tax.

Although the law had been expected to result in the establishment of theamount of the tax as more or less automatic—a certain percentage of re-ported income—the procedure in fact proved much more complicated. Mostcommunities felt that it was necessary to make adjustments to provide forinevitable differences among families in their ability to meet communal obli-gations. Evidence of large expenses, such as those due to illness, or to thenecessity to help elderly parents, entitled members to consideration for areduction. On the other hand, ownership of a luxurious home or automobilewas considered sufficient ground for increasing the levy. To deal with pro-tests against the amount of tax assessed, each community appointed a specialcommittee and provided for an arbitration procedure.

Of the three largest communities (Rome, Milan, and Turin), the last wasleast dependent on tax revenue, having significant income from property.Only one out of every four members of the Turin community paid taxes, asagainst one out of three in both Rome and Milan. The average taxpayer inRome paid about 50 per cent more than his counterpart in Turin, whilein Milan he paid three and a half times the Turin average.

Improvement and expansion of educational and social service programs invarious communities resulted in a need for increased income. In Romeincreased welfare grants to the needy, a new community center, and a newschool building, required an increase of at least 25 per cent over 1955. Thecommunity leaders realized that despite their power to compel payment ofhigher taxes, they had to convince the contributors of the value of the newprograms. To this end the community newspaper devoted much space to thewelfare and educational programs, and letters were sent to all taxpayersexplaining the need for more funds.

CONGRESS OF COMMUNITIES

In May 1956 the twenty-three Jewish communities met for the first timesince 1951 to elect a council of the Unione. The new fifteen-member councilconsisted of five representatives from Rome, three from Milan, three fromTurin, two from Genoa, and one each from Trieste and Venice. A rabbinicalcouncil of three was also elected, consisting of Rabbis Ermano Friedenthalof Milan, Alfredo Toaff of Leghorn, and Paolo Nissim of Trieste.

The newly elected council met subsequently and elected Judge SergioPiperno of the Court of Appeals of Turin as president of the Unione. RenzoLevi, a Rome businessman, was elected vice president.

As a basis for discussion of the problems of Italian Jewry, the congressheard a paper delivered by Giuseppe Ottolenghi, president of the MilanJewish community. Ottolenghi pointed to the fact that the registered mem-bers of Jewish communities numbered less than 30,000, and that they werescattered in twenty-three communities. Of these communities only two had

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more than 5,000 members (Rome and Milan), six had over 1,000 (Turin,Florence, Trieste, Venice, Leghorn, and Genoa), and the other fifteen hadfewer than 1,000. Ottolenghi stressed the danger of assimilation under theseconditions and urged that steps be taken to combat it. He placed particularemphasis on the need to improve the quality of personnel in Jewish organi-zations and schools, and emphasized that this and other desirable goals couldonly be achieved by significant increases in communal income.

Elio Toaff, chief rabbi of Rome, reviewed the cultural problems of ItalianJewry and noted that while he shared Signor Ottolenghi's view that the dan-ger of assimilation was great, the expansion and improvement of Jewishschools since the war had done much to slow it down. The Jewish schoolswere giving Italian Jews a positive basis for affiliation with the Jewish com-munity. He stressed the importance of teaching Hebrew as a means of keep-ing Jewish youth aware of their identity as Jews.

Jewish EducationThe eight larger Jewish communities operated full-time Jewish schools.

They considered this essential, since in the words of Chief Rabbi Toaff, "inthe public schools, children receive a thorough Catholic indoctrination." TheMilan community had a full program going through liceo, the equivalent ofan American high school, with 422 children enrolled. Rome and Turin eachprovided eight years of schooling; the enrollments were 635 and 132 respec-tively. Elementary education only was provided for 63 children in Leghorn,52 in Trieste, 49 in Florence, 29 in Venice, and 19 in Genoa.

In an effort to strengthen the Jewish schools, the Unione sponsored con-ferences on Jewish education in September 1955 and in February 1956. Mostof the discussion centered around means of making up the deficiency inteaching materials. Particular emphasis was put on the lack of adequate text-books for the teaching of Jewish history. The meetings also worked out plansfor improving the quality of teaching in Jewish schools. With the help of agrant of Lire 4,500,000 ($7,200) from the Conference on Jewish MaterialClaims Against Germany (CJMCAG), courses in Hebrew language and litera-ture were established in Milan and Rome in November 1955, and twenty-eight teachers attended.

In April 1956 the Rome community began work on a new school buildingon the same site as the old Scuola Polacco, which had proved completelyinadequate for modern school needs. The plans called for an expenditure ofover Lire 100,000,000 ($160,000), of which Lire 50,000,000 ($80,000) was atwo-year grant from the CJMCAG, and the balance was to be raised locally.

With the help of grants from the American Joint Distribution Committee(JDC) and the CJMCAG, the Milan community was able to make neededimprovements in its school building. In March 1956 an auditorium with aseating capacity of 800 was dedicated in memory of Saly Mayer, the latepresident of the Milan community. At the same time the school was able toopen a fully equipped science laboratory and two new classrooms, whichwere needed to relieve overcrowding. The cost of these improvements wasapproximately Lire 25,000,000 ($40,000), of which Lire 11,000,000 ($17,600)had been given by the JDC and the CJMCAG.


STUDENT AID

The Unione had long been concerned about the difficulty many Jewishfamilies were having in paying fees and purchasing books for children inscuole medie and licei. During 1955-56 they expanded the student aid pro-gram to include average grants of Lire 28,000 (about $45) to thirty-eight suchstudents.

As in past years, grants were made to needy university students with betterthan average scholarship. A total of Lire 2,300,000 ($3,700) was distributedamong forty students. The funds for student aid were provided almost en-tirely by grants from CJMCAG and JDC.

RABBINICAL COLLEGE

The Rabbinical College, which in 1952 had moved from Rome to Turin,returned to Rome during the fall of 1955. The college was directed by RabbiAlfredo Toaff of Leghorn, and had a faculty of six, one of whom had beenbrought over from Israel in October 1955. Fourteen students attended theschool during the academic year 1955-56. Three other students, who were inthe final stages of training, remained in Turin to complete their educationwith Rabbi Dario Disegni. At the end of the year, these students passed anexamination given by the Rabbinical Council of the Unione and wereawarded the title of maskil.

Social Services

When the Organization for Rehabilitation and Training (ORT) had vir-tually completed its task of training refugees in 1952, it turned its attentionto the employment problems of Italian Jewish youth. Habit and traditionhad led most of them into peddling, and for some this produced an adequatelivelihood. For many others, however, earnings were not sufficient to supporttheir families in health and decency. Because of high unemployment in Italy(about 10 per cent of the total labor force), unsuccessful peddlers lackingskills could not solve their problem by becoming workers. During 1955-56,ORT had seventy-seven Jewish young men enrolled in full-time courses fortelevision technicians, automobile mechanics, and electricians. Ninety-oneboys and girls were enrolled in evening courses in electrical installations, car-pentry, radio technology, leatherwork, and dressmaking.

In Rome, ORT's prevocational school for boys and girls aged eleven tofourteen years was attended by ninety-two Jewish children. In addition,ORT supervised the training of twelve chalutzim for work on collectivefarms in Israel, and gave manual training in all Jewish elementary schools.ORT received substantial funds from the Italian government and some helpfrom local Jewish communities. The JDC contributed $75,000 for ORT'sprogram in Italy.

With funds provided by the CJMCAG and JDC, the Unione was ableduring 1955 to distribute Lire 28,000,000 (§45,000) to twenty communities forhelp to needy persons. The communities raised Lire 19,000,000 ($30,000), sothat a total of Lire 47,000,000 ($75,000) was distributed to 948 needy families.

ITALY 271

Six hundred and twenty-three children in Jewish schools were given freelunches. The CJMCAG and JDC contributed Lire 3,000,000 ($5,000) and theJDC gave food supplies received from the United States Department of Agri-culture (USDA) valued at Lire 3,500,000 ($5,800).

JDC also distributed 240,000 pounds of USDA food supplies to needy per-sons through the welfare departments of the Jewish communities. The foodwent to seven Jewish aged homes, the orphanages of Rome and Turin, theJewish hospital and the maternity clinic of Rome, and the summer camps.

The Organizazione Sanitaria Ebraica (OSE) provided medical services toneedy persons through clinics in Rome and Milan and through contractswith private physicians in five other communities. Over 3,000 persons bene-fited from these services. OSE also operated four camps for Jewish children,and served 810 children during the summer of 1955. In June 1956 OSE dedi-cated a new building for its day camp at Ostia near Rome. Of the total costof over Lire 14,000,0000 ($23,000), the CJMCAG and JDC gave Lire 5,000,-000 ($8,000) and the balance was raised locally.

In December 1955 the Jewish community of Rome opened the first Jewishcommunity center in Italy. With Lire 8,000,000 ($13,000) given by the JDCin 1953 and 1954, and Lire 12,000,000 ($19,000) raised locally, the unfinishedstorage rooms in the basement of the temple were completed to provide asmall theatre seating one hundred persons, a gymnasium, a game room, alarge social room, three small club rooms, and offices. During 1955-56 theCJMCAG and the JDC gave the community Lire 3,000,000 (S5,000) for thepurchase of equipment. The director of the center was Miss Giuseppina diCapua, who had been sent to the United States in February 1955 for a nine-month orientation course under the guidance of the National Jewish Wel-fare Board. During its first six months of operation the center was well-attended, and it was considered by the community to have met a great need.

REFUGEES

Of an estimated 35,000 Jews from Central and Eastern Europe who hadsought refuge in Italy since the war, only 1,500 to 2,000 remained. During1955—56, 696 of these required financial help from the JDC. In the course ofthe year, 112 assisted refugees emigrated with the help of the United HIASService. Seventy of these persons received visas for the United States under theRefugee Relief Act (RRA). By June 1956 the RRA had ceased to function inItaly, because the number of visas allocated for refugees in Italy had been ex-hausted and the United States Congress had failed to authorize the transferof excess visas provided for by other sections of the act. Approximately fiftyJDC assistees—including thirty persons who had finally recovered from tu-berculosis—had met all of the qualifications, but visas were not available forthem.

There was a small but continous problem of Israelis coming to Italy insearch of emigration opportunities to other countries. During 1955-56 sev-enty-three persons in forty-one family units sought help from the JDC orfrom the welfare department of the Jewish community. Most of these per-sons were ultimately helped to return to Israel.


Relations with Israel

The active leadership of the Italian Jewish community felt a very closeidentification with Israel. Funds were raised on behalf of Keren Hayesod(Palestine Foundation Fund) and Keren Kayemeth (Jewish National Fund);during 1955-56, the two together collected a total of almost Lire 100,000,000($160,000).

The Federazione Sionistica Italiana had a relatively small membership butwas very active. Italian Jewish women were organized in the Associazionedelle Donne Ebree d'ltalia (ADEI), affiliated with the Women's InternationalZionist Organization (WIZO).

There was one agricultural hachsharah. In June 1956 it graduated elevenyoung men, who went to Israel.

In February 1956 the governments of Italy and Israel raised their respec-tive representatives from ministers to ambassadors. Trade between Israel andItaly was not great. Israel purchases in Italy totaled |6,000,000, while Italianpurchases from Israel amounted to $1,000,000, of which the major item waspotash imported by the Montecatini Company, Italy's largest chemical firm.The Syrian embassy attempted in March 1956 to get the Montecatini Com-pany to cancel the order, threatening economic reprisals, but Montecatini re-fused to yield. In the view of informed observers, however, Arab pressure wasa major factor in keeping Israel-Italian commercial relations at a low level.

Despite continued Arab pressure, the government again accepted someIsraelis for training in Italian naval and air schools.

Cultural Activity

The Unione published ten issues of its monthly magazine, La Rassegnad'Israel, edited by Dante Lattes. Beginning with Rosh Hashonah 1955, Pro-fessor Lattes wrote a weekly twelve-to-sixteen-page pamphlet Nuovo Com-mento alia Tordh, which was mailed free of charge to 4,000 Jewish families.The chief rabbi of Leghorn, Alfredo Toaff, edited the writings of Rabbi EliaBenamozegh, the famous rabbi and scholar of Leghorn, who served that com-munity during the latter half of the nineteenth century. In December 1955the Unione published Rabbi Toaff's work under the title of Scritti Scelti diBenamozegh. In November 1955 the Unione also published a revised editionof Boker, a Hebrew primer by Leo Levi, which was in use in all Jewishschools in Italy.

Community bulletins were published monthly in Milan and Rome and ir-regularly in Genoa and Florence. A national weekly newspaper, Israel, waspublished and edited by Carlo Alberto Viterbo. While not an official organ,it cooperated very closely with the Unione and received financial assistancefrom it.

HAROLD TROBE

Central Europe

WEST GERMANY

THE WEST GERMAN ECONOMY continued to expand between July 1955 andJune 1956. After June, production declined slightly. The gross national

product rose 11 per cent in 1955, to 60 per cent above 1950. Industrial pro-duction, up 16 per cent, doubled that of 1950. The index (1936= 100) was221 by June 1956. But West Berlin only regained the 1936 level. Employmentin the Federal Republic was more than 800,000 above the previous year. Inpart, this was due to the influx of almost 300,000 refugees from East Germanyduring 1955-56. Unemployment, at 479,000, or 2.5 per cent of the labor forceof 18.4 million, was the lowest since the end of World War II. West Berlinunemployment fell, but was still 11.3 per cent.

Output per man was up 17 per cent in 1955, while wages rose only 12 percent. The July 1956 cost of living index (1950 = 100) at 113, was 2.3 per centabove July 1955. National consumption rose 12 per cent during 1955-56, butold age pensioners, war invalids and widows, and the lowest categories of un-skilled workers, were barely touched by the "economic miracle," and contin-ued to exist near the subsistence level.

Steel production, exceeding that of either France or Britain, reached a post-war high of 21,700,000 tons in the twelve months under review. Some of theRuhr steel and coal combines, split up by the Allies to destroy "dangerousconcentrations of economic power," recombined in new forms. Some concernswere larger than they had been in the Thirties.

Exports rose 15 per cent, to |6,695,000,000, and imports 22 per cent to$6,226,000,000. In July 1956, the Bank Deutscher Lander held §3,571,000,000in gold and foreign exchange. West Germany's cumulative credit balance inthe European Payments Union of more than §2,000,000,000 was up almost$600,000,000 during 1955-56.

To curb inflation, Minister of Economics Ludwig Erhard tried to slow downinvestments and encourage imports by reducing certain tariffs and raising thebank rate in three stages from 3 per cent to 5.5 per cent. The last increase, inMay 1956, was strongly opposed by the Federation of German Industry. Chan-cellor Konrad Adenauer publicly supported the federation's criticism of hiseconomics and finance ministers.

Political Developments

Prospects for German national unity decreased during 1955-56, as Soviet hos-tility to any union of West and East Germany on a free basis became clearer.

273


At the Geneva "summit" conference in July 1955, the Soviet leaders said thata European collective security treaty, based on the status quo of German par-tition, should be concluded first, and that a rapprochement between the "twoGermanies" in such a framework would create the best conditions for laterreunion. During their visit to East Berlin after the conference, the Sovietleaders proclaimed that there could be no "mechanical reunion," i.e., unionthrough free elections, at the expense of the "social and economic achieve-ments of the East German workers."

This view was reiterated during Adenauer's visit to Moscow in September1955. All that the chancellor achieved, in return for re-establishing diplomaticrelations, was the release of the remaining German prisoners of war in theSoviet Union.

This deal was unanimously approved by the Bundestag on September 23,1955. When Soviet Ambassador Valerian A. Zorin arrived in Bonn on Decem-ber 21, his only proposal on the problem of unity was direct negotiation be-tween the East and West German governments. This suggestion was rejectedby both the government and the opposition.

The Western powers, on the other hand, continued to call for German unityon the basis of free elections, and for freedom for the new government tochoose its alliances. But Germans became increasingly afraid that the Westmight accept Russian disarmament proposals—put forward at the meeting ofthe subcommittee of the Disarmament Commission in London in March 1956—based on the continued division of Germany. German official statements con-sistently stressed the connection between German unity and a general relaxa-tion of tension. During his visit to the United States in June 1956, Adenaueragain urged continuing vigilance against the Soviet Union. Shortly afterwards,in an interview with an American news agency, he categorically rejected bi-lateral negotiations with the Russians.

The chancellor's uncompromising attitude was criticized not only by theopposition but even by some of his supporters, and somewhat vague demandsfor "a new approach," "greater flexibility," and direct negotiations with Mos-cow gained ground.

Related to the unity issue was the question of Germany's Eastern frontiers.A statement by Foreign Minister Heinrich von Brentano, made during a visitto London in May 1956, was interpreted to mean that Germany might oneday have to choose between unity and the territories east of the Oder-Neisseline. This formulation was violently attacked by the refugee organizations.

SAAR. PLEBISCITE

On October 23, 1955, the inhabitants of the Saar rejected the EuropeanStatute for the Saar previously agreed on by the French and West Germangovernments (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 366).

The campaign preceding the plebiscite was characterized by great bitterness.The pro-German parties were organized in the Heimatbund ("HomelandLeague"), which for the first time since 1945 received full political freedom.They denounced the parties favoring a European statute, and particularly theprime minister of the Saar, Johann Hoffmann, and his supporters, as "slavesof France" and "traitors to Germany." The Democratic Party of the Saar, led

WEST GERMANY 275

by the ex-Nazi lawyer Heinrich Schneider, was especially violent. The meth-ods of the pro-German parties led to warnings not only from the West Euro-pean Control Commission supervising the plebiscite, but also from ChancellorAdenauer, who almost alone among German politicians declared himself infavor of a European statute.

After the plebiscite a caretaker government was appointed to prepare elec-tions for a new Landtag. These were held on December 18, 1955. The threepro-German parties polled just under 70 per cent of the votes, slightly morethan the antistatute votes in the October plebiscite. Schneider's Saar Demo-crats, with 24.2 per cent of the total vote, were the second strongest party.

The new Landtag elected Schneider as its president, and the Heimatbundformed a government. Shortly afterwards, Saarlanders who had publicly sup-ported the European statute, as well as some Frenchmen and Jews, were reportedto have received threatening letters telling them to leave the country. Schnei-der's paper, Deutsche Saar, demanded the removal of some followers of Hoff-mann from the civil service.

In June 1956, Chancellor Adenauer and French Prime Minister Guy Molletagreed on a timetable and conditions for the return of the Saar to Germany.On January 1, 1957, the Saar was to become politically part of Germany, whileeconomic union was to be completed by 1960. The French were to have theright to extract a certain amount of coal from the disputed Warndt coal mines,situated at the French frontier. In addition, the Germans agreed to the canaliza-tion of the Moselle river wanted by the French to reduce the freight costs oftheir Lorraine steel industry.

REARMAMENT

On March 6,1956, the Bundestag, with the support of the Social Democraticparty (SPD), amended the constitution to authorize the government to raisearmed forces. Over SPD opposition, it also passed the Soldiers Law itself.Parliament showed itself determined to keep the new army under control. Thedefense committee of the Bundestag was designated as the permanent organfor this purpose. The constitutional rights of the soldiers were safeguarded—on the Swedish model—by a soldiers' counsel appointed by parliament and di-rectly accessible to every soldier. Supreme command was to be exercised by theminister of defense, except in time of war, when it would pass to the chan-cellor.

Federal Defense Minister Theodor Blank said he hoped to have 96,000 menunder arms by the end of 1956. But by July only 32,000 men fit for servicehad volunteered, including 10,000 members of the Frontier Guard.

To raise the 500,000 men Adenauer claimed the treaties required, he intro-duced a conscription bill on May 4, 1956. It passed on July 7, over the votesof the SPD and the Refugee Party (BHE), while the Free Democratic Party(FDP) abstained. The FDP speaker objected, among other things, to conscrip-tion before all "war-condemned German soldiers" had been released and theformer members of the Waffen-SS rehabilitated. In September 1956, the min-istry of defense announced that former SS officers up to the rank of lieutenant-colonel would be accepted as volunteers at posts not below their former rank.

Opposition to conscription remained widespread. Moreover, as the former


Blank Office set up in 1951 to work out plans for the new armed forces be-came a full-fledged ministry of defense (in July 1956), relations between Blankand parliament deteriorated. Blank, a Christian trade unionist, had originallyselected his advisers from anti-Nazis who were anxious to instill a new spiritinto the future army. But as the ministry expanded, more officers of the tradi-tional type joined its staff, and the reformers lost influence. Thus, Count Bau-dissin who, as the head of the department of internal structure, had beenresponsible for the conception of the "citizen in uniform," was generally be-lieved to have kept his post only because of unanimous backing from the de-fense committee of the Bundestag.

In a speech he made to naval cadets on January 16, 1956, in Blank's pres-ence, Captain Adolf Zenker, acting head of the naval department, praisedthe honorable traditions of the navy under Doenitz and Raeder. He saidthey had been sentenced as war criminals only for "political reasons." Zenkerwas strongly attacked by all parties except the German Party, and was replaced.

Blank clashed several times with the personnel committee screening seniorofficers. In one instance, the committee refused to approve two colonels al-ready working in the defense ministry. Up to the end of May 1956, the com-mittee had rejected 18 out of 245 senior officers, and had restricted the scopeof employment of 6 others.

All parties opposed a government proposal to prohibit spreading—or at-tempting to spread—"false and distorted allegations" about the armed forces.

DOMESTIC POLITICS

A regrouping of political forces started in the summer of 1955, when theBHE left the government over disagreements on social policy. The two BHEministers, Theodor Oberlaender and Waldemar Kraft, who refused to giveup their posts, were expelled from the party along with some Bundestagdeputies who supported them. In October 1955, amid strong appeals to na-tionalist sentiments, the BHE congress confirmed the break, and eighteen ofthe twenty-seven BHE deputies went into opposition. This deprived Ade-nauer of his two-thirds majority in the Bundestag.

At the beginning of 1956 the FDP went into opposition. Even earlier, itschairman, Thomas Dehler, had attacked the chancellor for not pursuing amore "active" reunification policy. The immediate cause of the break, how-ever, was a new electoral law proposed by Adenauer which would have prac-tically abolished proportional representation. The FDP violently opposed thelaw, which would have greatly reduced its strength in the next Bundestag. Atthe same time, its North-Rhine-Westphalian branch started to discuss withthe SDP the overthrow of the existing state coalition government of theChristian Democratic Union (CDU), the FDP, and the small Catholic CenterParty. Adenauer, fearing loss of control in the most important state, with-drew the electoral law. But by then the FDP rebels had decided to end CDU"one-party rule" by strengthening the opposition in the states. On February20, 1956, they joined with the SDP to overthrow the North-Rhine-Westphal-ian cabinet. This deprived Adenauer of his two-thirds majority in the upperhouse of parliament, the Bundesrat, which represented the state governments.

In the lower house, the Bundestag, the government was left with only 290out of 487 seats, after having lost the 33 FDP deputies led by Dehler. Twelve

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FDP deputies, including the four cabinet ministers, remained loyal to Ade-nauer, and formed the Free People's Party (FVP).

In North-Rhine-Westphalia, the FDP formed a coalition government withthe Social Democrats, who thus emerged from political isolation in that keystate, though at the price of an alliance with what was often described as theHitler Youth Leader Circle of the FDP.

Actually, only two leaders of the Duesseldorf FDP held important positionsin the Hitler youth: the Landtag Deputy Lange, and the press officer of theparty Siegfried Zoglmann. Zoglmann currently published two extremely na-tionalist weeklies Deutsche Zukunft and Fortschritt. The others were tooyoung to have reached prominence in the Third Reich. But their postwaractivities and associations made them suspect even in their own party. Andthe FDP organizer in North-Rhine-Westphalia, Wolfgang Doering, was re-garded as closely associated with Ernst Achenbach—also a Landtag deputy ofthe FDP. Achenbach in his turn was a friend and attorney of Werner Nau-mann, Josef Goebbels' former state secretary, who had been arrested in 1953by the British for trying to infiltrate German parties with former Nazis (seeAMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1954 [Vol. 55], p. 240 and f.).

But the split in the FDP was not a clear-cut one between extremists andmoderates. There were also ardent nationalists in the pro-Adenauer FVP,such as August Martin Euler, a member of its executive committee; in addi-tion, some genuine liberals still existed in both groups.

Neo-Nazism

Sixty extreme right-wing groups existed in West Germany in the spring of1956, according to the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution;the trade unions put the figure nearer to one hundred. But, as an organizedforce and in terms of votes, these groups were insignificant. Except in LowerSaxony, their total vote was less than one per cent in state diet elections,though in the municipal elections in Bavaria they were considerably strongerin some individual communities.

The only such group represented in a state parliament was the DeutscheReichspartei (DRP), which won six seats with 3.8 per cent of the votes in theLower Saxony elections of April 1955. In the Bremen elections in October1955, the DRP formed an electoral bloc with the BHE. The combined pollwas slightly below the 3 per cent the DRP alone had received in the Federalelections of 1953. In September 1956, the DRP claimed 12,500 members,mostly in Lower Saxony.

The DRP's national chairman was a former high Nazi official, SS Lieuten-ant General Wilhelm Meinberg. In October 1955 the former Hitler youthleader Herbert Freiberger replaced the former deputy gauleiter of Olden-burg, Georg Joel, as DRP chairman in Lower Saxony. Freiberger, who startedhis postwar career in the FDP and was for a time one of the editors of a neu-tralist paper, switched the Party's main line of attack from the Social Demo-crats to the government, and particularly to Adenauer's foreign policy. TheParty congress in January 1956 called for direct negotiations with the EastGerman government to achieve German unity. Werner Naumann (see


above), who held no official position but was believed to have great influencein the party, was a guest at the congress.

The DRP regarded Admiral Karl Doenitz, whom Hitler appointed as hissuccessor and who was due to be released from Spandau prison in October1956, as the "legal head of the German Reich." The jargon of the party'sorgan, Reichsruf, and the speeches of its leaders were reminiscent of Nazipropaganda. At the Party congress in the beginning of September 1956, itbegan to moderate its tone to impress possible allies in the 1957 Bundestagelections with the Party's respectability.

A concentration of neo-Nazi and neutralist groups was unsuccessfully at-tempted by Otto Strasser, the former leader of the Black Front, who returnedto Germany from Canada in March 1955. Attempts were made by othergroups, such as the Deutsche Gemeinschaft ("German Community") of Au-gust Hausleiter, and the Deutsche Block led by Karl Meissner. The associ-ations calling themselves Victims of Denazification continued to demand re-habilitation and compensation for their members.

Some thirty groups united in a Ring of National Youth Groups under aformer Hitler Youth leader, Richard Etzel. Their paper was called JungerBeobachter. Their activities centered in Bavaria, where they were fostered bya group of Nazi writers organized in the Deutsches Kulturwerk EuropaeischenGeistes ("German Cultural Activity in a European Spirit").

NAZI LITERATURE

More than a dozen publishers specialized in books by unregenerate Nazisor neo-Nazis glorifying the Hitler regime. The best known were the Plesse-Verlag in Goettingen, run by former SS leader Waldemar Schuetz; LeonhardSchlueter's Goettinger Verlagsanstalt; the Druffel-Verlag in Bavaria, underformer deputy Reich Press Chief Helmuth Suendermann; and the KurtVowinckel-Verlag in Heidelberg.

Nazi books were also imported. Adolf Hitler—sein Kampf um die Minus-seele was published in Argentina under the pseudonym of W. v. Asenbach anddistributed in Germany by Friedrich Lenz, himself a Nazi writer. A book bythe American anti-Semite Eustace Mullins, Federal Reserve Conspiracy, waspublished in German translation by the Widar-Verlag. The publisher, GuidoRoeder, also circulated an anti-Semitic pamphlet containing Jewish caricaturesdrawn by Hans Schwaighofer, who had played Judas in the OberammergauPassion Play.

According to the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution,there were in the spring of 1956 twenty-seven extreme nationalist and neo-Nazi periodicals, and about forty newsletters and brochures with Nazi tend-encies. Those most openly professing Nazi ideas were the Coburg monthlyNation Europa, the organ of the Fascist International, and the fortnightlyDie Anklage ("The Accusation"), which called itself the "organ of the out-lawed postwar victims." Die Anklage campaigned against the "slanderousatrocity story" that the Germans had murdered six million Jews. A few issueswere confiscated, and the editor and publisher fined for slandering Adenauerand members of his cabinet, but Die Anklage continued to appear.

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NATIONALISM

Nationalism in its traditional forms had a broader appeal than pure Naziideology. Its chief exponents were found in some of the war veterans'leagues. These, however, attracted only a small part of the veterans.

The central body of these leagues was the Association of German Soldiers(Verband deutscher Soldaten—VDS). Its organ, Deutsche Soldatenieitung,campaigned for release of the "war-condemned" [i.e., not "war criminals"];the rehabilitation of the German soldier; and the upholding of the soldierlytraditions in the new Bundeswehr. On its fifth anniversary, the paper re-ceived the congratulations of about twenty-five former generals, headed bythe convicted war criminals, Field Marshals Erich von Manstein and AlbertKesselring.

The individual leagues organized "search meetings" for the purpose oftracing missing comrades. At times, these meetings turned into nationalisticdemonstrations. The speeches of the parachutist generals Hermann BernhardRamcke and Kurt Student on various occasions showed an especially aggres-sive tone.

About 20,000 out of the close to 400,000 surviving members of theWaffen-SS elite guard were organized in the HIAG (Hilfsgemeinschaft aufGegenseitigkeit—Association for Mutual Help). Two monthlies, Wikingruf("Viking Call") and Der Freiwillige ("The Volunteer"), which was the offi-cial organ of the HIAG, devoted their pages to defending the Waffen-SSagainst the "slander" that it was a criminal organization, and to campaigningfor equal opportunities in the new army and pensions for their members. Insome states trade union pressure caused the HIAG's "search meetings" to bebanned, e.g., in Hesse in April 1956.

One of the most extreme nationalistic associations was the Stahlhelm. FieldMarshal Albert Kesselring was demonstratively elected its leader in 1952,even before he was released from the British prison for war criminals. In adebate in the Bundestag in September 1955, the Social Democrats askedwhether "Kesselring's private army" could still be regarded as constitutional,in view of a Stahlhelm rally in Goslar in June 1955, at which a number ofparticipants had appeared in steel helmets, jack boots, and uniform belts.Minister of the Interior Gerhard Schroeder replied that the reported in-fringement at the rally of the law of assembly forbidding, inter alia, thewearing of uniforms did not justify special measures. The Stahlhelm was de-fended by the parliamentary leader of the German Party, Ernst ChristophBuehler, who had been a speaker at the rally.

The Stahlhelm and other nationalist organizations also founded youthgroups to teach the younger generation the "traditional soldierly virtues."

DENAZIFICATION

Denazification ended in West Germany on December 31, 1955. But verdictsof denazification tribunals could be altered in favor of defendants by theordinary courts on the basis of new evidence.

In West Berlin, the city parliament unanimously voted to prolong denazi-fication for prominent Nazis beyond the end of 1955, because it was foundthat almost 300 of the leaders had never been subjected to denazification pro-


cedure, and many of them possessed large fortunes in Berlin. Secret bank ac-counts and real estate worth many millions of marks belonging to HermannGoering, Josef Goebbels, Joachim von Ribbentrop, Robert Ley, and otherdead or living leaders of the Third Reich were discovered. The Berlin de-nazification tribunals could still keep these fortunes out of the hands of thesepeople or their surviving relatives by imposing a fine on the property. Thus,the property of Ernst Kaltenbrunner, the last chief of the Reich SecurityOffice, was fined DM 300,000 ($71,500).

NAZIS IN OFFICE

A law implementing Article 131 of the basic law of the Federal Republicobliged public authorities to fill at least 20 per cent of the vacant posts withofficials who had lost their positions in 1945, either as a result of expulsionfrom the Eastern territories, or because they were Nazis or professional sol-diers. West Berlin, which filled less than the required 20 per cent of vacantposts with such persons, was fined DM 600,000 ($143,000) for the six monthsfrom October 31, 1955 to March 31, 1956.

The law also applied to universities, and prevented Heidelberg from ap-pointing the lecturers it wanted.

On the basis of this law, most Nazi officials had been reinstated. Even highNazi functionaries again held public office. Occasionally, some striking in-stances aroused public criticism. Thus, attention was drawn to the case ofOtto Braeutigam, head of the eastern department of the Bonn Foreign Office,when documents published in the Poliakov-Wulf book on the Third Reichand the Jews (see below) showed that Braeutigam had been involved in theextermination of Jews in Eastern Europe. After the SDP raised the matter inparliament, an investigation was started, and Braeutigam was temporarilysuspended from office.

Hans Globke, secretary of state in the Federal Chancellery, was stronglyattacked for his authorship of an official commentary on the Nazi Nurem-berg race laws. His friends claimed he had used his influence under the Nazisto protect Jews and Catholics, and Adenauer refused to drop him. Globke'sinfluence even increased. Adenauer put him in charge of General ReinhardGehlen's secret service organization after its transfer from American to Ger-man control early in 1956.

Minister of Refugee Affairs Theodor Oberlaender, himself a member ofthe National Socialist Party from 1933 on and a former SS major, surroundedhimself with several prominent Nazis, including high SA (Storm Troop) andHitler youth leaders.

The Federal ministry of defense sent the former General HermannFoertsch, author of a book on the "Duties of an Officer Loyal to Hitler"(Pflichtenlehre fur den hitlertreuen Offizier), to North Atlantic Treaty Or-ganization (NATO) headquarters to cooperate in the compilation of a bookon NATO. Juergen Hahn-Butry, author of anti-Semitic books in support ofthe Nazi war effort, was appointed editor of the government-sponsored armypaper Bundeswehr-Korrespondenz.

Prominent Nazis also found their way into office in the states. LowerSaxony's Education Minister Richard Tantzen (the successor of LeonhardSchlueter, who had been forced out of office by public protests) appointed a

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former senior functionary of the Nazi writers' chamber as head of the art de-partment of the ministry. Two leading Nazis were appointed to senior postsin July 1955, while two state secretaries who were Nazi victims were dis-missed.

Leading Nazis were also back in municipal government. Hans Reschke, aformer member of the Gestapo Security Service (SD), was elected mayor ofMannheim. The SDP challenged the election on the ground that Reschke'sSD membership had been kept secret, but the Wuerttemberg AdministrativeCourt ruled in his favor.

Friedrich Berber, a former collaborator of Joachim von Ribbentrop andeditor of the Nazi monthly on foreign policy Monatshefte fur AuswdrtigePolitik, was named professor of international law at Munich University.

In industry, most of those who had held important positions under Hitleragain had influential posts. Alfred Krupp expanded into new fields. Fried-rich Flick, also a convicted war criminal, increased his holdings with themoney received from the forced sale of his coal mines. Otto Ambros, the for-mer manager of the IG Farben plant Monowitz, which was based on the ex-ploitation of slave labor from Auschwitz, held several directorships, while theformer director of Monowitz, Walter Duerfeld, again headed a chemicalplant. Wilhelm Zangen, former head of the Reichsgruppe Industrie, was di-rector general of the restored Mannesmann Steel Combine, as he had beenunder Hitler.

PENSIONS AND COMPENSATIONS FOR NAZIS

The law implementing Article 131 of the basic law was also the basis forpayment of pensions to former officials and officers, including high-rankingNazi leaders and Gestapo officials—though they might be convicted warcriminals.

In the fiscal year 1955 more than $270,000,000 were spent for this category.A further increase in pensions, involving an additional government expendi-ture of $43,000,000 a year, was envisaged in a draft amendment to the law.

Prominent Nazis who received payments in 1955-56 included: WalterSchroeder, Nazi police president of Liibeck and SS general of Riga duringthe war; Admiral Erich Raeder, released from Spandau prison for major warcriminals in September 1955; and Field Marshals Erich von Manstein andAlbert Kesselring, convicted war criminals.

Some officials also received lump sums for accumulated arrears, such as theformer Nazi mayors of Bielefeld and Hanau. Often, towns refused to paybut were compelled to by the courts. But sometimes courts rejected or re-duced claims on the ground that the officials concerned owed appointmentor promotion solely to Nazi Party connections.

Public indignation caused some cases to be investigated. In the case ofRudolf Diels, founder of the Gestapo, the Bundestag demanded that his pen-sion be stopped after he wrote a pamphlet attacking the principles of demo-cratic government. But the interior minister of Lower Saxony, after a lengthyinvestigation, decided there was no legal cause for stopping the payments.The Bundestag also demanded cessation of payments to Ernst Lautz, theprosecutor who had demanded the death penalty for the leaders of the anti-


Nazi revolt of July 20, 1944, but the Schleswig-Holstein government onlyagreed to cut the pension by a third.

The law providing compensation for "late homecomers" from Russian cap-tivity was also applied to war criminals released from Allied prisons. Thus,Hertha Oberheuser, a doctor who had conducted medical experiments onfemale concentration camp inmates, received all the benefits of a "late home-comer" after her release from the American prison for war criminals inLandsberg, and was readmitted as a medical practitioner in Schleswig-Hol-stein. Martin Hellinger, SS doctor who had specialized in extracting goldteeth from concentration camp inmates before they were executed, receivedcompensation on his release from the British prison for war criminals inWerl. Otto Helmuth, former gauleiter of Mainfranken, sentenced to deathfor shooting American prisoners, but later reprieved, received compensationfrom the town of Kassel. Adolph Heinrich Beckerle, former Nazi policepresident, was granted compensation by the Frankfurt Administrative Courtafter his return from Russian captivity in October 1955. Angry press com-ments pointed out that Beckerle had been responsible for the SA terror inFrankfurt in 1933, and for the outrages committed during the November 1938pogroms, and that he had pressed the Bulgarian government to liquidate theJews when he was ambassador in Sofia during the war.

But Rudolf Jordan, former gauleiter of Magdeburg-Anhalt, who returnedwith Beckerle from the Soviet Union, was refused compensation by the Mu-nich Administrative Court. The court ruled that it was not in the spirit ofthe law to treat "Hitler's paladins who helped him to prepare the war" inthe same way as ordinary war prisoners.

Some prominent Nazis also claimed and received compensation for prop-erty confiscated immediately after the war to relieve distress among refugeesand bombed-out people. A wave of such claims started after the Federalcourt, in 1954, ordered Nuremberg to pay a former Nazi the full value of theclothing which had been requisitioned from him. Immediately afterwards, an-other leading Nazi successfully claimed compensation from the town ofLiibeck.

OPPOSITION TO RENAZIFICATION

The increasing activity of former Nazis called forth a strong reaction by alarge part of German public opinion. On various occasions the Bundestagexpressed almost unanimous disapproval of pro-Nazi or extreme right-wingtendencies. In February 1956 its president, Eugen Gerstenmaier (CDU),called for measures against the "arrogant behavior of the accomplices of Nazicrimes," and in particular against their impudent financial claims. This ini-tiative was widely welcomed, but produced no legislation before the summerrecess.

In April 1956 the Bavarian diet voted to strengthen legislation on uncon-stitutional activity to put a stop to the "growing nationalist, national-bolshe-vist, and bolshevist propaganda."

In West Berlin, members of all parties represented in the city parliamentformed a Militant League Against Nazism on January 30, 1956, the anni-versary of Adolf Hitler's seizure of power.

In June 1956 the central organization of German youth attacked the in-

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filtration of Nazis into high posts and the formation of youth groups "withan outworn ideology," and demanded stronger measures against the glorifi-cation of Nazism.

The trade unions denounced Nazi and nationalist activity, and repeatedlydemonstrated against them. At the Stahlhelm meeting in Goslar, trade union-ists clashed with the police protecting the meeting. Some of the trade unionbranches issued special publications on the "enemies of democracy" on theleft and right.

Newspapers and radio stations, especially Radio Munich, played a promi-nent part in exposing Nazi activities and infiltration.

A group of writers and publishers known as the "Gruenwald circle" met atthe invitation of the author Hans Werner Richter to discuss ways to stop theflow of Nazi literature. They criticized the reluctance of the courts to takeaction against the spreading of Nazi propaganda. As a test case, they sued theowner of the Druffel-Verlag on April 14, 1956, for spreading Nazi propa-ganda.

The German branch of the PEN Club also demanded stronger measuresagainst Nazi literature in May 1956.

At the Frankfurt Book Fair in September 1955 some publishers threw theexhibit of the Plesse-Verlag, including the posthumous work of Alfred Rosen-berg, out of the hall forcibly.

WAR CRIMINALS AND TRIALS FOR NAZI CRIMES

By July 1956, all but 124 German war criminals convicted by Allied courtshad been released.

Five major war criminals remained in Spandau prison under four-powercontrol: Rudolf Hess, Walter Funk, Baldur von Schirach, and Albert Speer.Admiral Karl Doenitz was due for release in October 1956. Admiral ErichRaeder was freed in September 1955 because of his age and illness.

Twenty-nine war criminals were still held by the Americans in Landsberg,and twelve by the British in Werl. The French held thirty-seven, and theDutch thirty-two. The remainder were imprisoned in Belgium, Luxembourg,Norway, and Italy.

Only the worst war criminals were still held. But large sections of Germanopinion, calling for their release, pretended that they were only prisoners ofwar unjustly held by the victors, or were soldiers who had only done theirduty.

Many Nazi criminals tried by German courts were acquitted. Thus, thecourt accepted a defense claim that the former commander of a police unit,F. Schwarze, accused of having shot Jews in Poland, was on leave while hisunit was concerned with "resettlement of Jews," and that on another oc-casion he had "merely accompanied some Jews to the station." HerbertRaschick, former head of the Gestapo in Bochum, and two of his assistants,accused of shooting nineteen prisoners shortly before the end of the war,were acquitted on the ground that it could not be proved that the defendantshad realized the criminal nature of their action. The former head of theDanzig Gestapo, Guenther Venediger, who shot two British officers recap-tured after escape, was freed because he had "acted under compulsion." Thechief of the concentration camp of Zwickau, Wilhelm Muesch, who had shot


prisoners recaptured after escape, was sentenced to four and one-half yearsimprisonment but released because of ill health. The court took into accountthat "in difficult times he was placed at a difficult post."

Two members of the Wehrmacht who had murdered the entire Jewishpopulation of a village near Smolensk were sentenced to two and three yearsrespectively. The chief of a Gestapo unit in Diisseldorf, Wihelm Schaefer,received a sentence of four years for torturing prisoners. The "hangman ofFlossenbuerg," Adolf Niess, received four years, and the camp doctor, Her-mann Fischer, and the SS man, Christian Wenck, three years each, for killingprisoners by injections. The commandant of Stutthoff concentration camp,Paul Werner Hoppe, who had murdered several hundred Jews, was sen-tenced to five years and three months. A medical orderly who had been anaccomplice received three years. Hoppe's "exemplary behavior as an officerat the front" was taken into account by the court. Adolf Fehrenbach, campelder at Sollstedt concentration camp, was given seven years for beating fel-low prisoners to death. An SS man who shot a British army doctor capturedduring the parachute attack on Arnheim received ten years. A life sentencefor the murder of Jews was given to the inspector of the Jewish labor campof Hluboszek in Galicia.

The German courts also dealt with some perpetrators of summary execu-tions during the last days of the war. Walter Huppenkothen and Otto Thor-beck, prosecutor and judge of the summary court which sentenced AdmiralWilhelm Canaris and his resistance group to death, were sentenced to sevenand four years hard labor, respectively, after having been acquitted in a pre-vious trial.

Widespread indignation was aroused by the acquittal of the former WaffenSS Lieutenant General Max Simon, who had four civilians executed for try-ing to prevent last-minute resistance to the Americans. The court held thatthe executions for "cowardice" had been justified.

Several notorious war criminals were among the prisoners repatriated fromthe Soviet Union between October 1955 and January 1956. They includedProfessor Karl Clauberg, who had conducted sterilization experiments on fe-male prisoners at Auschwitz. It was only after the Central Council of Jewsin Germany (Zentralrat) brought suit against him that the public prosecutorin Kiel started an investigation, and Clauberg was arrested on December22, 1955.

Some of the prisoners returning from the Soviet Union had not beenamnestied by the Russians, but were to be brought to justice in Germany.Those repatriated to West Germany were, however, freed and compensatedlike ordinary prisoners of war. The only difference was that their names werenot revealed. But journalists discovered that some of them had belonged tothe personnel of the Sachsenhausen concentration camp. They includedHeinz Baumkoetter, who had conducted experiments on human beings, andGustav Sorge and Wilhelm Schubert, who had been notorious for the killingand torturing of prisoners. After a campaign in some newspapers, Sorge andSchubert were arrested in February 1956. But part of the press and publicfelt that those who had remained so long in Russian captivity had atonedfor their crimes.

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Attitude to the Third Reich

Public opinion polls taken by the Institute fur Demoskopie over the years1947-55 (published in 1956) showed that a sizable minority of the populationstill had a favorable opinion of Hitler. Seven per cent of those questioned inJanuary 1955 thought that "Hitler had done more for Germany than anyother great man." In July 1952, 10 per cent considered him the greateststatesman of the century, while 22 per cent were of the opinion that Hitlerwas an excellent leader, though he had made some mistakes. In October 1951,21 per cent blamed other countries than Germany for the outbreak of theSecond World War; another 5 per cent attributed the war to "internationalcapitalism." In June 1951, 40 per cent expressed themselves in favor of theJuly 20, 1944, conspiracy against Hitler, 30 per cent opposed it, 19 per centexpressed no opinion, and 11 per cent did not remember the event.

Several organizations devoted themselves to publicizing the facts about theNazi era. The Munich Institute for Contemporary History, financed by theFederal and state governments, issued a quarterly Vierteljahreshefte fiir Zeit-geschichte. In June 1956 the institute organized a conference of German andforeign historians, at which various aspects of Nazism, resistance, and collabo-ration were discussed.

The Bundeszentrale fur Heimatdienst, under the Federal ministry of theinterior, tried to reach a wider public. Its weekly Das Parlament publishedsupplements on topics such as the November pogrom of 1938, the Reichstagfire, resistance to Nazism, and concentration camps.

Several books dealing with the persecution of the Jews were published dur-ing 1955-56, some of them with the help of public funds. Among them wereDas Dritte Reich und die Juden, by L£on Poliakov and Josef Wulf;Theresienstadt, by H. G. Adler; Er ist wie Du by Eleonore Sterling, and theGerman translations of Gerald Reitlinger's Final Solution, Hannah Arendt'sThe Origins of Totalitarianism, and Eva Reichmann's Hostages of Civiliza-tion. Books by non-Jewish authors on these subjects included: Wenn nur derSperber nicht kommt, a novel by Maria Mathi about the fate of Jewishfamilies in Hadamar where the Nazis committed euthanasia on mental pa-tients, and Deutsche und Judische Tragik, by Michael Mueller-Claudius.

Influential individuals, including Federal President Theodor Heuss, alsotried to prevent the public from forgetting what happened in the ThirdReich. At a meeting held in Cologne in July 1956, the Bundestag deputiesFranz Boehm (CDU) and Carlo Schmid (SDP) strongly appealed to their lis-teners never to forget the crimes committed by the Nazis against the Jews.But most people in West Germany preferred not to think of it. Most teachers,disliking "controversial subjects," left their pupils in ignorance about thecrimes of the Hitler regime and the resistance against it. In a school in Te-gernsee where a teacher offended this taboo and wrote a play about childrenunder the Nazi regime in April 1956, the headmaster forbade the perform-ance, because it might hurt the feelings of some parents. School librariesrarely included books dealing objectively with the Nazi period, while booksby Nazi authors were not weeded out, and—in Bavaria—were even included ina list of books recommended by the ministry of culture for school libraries.


RestitutionRestitution of identifiable property was almost completed. By the begin-

ning of 1956, 370,000 claims had been settled; 40,000 cases were still pending.A law to settle the claims of victims of Nazism against the former German

Reich, the State of Prussia, and the Nazi Party, passed its first reading in theBundesrat in July 1956. It covered the restitution of confiscated Jewish prop-erty, such as precious metals, works of art and furniture, real estate and se-curities. Up to $375,000,000 was to be provided for this purpose.

In January 1956 the supreme restitution court provided for by the Bonntreaties was set up. Its three divisions were in the same cities as the Alliedrestitution tribunals, which formerly functioned independently in each occu-pation zone. Each division consisted of an equal number of German andAllied judges under a neutral president. The first division started work inMarch 1956 at Rastatt in the former French zone.

IndemnificationOn June 6, 1956, the Bundestag passed a new indemnification law, sub-

stantially improving the Federal Indemnification Law of 1953. The Bundes-rat, which in November 1955 had rejected the most important improvementsof the bill, approved it unanimously on June 15, 1956. The new law cameinto force with retroactive effect on April 15, 1956. It extended eligibility forindemnification to former residents of the present Soviet zone of Germanyand of territories east of the Oder-Neisse line. Compensation was also pro-vided for loss of life and liberty and damage to health of persons persecutedby foreign governments induced to such action by the German Reich (e.g.,Czechoslovakia and Italy). Indemnification was also provided for the inmatesof the Shanghai ghetto. A new clause, providing indemnification for "restric-tion of liberty," applied to persons who had to wear the yellow star of Davidor were living underground. The law also increased some of the pensions andcapital sums payable to Nazi victims, and made most claims inheritable.Cases rejected under the old law could be reopened. The date for the filingof claims was extended to October 1, 1957.

The new law was welcomed by Jews from Germany and by the Conferenceof Jewish Material Claims Against Germany (CJMCAG), though the CJMCAGexpressed regrets that suggested improvements had not been included. Thelaw still lacked adequate provision for non-German victims of Nazi persecu-tion. Eight West European countries which had been occupied by Hitler, in-cluding Great Britain (with respect to the Channel Islands), protested onJune 28, 1956, that the law did not implement the obligation embodied inthe Bonn agreement of 1953.

Even worse was the situation of refugees from East Europe who were im-prisoned by the Nazis before they fled from Communism. The few rightsgiven non-German victims by the law were often narrowly interpreted by theGerman courts. Many claims of non-German inmates of concentration campswere rejected on the grounds that they had been imprisoned not because oftheir nationality—which would entitle them to compensation—but for "op-posing the occupying power"—which did not. In a case brought by a gypsy,

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the highest Federal court even held that the forced settlement of gypsies inPoland in 1940 was a security measure, and had not constituted an act ofpersecution until the gypsies were actually sent to concentration camps underthe Auschwitz decree of 1943.

PROGRESS OF INDEMNIFICATION

Of the 1,268,910 claims received by the ten indemnification offices of theWest German states, 852,812 were still pending on March 31, 1956. Of the362,326 claims decided, 186,995 were settled in favor of the applicants. About$390,000,000—an average of $2,000 per claim-had been paid by that date.Owing to the slowness of the procedure, the Federal government and thestates actually spent $45,000,000 less than they budgeted for this purpose.Only in West Berlin did the claims granted exceed the available funds.

Just under $110,000,000 was in the Federal budget for indemnification forthe year commencing April 1, 1956. Total payments between 1949 and theend of 1962, when all cases were to be settled, were estimated at $3,000,000-000. Together with the $700,000,000 allocated for reparation deliveries toIsrael, the total was estimated by chairman Otto Heinrich Greve of theBundestag's indemnification committee as about 3 per cent of the total Fed-eral government expenditure for the period.

The German press and radio frequently contrasted the slow indemnifica-tion procedure and the great number of rejected claims with the greatgenerosity shown to former Nazis. The attitude of the indemnification officesand the courts was repeatedly criticized in the Bundestag. The day the newlaw was passed the chairman of the indemnification committee expressed his"horror and dismay" at a number of decisions which he said were designedto turn the idea of indemnification into its very opposite. The committee de-manded that only judges who had grasped the spirit of the law should serveon the courts concerned with indemnification. The courts were also attackedfor having demanded proof which the victims could not possibly supply.

Similar criticism was voiced in the state parliaments. The Social Demo-cratic leader in the Wiirttemberg-Baden diet repeatedly accused the stateminister of justice, Wolfgang Haussmann, of approaching indemnificationfrom a legalistic instead of a humane and ethical aspect. He particularlycriticized the authorities' practice—also reported in other states—of appealingto the courts in cases where the decisions favored the applicant. A study ofstate indemnification offices by Kurt R. Grossmann early in 1956 was quotedextensively in German papers. Grossmann named among the objective diffi-culties the complicated procedures, which varied from state to state, and thefact that work in an indemnification office did not attract efficient employeeswanting a career. But in Berlin, under the influence of energetic SenatorJoachim Lipschitz, the record of the indemnification office was better than any-where else. In fact, in November 1955 Federal Finance Minister Fritz Schaef-fer objected that a draft amendment to the Berlin indemnification law ac-tually went beyond the Federal law.

PENSIONS FOR CIVIL SERVANTS

In December 1955 the Bundestag passed an amended version of the 1951Law for Redressing National Socialist Injustices With Regard to Public Serv-


ants. Under the new law, officials who had prepared for a civil service careerbut had received no appointment because of Nazi persecution became eligi-ble for pensions. So did university lecturers who had not yet been appointedto a chair, and former employees of certain public utilities. The law also in-cluded provisions for former rabbis and employees of Jewish communities.

IG FARBEN CASE

At the beginning of July 1956, the liquidators of the IG Farben Dye Trustoffered 57,000,000 as a settlement of claims of former slave workers employedby IG Farben. In June 1953 the firm, whose synthetic rubber plant in Mono-witz had been based on the labor of the inmates of the adjoining Auschwitzconcentration camp, appealed against a Frankfurt court decision awardingdamages to the former slave worker Norbert Wollheim (see AMERICAN JEWISHYEAR BOOK, 1955 [Vol. 56], p. 253). The appeals court postponed its decision,suggesting a settlement out of court.

Under the proposed settlement, the money would be paid to a special trustfund under the auspices of the CJMCAG, for distribution among the survivingslave laborers. As of September 1956, 2,500 had submitted claims. The liqui-dators, though legally entitled to make a binding offer, asked for the approvalof the shareholders, some of whom were opposed to the settlement.

PRIVATE INITIATIVE

The South German radio station in Stuttgart televised an account of themisery of Jewish refugees now living in Paris under the title Forgotten Menduring Brotherhood Week in March 1956. The program received much pub-licity. Many Germans sent contributions to a fund set up by Radio Stuttgartto further a scheme, initiated previously by the Bundestag deputies CarloSchmid and Franz Boehm, for the establishment of a Jewish old age home inParis. The Bundestag and a number of state and municipal governments alsovoted donations. At the time of writing (September 1956), $450,000 had beencollected.

Relations With Israel

There were still no diplomatic relations between the Federal Republic andIsrael. The Israel Purchasing Mission in Cologne, handling deliveries byGerman firms to Israel under the agreement of September 10, 1952 (seeAMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 540), enjoyed quasi-diplo-matic privileges.

By the beginning of September 1956, goods to the value of $275,000,000had been delivered under the agreement. These included $72,000,000 worthof oil from Great Britain paid for by Germany out of her credit balance inthe European Payments Union.

The purchases under the agreement represented 20 to 25 per cent of Is-rael's total annual imports. The share of capital goods for industrial develop-ments steadily increased, to 55 per cent of the total. It included several shipsbuilt in German shipyards.

Travel between Israel and West Germany increased. Israelis who visited

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Germany included Martin Buber, who lectured at the Berlin Free Universityand in West Germany.

In the summer of 1956, a group of Israeli students visited West Berlin andthe Federal Republic. They took part in an international students' meeting,which among other topics discussed the relations between Germans and Jews.German papers reporting on the meeting emphasized the lack of resentmentand the objectivity shown by the Israeli students.

The German Holy Land Association celebrated its one-hundredth anni-versary in October 1955 in the presence of a representative of the Israel mis-sion. It was announced on this occasion that German pilgrims would againbe allowed to visit the Christian holy places in Israel.

The Federal government subsidized a documentary film made in Israelshowing its development and the contribution made towards it by Germanequipment.

LOTTE LOWENTHAL

Jewish Population

Reliable statistics as to the total number of Jews in West Germany did notexist. The last government census, on September 13, 1950, had showed 17,116registered Jews in the Federal Republic and another 4,858 in West Berlin.Since April 1, 1955, the Zentralwohlfahrtsstelle der Juden in Deutschland—ZWS, the central welfare agency of the Jews in Germany, had been collectingthe membership statistics of the Jewish Gemeinden ("communities") in WestGermany and West Berlin. But as membership was purely voluntary, thesefigures covered only those who had chosen to join the Gemeinden.

The Gemeinden figures showed 15,684 registered members on April 1,1955; 15,857 on July 1, 1955; 15,920 on October 1, 1955; and 16,892 onJanuary 1, 1956. This increase was mainly due to the inclusion as communitymembers, since January 1, 1956, of the residents of the Fohrenwald DisplacedPersons camp, which was in the process of dissolution. There were 16,905 inthe camp on April 1, 1956, and 16,951 on July 1, 1956. The average age ofthe Jewish population, on June 30, 1956, was forty-four years.

In West Germany and West Berlin there were 4,704 Jews over sixty,including 1,744 who were seventy and over. Only 2,229 were under twenty.Of some eighty communities in West Germany, only four had more than1,000 members, as of June 30, 1956. The West Berlin community had 4,625members, Munich 1,919, Frankfurt 1,464, and Hamburg 1,015.

Little information on occupational distribution was available. A highpercentage, 10 to 15 per cent or higher, were living on old age pensions,public assistance, etc. In contrast to pre-Hitler days, there were only a fewprofessional people. About 140 Jews were in the higher civil service, about150 were lawyers, perhaps 50 were physicians and surgeons, and another 50worked for the press, radio, and television; around 2,000 Jews were in busi-ness. Of the 16,951 members of Jewish communities, 9,018 were male and7,933 female. The majority of the Jews in Germany were either stateless orcitizens of another country.


Migration

Emigration and immigration were no longer of major significance. Duringthe period under review, the United Hebrew Immigrant and Sheltering AidSociety (HIAS) Service assisted about 800 persons to emigrate. The emigrantswere mainly younger people who did not see too bright a future in Ger-many. The majority went to the Americas. The returnees were as a ruleolder, and came from various countries where they had not been able toadjust economically or socially, hoping to spend their last years in compara-tive quiet and comfort in their native land. Emigration aid was given by theUnited HIAS Service office in Munich, as well as by the American JointDistribution Committee (JDC). Returnees were aided by German authorities,and by Jewish communal and welfare agencies.

Intergroup Relations

Though there was little active anti-Semitism, many objective observersfelt that a kind of invisible curtain still existed between the few and isolatedJewish inhabitants of postwar Germany and their gentile neighbors. It wasunderstandable that most Jews kept to themselves, and that non-Jews, for avariety of reasons, found it at least equally hard to break through the wallsof this self-imposed isolation. There were numerous efforts, largely official orsemi-official, to break down these barriers. The majority of such efforts wereinitiated by non-Jews. The only noteworthy exception were the twenty localsocieties for Christian-Jewish cooperation, in which Jews, Catholics, andProtestants participated more or less equally. The national headquarters ofthese societies was located in Frankfurt and directed by Leopold Gold-schmidt.

Round table conferences on Jewish problems, with Jewish participants,were sponsored by the Lutheran Church's evangelical academies in Hofgeis-mar, Schaftlarn, Diisseldorf, and Iserlohn. Some of these conferences con-sidered such special problems as textbooks, the role of women, and youthwork.

Communal Organization and Communal Affairs

The Zentralrat der Juden in Deutschland, the central council of Jews inGermany, was formed in the summer of 1950 as an over-all body to representthe Jews of Germany. It was a purely voluntary body, formed by the officialorganizations of the Jewish communities, without legislative or executivepowers. Originally, the Zentralrat concentrated on questions of restitution,indemnification, and related problems, on which its secretary general, H. G.van Dam, was an acknowledged authority. On September 1, 1955, the Zentral-rat established a department for culture and education (Kulturdezernat)under the direction of Hans Lamm. The Zentralrat's annual meeting inDiisseldorf, held in November 1955, was attended by some two hundred dele-gates from all parts of Germany. Resolutions were passed on pending legisla-

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rive measures, democratic re-education, and the defense of Israel. Specialemphasis was given to the intensification of the community's cultural work.

New communities were formed during 1955-56 in Baden-Baden andBayreuth, and Jewish cemeteries were consecrated in Berlin and Hechingen,in the state of Wiirttemberg. Elections of officers took place in various com-munities. In Berlin, president Heinz Galinski retained control over strongopposition. In Hamburg the old community leadership was replaced byyounger forces. In Munich elections were frustrated by the long-drawn-outconflict between the community leadership and the small but vigorous forcessupporting the ousted rabbi, Ahron Ohrenstein, against whom criminal pro-ceedings had been pending off and on since 1951 (see AMERICAN JEWISHYEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 387). In general, there was a satisfactory rela-tionship between the relatively small group of former German Jews and themore recent arrivals with an East European background.

Joint fund raising for communal activities was still in the planning stage.The financial situation of most communities was in a state of flux, since fewcommunities had yet obtained the restitution compensation due to them asa result of agreements with the Jewish successor organizations or of stateaction. Most communities derived little income from membership dues and/ortaxes—many of their members being destitute—and the state authorities didnot always contribute to their budgets.

Jewish Education

A very small full-time school in Bad-Nauheim with only sixteen pupils wasthe only Jewish school in Germany. However, religious education was pro-vided in most Jewish communities. Many instructors taught in more thanone community. Bavaria employed a teacher who regularly visited six differ-ent communities. The number of Jewish teachers rose from twenty-one inSeptember 1955 to thirty-three in June 1956. Many of the new teachers wereprovided by the Jewish Agency. The number of students was 862 in June1956. There were 1,014 children of school age in 1956, about 25 per centmore than in 1955. There were no general professional standards for theteachers or for the content and methods of instruction. An initial lack oftextbooks was somewhat relieved by teaching material received from theUnited States, Israel, the United Kingdom, and Sweden. But there was stillno Jewish history book in the German language. Plans were under considera-tion to prepare one with the support of the CJMCAG and the JDC, and incooperation with other Jewish organizations in Central and West Europe.The language of instruction in religious classes was German. In addition tothe traditional religious subjects, Hebrew was taught both as the tongue ofthe Bible and prayer book and as of that of the State of Israel. The Zentral-rat's cultural department provided textbooks and other aids to the teachers.It held two week-end conferences in Frankfurt to discuss methods and goals,one in December 1955, the other in April 1956. They were well attendedby teachers from all parts of Germany. Periodical conferences were planned.

Teachers were paid by the communities with the aid of subsidies of overDM 100,000 (about $25,000) in 1956, supplied by the Zentralrat out of funds


received from the CJMCAG. For 1956, the Zentralrat received DM 177,000($42,000) from the CJMCAG.

Youth seminars were held jointly by the cultural department of the Zen-tralrat and the youth department of the ZWS. Nation-wide gatherings foryouth leaders were held in December 1955 in Reichelsheim in Hesse, andin April 1956 at Gut Rottland in the Rhineland. Similar meetings on asmaller scale were held at Berlin, Miinster, Gauting near Munich, and inother localities. The instructors at the youth seminars and teachers' con-ferences came both from Germany and from abroad.

Efforts were made to extend adult education at all age levels. Lectures onJewish subjects were conducted by both Jews and non-Jews in large com-munities regularly and in the smaller ones sporadically. Frankfurt was plan-ning to open a cultural center before the end of 1956. The Berlin Jewishcommunity was completing plans for erecting such a center, with the aid ofthe city government, on the site of a synagogue burnt by the Nazis inNovember 1938. This center was to be completed in 1957 or 1958. Mean-while, the Berlin Jewish community held major cultural events on a monthlybasis. A B'nai B'rith lodge resumed its activity in Berlin, and plans foranother one were under way in Frankfurt.

Religious LifeThe postwar Jewish communities in Germany retained the basically reli-

gious character which had been traditional there. However, the strong in-fluence of the new members with East European background gave manycommunities a more national character than they had previously possessed,expressing itself in such ways as celebration of the anniversary of the procla-mation of the State of Israel in synagogues.

Almost all synagogues in Germany had been destroyed between 1933 and1945. The larger communities built new ones, while the smaller communitiesestablished prayer rooms. During 1955-56 new synagogues opened in Reck-linghausen, Detmold, Offenbach, and Aachen. Preparations for new andlarger structures were completed in Dortmund and Diisseldorf. There wererabbis in Cologne, Frankfurt, Dortmund, Hamburg, Karlsruhe, Munich, andStuttgart. Berlin's very active Jewish community—again the largest in Ger-many—was still without a spiritual head, and efforts continued (mainly inIsrael and the United States) to find suitable rabbis for this isolated but veryimportant Gemeinde.

The Jewish communities of Germany were too small to make a divisionalong religious lines feasible. Most communities had only one house of wor-ship, where services were mostly traditional. Two types of services were con-ducted only in Berlin and Munich. Kosher restaurants existed in Frankfurtand Munich.

Zionism and Relations with Israel

The Palestine Foundation Fund (Keren Hayesod) and the Jewish NationalFund (Keren Kayemeth) were the only fund-raising bodies that conductedorganized campaigns within Germany. The former raised over DM 350,000

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($80,000). The Keren Hayesod held its first conference in Germany in twentyyears at Diisseldorf in November 1955. Headquarters were established inFrankfurt. The Zionist Organization of Germany was also re-established, andheld its first nation-wide gathering at Cologne on March 6 and 7, 1956. Forthe elections to the twenty-fourth Zionist congress, 6,996 shekalim were soldin 128 different cities and towns of Germany. The delegates from Germanyto the Zionist Congress at Jerusalem were Karl Marx of Diisseldorf, andHeinz Galinski and Carl Busch of Berlin.

Social Services

The ZWS administered almost all social service activities. The JDC, whichhad maintained a sizable staff in Germany after World War II, when up to100,000 Jews lived in DP camps, had at the time of writing only a singleoffice, located in Frankfurt. Its sole direct responsibility was to wind up theaffairs of the last DP camp in Germany, at Fohrenwald. The ZWS attemptedto provide every phase of social service, though institutional care was morehighly developed than case and group work. Direct cash relief was grantedto more than 1,500 beneficiaries, and fifteen homes for the aged were main-tained in twelve cities (Berlin and Munich had two each, one of those inBerlin also serving as a hospital). These homes cared for 531 persons onJune 30, 1956. Kindergartens, also substantially supported by the ZWS,existed in nine cities and were attended by 210 children on June 30, 1956,58 pupils more than in 1955. A newly created youth department underHarry Ma6r gave special guidance both to individuals and to youth groups.

The Jewish Hospital of Berlin had a capacity of 315 beds, but only a smallpart was occupied by Jews. In June 1956 the hospital administration wastransferred to the city government. The name Jewish Hospital was retained,as well as a number of Jewish prerogatives in the institution. During the1955 summer vacation, most Jewish communities, again supported by theZWS, sent their children to vacation homes. In the summer of 1956 theHenrietta Szold Vacation Home was to open its doors for seventy to eightychildren. This modern home in the southern part of the Black Forest—nearthe German city of Freiburg and the Swiss city of Basel—was acquired withthe aid of a substantial JDC grant, to be used both for summer vacationsfor children and for general health and recreation for all age groups.

The ZWS and the JDC established five loan associations (Berlin, Munich,Frankfurt, Hamburg, and Diisseldorf) which, in the eighteen months endingJune 30, 1956, granted 571 loans totaling DM 1,450,000 (about $350,000).In numerous cases, the loans contributed substantially to the establishmentof self-supporting enterprises.

Fohrenwald housed "hard core" cases, who for reasons of health or per-sonal adjustment had found it hard to leave. Jewish organizations and Ger-man government agencies were in agreement that the camp had been main-tained altogether too long, and that determined efforts should be made torelocate and reintegrate its residents in cities inside or outside Germany.Housing and other facilities were provided by German government authori-ties. From September 1, 1955, to June 30, 1956, the camp's population wasreduced from 1,024 to 521, and its closing was anticipated in the not-too-


distant future. A large number of the residents of Fohrenwald resettledoutside of Germany (about 400 in 1955), mainly in the United States andCanada with the aid of the United HIAS Service. Of the 3,400 persons whohad left Fohrenwald since 1951, some 2,600 had been aided by HIAS in emi-grating.

About 25 per cent of Fohrenwald residents—exactly 165 persons—emigratedduring 1955-56, while about 75 per cent were integrated in the Germaneconomy. Of the slightly more than 400 persons still in the camp, more than170 were to settle in Munich, 140 in Frankfurt, 58 in Diisseldorf, and lessthan 10 each in various other cities.

Cultural ActivitiesThe hundredth anniversary of the death of Heinrich Heine was celebrated

on February 17, 1956. President Heuss referred to Heine in his radio speechon the eve of the New Year and was present at the official celebration of thecity of Diisseldorf, where the author was born in 1797. The Heine Yearwas observed in many ways by Federal and state authorities, by the cities,and by civic associations. The Federal government issued a special stampcommemorating the day of Heine's death.

The Loeb Lectures of the Goethe University at Frankfurt, made possiblethrough a generous grant from private American sources, opened in Febru-ary with a speech by the venerable former Berlin rabbi, Leo Baeck, before alarge and distinguished audience in the largest hall of the university. Amongthose who welcomed him was Professor Max Horkheimer of New York, whofor many years after World War II had been rector of the university, andwho had taken an active part in making the series of Loeb Lectures a reality.Among speakers who followed Baeck were Ernst Ludwig Ehrlich of Basel,Hermann Levin Goldschmidt of Zurich, Professor David Daube of Oxford,Professor Walter Kaufmann of Princeton University, Rabbi Alexander Adlerof Manchester, and H. G. Adler of London. During the academic year1956-57 Professor Gershen G. Scholem of Jerusalem, and Eric Voegelin ofLouisiana State University, were to be among the lecturers.

Lectures on Jewish subjects were also delivered by Ernst Ehrlich and Her-mann Goldschmidt at the Free University of Berlin. Adolf Leschnitzer ofNew York City accepted an invitation to fill the chair of German Jewishhistory at the same institution. The evangelical organization of clergymen,scholars, and students, Dienst an Israel, held its eighth study conference atLiibeck. Among the speakers were three rabbis and four Jewish laymen. Theweek-long conference, held from February 27 to March 2, 1956, was devotedto a discussion of all aspects of tolerance. The 1957 conference was to takeplace at Saarbriicken.

Particularly noteworthy was the role West German radio stations and thepress played not only in combating anti-Semitism but also in spreading fac-tual information on Jewish thought and history, past and present. The Ham-burg network had a weekly Jewish hour as a permanent feature, and otherstations devoted substantial time to Jewish ideas and personalities. Studentorganizations and publications devoted a considerable portion of their inter-est to a sympathetic study of Jewish problems. Speakers on Jewish subjects

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were invited to address nation-wide conferences and study seminars, and thestudent press wrote frequently on German Jewish or Israel problems.

In the spring of 1956, Leo Baeck spoke at Miinster University on MosesMendelssohn, Moses Hess, Walter Rathenau, and Franz Rosenzweig. MartinBuber addressed huge audiences in Berlin, Gottingen, Miinchen, Darmstadt,and other places. Sholom Ben Chorin of Jerusalem spoke in Munich, Ham-burg, and Erlangen. Heinz Friedenthal of Tel Aviv lectured on Israel musicbefore various adult education institutions and over the German radio. MaxBrod lectured and read from his recent book on Cicero in Frankfurt, Mu-nich, Diisseldorf, and Berlin, and a number of his old books were reissued inGermany. Concerts by the Jewish violinists Yehudi Menuhin and David Ois-trakh drew large audiences. The hundredth anniversary of the birthday ofSigmund Freud was observed by press and radio on May 6, 1956, and a spe-cial series of lectures was held at the University of Frankfurt; German andforeign scholars participated.

A number of exhibits of the work of Jewish artists were held in variouscities: e.g., Paul Elsas in Stuttgart, the late Rudolf Levy in Wiesbaden, thelate Yankel Adler in Duisberg and other cities in North-Rhine Westphalia.The return of the composer Paul Abraham from the United States was pub-licized widely. A number of books on Jewish subjects were published in Ger-many in 1955—56. Kurt Ziesel's Daniel in der Lowengrube was much dis-cussed, because the author, who gave a moving description of Jewish lifeunder Nazi oppression, had successfully published under the Nazis. Lived inParadise, memoirs by the late Berlin journalist Hermann Sinsheimer, painteda pleasant picture of times past; while the collection of documents on theThird Reich and the Jews compiled by Poliakov and Wulf, pictured a moretragic period. The latter book and the German translation of Gerald Reit-linger's Final Solution reached a very wide public. A number of new editionsof the works of Heinrich Heine appeared.

Personalia

The minute number of Jews contributed significantly to the cultural andsocial life of Germany. Among those on whom President Theodor Heuss be-stowed the Federal Cross of Merit were: Erich Gompertz, manufacturer inHanover; Mrs. Erna Solzer of West Berlin, a non-Jew who had aided Jewsheroically during the days of Nazi persecution; Gustav Baum, Dusseldorf in-dustrialist; Adolf Hamburger, Nuremberg merchant, who helped rebuild thelocal Jewish community; the actor Ernst Deutsch of Berlin; Norbert Prager,chairman of the Lower Saxonia Association of Jewish Communities; Leo Als-bacher, Ludwigshafen community leader; and Yehudi Menuhin, world fa-mous violinist. The Grand Cross of Merit was awarded to Professor GeorgMisch of Gottingen University, who had emigrated to England in 1933, andreturned to his chair of philosophy in 1946. Arthur Hellmer was made hon-orary member of the Berlin city theater; Michael Oppenheim, retired gov-ernmental official and historian, was given an honorary L.L.D. by the Uni-versity of Mainz; the freedom of the city (honorary citizenship) was awardedto Mrs. Sara Nussbaum by the city of Kassel, to which she returned in 1946at the age of seventy-seven; and when Leopold Goldschmidt of Frankfurt, gen-


eral manager of the national association of the societies for Christian-Jewishcollaboration, became sixty years of age, President Theodor Heuss sent him apersonal message of congratulations. When Harry Goldstein, then presidentof the Hamburg Jewish community celebrated his seventy-fifth birthday onJuly 20, 1955, the city of Hamburg, where he had lived since 1919, awardedhim a medal "for faithful public service."

Death came to some prominent Jews in Germany. These included: MosheKeren, fifty-four (formerly Erich Kramer of the Berlin Vossische Zeitung),Israel diplomat and since 1953 editor of the Tel Aviv Haaretz (July 1955);Dr. Chaim Brandt, prominent physician (July 1955); Kurt Messow, sixty-seven, leading Berlin jurist, author, and active in community affairs (January1956); Benno Ostertag, Stuttgart lawyer, sixty-four, who had assisted greatlyin the drafting of restitution legislation after World War II and headed theWurttemberg Jewish community for years (April 1956); Fritz Sachs, seventy-five, who had done much to rebuild the Berlin Jewish community; ProfessorAlfred Sachs of Nuremberg (June 1956); Ernst Goldfreund, postwar presidentof the Leipzig Jewish community (January 1956); and Herbert S. Schoenfeld,director for Germany of the CJMCAG (June 1956).

EAST GERMANY

rx-iHE SOVIET UNION granted East Germany nominal sovereignty on OctoberJ. 6, 1955, "De-Stalinization" had only a limited effect in East Germany.

The Soviet Union continued to block German unity by insisting that it beleft to intra-German negotiation. Active measures for economic integrationwith the Soviet bloc continued.

Economic Development

East Germany's second five-year plan, which began in 1956, was to be evenmore closely coordinated with those of the other countries of Eastern Europethan its predecessor. The New Course of the immediate post-Stalin periodwas openly denounced by Walther Ulbricht, secretary general of the SocialistUnity Party (SED), when in June 1955 he declared that the expansion ofheavy industry was the basic aim of East German economic policy.

It was officially claimed that industrial production increased 90 per centduring the first five-year-plan, while the national product rose 60 per cent.The actual increases were probably approximately half the amount claimed.By the end of 1955, the state controlled 85 per cent of industry. Approxi-mately one-fifth of the agricultural area was incorporated in collective farmsof the Soviet type. Food rationing continued during 1955—56; its abolitionwas promised for 1957. Consumer goods were still in short supply and of in-ferior quality. Reductions in some retail prices during 1955-56 raised livingstandards slightly, but they were still below pre-war levels. Average indus-trial wages were approximately four-fifths of those in West Germany.

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The third SED party congress, held on March 24-30, 1956, was the firstpolicy meeting after the Soviet-East German Treaty and the twentieth SovietParty Congress at which Nikita Khrushchev had denounced Stalin (see p.305). Although criticism of past errors played a large part at the meeting,most of Stalin's former protdgds, including Ulbricht, maintained their po-sitions. The obnoxious ministries of justice and state security, though muchcriticized, were not fundamentally changed. Ernst Wollweber, who had be-come minister of state security in November 1955 in a general governmentreshuffle, reaffirmed the need to make people fear the state security services.

Herbert Gruenstein, the son-in-law of Anna Pauker, who had been ap-pointed deputy commander and inspector of the People's Police in 1951, wasappointed deputy minister of the interior in January 1955, and also giventhe Hans Beimler medal, created recently for veterans of the Spanish civil war.

Some rehabilitations of former purge victims took place in the spring andsummer of 1956. These victims included Franz Dahlem, an ardent opponentof Ulbricht, who had been attacked in connection with the Slansky trial (seeAMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1954 [Vol. 55], p. 288-94), and expelled fromthe Politburo in May 1953. Dahlem was made head of a department dealingwith university matters, and in the summer of 1956 received the Hans Beim-ler medal.

Also rehabilitated were Anton Ackermann, former secretary of state forforeign affairs, and Hans Jendretzki, the former SED party chief of East Ber-lin. Paul Merker, a former member of the Politburo, who had been expelledin 1950 on charges including "pro-Zionism" (though he was not a Jew) waspartially rehabilitated. The Central Committee of the SED declared that ithad been wrong to send him to prison (he was released in the spring of1956), and that the charges against him had been "chiefly of a political char-acter."

The United Front, neglected in recent years, was pursued with new en-ergy. Unsuccessful attempts were made to win the Social Democrats (SDP) ofWest Germany for a joint program of action.

The exodus of refugees, particularly skilled workers, caused the regimesome concern. (Some 700,000 men under twenty-five had left East Germanysince 1950.)

In the summer of 1956 the East German government, taking the Braeuti-gam case in Bonn (see p. 280) as a peg, ran a campaign against "anti-Semi-tism in West Germany." It began on June 15, 1956, with a press conferenceat which Max Seydewitz, SED member of the East German People's Cham-ber, accused the Bonn government of encouraging anti-Semitism. Articlesfollowed in the East German press, and pamphlets were published in severallanguages.

In contrast, Die Nation, organ of the East German National DemocraticParty, a Communist-dominated front organization designed to attract formerNazis, in May 1956 denounced Bonn's discrimination against National Social-ist Party members and officers of the Hitler Wehrmacht. The article alsocalled on former Nazis and officers in East Germany to renew contact with


their comrades in West Germany, and explain to them the aggressive natureof Chancellor Konrad Adenauer's policy. Several organizations and publica-tions in the Federal Republic were financed by East Germany for the samepurpose.

In May and June 1956 there were several admissions of student unrest. InLeipzig and Dresden, students protested against interzonal travel restrictions;others reportedly engaged in hostile agitation indicating "bourgeois ways ofthinking."

German Unity

A Soviet-East German treaty restoring the political sovereignty of East Ger-many was announced on September 16, 1955, and ratified on October 6, 1955.It provided that Soviet troops would remain in the country, but that EastGermany would have independence in negotiating reunification with WestGermany. On November 1, 1955, the SED declared that free elections wereunacceptable under present circumstances. It demanded the establishment ofa European security system and consultations on equal terms between thetwo German governments.

On November 29, Major General P. A. Dibrova, Russian commandant ofBerlin, informed the Western allies that East Berlin was no longer "an oc-cupied sector of the city," since the German Democratic Republic was a sov-ereign state recognized by the Soviet government. He would in the futureonly act "as an intermediary" with states that did not recognize the East Ger-man government. Dibrova's statement was rejected by the Western allies andthe city government of West Berlin, who maintained that it contradicted theFour Power agreements.

Frontier control between East and West Germany passed from Soviet intoEast German hands on December 1, 1955. On January 18, 1956, the East Ger-man Chamber passed a defense law establishing a National People's Army.This army had in fact been in existence for some years, in the form of armeddivisions formerly described as "barrack-based police." In contrast to WestGermany, the new East German army used uniforms very similar to those ofHitler's Wehrmacht.

At a meeting of the Warsaw Treaty powers on January 28, 1956, the EastGerman army was incorporated in the unified military command underSoviet Marshal Ivan Koniev.

An East German Council for Atomic Research was set up in December1955 under the Nobel Prize winner Professor Gustav Hertz. The SovietUnion gave East Germany an atomic reactor.

Relations with Arab Countries

East Germany was active in wooing politically uncommitted and economi-cally underdeveloped countries. New trade agreements were signed, or exist-ing ones expanded, with Egypt, Lebanon, Sudan, and Syria. East Germanyundertook to supply engineering products and machinery in return for rawmaterials and agricultural products. In some instances, she also supplied tech-nical advice and technicians.

AUSTRIA 299

Cultural relations also expanded, and a number of "friendship" visits tookplace. The most recent was the visit of the Crown Prince of Yemen to EastBerlin in June 1956.

Indemnification

At the press conference previously mentioned (see p. 297), Max Seydewitzstated that Jews living in the German Democratic Republic received pen-sions at the age of fifty-five for women and sixty for men, like all other vic-tims of Nazi persecution. They also were entitled to certain privileges, suchas priority allocation of housing accommodation.

Victims of Nazism living outside East Germany received no compensation.

LOTTE LOWENTHAL

AUSTRIA

ry-»HE FIRST general election in Austria after the end of foreign military-L occupation took place on May 13, 1956. The main issue between the two

parties in the coalition government was whether the former German proper-ties in Lower Austria, especially the oil industry, should be nationalized, asthe Socialists wanted, or developed with the participation of private enter-prise, as the People's Party (Catholic) wished. These so-called "German ex-ternal assets," previously administered by the Russians, were restored toAustria by the State Treaty for the Reestablishment of an Independent andDemocratic Austria (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 401).

The election demonstrated the need to continue the coalition governmentof the Socialist and People's parties which had ruled Austria since the endof the war. The People's Party, and to a lesser degree the Socialists, increasedtheir popular votes and their seats in the Nationalrat (parliament) at the ex-pense of the Communists and the Nazi-tinged Freedom Party, the formerLeague of Independents. The new government, installed on June 29, 1956,included almost the same Socialist and People's party ministers as before theelection.

After Austria gained its independence in May 1955, fears were expressedthat it might become neutral not only militarily but also ideologically. TheSocialists accused Federal Chancellor Julius Raab of trying too hard to pleasethe Russians. But Austria, though strictly adhering to military neutrality,confirmed its ideological loyalty to the democratic world. A Soviet loan of-fered to Lower Austria was refused. The government decided to join theCouncil of Europe, which was concerned with European unity, and includedthe Benelux and Scandinavian countries, England, France, the (West) Ger-man Federal Republic, Italy, Greece, Iceland, and Turkey. Oskar Helmer,the Socialist minister of the interior, ordered the Communist-controlledWorld Federation of Trade Unions to move its headquarters from Austria.Although two other Communist agencies—the World Peace Council and the


Federation of Resistance Fighters—still remained in Vienna, the governmenthad no intention of tolerating any Communist activities which might endan-ger Austria's relations with the West.

The first year of Austrian independence was a prosperous one. There wasa shortage of labor, particularly of skilled workers. In order to control theemigration of such workers the Austrian government asked all foreign volun-tary agencies in Austria dealing with emigration to register with the authori-ties; other foreign agencies could register if they wished to obtain legal status.

On December 14, 1955, Austria, together with fifteen other countries, wasadmitted to the United Nations. On February 21, 1956, the Austrian govern-ment decided to establish diplomatic relations with the State of Israel.

Refugees

In February 1956 the Austrian government, at a meeting of the Councilof the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM), ap-pealed for international assistance in helping refugees from Eastern Europe.Austria pledged herself to increase her contribution to ICEM, and to makeother sacrifices in order to speed the resettlement of refugees. Their numberincreased after the evacuation of Russian troops, and after the governmentin Budapest began to dismantle barbed wire fences and land mines along theHungarian-Austrian border. In 1955, 3,000 refugees found asylum in Austria;the total number of non-German refugees there was estimated at 35,000(Christian Science Monitor, May 16, 1956). George Warren, the United Statesdelegate in the Council of ICEM, promised American support. The UnitedStates subsequently (June 1956) announced that it was ready to contribute$194,000 "to be used as a special effort on behalf of non-German-speakingrefugees in Austria," and $250,000 "to ICEM for a special resettlement pro-gram on behalf of foreign-speaking refugees in Austria."

The easing of emigration restrictions by the East European countriesbrought 150-175 Jewish migrants a month to Vienna en route to variouscountries, in most cases to Israel but also to Australia and Canada. Some ofthe Israel-bound migrants remained in Austria.

Jewish Population

The number of Jews in Austria remained about 11,000, including Jews notaffiliated with the Gemeinden, or Jewish communities. The available data onthe membership of the Gemeinden and on Jewish camp residents revealed aslight drop in the course of the year.

TABLE 1AUSTRIA, JEWISH POPULATION (GEMEINDEN AND CAMPS), 1955-56

Gemeinden June, 1955 June, 1956Vienna 9,181 9,205Salzburg, Linz, Graz, Innsbruck 860 822

Camps (Asten, Glasenbach, Rothschild) 376 193

TOTAL 10,417 10,220

AUSTRIA 301

The following tables indicate changes in Gemeinde membership fromJanuary 1, 1952, to June 30, 1956. They are based on Die Taetigkeit der Is-raelitischen Kultusgemeinde Wien in den Jahren 1952 bis 1954, and themonthly statistical statements of the Vienna office of the American JewishJoint Distribution Committee (JDC).

TABLE 2AUSTRIA, MEMBERSHIP INCREASE IN GEMEINDEN (JANUARY 1952 THROUGH JUNE 1956)

New MembersYear Immigration from Austria * Births Total1952 793 20 28 8411953 390 10 18 4181954 728 11 57 7961955 705 14 71 7901956 Qan. 1-June 30) 319 8 34 361

TOTAL 2,935 ~~63~ 208 3,206

• Persons converted to Judaism and previously unaffiliated Jews who joined the Gemeinde.

TABLE 3AUSTRIA, MEMBERSHIP DECREASE IN GEMEINDEN (JANUARY 1952 THROUGH JUNE 1956)

Year Emigration Resignations Deaths Total1952 1,039 155 165 1,3591953 601 191 183 9751954 390 111 171 6721955 427 117 219 7631956 (Jan. 1-June 30) 197 63 107 367

TOTAL 2,654 637 ~845~ ijSff

Because of the distorted age structure of Austrian Jewry, there were fourtimes as many deaths as births, and the only reason why the Gemeinde mem-bership did not decline substantially was the repatriation of Austrian Jewsand the influx of refugees from Eastern Europe.

Community Organization

Some 90 per cent of the Jewish population of Austria was concentrated inVienna. The Bundesverband der Israelitischen Kultusgemeinden Oesterreichs("Federation of Jewish Communities in Austria") was the representative bodyfor all Jews in the country. The president and executive director of the Vi-enna Kultusgemeinde were ex officio president and executive director of theBundesverband. The Bundesverband convened a general assembly on June17, 1956, which discussed indemnification, coordination of welfare activities,and anti-Semitism.

In the November 27, 1955, election of the Vienna Kultusgemeinde boardof directors (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 405), 67.3per cent of those eligible to vote took part, and 5,405 votes were recognizedas valid. The Socialist Liste der Werktdtigen Juden received 50.3 per cent ofthe votes, entitling it to thirteen seats, a gain of one seat over January 1952elections. The Zionists (Nazional Jiidische Wahlgemeinschaft) had five seats(compared to six in 1952); the Communists, (Jiidische Demkratische ListeEinigkeit) three seats (compared to five); the two Orthodox parties receiveda total of three seats. Their majority allowed the Socialists to form a homo-


geneous Socialist presidium under Emil Maurer, who was reelected president.Three Orthodox members of the board of directors resigned shortly after theelection (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 406).

In the Linz community a new board of directors, with Franz Fuchs-Robetinas chairman, was elected on March 18, 1956. There was an amalgamation ofAustrian Jews and Jews of East European descent, and representatives of thelatter became members of the new board of directors. The Linz Jewish Cen-tral Committee, which had played an important role in the life of displacedJews during the postwar years, was disbanded, and its archives were sent toYad Vashem in Israel.

Social Service

The Vienna Kultusgemeinde received about one-fourth of its budget fromthe Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany (CJMCAG) andthe American Joint Distribution Committee (JDC). During 1955-56, theKultusgemeinde provided supplementary assistance to more than 650 personsmonthly, some 600 of whom were Austrian and 50 non-Austrian Jews, andabout half of whom were aged persons. The Kultusgemeinde also maintaineda home for the aged and a hospital and dispensary. All three were located inthe same building, and cared for about 240 persons a month. The Kultusge-meinde arranged for summer vacations for 265 children, and providedteachers for 300 pupils in religious classes held weekly in the elementaryschools. The city paid the salaries of the teachers. The communities in theprovinces conducted similar activities, although on a much smaller scale, andalso benefited from the support of the CJMCAG and the JDC.

The direct activities of the JDC included cash relief to 600 refugees amonth; stipends to academic students (twenty-two in September 1955 andseventeen in April 1956); the support of a kitchen in Vienna serving mealsto 180-190 persons a month since 1946 (the kitchen was made kosher in 1955);a medical program for over 190 persons; and an educational program. Thelatter was concentrated mainly in Vienna, and comprised a Hebrew schoolincluding a kindergarten and four classes of a grammar school (eighty-fourpupils), three Talmud Torahs (over fifty students), and a Beth Jacob schoolfor about twenty girls.

The JDC and the CJMCAG also sponsored a credit cooperative (JudischeSpar-und Kreditgenossenschaft). From its inception, under JDC auspices in1949, through June 30, 1956, the cooperative granted 711 loans amounting to$381,022; of this sum artisans received 27 per cent, merchants 52 per cent,small manufacturers 6 per cent, professionals 8 per cent, and others 7 percent.

Indemnification

In the spirit of the agreement reached in July 1955 between the Commit-tee for Jewish Claims on Austria and the Austrian government (see AMERI-CAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 410), the Austrian parliamentpassed a law in January 1956 providing for the establishment of a fund of550,000,000 schillings ($22,000,000) for payments to Austrian victims of

AUSTRIA 303

Nazism residing abroad (Fond zur Hilfeleistung an Politisch Verfolgte dieihren Wohnsitz und Staendigen Aufenthalt im Ausland haben, Bundesgesetzvon 18 Januar 1956, B. G. Bl., No. 25). Persons eligible for payments fromthe fund were those who had suffered persecution by the Nazis, who hadbeen Austrian citizens on March 13, 1938, or had been domiciled in Austriawithout interruption for ten years prior to that date, and were now domi-ciled outside of Austria. The deadline for filing of claims was set for June10, 1957. The board of the fund included the following four Jewish mem-bers: Charles Kapralik of London, Hermann Kraemer of Tel Aviv, NorbertLiebermann and Emil Maurer of Vienna, and four Jewish alternates: FelixBacher and Gustav Jellinek of New York, and Wilhelm Krell and Fred Zie-gellaub of Vienna. Franz Sobek was appointed chairman of the board andGeorge Weis was named executive director. As of September 15, 1956, theboard had received 6,608 applications, and 604 cases had been processed.

There were no noteworthy developments in the question of the indemni-fication of Jewish victims of Nazism living in Austria and claims connectedwith heirless property (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1954 [Vol. 55], p.256-58). In June 1956 the assembly of the Bundesverband appealed to thegovernment to carry out the clauses of the Austrian state treaty pertaining torestitution.

Intergroup RelationsMilitant anti-Semitism did not exist as an organized political force in Aus-

tria during 1955-56. There were, however, small Nazi or Nazi-tinged groups;one of them, the Nationale Jungendkorps, was dissolved by the authorities inSeptember 1956. On the whole, these groups did not represent any real dan-ger, as shown by the losses of the Freedom Party in the elections of 1956,when it obtained only five seats, compared with fourteen in 1953.

Nevertheless, there was a tendency for the authorities to forget the crimesof the Nazi period. It took a long time before the government decided, inMay 1956, to arrest a number of former police officials who had participatedin the extermination of Jews in Poland during the war, and who had beenreleased by the Russians in November 1955, in accordance with the statetreaty. Two of them, Leopold Mitas and Josef Poell, who had been convictedof mass murder of Polish Jews in the Boryslaw district in Poland in 1941,were convicted in Vienna in July 1955. But the former Gestapo official Jo-hann Sanitzer remained free, although he had been sentenced to a life termby an Austrian court in 1949; since his crimes had been committed in Rus-sia, or on Russian-held territory, he had been extradited to the Russians andwas repatriated after the conclusion of the state treaty. One of the first meet-ings of the cabinet formed after the May 1956 elections decided to return toformer Nazi properties confiscated from them as punishment when theywere convicted by postliberation courts. Parliament passed a law to this effectin July 1956. The feelings of the Jewish community found expression in apaper, read at the meeting of the general assembly of the Bundesverband re-ferred to above, in which it was stated that the Jews in Austria felt isolated,cold-shouldered, and ignored by the general population.

BORIS SAPIR

^

Eastern Europe

INTRODUCTION

DURING THE PERIOD under review (July 1, 1955, through November 30,1956) the Soviet rulers were striving to overcome the widespread con-

fusion and unrest brought about by the denunciation of Stalinism at theTwentieth Congress of the Communist Party held in February 1956. Nochanges took place in the top collective leadership of the party, but signifi-cant shifts were made in the government. Vyacheslav Molotov was replacedas foreign minister by Dmitri Shepilov, and Lazar Kaganovich resigned fromhis post as chairman of the state committee on labor and wages. Both men,however, remained in the presidium of the Communist Party, and both re-mained vice premiers. Nikita Khrushchev continued as secretary of the Party.Factional differences within the Presidium apparently remained unresolved,and Khrushchev did not seem to have won the position of power to which heapparently aspired.

The Thaw

The Thaw—the title of a recent political novel by Ilya Ehrenburg—contin-ued in the Soviet Union. While nothing changed in the fundamental struc-ture of the totalitarian state, the day-to-day pressure on Soviet citizens wasincreasingly relaxed. The powers of the secret police were curtailed, and thepractical application of penal law gave more weight to regular judicial pro-cedures. A larger number of released slave laborers and other prisoners werepermitted to return to their homes. Some returnees, who had been arrestedfor various student plots, came back to their universities and apparently werefully rehabilitated. Socialisticheski Vestnik (New York, June, 1956) reportedthat the returnees had become a familiar part of Moscow life. Writers andartists objected to the rigid rules governing art in Russia. Dmitri Shostako-vich assailed the "dogmatists" and asked for "bold innovations" in the fieldof creative work. This type of criticism was apparently tolerated, but theparty's theoretical organ, Kommunist, made it dear that nothing had changedin the fundamental attitude toward the arts, and that "unhealthy trends"were no more acceptable than in the past.

Wider contacts were established with non-Soviet countries. Several hundredSoviet delegations attended conferences abroad. Large numbers of foreigntravelers, including official guests, were admitted to the Soviet Union. Thoughtheir reception was more friendly than in the past, contacts with Soviet citi-zens were still limited by restrictions and discreet supervision. The relaxation

304

EASTERN EUROPE, INTRODUCTION 305

of domestic policies was felt chiefly in the cities; the peasantry continued toendure all-pervading demands on their life and economic activities.

Denunciation of StalinImmediately after Josef Stalin's death in March 1953 a quiet campaign of

de-Stalinization was begun by his "faithful friends and successors." Khrush-chev's speech to a secret session of the Twentieth Congress of the Com-munist Party in Moscow (February 24 or 25, 1956), brought the process to itsmost dramatic stage. Khrushchev denounced Stalin for crimes even worsethan those charged by his enemies. (See Khrushchev's speech, as released bythe United States Department of State, The New York Times, June 5, 1956.)Yet the detailed inventory of Stalin's crimes presented by Khrushchev omittedthe murder of hundreds of Jewish intellectuals and writers and the total ex-termination of Jewish culture in the Soviet Union. Khrushchev's speech wasfollowed by the publication of the "Lenin Testament," as well as other docu-ments showing Stalin's strained relations with Lenin, and by articles detailingStalin's "errors" in the conduct of the war, his relations with Tito, etc.

Within a few months after Stalin's demise, his heirs began a limited "re-habilitation" of the victims of his purges. After the Twentieth Congress thetempo of rehabilitation increased, and for the first time in decades the Sovietpapers published names of dead persons whose very existence had in thepast been obliterated. Among those thus resurrected were such leaders of theRussian Revolution as Leon Trotsky, Gregory Zinoviev, Leo B. Kamenev,and Alexei I. Rykov, but none of these was rehabilitated. Only scant infor-mation reached the free world on Russian reactions to the degrading ofStalin. In March 1956 violent riots were reported in Stalin's native Georgia(Tiflis). Several hundred individuals were said to have been killed by the po-lice (The New York Times, March 17 and July 21, 1956).

Reaction in the Soviet SatellitesWhile the anti-Stalin campaign had apparently been prepared in advance,

it nevertheless caused bewilderment both in Russia and among Communistsin the West and in the satellite countries. Palmieri Togliatti, Communistchief of Italy, questioned Khrushchev's basic thesis that the regime's crimeswere due solely to the excessive "cult of personality" introduced by Stalin.Eugene Dennis, in the New York Daily Worker (April 18, 1956), criticizedKhrushchev for not admitting the anti-Semitic outrages committed in theSoviet Union. In the satellites, leaders who for years had ruthlessly pursuedStalinist policies had to reverse themselves without wrecking the power struc-ture they had based on dependence on Stalinist Russia. The situation wasfurther complicated by Moscow's reversal of its policy of opposition to thegovernment of Marshal Josef Tito of Yugoslavia. On June 20, 1956, Khrush-chev and Tito jointly agreed on the possibility of "different roads of So-cialist development in different countries." The satellite empire felt enor-mous popular pressure for a change. Demonstrations and student riots tookplace in Prague, Czechoslovakia. A sudden workers' revolt broke out in Poz-nan, Poland on June 29, 1956. The subsequent Poznan trials were held inopen court, and were totally unlike the familiar Soviet pattern. Despite


Soviet Premier Nikolai A. Bulganin's advice to the Poles to curb their pressand to use "strong measures," the unrest among the intellectual groups con-tinued unabated, and leading writers in Poland and Hungary clamored fora break with the past and for more freedom of thought and discussion. Thiswas accompanied by the posthumous rehabilitation of such victims of Stalin'srule as Laszlo Rajk in Hungary and Traicho Rostov in Bulgaria. While atthis writing (December 1956) neither Vladimir dementis nor Rudolf Slansk^(executed in Czechoslovakia for "Titoist conspiracy" and "Zionist plots") hadbeen cleared, the anti-Semitic charges made at their trial were repudiated.De-Stalinization also brought about changes in the ruling personnel in Po-land and Hungary, but had little effect on the leadership in Bulgaria, Ru-mania, and Czechoslovakia.

Foreign PolicyThe Twentieth Congress reaffirmed "peaceful coexistence" and the "rejec-

tion of the inevitability of war" as basic to Soviet foreign policy. The much-publicized Cominform was dissolved in February 1956, and the Soviet leaderstried to resuscitate the idea of a popular front with the Socialists of the West.A French Socialist delegation visited Moscow in 1956, as did leading Swedishand Norwegian Socialists. However, Communist efforts in the West were metby firm if polite refusal. But Soviet policy made gains in the underdevelopedcountries of Asia and Africa. During 1955—56 the Soviets signed a militaryaid agreement with Afghanistan, and during the visit of President Sukarno,provided for economic aid to Indonesia. In June 1956, the new Soviet for-eign minister Dmitri Shepilov visited Egypt, and affirmed "the complete uni-formity of opinion" between the two countries. The Soviet Union repeatedlycondemned Israel as a "tool of imperialism." The Soviet leaders sought tobuild up their position in the Middle East by promising aid to Arab statesand supporting Egypt on Suez. They continued to reject German unificationand effective disarmament.

Jewish SituationThe Soviet government ceased to sponsor anti-Semitic campaigns, and

there were signs that a more organized Jewish life might be permitted. Popu-lar anti-Semitism, however, apparently increased among the people, includingCommunist Party members. At the same time a new and ominous trend ap-peared in the countries within the Soviet orbit. Some official Communist cir-cles suggested that Jews were occupying a "disproportionate" number of po-sitions, thereby creating anti-Jewish feeling among the population. The mostoutspoken presentation of this point of view appeared in the central organof the Polish Communist Party, Tribuna Ludu (October 10, 1956). It was dif-ficult to say how far this attitude went, but recent visitors reported that in-security and fear were spreading among the Jews in the Soviet area.

In several cases Jewish leaders who had represented the old Stalinist linedisappeared from the ruling groups. This was the case with Matyos Rakosi,Erno Gero, and Mihaly Farkas in Hungary, and Jacob Berman and HilaryMine in Poland.

EASTERN EUROPE, INTRODUCTION 307

Poland and Hungary

The June riots in Poznan showed that popular discontent in Poland hadreached the boiling point. The former Communist Party secretary, VladislavGomulka, who had been purged as a "Titoist," was readmitted, and quicklybecame the symbol of "liberalization." Supported by Polish Prime MinisterJoseph Cyrankiewicz and Party secretary Edward Ochab, Gomulka demandeda thorough revision of relations with Moscow and increased "democratiza-tion." He called for the resignation of the Stalinist members of the partyPolitburo and the ousting of the Soviet Marshal Konstantin K. Rokossovskyas a Politburo member and Polish defense minister. On October 19, in themidst of a Central Committee meeting to decide on the new line, a Russiandelegation including Nikita Khrushchev, Vyacheslav Molotov, Lazar Kagano-vich, and Anastas Mikoyan arrived suddenly in Poland. Backed by forces sta-tioned in Poland and East Germany, they demanded that the Poles halt"liberalization" and stop the drift away from Russian control. The Poles re-fused, and for three days Poland was on the verge of armed conflict with theSoviet Union. Armed workers remained in factories, students paraded in thestreets and held meetings in the universities, and mass rallies proclaimedtheir support of Gomulka's policy of "equality" with the Soviet Union. Pol-ish troops headed by General Waclaw Komar, a supporter of Gomulka, facedRussian forces which were reported moving on Warsaw. After dramatic nego-tiations, the Russians backed down and departed for Moscow. Gomulka waselected to the post of first secretary of the party, replacing Edward Ochab.Most of the Stalinists on the old Politburo, including Marshal Rokossovskyand the so-called Natolin faction, which reportedly used anti-Jewish slogans,were ousted, Gomulka called for equality in dealings with Russia, emphasison consumer goods, further "liberalization," and improvement in relationswith the Catholic Church. The Gomulka group was reported to be concernedwith growing anti-Jewish feeling, which Stalinist elements used to fight "lib-eralization."

On November 15-18, 1956, a delegation headed by Gomulka went to Mos-cow. A joint Russo-Polish statement in Moscow on November 18 stressedthat future relations would be based on "complete equality." Russian forceswere to remain on Polish territory, with increased Polish jurisdiction overSoviet personnel and prior consultation on troop movements. Russia alsocancelled Polish debts incurred since World War II, and promised newcredits. The Poles stressed their intention to remain within the Soviet orbitas equal partners with Russia, and to preserve Communist rule.

The events in Hungary, like those in Poland, had a background of grow-ing popular discontent. As early as October 6, 1956, during the reburial ofLazslo Rajk, 200,000 Hungarians marched past the grave of the "rehabili-tated" former Communist leader in an obvious protest against the Russian-dominated regime. On October 22 and 23, sympathy for the new Communistregime in Poland was voiced in a number of resolutions. On the evening ofOctober 23, the police opened fire on a demonstration in front of the Buda-pest radio station, and from this point on sporadic demonstrations grew intoa full-scale revolt. In a move to avert the spread of the riots, Prime Minister


Andreas Hegedus and Party Secretary Erno Gero were dismissed. On October24, Imre Nagy, who had been expelled from the Communist party and notreadmitted until October 14, 1956, was installed as the head of the new gov-ernment. On the morning of October 24, Soviet troops entered Budapest andfighting spread to the provincial cities, with the rebels demanding the with-drawal of the Red Army. Nagy immediately appealed to the rebels to stopthe fighting, and promised a general amnesty and democratization of the re-gime. When this was insufficient, he formed a new cabinet including formerleaders of the suppressed Smallholders and Social Democratic parties, prom-ised free elections, announced Hungary's withdrawal from the Warsaw Pact,and asked for the withdrawal of Soviet troops and a United Nations guaran-tee of Hungarian neutrality. On October 28, the Russians indicated that theywere prepared to withdraw their troops. But as the rebellion continued, itbecame evident that this, unlike the Polish fight for independence within theSoviet orbit, was a popular revolution of the whole people against the Com-munist regime. (On November 2, Radio Budapest broadcast the followingmessage from the Budapest Board of Rabbis: "Hungarian Jewry enthusiasti-cally salutes the achievements of the revolution, pays reverent homage to theheroes, and identifies itself with the free and independent homeland." NewStatesman and Nation, London, November 12, 1956.) On November 4, re-inforced Soviet troops began a methodical assault on Budapest, crushing witharmed might what had looked like the first successful revolution against theSoviet Union. Soviet repression continued throughout the country; some es-timates placed the toll of victims as high as 65,000 (The New York Times,December 2, 1956). Imre Nagy was ousted, and a new government headed byJanos Kadar was installed by the Soviet forces.

At the time of writing (December 1956) the Hungarian revolution was inits fifth week. The workers, who had proclaimed a general strike, continuedtheir resistance, and there was only a partial return to work. Scattered guer-rilla fighting was reported in the provinces, and sporadic demonstrations con-tinued in Budapest and other cities. The Kadar government was completelydependent on the Soviet forces. Large numbers of Hungarians were fleeingwestward to Austria, away from Soviet repression and the threat of deporta-tion to Siberia. Their number exceeded 100,000, including some 4,500 Jews.

Soviet policy seemed to be involved in continuous shifts, and the revolts inPoland and Hungary may have caused further realignments of forces withinthe ruling group in Russia. Some members of the dominant group apparentlyfelt that de-Stalinization had brought the Soviet position in Eastern Europeto a dangerous point. The Russian leaders again challenged Tito's doctrineof "different roads to socialism," but they seemed to have accepted "democra-tization" in the satellites, provided that it did not interfere with close re-lations between them and Russia. At this writing (December 1956) the bal-ance of power among the various factions in the collective leadership of theSoviet Union had apparently not been upset, and the policy of domestic re-laxation had not been reversed. However, it would seem that the Kremlinhad reverted to the old Stalinist line of force and intimidation in foreign af-fairs only eight months after the Twentieth Congress had promised the world"peaceful coexistence."

LEON SHAPIRO

SOVIET UNION 309

SOVIET UNION

Jewish Population

Reliable information on the Jewish population of the Soviet Union wasnot available. Moscow Chief Rabbi Solomon Schlieffer estimated the SovietJewish community at between 2,000,000 and 3,000,000 (Jewish Chronicle,London, September 26, 1956). The manager of the Central Statistical Officein Moscow estimated it at 3,000,000 at the end of 1955. He assumed that theJews killed by the Nazis had been replaced by natural increase and by theJewish war refugees from Poland, Rumania, and other countries who hadremained in the Soviet Union after World War II (Jewish Daily Forward,New York, January 27, 1956). While there was no way of ascertaining therate of natural increase among Russian Jews, the assumption that Jewish warrefugees in great numbers had remained in Russia had no support from theascertainable facts. Though the presence of Polish Jews was reported in Bi-robidjan, their numbers were exceedingly small and did not indicate anylarge-scale settlement by Jews from countries neighboring the Soviet Union(Folksztyme, Warsaw, September 21, 1955). From the available informationon the number of Russian Jews who perished under the Nazis, and on post-war shifts from the Soviet Union back to Poland and Rumania, the lowerestimate of Rabbi Schlieffer, i.e., 2,000,000, seemed more realistic (see AMERI-CAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1948-49 [Vol. 50], p. 696-97).

Some estimates of the Jewish population in various cities came from news-papermen and foreign visitors in the Soviet Union. Thus, it was reportedthat Moscow, with an estimated 300,000 to 500,000 Jews, was the largest Jew-ish center; that Kharkov and Odessa had each 100,000, and Minsk, Riga,Vilna, Tashkent, and Kutais had each 30,000 to 50,000 Jews (Forward, Janu-ary 27, 1956). In addition, 50,000 Jews were reported in Kishinev (The NewYork Times, April 22, 1956), 20,000 in Mogilev (Forward, March 19, 1956),150,000 in Kiev (Forward, April 28, 1956), and 200,000 in Leningrad (JewishChronicle, September 28, 1956). Israel sources were informed that there were80,000 to 100,000 Jews in the province of Bessarabia (Forward, March 2,1956). Fifty thousand were reported in Bokhara (Forward, July 2, 1956), and60,000 in Georgia (The New York Times, August 8, 1956). The figure forGeorgia differed somewhat from the figures given for Tashkent and Kutaisin the Forward of January 27, 1956. The estimates for Birobidjan variedfrom 25,000 to 30,000.

Communal Organization

Soviet policy with respect to its Jewish community appeared to continuealong the old line of forced assimilation, modified somewhat by various cul-tural projects. No laws were enacted changing the minority status of theJews, but little or nothing was done to alter the conditions which preventedthe Jewish community in the Soviet Union from living a full Jewish life.


The only Jewish organizations permitted to function were the religious cor-porations. These had to be registered with the local authorities, and wereunder the supervision of the Council of Religious Cults in Moscow, whichhad jurisdiction over all minority religions. Their activities were strictly.limited to organization and conduct of religious worship in synagogues, andburial services. As no central religious body existed in the Soviet Union, offi-cial information on the number of Jewish religious corporations was notavailable. A report by a recent visitor mentioned some 500 (Forward, Janu-ary 27, 1956). The reporter did not indicate the source of his information,and there was no way of checking the accuracy of his figures, or ascertainingwhether he was referring to officially registered corporations or private prayerquorums (minyanim). Not all cities with Jewish residents had synagogues;in small Jewish centers communal worship was practiced in private prayerrooms, with or without the services of an ordained rabbi. All foreign visitorswho participated in religious services saw only old people in attendance. Theyounger people, who in the last two decades had received no Jewish secularor religious education, were rapidly losing all connection with their fellow-Jews.

During 1955-56 contacts between Russian Jews and the Jewish communi-ties of the West increased notably. A delegation consisting of Rabbi Schlief-fer, General David Dragunsky, and the Leningrad writer Alexander Tcha-kovsky, visited France for the dedication of the monument to the UnknownJewish Martyr on October 3, 1956. This was the first official trip abroad by aRussian Jewish delegation since the visit to the United States of representa-tives of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee during World War II.

Religious LifeFor the first time in many years, first-hand information on the religious life

of Russian Jewry became available from the reports of rabbinic groups whichvisited the Soviet Union in the summer of 1956 (see articles by Rabbi MorrisKertzer, The New York Times, July 1956, and a series of articles in the NewYork Journal-American, August 1956). Rabbis representing the OrthodoxRabbinical Council of America and the New York Board of Rabbis (NYBR)reported that, despite the basic Soviet antagonism to religion, there was greatyearning for Jewish religious expression and identification. They agreed,however, that it was extremely difficult to lead a Jewish religious life in theSoviet Union. There was no direct interference with worship in synagogues,but religious activities outside of synagogues were forbidden. There were noJewish religious schools for either children or adults. Prayer books were soscarce that hand-printed ones sold at $100 each. A foreign visitor saw in aMoscow synagogue a tattered prayer book, kept under lock and key andtaken out only for privileged worshippers. Circumcision, banned for manyyears, was again being practiced, but only by limited groups. The Sabbathwas rarely observed, since Saturday was a normal working day. The visitingrabbis gathered that the government intended to open kosher meat coopera-tives, but in the meantime kosher food was difficult to obtain. Though onthe first day of Shavuot (May 16, 1956), Rabbi Schlieffer announced from thepulpit the projected opening of a yeshiva in Moscow, at the time of writing

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(November 1956) no progress had been made toward establishing it. Thiswas apparently likewise true of the projected publication of a prayer bookwhich was much publicized in the Jewish press throughout the world. Recentvisitors to R<ussia reported less fear to participate in religious services. Ac-cording to an Israel delegation which was in Kiev on Yom Kippur eve,25,000 Jews congregated in the synagogue and the surrounding area for theKol Nidre services. Although antireligious drives were now rare in Russia, theKiev radio chose this day for an attack on the "reactionary nature" of theJewish faith {Forward, October 24, 1956). Other visitors reported that of Len-ingrad's 200,000 Jews, 10,000 to 15,000 attended holiday services in the mainsynagogue and six smaller houses of prayer. Adherence to religious practiceswas stronger in Asiatic Russia, where Jews and other groups held to tradi-tions that had remained almost untouched by the regime. Thus, on August8, 1956, The New York Times reported a circumcision in Kutais (Georgia)performed in the synagogue in the presence of some 500 persons.

On May 10, 1956, the Soviet delegation to the United Nations issued astatement that Jews in Russia enjoyed full religious freedom, and that "theSoviet Government sees to it that they are able to exercise this freedom." Inreality, the extent of religious freedom in the Soviet Union was determinednot by law but by the current "line" of the Communist Party, the necessitiesof Communist propaganda, the influence and pressure of the Communistpress, and the lack of appropriate facilities for religious Jews. The Commu-nist Party, in control of every facet of public life, was able to ostracize prac-ticing Jews and threaten their livelihoods. Despite the removal of the formerprohibition against the bar mitzvah ceremony, few Jewish adolescents, at-tending highly competitive state schools, could take the risk of openly es-pousing the "survival of Jewish prejudices." Young Jews usually marriedwithout religious ceremony, not because of legal restrictions, but becauseavowed godlessness was a necessary precondition for maintenance of theirsocial status and professional advancement.

Cultural SituationFor many years there had been a complete cessation of Jewish cultural ac-

tivities in the Soviet Union. Yiddish as one of the official languages of amulti-national country had disappeared. Yiddish literature was hardly evermentioned. For eight years, reported the Communist newspaper Folksztyme(Warsaw, May 26, 1956), no Yiddish word had been heard in Moscow. Jewishschools, Jewish newspapers, the Jewish theater, and Jewish publications wereclosed, and no mention of organized Jewish life was permitted. Hundreds ofJewish writers and intellectuals disappeared. All inquiries about their fateremained unanswered. In 1955 Soviet spokesmen intimated that some of theJewish writers who had disappeared had been involved in "plots" and otheranti-Soviet activities, but gave no further information. On April 4, 1956, thePolish Communist Folksztyme presented the first authoritative account ofwhat had happened. Under the heading "Our Pain and Our Consolation,"the Folksztyme wrote:

The situation created by the existence of the Cult of Personality permitteda certain distortion of the nationality policy of the Soviet Union. It


became possible for the Beria clique to provoke friction among differentnationalities, to breed a certain amount of nationalism and anti-Semitism.

The Jewish writers, artists, and teachers, according to the Folksztyme, hadbeen victims of the ensuing era of "repression and liquidation." Among theJewish intellectuals "liquidated" the article listed Semen Dimanstein, EstherFrumkin, Rachmiel Weinstein, Merezhin, Moshe Litvakov, Michael Levitan,Yankel Levin, Hershl Brill, Yzzy Charik, Moshe Kulbak, Max Erik, JashaBronstein, David Bergelson, Der Nistar, Peretz Markish, Leib Kvitko, DavidHoffstein, Itzik Feffer, Benjamin Zuskin, Isaac Nussimov, Elijah Spivak, andSamuil Persow. The Folksztyme also reported that the Jewish Anti-FascistCommittee, which had been active in the Soviet Union during the war, hadbeen liquidated without warning, and its leaders deported and executed.

A research committee of the World Congress for Jewish Culture in NewYork, the most authoritative Yiddish cultural body, prepared a list of some450 Jewish writers and individuals prominent in various professional andcultural endeavors who had apparently fallen victim to anti-Jewish purges inRussia, most of them during the years 1948-53.

Little was known of the circumstances surrounding the execution of Jew-ish intellectuals. There were reports that some twenty Yiddish writers hadbeen "liquidated" in a group on the night of August 12, 1952, about fivemonths before the anti-Jewish campaign culminated in the so-called Doctors'Plot. Though after Stalin's death Soviet newspapers admitted that there hadbeen "certain racial deviations," they nevertheless remained silent on the fateof Jewish writers; nor did Nikita Khrushchev mention them in his speech tothe Twentieth Party Congress (see p. 305). The only official Soviet reactionto the Warsaw Folksztyme revelations was a statement by Leonid Ilyitchev,chief press officer of the Soviet Foreign Ministry. He accused the CommunistFolksztyme of printing "slanderous anti-Soviet material" when it reportedthat Jewish writers and cultural leaders in the Soviet Union had sufferedanti-Semitic persecution. In a Moscow interview with the New York NationalGuardian, Ilyitchev said: "Jewish cultural leaders and writers did suffer per-secution, but the motive was not anti-Semitic. Jewish persecutees sufferedmerely as part of an over-all drive against Soviet intellectuals of many na-tional origins." He stated that the Soviet government would not make publicany details about past persecutions (Jewish Telegraphic Agency, September25, 1956).

The official explanation for the absence of active Jewish cultural life inthe Soviet Union was that the Jews themselves did not want a separate"ghetto life," preferring integration with Russian culture. The only Jewishmember of the Politburo, Lazar Kaganovich, told Henry Shoshkes of theDay-Morning Journal in New York that "the great majority [of Jews] livehappily in the great and mighty Russian culture" (September 30, 1956). Inthe same vein, Nikita Khrushchev, Anastos Mikoyan, and Dimitri Shepilovtold a French Socialist delegation that there was no need in Russia for sepa-rate Jewish schools or for a Jewish theater or Jewish publications, as theRussian Jews were in a large part assimilated and Russified (Unzer Tsait,New York, July-August 1956). At the same time, however, the ban on Jew-ish cultural expression and activities was gradually lifted. After several years

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of nonpublication of works by Yiddish writers, it was announced that specialcommissions were preparing editions of works by David Bergelson and Pe-retz Markish, both of whom had perished during the anti-Jewish purges. Thepublishing agency Sovietski Pisatel announced a number of forthcomingtranslations from Yiddish writers: poetry by Aron Vergeles and Aron Kush-nirov, and Hirsch Dobin's Stories from Birobidjan. The literary monthlyDruzjba Narodov (October 1956, Moscow) published poems by Peretz Mark-ish in Russian translations by Alexander Golemba, M. Tarlovsky, P. Moran,L. Ozerov and Anna Achmatova. The October 1956 issue of Novi Mir (Mos-cow) presented Markish's poems in translations by Sergei Narovtchatov andothers. A volume of children's stories by Rachel Baumvol appeared in Mos-cow in a Russian translation. Professor M. Belinsky, consultant on transla-tions of Jewish works for the State Publishing Agency, stated that the issu-ance in Russian of 100 volumes of Jewish classical and modern literaturewas under consideration. The works to be translated included some from theGolden Era of the Jewish renascence in Spain. Literaturnaya Gazeta (Oc-tober 2, 1956, Moscow) reported that the forthcoming Library of LiteraryClassics of the Peoples of the Soviet Union was to contain, among otherworks, translations from Sholom Aleichem.

According to the Warsaw Folksztyme (May 16, 1956) a number of Yiddishwriters had reappeared and resumed work in Russia. These included YitzikKipnis, Abraham Kahan, Chana Weinerman, Hershl Polianek, Elihu Schecht-man, Uri Finkel, Isaac Platner, Yakov Sternberg, and Mendel Lipshitz.Eighty-year-old Zalman Wendroff was reported to be engaged in writing hismemoirs; Shmuel Halkin was preparing an anthology of Yiddish poetry andprose, and Noah Lurie was writing a new novel.

Yiddish art also reappeared on the radio and on the concert stage in Mos-cow and other cities. The performing artists were reported to include MarinaGordon, a singer; Lea Kalina of the Birobidjan theater; and Raya Bronovs-kaya, a pianist. Clara Waga and Max Resnick-Martov, both from Latvia,toured Russian cities in a repertoire of Jewish works. These concerts, includ-ing both modern and classical Yiddish songs, music, and readings, becamean important feature of Jewish life.

There was no way of telling, at the time of writing (November 1956), whatwould happen to all these projects, or how far the policy of relaxation withrespect to Jewish literature might go. Soviet policy on this matter was fluidand unpredictable.

There was still no official "rehabilitation" of the Jewish writers who hadperished during the purges. They were instead indirectly "rehabilitated" bythe publication of their works with favorable critical appraisals, preferablyby well-known non-Jewish writers. Thus Literaturnaya Gazeta (Moscow, July1956) published a translation of six poems by Peretz Markish with a prefaceby Nikolai Tikhonov praising both Markish and Itzik Feffer (former leaderof the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee, who had visited the United Statesduring World War II). Isaac Babel, purged in 1940, was highly praised byKommunist (August 1956), and a committee for the publication of his workswas established in Moscow.

The Russian Jewish writers now active included some who had been


purged during the fight against "cosmopolitanism" but had managed to sur-vive. Thus, the literary critic D. Danin, banned for "cosmopolitanism" in1949, was again writing for the literary magazine Znamia. Pavel G. Antokol-sky and G. Brovman, both expelled from the Gorki Literary Institute in1949, had also resumed their careers, as had the writer Alexander Isbakh,who was now working for Novi Mir, published by the Union of SovietWriters.

While there was some renewal of Jewish literary work, nothing was donewith respect to other fields of Jewish creative life. As of November 1956,there were no Jewish schools in Russia, no Jewish theater, no Jewish writers'clubs. On September 4, 1956, the French Communist Yiddish newspaperNaye Presse reported plans to re-establish the defunct Soviet Yiddish pub-lishing house, Emes. There were also reports of a project to reopen the Mos-cow State Yiddish Theater. At the time of writing, only plans were reported.But in February and March 1956 many Jews were brought to trial in Mos-cow for possessing Hebrew and Yiddish "Zionist literature" (cf. AMERICANJEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1955 [Vol. 56], p. 424). Some of the group, which totaledabout 130, received prison terms ranging from three to ten years {Forward,July 4, 1956).

Anti-Semitism

In the de-Stalinization period anti-Jewish propaganda disappeared fromSoviet newspapers. But anti-Jewish feeling remained strong, not only amongthe people but also in the new generation of Soviet bureaucrats that hadgrown up during Stalin's anti-Semitic excesses. Soviet spokesmen admittedthat an anti-Jewish policy had been promoted under Stalin (see Voprosi Is-torii, Moscow, 1956). But they did little to undo the damage to the positionof the Jews, who for years had been accused of sins ranging from "cosmo-politanism" and "Zionist treason" to poisoning Soviet rulers. In a conversa-tion with the French Socialist, Marceau Pivert, Soviet leaders denied thepresence of anti-Semitism in Russia, but acknowledged that remnants of anti-Jewish feeling might have survived here and there; these they professed totake lightly.

Soviet Jews continued to face an attitude to all intents and purposes anti-Semitic. In June 1956 Yekaterina A. Furtseva, an alternate member of theSoviet Communist Party presidium, defended what amounted to a quota sys-tem for Jews in state enterprises. She said that talk of Soviet anti-Semitismhad arisen because Jews had made up too large a proportion of the person-nel of some state institutions, and the government had taken steps to transferJews out of these offices (The New York Times, September 17, 1956). Accordingto information received by Socialisticheski Vestnik (New York, October 1956),no special laws had been enacted against the Jews, but when a Soviet office cutits staff, those whose passports indicated Jewish origin were always the firstto go. In many cases such a "transfer" was tantamount to slow extinction, asthe chances of obtaining new employment were slim. A Moscow Universitystudent told the French Socialist delegation of strong anti-Semitism in Rus-sia; candidates for better jobs were interrogated to determine if they were

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Jewish, and Jewish origin disqualified them (Christian Science Monitor, July20, 1956).

There were also reports of a considerable rise in the traditional chauvin-ism of the Great Russian population, coupled with openly expressed enmityfor all other national groups. The Jews, or "Abrams" (Soviet colloquial for"kike"), as they were now called, were singled out for ridicule and all man-ner of vexation. Young people had difficulty in obtaining admission to insti-tutions of higher learning, and some had to abandon their plans for studyor apply to schools with lower ratings.

There were reports that during the course of meetings with Polish Com-munists in Warsaw, where he had gone to attend the funeral of BoleslawBeirut in March 1956, Khrushchev had been overhead passing several re-marks with strong anti-Semitic overtones (The New York Times, August 9,1956; Bulletin Interieur d'Information, November 15, 1956).

Many foreign visitors in 1955-56 were told by Jews representing variouseconomic strata that while the situation had improved after Stalin's death,anti-Jewish feelings were still widespread and strong. Particularly in theUkraine, traditional anti-Semitism was reinforced by Jew-baiting on the partof Ukrainian bureaucratic bosses (Forward, May 4, 1956).

During the late summer and fall of 1956, and especially after the crises inEastern Europe and the Middle East, it was reported that a wave of violentanti-Semitism spread over all of Soviet Russia, and that in various cities ofthe Ukraine it took the form of physical attacks on Jews. This, together withthe strong anti-Israel stand taken by the Soviet, was said to have createdpanic and a feeling of helplessness among the Jews in Russia (The Day-Morning Journal, November 20, 1956).

Deportations and Labor CampsIn October 1956 a new wave of deportations was reported from the Polish

and Lithuanian border areas. Seven thousand Jews from Grodno and thesurrounding area were said to have been deported to Siberia. Some Poleswere also involved, but the main victims were reportedly Jews who had losttheir former citizenship as a result of border changes or forced evacuation toRussia during World War II. Some applied for repatriation, and were inthe midst of long-drawn-out and complicated procedures. While the de-portees were told that they were being sent to Birobidjan, they feared de-portation to Siberian camps. A New York Times dispatch from Warsaw onNovember 9, 1956, quoted one letter as saying: "We pray to you to send ussoon as possible the necessary documents. We know that it is not easy, butyou have to understand that it is our only way out." A United Press dispatchfrom Warsaw reported that the mass deportations of Jews to Siberia hadshocked the Jewish Communists of Poland into protesting to the CentralCommittee of the Polish Communist Party.

One theory held that because of the crisis in Soviet-Polish relations afterthe coming to power of Wladyslas Gomulka, the Soviet Union had decided toremove from the border areas all elements considered unreliable.

There was no reliable information on the number of Jews still in laborcamps. Many released prisoners told of large groups of Jews in camps in


European Russia and in various Asiatic regions. Some had been arrested forvarious "administrative" reasons, while others had been sent to camps be-cause of their Jewish origin during campaigns against "cosmopolitanism," orfor "Zionist" activities. There were also former Polish Jews who had beenarrested for "espionage and work for foreign powers." Israel sources quotedtwo released slave-laborers as reporting many Jews still imprisoned in theVorkuta camps. According to this source, anti-Semitism was widespread inthe camps, and the Jewish prisoners had to fight not only the camp admin-istration but their fellow prisoners as well, for their very lives (Forward, July6, 1956). During 1956, reports from Israel indicated that a few of the RussianZionists arrested in the late 1920's and early 1930's had survived years of im-prisonment in prisons and camps and were now "free" in forced residence,most of them in Asiatic Russia.

Relations with IsraelDuring 1955-56 commercial transactions with Israel continued, and in July

1956 the Soviet Union agreed to increase its oil shipments to that country.The agreement provided for oil deliveries amounting to from $18,000,000 to$20,000,000. This agreement was canceled immediately after Israel-Egyptianhostilities began at the end of October 1956. Although in May 1956 Vyache-slav Molotov and Anastos Mikoyan attended the celebration at the Israel Em-bassy of the eighth anniversary of the establishment of the State of Israel,Soviet policy with respect to Israel had taken an ominous turn as early asOctober 1955. In that month Soviet arms began to arrive in Egypt. Relationswith Israel speedily deteriorated. The Soviet Union, bidding for position inthe Middle East and for the confidence of the Arab bloc and the uncom-mitted nations of Asia and Africa, made its pro-Arab stand unmistakablyclear. The Moscow radio repeatedly promised Soviet help for the Arabsagainst "Western colonialism." Gamal Abdel Nasser was accepted as a "pro-gressive leader" of Egypt, and Israel was branded "a tool of imperialism." InJuly 1956 the Soviet Union vigorously supported Nasser's seizure of the SuezCanal. Following the Israel incursion in the Sinai peninsula and Gaza strip(October 29-30), and the subsequent British-French thrust into Egypt, Mos-cow promptly branded Israel an aggressor. Premier Nikolai Bulganin dis-patched a message to Great Britain, France, and Israel warning them tocease hostilities or face Russian intervention. The Soviet Union also offeredto send "volunteers" to "help Egypt repel the invaders." In a second note(November 15), Bulganin accused Israel of "many armed attacks against theterritory of neighboring Arab countries." This note further stated that "theSoviet Government is convinced that the present policy of Israel, based oninstigating hostile feelings against the Arabs and the suppression of the lat-ter, is actually dangerous for the cause of general peace and is most perilousfor Israel." It also demanded that Israel pay reparations to Egypt. On No-vember 17 Israel Prime Minister David Ben Gurion rejected this demand,and denounced the language and form of the Soviet communication.

From the beginning of the Middle East crisis, Pravda and Izvestia carried"spontaneous" protest resolutions against the "murderous and perfidious at-tack on Egypt by Israel and Anglo-French armies." A "spontaneous" anti-

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Israel demonstration also took place near the Israel Embassy in Moscow. OnNovember 5 the Soviet government announced the recall of its minister toIsrael. It warned Israel to give proper weight to this warning.

At this writing (November 1956) it was too early to foresee the full devel-opment of the Middle East crisis, or to predict its influence on future Sovietrelations with Israel. It was clear that the Soviet Union was pursuing a long-range policy of penetration into the Middle East. Its attitude toward Israelin the large scale of things was expressed by Khrushchev in these words:"[Israel] carries no weight in the world and if it plays any role it is to starta fight" (The New York Times, November 18, 1956).

In the meantime, the Soviet Union scored new gains on Israel's northernborders. On November 3 the Syrian President, Shukry-al-Kuwatly, visitedMoscow and received red-carpet treatment. In November 1956 shipments ofSoviet arms and some Soviet technicians were reported to have arrived inSyria, whose army was said to be dominated by pro-Soviet elements.

Birobidjan

Very little was known about Birobidjan, which was still formally called theJewish Autonomous Region. Current estimates of the number of Jews there,including small groups of former Polish Jews living in the cities and thekolkhozes, or collective farms, varied from 25,000 to 30,000. The informationavailable indicated that the kolkhozes in the region had mixed membershipsof Jews and non-Jews (Folksztyme, September 2, 1955). There were no re-ports on Jewish cultural life in Birobidjan; the Communist press, however,reported that the region had 127 schools, including 25 high schools, and 6technical schools. These reports did not indicate how many of the schoolswere Jewish, their curricula, or their language of instruction (MorningFreiheit, New York, June 24, 1956). The city's only synagogue had burneddown, and had not been replaced. Birobidjan had the only Yiddish news-paper in the Soviet Union, the Birobidjaner Shtern, which appeared threetimes a week. Among the deputies to the Central Soviet of the Soviet Unionwas Mrs. R. Freidkina, a Jewish agronomist.

LEON SHAPIRO

POLAND

EVEN BEFORE the Soviet New Line, Polish Communist leaders deviated sub-stantially from the policies followed in other East European countries.

While generally following orders from Russia, they succeeded in creating forthemselves some freedom of movement, at least in the practical applicationof the general line. This was clearly demonstrated by the relative independ-ence with which they treated their own opposition. No major purge trialstook place in Poland (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1954 [Vol. 55]. p.282-87), and the officially encouraged anti-Semitism characteristic in theSoviet sphere during the last years of Stalin's life was absent from the Polish


scene. Collectivization of agriculture was pushed less vigorously than else-where and the regime seemed to avoid the worst extremes. Poland gave theimpression of being an exception among the Soviet satellites.

In the months following the denunciation of Stalin at the Twentieth PartyCongress in Moscow (see p. 305), Poland took the lead in the moves for lib-eralization of the regime. After the death of Boleslaw Bierut, the directionof party affairs passed to Edward Ochab. Together with Premier JosephCyrankiewicz, he apparently represented a moderate policy. The new admin-istration promised to continue the policy of "democratization" and permittedrelatively free discussion of issues confronting the party. The "liberal line"in Poland went so far as to tolerate critical discussion of Communist doc-trine, and Polish intellectuals, publicly and in the press, questioned the offi-cial view on fundamental aspects of life under Communist rule. Thus thevery critical A Poem for Adults, by Adam Wazyk, was published in NowaKultura (Warsaw, August 21, 1955). Though writing of this kind was bitterlyattacked by the Party, a number of other writers, such as Zbigniew Florczakand Antoni Slonimski, were able to discuss not only the theoretical founda-tions of Communist policy but such problems as Soviet concentration campsand the degree of Polish independence. Following the Party plenum held inWarsaw in July 1956, Wladyslaw Gomulka, the expelled former secretarygeneral of the Party and leader of its nationalist opposition, was invited torejoin the Party without any recantation on his part.

Poznan RevoltThe Poznan uprising came as a great shock to the ruling group of Poland.

It started as a strike at the Zispo factory where some 14,000 workers wereemployed, and it broke out during the Twenty-Fifth International TradeFair, at which many foreign, countries were represented. On June 28, 1956,workers organized a protest march to call attention to their grievances overworking conditions, wages, and taxes. The demonstration soon developedinto armed street fighting in which anti-regime slogans were shouted. Thefighting continued for two days, and when it was put down, by the jointforces of the army and police, the official figure of casualties was 48 killed and270 wounded (The New York Times, July 5, 1956). These figures were laterrevised upward.

The regime answered the Poznan rising by a combination of force, a purgeof local officials, and partial satisfaction of workers' demands. At first it wasfeared that Poznan might stop the trend toward democratization. But asthe time of writing (September 1956) it appeared that the policy of relax-ation was continuing unabated.

General Position of the Jews

The "liberal" trend undoubtedly had some effect on the life of the PolishJews. For the first time since the Communists came to power, the speechesand writings published in the Polish Yiddish press contained frankly criticaland even challenging statements. There was discussion of the execution ofJewish writers in the Soviet Union and much soul searching was also devoted

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to the future and forms of Jewish life in Poland. The need for some sort ofconnection with Jewish communities abroad was underscored again and again.

The Cultural and Social Union of Polish Jews sent greetings to all PolishJewish landsmanshaften abroad, and the Communist newspaper Folksztyme 1

took notice of Rosh Hashanah, the Jewish New Year (5716), by publishing anumber of good-will messages received from Jewish organizations abroad(Folksztyme, October 1, 1955; January 3, 1956). In connection with the con-gress of the Cultural and Social Union, greetings were received for the firsttime from a group of fourteen Yiddish writers in the Soviet Union and fromcommunal organizations in Bulgaria and Rumania. Szymon Zachariach, oneof the Communist leaders of the Cultural and Social Union, publicly ap-pealed for closer contacts with Jewish communities abroad (Folksztyme,April 26, 1956). It was difficult to say how long this situation would continue.But notwithstanding the difficult conditions inherent in a totalitarian state,the small remnants of Polish Jews strove to conserve their Jewish identity sofar as this was possible for a small minority in a not-too-friendly environ-ment. Polish Jewish leaders recognized with misgivings the presence of awidespread trend to assimilation among Jewish youth and spoke openlyabout the dangers of anti-Semitism (Folksztyme, April 26, 1956).

Anti-SemitismWhen shifts in the ruling group led to the fall of one of the most powerful

leaders in Poland, Jacob Berman, there was a suspicion that his removal wasdue to his Jewish origin. This was apparently not the case. Berman, an old-guard Stalinist, had to give way to individuals more representative of thenew policy. While the Polish regime did not display the worst features of thegovernment-sponsored anti-Semitism prevailing elsewhere in the Sovietsphere in the early fifties, popular anti-Semitism, with its centuries-long tra-dition, was plentiful in Poland. Jews were subjected to all sorts of vexationsin their daily pursuits and in the schools, and strong anti-Jewish feelingssometimes showed themselves among the members of the Communist party(Folksztyme, May 5, 1956). When the Lodz synagogue was robbed during thenight of May 14, 1956, investigation disclosed that it had been attacked bydelinquent youths, who, when arrested on May 30, admitted to anti-Semiticsentiments (Folksztyme, June 7, 1956). In June 1956 a delegation of the JewishCultural and Social Union was received by Minister of Education Jaroshun-sky. The delegation expressed concern about anti-Semitic incidents inschools, involving both pupils and teachers. They indicated that Jewishpupils were being subjected to ridicule and beatings (Folksztyme, June 9,1956). In The New York Times of August 8, 1956, Sidney Gruson describedthe discussion of the "Jewish problem" that took place at a meeting of theCentral Committee of the Communist party soon after the Poznan revolt.Some of the party leaders allegedly claimed that Jewish intellectuals werecarrying their fight for democratization in Poland too far, and that a dis-proportionate number of Jews held positions in the government. The ma-jority of the speakers seem to have repudiated this type of thinking and to

1 For the impact of Folksztyme criticism of the Soviet Union's treatment of anti-Semitism,see p. 311-13.


have appealed for a vigorous fight against anti-Semitism. But the existence ofstrong anti-Jewish feelings was confirmed by the Polish authorities (The NewYork Times, August 9, 1956). A feeling of uneasiness and insecurity was re-ported to be spreading among Polish Jews, who only recently had learnedofficially of the total extermination of Jewish culture in the Soviet Union.They feared that what happened in Russia under Stalin could be repeatedin Poland if the anti-Semitic elements in the ruling group got the upperhand in the government.

Jewish Population and EmigrationThere were still no accurate data on Jewish population in Poland. It was

reported that local leaders had collected demographic material on PolishJews in twenty-nine localities. Jewish officials, however, were reticent aboutthe results of their reasearch and continued to speak about 100,000 Jews inPoland. They estimated that some 40.6 per cent of the total were in the agegroup up to fifteen. There was no way of checking these figures, whichseemed to indicate a sharp change in the age composition of the Jewish com-munity. However, such a rise in the proportion of young people, one mightassume, would have been reflected in the membership of the Jewish Culturaland Social Union. This was not the case. Of 250 registered delegates (out of264 in attendance) at the congress of the Jewish Cultural and Social Unionin April 1956, 205 were forty years of age or older. On the basis of dataavailable from previous years, 50,000 seemed to be a reasonable estimate ofthe number of Jews in Poland (The New York Times, August 31, 1956). Halfthe Jewish population resided in the western part of Poland, and some 5,000each in Warsaw and Lodz.

In the middle of 1956 it became apparent that there had been a relaxationof restrictions on Jewish emigration to Israel. It was reported that the num-ber of exit permits was increasing and that about 100 individuals a monthleft Poland for Israel during July and August 1956. However, at the time ofwriting (September 1956) it was too early to assess the importance of thischange of policy, which apparently occurred at a time when anti-Semitismwas on the increase.

Communal LifeDuring 1955-56 Jewish communal activities were concentrated, as in pre-

vious years, around the Cultural and Social Union of Polish Jews. Theunion, which in 1956 had a total membership of 11,460, was totally Com-munist-directed at all levels. There was still a Jewish section of the PolishCommunist Party, with operating cells in the various local committees of theunion. There had been no local elections in the last three years, and theunion had been a self-perpetuating organization (Folksztyme, January 24,1956). On April 15, 1956, a congress of the union in Warsaw was attended by264 delegates and over 100 guests. A number of the delegates alluded to thehorrible fate of Jewish writers in the Soviet Union and demanded an ex-planation of the official silence on Jewish life in Russia under Stalin. Thelong-awaited demand for change in the character of the union came in a

POLAND 321

special report which emphasized the necessity of closer integration of theunion with the so-called National Front; but no immediate organizationalchanges were effected at the meeting. Hersz Smoliar and David Sfard con-tinued as president and secretary general of the organization. Its fifty-one-member general committee included Leib Olicky, Ilya Goldfinger, SzmuelHurwitch, Bynem Heller, Isaac Wasserstrum, Ber Mark, Michal Mirski, JoelLazebnik, Salo Fiszgrund, and Ida Kaminska. It is worth noting that the pro-ceedings of the congress dearly indicated the wish of the leaders to escapefrom complete isolation and establish contacts with Jews in other countries,both in the Soviet satellites and in the West.

Religious Life

For the first time in many years some aspects of Jewish religious life werereported in the press. According to available information, there were kehillot(religious community councils) functioning in twenty-three cities: Bialystok,Bielsk, Bielawa, Bytom, Dzerzionow, Czestochowa, Glinice, Cracow, Lignice,Lublin, Lodz, Novy Sacz, Tarnow, Soznowiec, Szczecin, Szawno, Wroclaw,Stalinograd, Szwidnice, Walbrzych, Warsaw, Klock, Przemysl. Among theleading members of the religious congregations were Abraham Banker, thepresident of the Union of Jewish Religious Congregations of Poland; Draz-nin, chairman of the kehilla of Szczecin; Lichtenstein of Warsaw; and Leflerof Cracow (Folksztyme, July 27, 1955). Recent foreign visitors in Poland re-ported that Jewish religious life had disintegrated to such an extent that theonly synagogue in Warsaw was closed week-days, and that even for the Sab-bath services it was difficult to assemble the religious quorum of ten persons.The situation was no better in other cities. There were only two qualifiedrabbis in Poland, Chief Rabbi David Percowitch of Warsaw and RabbiWeinberger of Lodz. There were no schools for the religious education ofchildren and there were no yeshivot. According to press reports, necessaryrepairs and other work were undertaken at nineteen cemeteries, the religiouscongregations collaborating in the project {Folksztyme, April 17, 1956). Inaddition to their religious activities, the congregations were induced by thegovernment to participate in "peace" propaganda by a series of public ap-peals signed by the religious leaders.

Jewish EducationIt was officially reported that the total enrollment of Jewish schools in

1955 was 2,301. It was difficult to analyze this figure. According to press re-ports, the school in Walbrzych had 220 pupils; the J. L. Peretz School inLodz, 570; Dzerzionov, 290; Lignice, 400; Szczecin, 350; Bielawa, 174 (Folksz-tyme, June 8, 1955; September 6, 1955). It was also announced that 24 boysand girls had been graduated from the Sholem Aleichem State Lyce"e inWroclaw.

Cultural ActivitiesThe American rabbis who visited Poland in the late spring of 1956 indi-

cated the presence in the Polish Jewish community of a "tremendous will


to survive" (The New York Times, July 27, 1956).2 There appeared tohave been fifteen Jewish choirs, fifteen dramatic dubs, eleven dance groups,and five amateur orchestras. The Jewish art clubs, with a total membershipof about 1,000, held a country-wide conference in Wroclaw on February 18,1956. Many delegates expressed fears as to the future of these organizations.It was indicated that as the older generations departed, there were no re-placements, and cultural activities in Szczecin, Walbrzych, and Bielawa werecontinually decreasing (Folksztyme, March 1, 1956). In connection with thefortieth anniversary of the death of Sholem Aleichem, a special week wascelebrated from May 13 to May 20, 1956, throughout the country; twentymeetings were organized in various localities. For the first time, the PolishYiddish theater, under the direction of Ida Kaminska, was preparing to givethirteen performances in Paris. The repertoire was to include plays by Gold-faden and other playwrights (Jewish Telegraphic Agency, New York, Septem-ber 5, 1956). The Yiddish Buch continued its publishing activities, servingabout 5,000 subscribers, and Yiddishe Shriften, which had continued to ap-pear regularly, published its 100th issue on August 15, 1955. The JewishHistorical Institute, which for many years had devoted itself to rewritingJewish history according to the changing Communist line, during 1955-56made efforts to contact Jewish scholarly institutions outside of Poland, par-ticularly in other satellite countries. They were invited to collaborate in theplanned publication of a history of the Jews in Eastern Europe. Apparently,it was thought necessary to invite the collaboration in this work of specialistsin other countries of the Soviet area (Jewish Chronicle, London, January 13,1956).

LEON SHAPIRO

CZECHOSLOVAKIA

TT'EW STATISTICS on the Jews of Czechoslovakia were made available during-T 1955-56. The meager material from Prague did not deal with such mat-ters as the size of the Jewish population, membership in Jewish communities,death and birth rates, age distribution, and social stratification.

Estimates of the number of Jews ranged from 15,000 to 20,000. A figure of18,000 registered Jews, 5,000 of them living in Prague, was indicated byRabbi Gustav Sicher in the Israelitische Wochenblatt, Zurich, September 20,1956. Though it probably overstated the registered Jews, it was perhaps closeto the total Jewish population, in view of the several thousand non-registeredJews, i.e., persons of Jewish origin not affiliated with religious congregations.The Jewish population of Czechoslovakia was an aging one, and hence inthe long run necessarily declining. Emigrants had been drawn dispropor-tionately from the younger members of the population. In some Czecho-slovak cities old-age homes tended to become the centers of Jewish life.

a For a fuller report of the findings of these rabbis, see p. 310-11.

CZECHOSLOVAKIA 323


The anti-Semitic campaign in Czechoslovakia continued well beyond thedemise of Stalin. Even in confessing that injustices had been done in thepurge trials in the fall of 1952, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakiaplayed down the anti-Jewish excesses of its recent past. True, those who hadnot been executed with Rudolf Slansky were quietly, if belatedly, releasedfrom prison. But none of the dead or living had been fully "rehabilitated."

On May 12, 1956, Mordecai Oren, the deputy of the Israel Knesset whohad been impressed into the role of a witness at the Slansky trial and forcedto confess that he had participated in a "Zionist-Titoist-imperialist con-spiracy" (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1955 [Vol. 56], p. 416), togetherwith the Israeli envoy, Ehud Avriel, was set free. Oren was not exoneratedand no apologies were tendered to Avriel.

While, officially, the Slansky trial was not repudiated, there were occasionalmuted references to anti-Semitic errors. Thus in the trade union paperPrdce, a writer complained on April 26, 1956, that "we went so far as to de-prive [people who were not class enemies] of equal rights, people who werenot guilty as individuals but had the ill fortune of belonging to certaingroups or had relatives who had made mistakes. This was the fate of manyJews after the Slansky trial, and the fate of many soldiers who during thewar fought the Nazis in the West." Again, The New York Times of April16, 1956, quoted Premier Viliam Siroky's admission that "certain manifesta-tions of anti-Semitism were incorrectly introduced into the Slansky trial."

The net result was a certain easing of the position of the Jewish com-munity. Arrests of Jews for fictitious crimes ceased. Religious and cultural ac-tivities assumed a somewhat greater depth. And the government occasionallyexhibited a verbal benevolence in sharp contrast to the spirit of the purgeperiod.


During the period under review (September 1955 to September 1956) thecommunal framework of Czechoslovak Jewry remained unchanged. The com-munities of Bohemia and Moravia were represented by the Association ofJewish Religious Communities. There was a rabbinical assembly of fourrabbis, Chief Rabbi Gustav Sicher of Prague, District Rabbis Emil Davidovicand Bernat FarkaS for the south and north of Bohemia respectively, andRabbi Richard Feder of Brno for Moravia-Silesia. Slovakia was divided intotwo districts. Elial Katz, chief rabbi of Slovakia, resided in Bratislava, andDistrict Rabbi Solomon Steiner in KoSice. Administratively, the Bohemian-Moravian and Slovakian communities respectively were represented by theCouncil of the Jewish Religious Communities in Prague, under the chair-manship of Emil Neumann, and the Central League of the Jewish ReligiousCommunities in Slovakia, headed by Benjamin Eichler.

The councils were responsible to the assemblies of delegates which did notmeet in Slovakia until March 27, 1955. Elections to the boards of the Jewish


religious communities, each comprising several congregations, were held inBohemia during February and March 1956.

During 1955-56 Vestnik, the gazette of the Jewish religious communities inCzechoslovakia, mentioned some form of communal activity in seventy-threelocalities, thirty of them in Bohemia, seventeen in Moravia, and twenty-sixin Slovakia. Since the number of congregations in Slovakia was previously in-dicated as forty-two (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 439),it was possible that Vestnik did not provide full coverage for the more dis-tant congregations, or that some had been dissolved during 1955-56 or ex-isted in name only.

State control over these nominally autonomous religious bodies was exer-cised not only by the security organs but also by financial subsidies. All Jew-ish religious functionaries—like those of other religions—were paid by thegovernment. This system had its antecedents in the church organization ofthe Austro-Hungarian monarchy and the Czechoslovak Republic betweenWorld Wars I and II.

Religious Activities

In the Czechoslovak Republic there had been, before the occupation, morethan one hundred rabbis, but only a half dozen were left in 1955-56. Thechief rabbi of Prague was seventy-six years old and the district rabbi ofMoravia eighty-one; there were no rabbinical students in Czechoslovakia.

Services were held in two synagogues in Prague, and in one large syna-gogue in Heyduk Street and prayer houses in Bratislava. There were two cantorsin Prague, and others in Plzen, tJsti nad Labem, Brno, Karlovy Vary, Olomouc,Ostrava, and Teplice. In Slovakia, six district shochetim (ritual slaughterers)conducted services, under the guidance of the two Slovak rabbis. Owing tothe lack of qualified religious functionaries, it was necessary to employ layleaders of prayer in some of the synagogues. New prayer houses were conse-crated in Karlovy Vary, Pisek, Tabor, tJsti nad Labem, Liberec, Olomouc,and several places in Slovakia. Kosher meat, matzot and matzot flour wereproduced under the ritual supervision of the chief rabbi of Slovakia. Shoche-tim functioned in Prague, Karlovy Vary, tJsti nad Labem, Liberec, Brno, andmost larger communities in Slovakia. In Prague there is a supervisor ofkosher meat with jurisdiction over the districts of Bohemia and Moravia, anda supervisor of the ritual bath. There was a ritual supervisor in the Homefor the Aged in Marianske Lazn£. Prague had one kosher restaurant, con-ducted by the Jewish religious community. The chief rabbi's offices in Pragueand Bratislava supplied all the communities with the necessary prayer books,taletim, tefilim, fittings for halls of prayer, etc. The larger communities re-ceived religious books for their libraries. Kosher eating places also openedduring 1955-56 in Karlovy Vary (Carlsbad) and Marianske Lazng (Marien-bad). This was perhaps connected with the government effort to attract tour-ists in its drive for foreign currency. Vestnik sometimes printed news of cir-cumcisions and bar mitzvahs.

HUNGARY 325

Cultural Activity

The monthly Vestnik of the Jewish religious community in Czechoslovakiacontinued to be the only Jewish periodical of the country. With some vari-ations in subject matter and authorship, its twelve pages usually featured areligious-philosophical article by Chief Rabbi Sicher or a popular religiousone by Rabbi Richard Feder. In most issues, an unsigned political editorialechoed the governmental theme of the month. There was also usually alengthy article in the Slovak language by the chief rabbi of Slovakia. Aboutfour to five pages were devoted to straight religious information, administra-tive news, letters, obituaries, and reports from the local congregations. Stories,essays, and book reviews on general topics of interest to Jews filled the re-mainder of the paper. Its editor was Rudolf Iltis, the secretary of the JewishCouncil. In 1954, 1955, and 1956, a Jewish almanac was also published.

A new departure during 1955-56 was a slender volume in the English lan-guage, Jewish Studies, printed in honor of Chief Rabbi Sicher, of Prague,who was seventy-five years old in 1955. Besides articles by four of the sixrabbis of Czechoslovakia, it contained a scholarly and sympathetic appraisalof the work of Rabbi Sicher, whose translation of Deuteronomy into Czechwas published in Prague in 1950, by the Protestant theologian MiloS Bic.Other scholars who contributed monographs on erudite (and nontopical) sub-jects were Stanislav Segert, Greta Hort, Hana Volavkova, and Pavel Eisner.

HUNGARY 1

IN HUNGARY, as elsewhere in Eastern Europe, the Twentieth Congress of theSoviet Communist Party in February 1956 was followed by signs of greater

responsiveness to the discontents of the Communist Party rank and file andeven of the general population.

Hungary had been the most ruthless of all satellite countries in trying tostamp out "Titoism." In 1949 Laszlo Rajk, who as minister of the interiorhad protected the Communist instigators and perpetrators of anti-Semiticcrimes, had been executed on the dual charge of Titoism and—Zionism I InMay 1956, Rajk and his fellow victims were exonerated of the crime of Tito-ism and their standing as Communists was posthumously "rehabilitated." Butin rehabilitating them, no mention was made of the Zionist charge. (As weshall see, a vague and indirect retraction of this charge came much later,without direct reference to the executed victims).

Not only did Titoism cease to be a capital crime, but the Hungarian gov-ernment paid urgent court to Tito, and there were even some guarded ref-erences to the possibility of Hungary's following "her own road" to Social-ism. Thus "de-Stalinization" seemed to encompass, in Hungary as well aselsewhere, a certain degree of relaxation in the rigidity of the Communistdictatorship.

1 For political developments in Hungary after July 1956, see p. 307-08.


To a large extent, this reflected the Hungarian regime's recognition of thedanger which confronted it from the dissatisfaction of the industrial workers.In a politically amorphous society where labor constituted the only organizedand recognized entity, the regime knew that the real threat to its rule wasthe desertion of the dictatorship "of the proletariat" by the proletariat itself.

As a result, it made efforts to improve the desperate economic lot of theworkers. But these efforts were limited by the policy of forced industrializa-tion and the drive for collective farming. At the same time, manifestations ofrank-and-file opinion and desires were tolerated, which, half a year earlier,would have been ruthlessly crushed. Simultaneously, the regime tried to fore-stall the danger that public criticism of its policies might go too far. While,on the Kremlin's orders, the policy of "democratization" continued, spokes-men of the regime warned the rank and file that the rule of the People'sDemocracy was absolute, and that there was no place for any opposition tothe party dictatorship.

The most conspicuous concession, and the symbol of all the others, wasthe removal from power of the veteran Stalinist dictator, Jewish-born MatyasRakosi. After the Soviet Party congress in February, Rakosi was under sharpattack within the Hungarian party. He tried to make some face-saving con-cessions, and in particular to make his peace with Tito. But he was not ableto survive "de-Stalinization"; Belgrade was unforgiving, and the Kremlinfelt it necessary to get rid of him as a symbol of Stalinist terror. The elimina-tion from the Politburo of former Defense Minister Mihaly Farkas, anotherStalinist of Jewish extraction, in April 1955 had foreshadowed Rakosi's fate.

But when on July 18, 1956, Rakosi finally fell, his successor as secretarygeneral of the Communist Party was not Imre Nagy, the former prime min-ister dismissed from office and expelled from the party last year for "rightdeviation," but Erno Gero, a close associate of Rakosi. Gero was the last po-litically surviving important Communist leader of Jewish descent in Hungary.

Under former Premier Imre Nagy, control of religious bodies by partycommissars ended, and a trend toward greater religious freedom started. Inline with current tendencies in the Soviet Union, this trend continued inHungary even after Nagy's fall. Thus, on June 1, 1956, Prime MinisterAndras Hegedus, while warning against "the use of religious conviction as aforce hostile to the People's Democracy," at the same time declared that "theHungarian People's Democracy continues to guarantee the freedom of re-ligion."

Jewish Community

In the last two years little news about Hungarian Jewish life has beenavailable abroad. In earlier years, the weekly paper of the Jewsh community,Nj Elet ("New Life") was obtainable on the other side of the Iron Curtain,but early in 1955 its mailing abroad was limited to "reliable" addresses. As a re-sult, only occasional bits of information, supplied mostly by chance visitors,were available.

These reports indicated that attendance at Jewish religious services inBudapest was growing, and especially that Orthodox Jews tenaciously ob-served their traditions. The Budapest Rabbinical Seminary was reportedly

HUNGARY 327

ordaining two or three "assistant rabbis" a year. A number of Orthodoxyeshivot existed in the provinces. Most surviving Jews exiled from Budapestto the bleak North Eastern areas were back in the capital, and, according toeyewitness reports, were demanding the restoration of their former homes.The unified National Office of Hungarian Jews and of the Budapest Jewishcommunity had a politically independent president, Lajos Heves. He andChief Rabbi Joseph Katona were trying to maintain religious life and to in-terest people in the affairs of the Jewish community. But at last reportsbarely one-third of Budapest's 100,000 Jews were members of the Jewish com-munity. The rest still felt deterred from participation in Jewish affairs eitherby their dependence on the government for their livelihood, or by generalCommunist hostility to religion. The Jewish communities also faced seriousfinancial difficulties, caused by the large number of elderly unemployedamong their membership and the fact that even the wage-earning memberscould not afford to make voluntary contributions to the community.

Jewish life was confined essentially to the synagogue. Jewish educationand the preservation of Jewish traditions continued to decline. There wereno Jewish youth movements, cultural and educational activities, literature,journalism, or art, and, of course, no contact whatsoever with Jewish lifeabroad.

During 1955-56, no arrest or trial of Jewish leaders was reported fromHungary. While the fate of some of the victims of earlier arrests and sen-tences was still unknown, a number of these victims were reported by theJewish Telegraphic Agency to have been released on April 18, 1956. A masstrial of Jewish leaders, expected after the arrest of Lajos Stoeckler, formerpresident of the National Office of Hungarian Jews, early in 1953, was neverheld.

According to a J T A despatch of September 18, 1956, Oscar Beten, a mem-ber of the executive of the Hungarian Communist Party, told a correspond-ent of the Tel Aviv daily Haaretz that Hungary "no longer considers worldZionism as an agent of American imperialism, and no longer views Zionismas a hostile trend against the state." Zionism was now looked upon in Hun-gary only as "a rival trend from the ideological viewpoint." The Communistspokesman was reported to have admitted that Zionists had been arrestedand persecuted in Hungary, adding that "these were regrettable mistakes ofthe Stalin era and will not recur." He emphasized that all victims had beenreleased and that individual Zionists could live in Hungary peacefully.

However, he objected to "Zionist propaganda" among Hungarian Jews onthe ground that the latter "enjoy full equality, while Zionist propaganda mayharm the free Jewish community."

Almost no Jewish emigration was possible from Hungary in 1955 and 1956.Beten told Haaretz that in the future Hungarian Jews would be permittedto emigrate to Israel on humanitarian grounds, provided there was no doubtthat their emigration would result in reuniting families, especially old peoplewith their children, in Israel.


RUMANIA

ON THE WHOLE the Communist New Look, which followed the down-grading of Stalin (see p. 305), seemed to have had little or no effect

in Rumania. There was considerable uncertainty about the fate of AnaPauker, former strong woman of the Communist Party of Rumania andthat country's foreign minister after World War II. The June 1956 issue ofthe democratic emigre1 publication, La Nation Roumaine, reported that shewas to be put on trial after the Communist Party congress of February 1956.However, no reliable information had been received about her at the timeof writing (August 1956).

Jewish Population

It has been unofficially estimated that between 200,000 and 250,000 Jewsremained in Rumania after emigration came to a virtual standstill in 1950(see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956, [vol. 57], p. 446). In February 1956the Rumanian government took a census. The fragmentary results publishedas of the time of writing1 showed that the general population had increasedby approximately 10 per cent since the census of 1948, from 15,800,000 to17,500,000. No statistics had been published about the Jews or any other mi-norities, and thus it was not known what changes had taken place in the Jew-ish population. However, in view of the government's rigidly enforced banon emigration and the rate of increase for the population as a whole, itseemed probable that the Jewish population was not less than 250,000.

Religious and Cultural Life

In December 1955 and during the early part of 1956 the western press pub-lished a number of statements by the Chief Rabbi of Rumania, Moses Rosen,concerning the religious life of the Jews in Rumania. The occasions were anofficial invitation to the Chief Rabbi Kurt Wilhelm of Sweden, at the end of1955, and Rosen's return visit to Stockholm, as well as his subsequent visit toLondon as the guest of Agudas Israel in July 1956.

In these statements Rosen fixed the number of Jewish religious communi-ties in Rumania at 100. In 1954 Rumanian officials had mentioned 136 Jew-ish communities and later, in December of that year, in a statement to arepresentative of the Israel newspaper Haaretz, had spoken of 120 communi-ties (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, loc. cit.). According to Rosen, the Jew-ish communities were united in a federation, enjoyed full autonomy, andwere subsidized by the government. Jewish religious laws were observed.Rosen reported, for instance, that the government allotted wheat to the Jewsfor the manufacture of matzot for Pesach. Jewish children were receiving re-ligious instruction. Also, according to Rosen, a Jewish periodical of a re-

1See BIRE, Bulletin d'Information des Rifugi&s Roumains en Europe, June 1956.

RUMANIA 329

ligious nature was scheduled to begin publication "next month." At thiswriting (August 1956) no such publication had been received in the UnitedStates.

Apparently in an effort to strengthen Rosen's mission to the west, RadioBucharest at the same time boasted of the complete equality of the Jews, lay-ing special emphasis on religious education. It mentioned that [several] Jew-ish seminaries were functioning in the country, "training cadres of youngrabbis for the future" (Jewish Telegraphic Agency [JTA] June 19, 1956).Rosen himself spoke of only one such seminary located in Arad, with a totalenrollment of thirty-five students.

Nothing was known of the fate of three state schools where Yiddish hadbeen reported as the language of instruction (one each in Bucharest, Jassy,and Timisoara), and which allegedly had existed in 1955. They were the rem-nant of a Jewish school system which in 1948 had comprised sixty-nine ele-mentary schools and twenty-three high schools, with an enrollment of 13,000students (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, loc. cit.). In an interview with theTel Aviv Communist newspaper Kol Haam (December 1955), the prominentRumanian Jewish Communist leader Bercu Feldman stated that 5,000 Jewishchildren were learning Yiddish in state schools. A small, poorly prepared ele-mentary Yiddish grammar issued by the official educational publishing housein Rumanian in 1954, a copy of which is available in the library of the YIVOInstitute for Jewish Research in New York, seemed to confirm this statement.However, even Feldman said nothing of schools where Yiddish was the lan-guage of instruction. On the contrary, his statement in Kol Haam that Yid-dish was being taught in "purely Jewish schools" seems to mean that the lastof the Yiddish schools had been abolished.

As late as 1954 there had still been news of the continuing existence of twoYiddish state theatres, one in Bucharest and one in Jassy (see AMERICAN JEW-ISH YEAR BOOK, 1954, [vol. 55], p. 302). For a time no further information wasavailable, but on June 8, 1956, Adeverul, a weekly published in Israel by Ru-manian emigrants, reported that the Jewish theatre in Bucharest had recentlyperformed Sholom Aleichem.

There were no Yiddish publications in Rumania at the time of writing(August 1956). Ikuf Bleter, the Rumanian Jewish Communist periodicalwhich had been suspended toward the end of 1952 (see AMERICAN JEWISHYEAR BOOK, 1954, [vol. 55] loc. cit.) had apparently not resumed publication.But the previously cited issue of Adeverul contained an announcement to theeffect that Ikuf Bleter was scheduled to resume publication. Since no Ameri-can subscribers, including libraries, had received any copies at this writing, itseemed probable that the periodical was not yet back in print. Moreover,Bercu Feldman stated in his interview in Kol Haam that in Rumania "Theproblem of national minorities was solved in the Marxist-Leninist spirit and. . . there is no need for special Jewish papers in Yiddish or any other lan-guage because all Rumanian Jews understand and read Rumanian." Thiswas obviously the current Communist line on the matter.


Fate of Zionist Leaders

Some mystery still surrounded the fate of the Zionist leaders arrested andconvicted during the anti-Zionist drive of 1949-50. Two amnesties were pro-claimed in the fall of 1955, but in the case of crimes against the state theyapplied only to sentences of up to five years. The Zionist leaders had all beensentenced to much longer terms. There were reports of several Supreme Courtretrials of Jewish leaders (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956, [vol. 57]loc. cit.) and of piecemeal releases. Thus The New York Times of April 21,1956, reported that the release of all 200 Jews jailed for Zionist activities hadbeen completed. It quoted Idov Cohen, chairman of the Rumanian immi-grants' organization in Israel, as stating that relatives of seven of the lasttwelve of the Zionist prisoners in Rumania had received telegrams announc-ing the prisoners' liberation, and that the others were also understood tohave been freed.

But there was a great deal of contradiction in the reports of releases. Thuson September 21, 1955, JTA reported from Tel Aviv, on the basis of "au-thentic information," that "by now all Zionist leaders are released." Lessthan four months later, on January 1, 1956, the [London] Jewish Chroniclereported that eighty Zionists still remained in prison, while the rest had beenfreed. Among those released at that time the Jewish Chronicle mentioned thewell-known leader A. L. Zissu; but on January 15, 1956, the usually reliableBIRE reported that Zissu was imprisoned in the city of Pitesti under severeconditions, and JTA confirmed this report on March 8, 1956, in a dispatchfrom Istanbul.

EMIGRATION TO ISRAEL

According to Idov Cohen, quoted in The New York Times of April 21,1956, Jewish emigration to Israel was to be resumed, primarily to permit thereunion of families. Between August 1954 and April 1956, only 307 personsarrived in Israel from Rumania. At the same time Rumania instituted a vigor-ous campaign to induce all emigre's, including Jews, to return. In January1956, BIRE reported that on the first of that month a special committee wasformed in Bucharest for this purpose which included among its membersGeorge Tatarescu, a notoriously anti-Semitic former leader of the NationalLiberal Party and prime minister under King Carol, who had spent severalyears in Communist jails. Broadcast appeals were beamed to Israel, but re-turnees were treated very harshly by the Rumanian police. BIRE reported inOctober 1955 that families were afraid to make contact with their repatriatemembers. At the time of writing (August 1956) the hopes for a resumption ofemigration, expressed by Idov Cohen and others, had not materialized.

JOSEPH KISSMAN

TURKEY 331

TURKEY

SITUATED AT ONE of the nerve centers of the world ideological conflict,Turkey was vitally affected by the major international political and eco-

nomic developments which took place in the period from July 1955 to Au-gust 1956. In accordance with their new line, the Soviet leaders made ad-vances to their Turkish neighbor, offering economic aid and an improvementof trade relations. Ankara rejected these proposals, as well as the invitationto send a Turkish parliamentary delegation to Moscow. The Turks regardedthe new Soviet line as a change only of tactics, not of intentions. They there-fore put little faith in the relaxation of world tension, and continued theirpolicy of alignment with the Western powers.

Considerable efforts were made to extend and consolidate the Baghdadpact. But although Iran joined in October 1955, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanonremained outside. There was widespread Turkish criticism of President CelalBayar's Jerusalem speech of November 1955, in which he declared that theArab Legion would have the full support of the Turkish Army in case itwere attacked. Even the most optimistic were disillusioned by an attack onthe Turkish Consulate in Amman in the same month. Nevertheless Turkey,in the apparent hope that the Arab leaders would change their minds, re-mained on friendly if not close terms with them.

Turkish interest continued to center on the Cyprus situation. Turkey's un-yielding opposition to any grant of self-determination to the ethnically Greekmajority of the island's population, and her insistence on the maintenance ofthe status quo there, resulted in seriously strained relations between Turkeyand Greece. Cooperation between the two countries in the North AtlanticTreaty Organization (NATO) became problematical. Due to this situation,and to the rapprochement between Tito and the Soviet leaders and his culti-vation of Nasser and the Arab world, the Turkish leaders tended to feel thatthe Balkan pact had become a dead letter in the light of events. On thewhole, Turkish foreign policy during 1955—56 had no spectacular successesand suffered no fundamental checks. It continued to be characterized by anattitude of vigilance and a desire to play a leading role in Middle Easternquestions.

Domestic Situation

The internal situation was less satisfactory. There was unquestionably adecline in the democratic spirit which had found expression in the 1950 elec-toral victory of the now-dominant Democratic Party, and which had giventhat party an overwhelming majority in the elections of 1954. This had hadseveral causes. Economically, Turkey's foreign exchange resources had beendrained away by its ambitious program of capital investments, comprisingsuch items as the establishment of a modern merchant fleet, and constructionof dams and hydroelectric installations, cement factories, sugar refineries, and


port facilities. The progressive rise in the standard of living of the ruralpopulation created a demand for consumer goods on an unprecedented scale.To satisfy this demand the government resorted to expedients in regard toimports which upset the balance of trade even more and stimulated the cur-rency black market. At this point the Turkish pound fell to a quarter of itsofficial value. Payments due for imports could be only partially met. Im-ported articles became rare and therefore very dear, sending up the cost ofdomestic production. The ceiling on the issuance of paper money was repeat-edly raised, and the circulation of commercial paper reached a considerablevolume; both these factors contributed substantially to the inflation. Thebig agricultural producers, merchants and industrialists, residing chiefly inthe big cities, profited substantially from this state of things. But most of thepopulation, and particularly the civil servants and wage-earners, sufferedgreatly from the high cost of living.

Discontent showed itself in a sharp criticism of government policies. Nine-teen Democratic deputies, including some of the leading members of theoriginal group which had come to power in 1950, resigned from the Party orwere expelled for their dissident attitude. They formed a new Party of Lib-erty which, as additional dissidents joined it, became the largest oppositionparty in Parliament. [The others were the Republican People's Party, led byformer President Ismet Inonii, and the extreme right-wing Nation Party.]Their attacks became more and more vehement. The repression was equallyvigorous. Resolved to continue on the path on which he had set out, andunwilling to consider handing over the government to others. Premier AdnanMenderes adopted authoritarian methods. A new press law muzzled everytendency to criticism. Another law restricted freedom of assembly; even po-litical parties were banned from holding meetings except in the forty-fivedays preceding an election. The leaders of the opposition parties wereprosecuted, and journalists imprisoned.

Wishing to assure its electoral majority in the face of the growing hostilityof the mass of the city voters, the government even went so far as to sacrificeseveral basic points of the democratic heritage. In January 1956, PremierMenderes announced at Konya that religious instruction would henceforthbe compulsory in secondary schools. Kemal Ataturk had gone to greattrouble abolishing the charchaf, the traditional costume of Anatolian womenand a symbol of the reactionary spirit, in order to emancipate the women ofTurkey. Now its wearing was legalized. These concessions were meant to winthe support of the millions of peasant voters. The government also failed toimpose a tax on agricultural profits, which economists regarded as essentialif the Turkish budget was to be balanced.

RIOTS

It was in this atmosphere of tension with Greece and internal difficultiesthat the riot of the night of September 6-7, 1955, took place. An outburst ofpopular fury, it inflicted damage estimated at between 200,000,000 and 300,-000,000 Turkish pounds (about $25,000,000 at the free market rate) on non-Moslem elements of the Istanbul population. There were various theories asto the cause of that outbreak. It has perhaps not been sufficiently emphasized

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that for a long time ostentatious luxury on the part of the rich, and particu-larly the newly rich, had created an antagonism between the possessingclasses and the rest of the population, whose standard of living was steadilydeteriorating. This antagonism, which would elsewhere have expressed itselfthrough the accepted channels of organized social conflict, found no way ofexpressing itself in Turkey, where the problem was still too new. To one ac-quainted with the Middle East, and the emotional currents conditioning thecoexistence of its fundamentally different ethnic elements, the appeal toracial resentments was altogether to be expected. Inflamed by violent anti-Greek propaganda and tolerated as a defense of the Turkish position in re-gard to Cyprus, what began as a demonstration against Greek fellow-citizensgot out of hand and became basically an attack on all non-Moslems, whethernative or foreign. The authorities realized too late that the mob could extendits destructive rage. Martial law was decreed, and did not come to an enduntil June 6, 1956. A law was passed authorizing the government to fulfillits promise to indemnify the victims of the looting and destruction, up tothe amount of 60,000,000 Turkish pounds. Order and calm were reestab-lished, but the malaise remained.

Relations with IsraelSubject to the limits imposed by Turkey's desire to avoid actively an-

tagonizing the Arabs, relations between Turkey and Israel continued to de-velop on a cordial basis. Israel was anxious to preserve one of the principalmarkets for its young industries; among the products Turkey bought fromIsrael were cement, glassware, tires, and chemicals. Turkey paid for thesethrough a clearing account by exporting agricultural products such as grain,oilcakes, dried fruits, and sheepskins. During 1955-56 trade between the twocountries reached a total of about $30,000,000, as against $19,000,000 in 1953.A relaxation of Middle East tensions would unquestionably permit a substan-tial increase in these figures. Israel participated, along with fifteen other for-eign countries, in the annual International Fair at Izmir.

With the approval of the Turkish authorities, a group of young TurkishJewish singers of both sexes participated in the Tel Aviv Zimriya and scoreda notable success, particularly with some Turkish folk songs.

Jewish CommunityAlthough the September 1955 riots were not directed against the Jewish

community either officially or in principle, they were profoundly disturbingto it. After the deportations of 1941 and the capital levy of 1942, whose ar-bitrary and discriminatory application to the ethnic and religious minoritiesappeared to be directed at their economic annihilation, the Jews of Turkeyreturned to work. The remarkable success of the reorganization of the com-munity and its cultural activities was due to the feeling of solidarity andbrotherhood in misfortune which grew up in the dark hours of 1941-42.Since that time, the commercial and industrial boom of the last years ofWorld War II and the prosperity which followed it enabled a large part of theJewish population, located chiefly in Istanbul, to prosper along with other


sections of the population. Jewish philanthropic activities profited accord-ingly. After the wave of emigration to Israel, the majority of Turkey's re-maining 50,000 Jews had no apprehension that there would be a recurrenceof discrimination. They considerably expanded their activities, making largeinvestments in industry and real estate.

The awakening on the morrow of September 6, 1955, was all the morebrutal. The restrictive economic controls which the authorities subsequentlydecreed, in a spirit of centralization and to meet the economic crisis, pro-foundly affected the prosperity of all citizens. People began asking themselveswhether the patiently constructed edifice of communal achievements was notagain threatened.

Of the community's progress there could be no doubt. Long one of thestrongest groups of European Jewry, the Jews of Istanbul had carried out thetask of organizing along modern lines. Formerly Turkish Jews had been di-vided into a considerable number of autonomous congregations in the vari-ous districts of Istanbul and the rest of Turkey. But in recent years they hadformed well-organized communities in Istanbul and Izmir, as well as twocentral organizations of uncontested authority. Matters of general interest toall Turkish Jews were handled by the Grand Rabbinate of Turkey, assistedby a lay council. The council sought to assure the financial stability of theGrand Rabbinate, permitting the introduction of improvements and re-forms. Contributors were asked to pay annual fixed assessments. Among otherthings, this made possible the reorganization of the Beth Din (Jewish courtof law) and the provision of kashrut, with a well-organized and adequatelystaffed central organization of Turkish Jewry.

A surplus of revenues enabled the council to take under its wing to someextent all the cultural and social services of the community. A hospital witheighty-six beds cared for about 1,000 patients during 1955-56, and some11,000 out-patients were treated in its dispensary. There was also a home forthe aged. An orphanage cared for forty children, and there were also threecenters for the feeding and clothing of needy students. A preventorium hadthirty-five beds for pre-tuberculous children, and a vacation camp was at-tended during the past year by 185 undernourished children. Finally, thecommunity conducted a lyce"e with 450 students and four elementary schoolswith a total of 1,500. These schools of course followed the Turkish curricu-lum, but with the addition of three to five hours of instruction in Hebrewand two to three hours in French weekly. Hebrew instruction was com-pulsory.

All these institutions submitted their budgets to the council which, afterapproving them, met their deficits. The total revenues sufficed not only tostrengthen all these activities, but also to meet needs previously neglected.These included furnishing a residence for the grand rabbi and supplyinghim with all that was necessary for the fulfillment of his representative func-tions; repair of the building of the central administration; creation of a li-brary and a division of archives; and purchase of an adequate building forthe preventorium. Finally, a rabbinical seminary was set up, to meet thesituation created by the successive disappearance of the various yeshivotwhich had been in times past one of the prides of the Jews of Turkey. The

TURKEY 335

seminary was established with the legal status of a lyce"e with eight grades,whose diploma was the equivalent of the official baccalaureate and gave itspossessors the right to perform their military service as officer-candidates. Dur-ing 1955—56 the seminary had five teachers, one of them a specialist broughtfrom Israel, and thirty-five students divided among the first three grades. Thestudents were fed and clothed at the expense of the community. It wasplanned to make the seminary into a boarding school.

In addition to the activity of the council, the Grand Achgaha (congrega-tion) administered the affairs of the 30,000 to 35,000 Jews living in the heartof Istanbul. With about two-thirds of the Jewish population of Turkey underits jurisdiction, the Achgaha administered the synagogues, religious services,cemeteries, and various other spiritual and temporal activities. New methodsof taxation and budgeting permitted the repair of several synagogues andthe construction of others, where this was judged necessary because of a re-vival of religious activity. This revival was shown in increased attendance atservices and religious classes. Fundamentally traditionalist and attached to itspast, Turkish Judaism had never known either the Reform religion or assimi-lation. As had happened almost everywhere else, the differences between theSephardic majority and the few thousand Ashkenazim gradually tended todisappear, and constituted no problem. The one ideological conflict in thecommunity was between those who placed a primary emphasis on purely re-ligious activity and that large part of the contributors who thought that thealways insufficient resources of the community could be best employed forwelfare work.

^

North Africa

ALGERIA

Political Situation

During most of the period from July 1955 to the time of writing (Decem-ber 1956), Algeria was torn by large-scale guerrilla warfare. While at the be-ginning of the period under review fighting was confined mainly to theAures mountains, it subsequently extended to almost every part of Algeria.By the end of 1955 the situation had become so disturbed that it was im-possible to hold elections for the thirty Algerian members of the Chamberof Deputies at the time of the French general election of January 2, 1956.The seats of the Algerian deputies were left vacant until the "pacification"of the country had been accomplished. In December 1956 there still seemedno immediate prospect that they would be filled.

The ending of the war in Algeria was made a major election issue by thecoalition of the Socialist Party, headed by Guy Mollet, and the Radicals ofPierre Mendes-France. Mollet formed a government after the elections, andvisited Algiers at the beginning of February 1956, apparently with the inten-tion of announcing far-reaching reforms. But Mollet was greeted by stormydemonstrations of the European colonists. These apparently dissuaded himfrom offering any concessions to Algerian nationalism. On February 9 he ap-pointed Robert Lacoste to govern Algeria as resident minister, succeedingGovernor General Jacques Soustelle. The government announced that itspolicy would be one of restoring order by the massive use of French troops,while at the same time introducing reforms and working for a political settle-ment. Both then and subsequently, however, the Mollet government empha-sized its rejection of any solution involving Algerian independence, and gaveprimacy to the military suppression of the rebellion. To implement this pro-gram, the Mollet government put through the National Assembly on March13, 1956, a bill granting Lacoste broad powers to issue decrees for the sup-pression of the rebellion, the reorganization of the Algerian government, andthe introduction of various reforms, mainly in the economic sphere. TheFrench government also rapidly increased the number of French soldiers inAlgeria from 190,000 in March 1956 to 373,000 at the beginning of June, andan estimated 500,000 in December—roughly one soldier to every four adultAlgerian males.

ECONOMIC REFORMS

The most important of the reforms announced in March provided for thegradual Algerianization of the civil service by reserving half of the competi-

336

ALGERIA 337

tive and two-thirds of the noncompetitive vacancies in the government serv-ice for Algerian Moslems. This reform aroused the resentment of the Frenchcolonists, but did little to satisfy the discontent of the Algerian Moslems;when in May the French students at the University of Algiers struck in pro-test against the Algerianization of the civil service, the Moslem studentsissued a statement that their continued attendance at class should not be in-terpreted as implying support of a reform which they regarded as worthless.A provision that sharecroppers should not have to give the landlords forwhom they worked more than half of their crops, in accordance with a planannounced by Soustelle in November 1955, represented a beginning step inland reform. On July 13, 1956, the government announced that it was ex-propriating 247,000 acres from large estates for distribution among the land-less peasants who constituted the majority of the Algerian population. Thisland, somewhat less than 2 per cent of the total agricultural area in Algeria,was to be supplemented by additional amounts from the state domain andfrom land reclaimed by irrigation. At the time of writing, however (Decem-ber 1956), the distribution of the first 247,000 acres was just getting under way.

POLITICAL REFORMS

In the political field, the only reforms introduced were of a negative sort.After it had been boycotted by its Moslem members, the Algerian Assemblywas dissolved on April 12, 1956. A similar fate befell the regional and mu-nicipal councils on December 5. In the Algerian Assembly and some of themunicipal councils, Europeans and Moslems formerly had equal representa-tion, irrespective of their numbers, while in others the Europeans held three-fourths of the seats. In almost all cases, the Moslem members had withdrawnbefore the councils were abolished. Their abolition left both the Moslem andEuropean populations without elected representatives on any level. In pro-test against the government's failure to introduce reforms simultaneouslywith military measures, Pierre Mendes-France resigned from the French cabi-net in April 1956, and his Radical Party was thereafter very critical of thegovernment's policies. These circumstances also aroused substantial opposi-tion in Mollet's own Socialist Party, and from Justice Minister Francois Mit-terand and former Premier Rene" Pleven, leaders of the third governmentparty, the Democratic and Socialist Union of the Resistance. However, theAlgerian policies of Mollet and Lacoste had the firm support of most of theright-wing opposition.

MILITARY DEVELOPMENTS

The increased number of troops in Algeria did not accomplish the pacifi-cation of the country, as Lacoste had hoped. The number of casualties wasextremely high; according to Lacoste, the number of rebels killed up to Oc-tober 1, 1956, was over 18,000, while Algerian estimates placed the dead at200,000 Algerians and 40,000 Europeans. While the second figure was cer-tainly an exaggeration, the first figure seemed to represent an absolute mini-mum. Yet it represented a higher proportion of the population than didUnited States losses in either world war. At the time of writing (December1956), Algerian casualties appeared, on the basis of French communique's, to


be averaging about a hundred a day. French casualties, both military andcivilian, were also substantial. On both sides the war was fought with greatsavagery, and the victims included many noncombatants. The rebels did notconfine themselves to ambushing French troops; they also threw bombs intotheaters and cafe's, and wiped out entire rural families. French troops (and fre-quently French civilians) engaged in indiscriminate reprisals, on the assump-tion that the whole Algerian population in the area where an attack hadoccurred was guilty. The torture of prisoners was also frequently reported.

A strict censorship was imposed in Algeria, and some effort was also madeto censor reports from Algeria in French publications. A number of individ-uals were expelled or barred from Algeria by administrative orders as a se-curity measure. These included a few of the most extreme leaders of theEuropean colonists; most of them, however, including a number of priests,were charged with sympathizing with Algerian nationalism. On May 9, 1956,Guy Gomis, president of the Junior Chamber of Commerce of Algiers, wasexpelled from Algeria on the charge that he had been in contact withAmerican special services. This turned out to mean that he had been in con-tact with Irving Brown of the American Federation of Labor-Congress of In-dustrial Organizations, and had helped in the establishment, under the aus-pices of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), ofan Algerian trade union federation. At the same time, the French govern-ment refused to permit Brown to visit Algeria as a member of an ICFTUdelegation; the ICFTU thereupon canceled its plans to send a committee toAlgeria. The independence movement led by Messali Hadj had been illegalsince 1954, and on September 12, 1955, the government of Edgar Faure out-lawed the Algerian Communist Party. But these measures did little tostrengthen the French position in Algeria.

The French efforts to suppress the rebellion brought them into conflictwith even the most moderate Algerians, as was shown by the resignation ofthe members of the assembly and councils. Perhaps the most dramatic in-stance was that of Ferhat Abbas, who, as leader of the Democratic Party ofthe Algerian Manifesto, had been the only Algerian leader of consequencewilling to accept a federative solution rather than complete independence.Abbas left Algeria in April, and on April 23, 1956, appeared in Cairo andjoined the leadership of the National Liberation Front, which was directingthe rebellion.

Meanwhile, the failure to secure a military decision led to increasingpressure for negotiations with the rebels. On several occasions, Lacoste flewto Paris to persuade the cabinet to give him more time to subdue the rebelsby force before opening negotiations. While he succeeded in persuading thegovernment to delay any official proposals for negotiations or any announce-ment of major political reforms, it did send out unofficial feelers to therebels. Thus some leading French Socialists, including Senator Pierre Com-min, did enter into tentative discussions with certain rebel leaders. And withFrench encouragement, the sultan of Morocco and Premier Habib Bourguibaof Tunisia attempted to mediate. But, on October 22, 1956, while five of theAlgerian leaders were en route from Morocco to Tunis for a conference withBourguiba and the sultan, traveling in a plane of the Moroccan airlines over

ALGERIA 339

international waters, Lacoste had the French military authorities order theplane's French pilot to bring it down in Algeria instead of Tunisia. It wasreported that Lacoste arranged this kidnaping without consulting Mollet;when the latter found out about it at the last moment and wanted to coun-termand the order, Lacoste threatened to resign, and Mollet gave in. In theevent, Alan Savary, also a Socialist and minister of Tunisian and Moroccanaffairs, resigned in protest. Lacoste apparently thought that by seizing therebel leaders he would end the rebellion; instead, it flared up with new vio-lence, and French relations with Morocco and Tunisia were strained almostto the breaking point. For the time being it seemed to end any hope of ne-gotiation, since neither the rebels nor any potential mediators felt they couldtrust the good faith of the French authorities. After this fiasco, Mollet an-nounced on November 29, 1956, that France would agree to Algerian au-tonomy and the institution of a single electoral college for Europeans andMoslems on a basis of equality. This might have offered a basis for a satisfac-tory solution at the time of Mollet's February 1956 visit to Algiers; it wasvery close to the program then advocated by Ferhat Abbas. But the effect ofintervening events was such that it seemed doubtful, in December 1956,whether anything less than complete independence would any longer satisfythe great majority of Algerian Moslems.

Nor did any political settlement seem likely by itself to assure Algeria'stranquility as long as economic conditions did not substantially improve. Thetotal of permanent and seasonal unemployment among Algerian Moslemswas estimated by the French government at 940,000. In proportion to thepopulation, this was comparable to the situation in the United States at thedepth of the depression in the 1930's. In addition, 300,000 Algerian Moslems,largely men who were unable to take their families with them, were underthe necessity of going to France in order to find work. T o meet this problem,the French government announced a ten-year capital investment programtotaling 18,400,000,000. The actual amount provided in the 1956-57 budgetfor this purpose, however, came to only $162,000,000; in 1955-56 it had been§115,000,000. It seemed doubtful whether this amount would be sufficient tocompensate for more than a part of the loss through war damage and the ex-port of capital by European colonists. (Purchases of land in France by thelatter were on so substantial a scale that the price of land had shot up, anda proposal was actually introduced in the National Assembly to prohibitFrench colonists from buying land in France.) Certainly the current rate ofcapital investment was insufficient to provide for the annual 1.8 per cent in-crease in the population, let alone for any absorption of the unemployed ora rise in the standard of living.

MAURICE J. GOLDBLOOM

Jewish Population

The last census of Jews as such was taken by the Vichy government in1941. It reported a Jewish population of 130,000. The figure in 1955-56 hadprobably reached 150,000. More than half the Jews lived in the cities ofOran, with 40,000; Algiers, with 36,000; and Constantine, with 18,000. Ap-proximately 10,000 Jews had emigrated to France, where they had founded


small communities in Lyon, Clermont-Ferrand, Saint Fons, Marseilles, andParis. Only 3,000 had emigrated to Israel.

More than a third of the Jewish population was engaged in trade andhandicrafts. There were about 250 Jewish physicians, about the same numberof lawyers, and numerous teachers. There was a fairly large number of Jew-ish farmers and manufacturers; a majority of their employees and workerswere Arabs.


Most Jews had possessed full rights as French citizens since the CremieuxDecree, except for the Vichy period. Occupying a position intermediate be-tween the Moslems and the Christians, they had sought to find a pacific solu-tion of the present crisis. In particular, the dozen Jewish members of mu-nicipal and departmental councils had worked to preserve the unity of allsections of the population.

No progress was made during 1955-56 toward the solution of the problemof the 1,500 "native Jews" of the Southern Territory, the M'Zab, who hadnever benefited by the application of the Cremieux Decree because theSouthern Territory was not included in the three departements of Algeria(see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 452-53). The majority ofthem were planning to emigrate to Israel.


The consistories of Oran, Algiers, and Constantine, established inT845,had organized the "Jewish nation" down to the last detail. The law of per-sonal status had been applied by rabbinical courts. After the Cremieux De-cree the community was secularized. As in France, the process of assimilationfollowed that of emancipation. Nevertheless, the Jewish community re-mained strongly organized.

The Federation of Jewish Communities of Algeria, now under the presi-dency of Benjamin Heler, was established in 1947. During 1955-56 the Fed-eration worked together with French religious and secular Jewish organiza-tions, as well as with the American Joint Distribution Committee (JDC), theWorld Jewish Congress, the Jewish Agency, the Alliance Israelite Universelle,the American Jewish Committee, and the Anglo-Jewish Association.

Jewish Education and Youth Activity

Education, as in France, was financed by the communities. There wereabout sixty Talmud Torahs located in all the significant communities, headedby Secretary General Albert Confino in Algiers. These schools, which metthree times weekly, had about 8,000 students. Most teachers and local rabbishad up to now been trained in local yeshivot, or had come from Morocco.But their training had remained on an elementary level. Girls had onlybegun to receive instruction in Judaism and in Hebrew, and unfortunatelythis had not yet become general.

ALGERIA 341

The ORT schools in Algiers and Constantine, and most recently, Oran,made it possible for the young people to learn trades. They developed arti-sans suited to the needs of the country, and with the most modern training.In 1955 a total of 508 young people were enrolled in the ORT schools. Thecapacity of the school in Algiers was 150; that of Constantine, 80; and that ofthe school installed in Oran early in 1956, 60. Courses in Algiers includedsheet metal work, electricity, carpentry, automobile mechanics, dressmaking,and garment cutting; in Constantine, sheet metal and plumbing; Oran had ageneral pre-apprenticeship course.

It should be noted that a majority of the Jewish young people preferredto pursue their studies in one of the five universities of metropolitan France.The majority of them studied in Paris.

The Scouts (Eclaireurs Israelites de France) had a membership of close to500 boys and girls. There were about 200 members in the Union of JewishStudents of Algeria.

Zionist Activity

The Women's International Zionist Organization (WIZO) and the JewishNational Fund continued active during 1955—56. The latter raised approxi-mately 13,000,000 francs (about $35,000). In Oran, the departmental commit-tee of the Jewish Agency conducted a collection for Israel with the assistanceof Raoui Ami.

A large number of girls, as well as boys, had joined the Zionist youthgroups Maccabi, Dror, and Bene Akiba. The Jewish Agency had organizedcourses in collaboration with the communities, and had sent teachers andyouth leaders for this purpose, as well as to help train young people to be-come chalutzirrij agricultural pioneers in Israel.

Religious Affairs

A number of young Algerian Jews were preparing themselves for the rab-binate or for careers in Jewish studies in Paris at the Seminaire Israelite andthe Institut International des £tudes Hebraiques.

In March 1956 the cornerstone was laid for the Rabbinical School ofAlgeria.

INTERFAITH RELATIONS

The three religions have had almost the same rights in Algeria, except thatthe heads of the Moslem religion had been named by the governor general.But aside from official visits, relations between them have been almost non-existent. No attempt had been made to develop the sort of moral and spirit-ual rapprochement among them which could have been of assistance inperiods of extreme political tension. Nevertheless, individual Jews in numer-ous cities and villages had been able to develop better relations with theArabs.


Cultural ActivityThe only Algerian Jewish periodical was the six-page bulletin Information

Juive, edited by Jacques Lazarus and published by the Comite" Juif Alge"riend'£tudes Sociales. It maintained an attitude of great discretion on currentpolitical and social questions.

ANDRE ZAOUI

TUNISIA

Political and Economic Background

During the period under review (July 1, 1955, through June 30, 1956)Tunisia passed from local autonomy to a de jure status of independence,whose precise meaning was in dispute with France. The situation at the endof June 1956 remained confused pending further negotiations between thetwo countries.

Political developments moved with startling rapidity. On June 3, 1955, theFranco-Tunisian conventions according internal sovereignty to Tunisia weresigned and submitted to the French parliament. They were ratified by theNational Assembly on July 6 by a vote of 538 to 44, with 29 abstentions.On August 4, the Council of the Republic approved them 253 to 26. Eightmonths later, on March 20, 1956, an accord was reached whereby Francerecognized the independence of Tunisia. It provided:

1. The Treaty of Bardo signed between France and Tunisia on May 12,1881, would no longer govern the relations between the two countries.

2. Articles of the conventions of June 3, 1955, incompatible with the newstatus of Tunisia as an independent and sovereign state would be modi-fied or abrogated.

3. Tunisia received the right to conduct its foreign affairs, its security, andits defense, and to establish its own army.

Both countries agreed to define the future ties of "interdependence" andto cooperate in the areas where their interests coincided, notably defenseand foreign affairs.

Shortly after Foreign Minister Christian Pineau and Premier Tahar BenAmar signed the March 20 agreement, a divergence of views on its meaningemerged. Tunisia insisted that as of that date it had become an independentand sovereign nation; that the Treaty of Bardo of 1881 had been abrogated;and that the articles of the conventions not reconcilable with complete in-dependence were null and void. While agreeing that the Treaty of Bardocould no longer govern the relations between the two countries and that thearticles of the conventions not reconcilable with complete independencewould be modified or abrogated, France insisted that the agreement consti-tuted the framework within which the future negotiations would fix the factsof independence.

TUNISIA 343

On August 27, 1955, the Bey of Tunisia affixed his seal to the ratificationof the conventions. Four days later, Resident General Pierre Boyer de Latourleft Tunis for Rabat, Morocco, to take up his post as resident general ofMorocco. He was succeeded by Roger Seydoux, who was given the new titleof French high commissioner to Tunisia. Later, Seydoux became the firstFrench ambassador to Tunisia. On September 14, 1955, Premier Tahar BenAmar was asked by the Bey to form the first new all-Tunisian government.

Within the triumphant Neo-Destour Party the conflict between Salah BenYoussef, general secretary, and Habib Bourguiba, president, broke out intothe open and led to the expulsion of Ben Youssef by the political bureau ofthe party. Ben Youssef violently denounced the Franco-Tunisian conventions,calling for immediate outright independence. Bourguiba supported the con-ventions, declaring that they constituted an important step towards inde-pendence. On November 17, 1955, in the city of Sfax, the Neo-Destour Partyheld its first postconvention congress, approved the conventions, and repudi-ated the position of Salah Ben Youssef. Resolutions were passed affirming theultimate goal of complete independence and the continued struggle to revisethose sections of the conventions regarded as incompatible with the aspira-tions of the Tunisian people. The congress approved the election of a con-stituent assembly by direct universal suffrage to give the country a constitu-tion under a system of constitutional monarchy.

By a beylical decree published on March 1, 1956, Tunisia was divided intoeighteen electoral districts and the number of deputies to the assembly setat ninety-eight—one for each 35,000 Tunisian citizens. The three lists of can-didates for election to the constituent assembly held on March 25, 1956,were: the Front National—made up of the Neo-Destour Party, the UNAT(Union Nationale de L'Agriculture Tunisienne), the UGTT (Union Gene-rale des Travailleurs Tunisiens), and the UTAC (Union des TravailleursArtisans et Commercants); the Communist Party; and the Ind^pendants. TheFront National, headed by Habib Bourguiba, swept the election and won allninety-eight seats.

The assembly convened on April 9, 1956, and by a unanimous vote electedBourguiba president. On April 13, after having validated the mandates ofthe ninety-eight deputies, the assembly unanimously voted for Article 1 ofthe future constitution, declaring:

1. Tunisia is a free, independent, sovereign state, religion Islamic and lan-guage Arabic

2. The Tunisian people are the legal depositors of the sovereignty whichwill be defined by the new constitution.

3. The state will assure the liberty and practice of all religious creeds, con-forming to the spirit of the law.

Under the pressure of the UGTT, which had in the meantime launched aseries of strikes, the government of Tahar Ben Amar submitted its resigna-tion to the Bey. The executive bureau of the constituent assembly unani-mously asked Bourguiba to form a new government. By April 15, 1956, a gov-ernment, with Bourguiba as president, and composed of fifteen ministers andtwo secretaries of state, was formed and accepted by the Bey. Andr6 Barouchwas appointed minister of reconstruction and housing, replacing Albert Bes-


sis, who had served in the previous cabinet. Thus, the Jewish community ofTunisia continued to be represented in the government.

On April 24, 1956, President Bourguiba informed the members of the foreigndiplomatic corps of the desire of his government to establish diplomatic re-lations with their countries. By the end of June 1956 more than twenty na-tions, including the United States and Great Britain, had recognized the in-dependence of Tunisia and raised their consulates to embassies or legations.

At the invitation of French Premier Guy Mollet, President Bourguiba leftfor Paris on May 8, 1956, to begin discussions on the future ties with Francein accordance with the agreement of March 20, 1956. The negotiations pro-gressed slowly. Bourguiba made several trips to consult with his government;and on May 29, in a speech before the constituent assembly, declared thatno negotiation was possible before the abrogation of the Treaty of Bardo.He informed the assembly that a Tunisian army of 3,000 men would be cre-ated before June 16. On Bourguiba's return to Paris on June 25, 1956, to re-sume the discussions with the French, Foreign Minister Pineau declared in aspeech to the Council of the Republic: "It is out of the question to envisagethe departure of the French army from Tunisia and Morocco. The presenceof the French army in the two former protectorates is not contrary to the in-dependence of these countries." The negotiations were broken off whenBourguiba affirmed: "We will never admit that on the pretext of Westernstrategy or the defense of the free world, the presence of French militaryforces in our country—particularly at Bizerte—can assume a permanent char-acter." The Tunisian delegation then returned home.

Economic Situation

Economically, Tunisia passed through a very difficult year. Drought and anunusually severe winter in 1955-56 resulted in a deficit of 100,000 tons ofwheat. An appeal was made to the United States and France to cover thisdeficit in order to feed the hard-hit southern and central parts of the coun-try. Unemployment plagued Tunisia; the number of idle was estimated bythe government at approximately 500,000. Capital investments droppedsharply, while the flight of capital sky-rocketed. Among those transferringhuge sums abroad were wealthy Arabs whose confidence in the future of thecountry was shaken by the recent political events. The Arab newspapers criedout against the "hemorrhage" inflicted on the country by this flight of capi-tal, and appealed to the government to punish the guilty ones.

The UGTT, led by its young and dynamic president, Ahmen ben Salah,urged the government to recognize the right of state employees to belong toa trade union. Statutes regarding working conditions, salaries, and severancepay for agricultural workers, were prepared by the UGTT and accepted bythe government in April 1956. Some 300,000 workers paraded under the ban-ner of the UGTT on May 1, 1956. An accelerated Tunisification of person-nel in the various ministries and administrative services was begun by thegovernment, which wiped out 1,500 jobs and transferred 3,000 French gov-ernment employees to the charge of the French government.

The budget for the fiscal year 1956-57 was set at 41,000,000,000 francs ($117,-

TUNISIA 345

141,100). New taxes were imposed on tobacco, alcohol, and gasoline. Incometaxes were increased by 10 per cent, and a tax of from 22 to 32 per cent wasimposed on all businesses. A salary cut of from 4 to 12 per cent was imposedon government employees earning more than 360,000 francs (§1,028) peryear. Family allowances were leveled down, to provide for a maximum offour children. Thus, a teacher with seven children, who had been receiving120,000 francs ($342.85) a month including family allowances, lost about50,000 francs ($142.86) a month. The beylical family's budget was drasticallyreduced.

The Jewish population, composed in large part of small businessmenand a large artisan class, suffered severely from the impact of the economiccrisis. Many Jewish businesses closed down, and fifty-one Jewish artisans,members of the Caisse Israelite de Relevement Economique (loan society)maintained by the American Joint Distribution Committee (JDC) and theJewish Colonization Association (JCA), closed their workshops and emigratedeither to Israel or to France during 1955-56, as did some 200 apprenticesorganized in the Organization for Rehabilitation Through Training (ORT)apprenticeship program, who found themselves without possibilities of work.The income of doctors, lawyers, dentists, and other professionals declinedmarkedly. Some of them began to look to France as a possible way out oftheir difficulties. Few considered Israel as a solution.

Jewish Population

Between February 1 and 18, 1956, the government carried out a popula-tion census, the first since 1946. Results were published early in March, butit was pointed out that the figures were approximate, and that a margin oferror of up to 6 per cent would have to be allowed. The population ofTunisia was broken down as shown in Table 1.

TABLE 1POPULATION OF TUNISIA, CENSUS OF 1956

Category No.Tunisian Moslems 3,372,000Tunisian Jews 58,000French and other nationalities 370,000

TOTAL 3,800,000

It was estimated that there were 18,000 to 20,000 Jews of French and othernationalities. Thus, allowing for the margin of error, a figure of about 85,000Jews seemed probable. It was noted that the community of Tunis arrived atthe figure of about 73,000 Jews through the distribution of matzot. Since thisfigure did not include the small children who were not receiving the rations,as well as some 2,000 to 3,000 who did not take the matzot, the census figureof 80,000 Jews resident in Tunisia seemed confirmed. About 80 per cent ofthe Jewish population resided in Tunis and its suburbs, such as Hammam-Lif, Ariana, La Goulette, and La Marsa.

There had been no government figures on the occupational distribution of


the Jewish population since 1946. Since emigration to Israel and France hadbeen between 6,000 to 7,000 yearly for 1954 and 1955, it was clear that anyestimate would be approximate. The overwhelming majority of the Jews whoemigrated during 1955-56 were workers and artisans, although increasingnumbers of small businessmen and professionals left. Based on the govern-ment figures of 1946, about 46.5 per cent of the gainfully employed Jews werein shoemaking, the needle trades, woodworking, and the light metal trades.Commerce and small business employed 31.1 per cent, while 8 per cent werein the liberal professions, and the remainder in transportation, governmentservice, fishing, domestic work, and other miscellaneous occupations.

Discrimination and Anti-Semitism

Tunisian government officials publicly and privately assured the Jewishpopulation that they had nothing to fear. The infrequent anti-Semitic mani-festations were publicly condemned. While the Jews were thankful that noserious anti-Semitic acts had occurred, they were apprehensive about theirfuture security because of the attitude of the Tunisian people and the Tu-nisian government toward Israel and Zionism. All the Arab newspapers,whether government-owned or not, supported the Arab League and RadioCairo's sharp attacks against Israel and Zionism. The rapid Tunisification ofgovernment services was another cause for worry by the Jews of French na-tionality. Along with French non-Jews, they were replaced by Arabs. Particu-larly was this true of the doctors in some of the government hospitals.


The conventions of June 3, 1955, guaranteed the rights of religious mi-norities in Tunisia, and the new Tunisian constitution declared that the stateassured the liberty and practice of all religious creeds conforming to thespirit of the law. In a speech in the constituent assembly, President Bour-guiba reaffirmed that the Jewish population had the same rights and obliga-tions as all other Tunisian nationals.

However, there was deep concern in Jewish circles over the fact that Ara-bic would become the official language of Tunisia, since most of the Jewishpopulation could not speak, read, or write classical Arabic. For the Jewishlawyers, this would be tantamount to complete exclusion from the practice oflaw, since, with the passing of the courts to Tunisian jurisdiction, all caseswould have to be pleaded in classical Arabic.

Jewish apprehension was also aroused by the press conference held inDamascus on April 21, 1956, by Sadok Mokkadem, former Tunisian ministerof health. Mokkadem stated that Tunisia would join the Arab League andparticipate in the struggle against Zionism, which was one of the aspects ofimperialism. Jewish reaction to Mokkadem's press conference was immediateand panicky. The same day an emergency audience was requested with Presi-dent Bourguiba. During this meeting with the representatives of the Jewishcommunity of Tunis, Bourguiba counseled them: "Do not have your body inTunisia and your heart elsewhere." Secretary of State for Information ben

TUNISIA 847

Yahmed, speaking for the government, declared that politically Tunisiawould look toward the West, despite its ties of tradition, religion, and cul-ture with the East. As for Israel and Zionism, he reiterated the statementsmade by Bourguiba and Mokkadem. He assured the Jews, however, that Tu-nisia would not take any measures which would interfere with the free emi-gration of any national from the country.

EmigrationDespite these official assurances, the Jewish population remained skeptical,

and emigration to Israel increased, as did emigration to France. While exactfigures were not available, it was estimated that during 1955-56 between 100and 150 Jews per month left for France. Fairly accurate estimates were ob-tainable in the case of the ORT apprentices, the artisans of the Caisse Is-raelite, the Alliance Israelite Universelle schools, and a case-by-case checkmade by the Jewish Agency of prospective emigrants to Israel who had notresponded to sailing dates. It was established that about 25 per cent of theapprentices, about 50 per cent of the artisans, and about 20 per cent of thepersons registered for Israel had departed for France.

From the Jewish organizations in Paris confirmation was received that ofevery 100 North African Jews arriving in Paris, between 50 and 60 camefrom Tunisia.

In April 1956, the United HIAS Service opened an office in Tunis withFrederic Fried as director. Emigration services to countries other than Israelwere opened, and it was for emigration to France that the heaviest registra-tion was noted. Registrations for Canada and South America were processedin anticipation of the arrival of government missions from those countries.

The cumulative population loss weakened the Jewish community struc-tures, since rabbis, teachers, and mohalim and shochetim (ritual circumcisersand slaughterers) also departed, leaving no available replacements to carry on.

The little village of Tamazred, located in the mountainous region near theAlgerian border, was emptied of its Jewish population when the remainingten families, comprising sixty-one persons, emigrated to Israel. There wasalso a steady movement of Jewish families from the small towns in the in-terior to the larger cities in the central and northern parts of the country.Continued emigration to Israel from the towns of Hara Srira and Hara Ke-bira, on the island of Djerba, led to the sale of Jewish dwellings to Arabs.In Hara Kebira the rabbinate forbade such sales, forcing emigrants to selltheir homes to other Jews at much lower prices in order to maintain the com-pletely Jewish character of the village. Hara Srira was less successful. The townceased to be a completely Jewish community. In other towns and villages thesame phenomenon was repeated. In the large ghetto of Tunis more and moreArabs installed themselves in houses vacated by Jews, while there was asteady exodus of Jewish families from the ghetto to the European Jewishquarters.

During 1955—56, 6,250 Jews emigrated to Israel, an increase of 1,378 overthe preceding twelve months. About 65 per cent came from the larger citiesof Sfax, Sousse, and Tunis; the rest originated from the towns and villagesof the interior. While the overwhelming majority were poor workers and


artisans, larger numbers of middle-class people and businessmen emigratedduring 1955-56 than formerly. About seventy chalutzim, agricultural pioneerstrained by the various Zionist youth movements, left for kibbutzim, or col-lective settlements, in Israel. About 200 children between the ages of ten andtwelve left under the auspices of the Youth Aliyah of the Jewish Agency. Thechildren stayed at the Herbert H. Lehman home in Cambous in southernFrance for several months undergoing orientation training before departingfor Israel.

Until March 1956 the Jewish Agency requested all emigrants to make somecontribution toward the expenses of their voyage to Israel. Likewise it en-forced the rather strict selective criteria adopted in November 1954 {seeAMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [vol. 57], p. 462). The sudden action ofthe Moroccan government in stopping the organized mass emigration ofMoroccan Jews to Israel and closing the office of the Jewish Agency {see p.355) led the agency in Tunisia to liberalize its eligibility requirements andto insist less on part payment by the emigrants. The quota limitation forTunisia, which had been around 600 per month, was eliminated for fear thatthe Tunisian government would also introduce restrictive measures.

Community Organization and Communal AffairsOn August 4, 1955, after several years of conflict, the two rival federations

of Jewish communities merged. Isaac Hayat, president of the community ofSousse, was chosen as first president to hold office until April 1956, to be fol-lowed successively by Charles Haddad, president of the Tunis community,and Charles Saada, president of the Sfax community. An executive bureau often members was elected, made up of representatives from different com-munities throughout the country. A varied program of activities was pro-jected, and budgets of all the communities were drawn up for submission tothe government.

At the first annual meeting held on April 22, 1956, Haddad succeededHayat as president. The chief topic of discussion was the difficult financialposition of the communities, caused by the failure of the government to paythe annual subventions promised. Haddad pointed out that government sub-ventions had decreased sharply over the past years, and cited the example ofthe Tunis community, which had received 21,000,000 francs ($60,000) for1952, but only 9,800,000 francs ($28,000) for the year 1955-56. The executivecommittee was directed to pursue this matter with the government. At theend of June, despite numerous meetings with government officials, the sub-ventions remained unpaid.

The Jewish communities' main income came from taxes collected by thegovernment on kosher meat and Jewish sacramental wine. The governmentallocated this money on the basis of Jewish population. In order to make upfor the decrease in the government's subvention, the Jewish community ofTunis requested an increase from 15 francs per kilo of meat to 20 francs perkilo and an increase in the wine tax. The government took this requestunder consideration, but by the end of June 1956 no reply had been re-ceived. The communities also received funds from contributions made in thesynagogues, from religious rites and services at the cemeteries, and from spe-

TUNISIA 349

cial appeals made during Passover and the High Holy Days. While the com-munities concerned themselves specifically with religious matters and withfinancial assistance to the poor, a multiplicity of small local organizationscarried on specialized programs, such as summer camps, kindergartens, can-teens, and the provision of trousseaus, bar mitzvah clothing, and blankets.These organizations were financed by membership fees and periodic socialaffairs, as well as small grants from the government. All of them received sub-stantial assistance from the JDC in the form of either supplies, technicalassistance, or cash.

The Jewish communities of Tunisia maintained very active contact withmany foreign and international Jewish organizations, notably the JewishAgency, the JDC, the World Jewish Congress, the American Jewish Commit-tee, the World Sephardi Union, ORT, Oeuvre de Secours aux Enfants Is-raelites (OSE), and the United HIAS Service. At various meetings called bysome of the above-mentioned organizations, delegates from Tunisia attended.

Social Services

All the communities continued to look after their poor with regular weeklyor monthly financial grants and with special assistance in cash and food sup-plies for Passover holidays. Many of the communities assisted emigrants forIsrael either with cash grants or with clothing. Local Nos Petits organizationsfed about 5,500 needy children daily hot lunches and morning and afternoonsnacks in thirty-one canteens throughout the country. A new canteen wasopened in the town of Le Kef for about fifty children. The JDC, which re-ceived from the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) surplussupplies of butter, cheese, powdered milk, cottonseed oil, rice, and limabeans, reinforced the menus of the canteens with these products. Several ofthe large communities opened distribution centers from which hundreds ofneedy families received regular allotments of the USDA supplies. Abouttwenty tons of these food items were distributed by the JDC monthly. Otherfood products imported into the country by the JDC were turned over toNos Petits in Tunis, which distributed them to all of the canteens. To pro-vide storage space, Nos Petits purchased a large warehouse, JDC paying one-third of the cost.

New summer and winter clothing was distributed to about 20,000 childrenand adults. A clothing depot, opened under the auspices of the Women'sInternational Zionist Organization (WIZO), supplied complete outfits ofclothing to all of the emigrants leaving for Israel. The clothing for this dis-tribution center was contributed by the JDC and WIZO branches in Franceand the United States.

The summer camping program accommodated about 1,500 children. TheZionist Youth Federation sent 500 children to camps in France, rather thanabide by the government's request not to display the Israel flag or to conductprograms of Hebrew songs and dances. All of the local organizations operat-ing camping programs, such as Nos Petits, the Union Universelle de la Jeu-nesse Juive, and the Zionist Youth Federation, received the greater part oftheir funds and supplies from the JDC.

The Tunis community began the construction of a large community een-


ter, to be completed by the end of 1956. Construction costs, including equip-ment, were estimated at 45,000,000 francs ($128,569), two-thirds to come fromthe community and the government, and one-third from the JDC. The centerwas to include several Hebrew classes, two kindergartens, a large auditoriumand snack bar, and offices for the chief rabbi and the president of the Jewishcommunity.

The Tunis community's social service department struggled with an everincreasing volume of work as unemployment became more widespread. Thecommunity agreed to engage additional social workers, and to integrate intothe department the personnel responsible for the weekly financial grantswhich, under the name of hallouk, still remained the traditional method fordispensing cash assistance. The department moved into larger offices morecentrally situated. Care for the specialized categories of relief recipients, suchas the tubercular, the aged, the blind, abandoned children, etc., continued,and the new approach of individual case work set an example which was fol-lowed by other communities such as Sousse and Sfax. The distribution centerfor USDA surplus foods served about 10,000 needy persons, and extended itsactivities to include the suburbs of Hammam-Lif, Ariana, La Goulette, andLa Marsa. Needy students and all artisans belonging to the Caisse Israelitewere also given these foods. Stocks of new clothing were given to the centerby the JDC for distribution on an individual case basis. In addition, hun-dreds of meal tickets were distributed to families who were hard hit by un-employment. These meal tickets were paid for by the community and the JDC.

OSE-Tunisia moved into its new modern three-story dispensary in theHara, completed in March 1956. Except for the milk processing and distri-bution plant, for which the machinery had not as yet been installed, the dis-pensary contained the latest in modern medical equipment. It cost 25,000,000francs ($71,428) to build, half of which was contributed by JDC and the bal-ance raised locally by OSE-Tunisia. Another dispensary was opened in LaGoulette, in a building belonging to the community, adjacent to the Hebrewschool. Medical services were thus made available to this suburban Jewishconcentration, which had previously had to depend on the center in Tunis, adistance of eleven miles. In Sfax, in addition to the children, all needy adultswere admitted to the clinic. The inclusion of the adults represented theinitial step in a plan to give medical care to the entire needy Jewish popula-tion of the country. Hitherto services had been restricted to the tubercular,to pregnant women, venereal cases, and trachoma patients. The experimentwas highly successful, and it was planned to extend these services to all theclinics.

In OSE's thirteen clinics throughout the country, about 15,000 childrenand 2,000 adults received various medical services. The medical services werecarried on by a staE of sixty doctors and twenty-six nurses, aided by twelvesocial workers. Infant mortality continued to decline, and the over-all healthof the children continued to improve. The infectious diseases of tinea andtrachoma were no longer widespread among the children in the northernpart of Tunisia, and were decreasing in the southern and central parts.

During 1955-56 there was a marked increase in the number of Arab clientsrequesting medical services. With the opening of the new dispensary in the

TUNISIA 351

Hara, this became quite a problem, and the government was asked to increaseits subvention.

The Caisse Israelite, financed by the JDC and the Jewish ColonizationAssociation, granted loans totaling 15,855,000 francs ($45,299) to 282 artisans.The maximum limit for a loan was increased from 50,000 francs ($142) to100,000 ($285).

Education

The conventions of June 3, 1955, prepared the ground for the separationof the Mission Culturelle Franchise from the National Ministry of Education.A division of school properties was made and curricula formulated for bothoperating school systems. During the school year 1955-56, the Mission Cul-turelle conducted 800 classes, with about 40,000 students, of whom 30,000were in the primary schools, 5,500 in the secondary schools, and 4,500 in thetechnical schools. The ministry of education took over as its responsibilitythe primary and secondary schools for Arab pupils, who numbered somewhatmore than 200,000. The conventions had foreseen the gradual Arabizationof the Tunisian schools with the continued employment of all teachers irre-spective of nationality. The conventions, however, were by-passed under thepressure of the Tunisian teachers to take over more and more of the teachingjobs held by French nationals. The ministry of education reflected the in-tense desire for rapid Arabization of the school system by its replacement ofteachers of French nationality by Tunisians, and by its promulgation of adecree requiring all children to take a complete Arabic program at the age ofsix, beginning in October 1956.

The Mission Culturelle Francaise requested France to allocate 300,000,000francs ($857,130) for the construction of new classrooms, and a budget of twobillion ($5,714,200) for its operating budget. The five Alliance Israelite Uni-verselle schools were not affected by the changeover, since their legal statusremained in dispute between the mission and the ministry of education. TheAlliance Israelite had hoped to remain attached to the Mission Culturelle.The Tunisian Ministry of Education refused to agree to this, on the groundsthat at least 90 per cent of the 4,000 Jewish students were of Tunisian na-tionality.

ORT-Tunisia was faced with a similar problem of affiliation with the mis-sion or the ministry of education. The number of students in the ORT boysschool increased to more than 400 during the year 1955—56. About 15 percent of the students were non-Jewish, and the number of applications fromnon-Jews for admission to the school was increasing. Besides academic sub-jects, the school offered three years of vocational instruction in electricity,machine mechanics, carpentry, automobile mechanics, plumbing, and lightmetal work. The needle trade school for girls offered a three-year course andhad eighty students.

The apprenticeship program operated by ORT-Tunisia began with a regis-tration of 700 apprentices, but lost about 200 because of emigration to Israeland France. A new building was purchased and classes opened for pre-apprenticeship training and elementary academic subjects. In addition, ac-


celerated short courses were begun in electricity, carpentry, and tailoring foradults planning to emigrate to Israel.

Jewish EducationThe fifteen Hebrew schools in the south, which had been organized by the

JDC and the communities, were handicapped by the loss of teachers throughemigration. The situation became critical in some of the small towns, whereschools were left completely without qualified teachers. It became clear thata complete reorganization of these schools would be necessary to cope withthe problem.

Interest in Hebrew education was widespread, because of the preparationof thousands of families for emigration to Israel. Evening courses, organizedby the communities for youths and adults, were held in the larger cities, suchas Gabes, Sfax, Sousse, and Tunis. In Tunis more than 1,000 attended thecourses. The Zionist youth movement sent 70 students to Israel for a two-month seminar, and conducted evening classes in Hebrew and Jewish historyfor about 1,200 students. Three hundred boys attended the Tunis com-munity's Or Thora school full time. A new Hebrew school was opened forthe first time in the city of Ferryville.

Religious LifeStrict observation of all traditional Jewish customs and Jewish holidays,

and pilgrimages to the tombs of venerated rabbis, continued to characterizereligious life in Tunisia. The Mosaic law governed marriages, divorce, dowry,and inheritance. The government respected religious communal life andcontributed financially to its upkeep. The rabbinical court in Tunis provideditinerant rabbis to serve communities in the south, left without rabbis be-cause of emigration to Israel. Rabbi Meis Cohen, chief of the rabbinicalcourt, continued as provisional grand rabbi of Tunisia.

The rabbinical court continued its activities, and the Mosaic laws govern-ing personal status for such matters as marriage, divorce, and inheritanceremained expressly reserved to this court. The rabbis were appointed by thestate to apply the Mosaic law, and had the right to decide on questions offact and law. These decisions were enforced by the Tunisian government.

Zionism and Relations with Israel

Shortly after the press conference of Sadok Mokkadem in Damascus onApril 21, 1956 (see above), the president of the Zionist Federation of Tunisia,Meyer Bellity, resigned. The federation became completely inactive after hisresignation. WIZO continued to carry on its various activities, but much morediscreetly than heretofore. Anti-Zionist and anti-Israel propaganda originatingfrom Radio Cairo increased markedly during the past year. All of the Arabnewspapers manifested their sympathy with the Arab League and withEgypt in frequent articles and editorials, serving to increase the feelings ofinsecurity and apprehension for the future of the Jewish population.

The Israel fund-raising campaign ran for five months in 1955-56, and

MOROCCO 353

raised 13,500,000 francs ($38,571), 1,500,000 francs ($4,286) less than in 1954-55. Because of the uncertain conditions, many of the cities in the interiorwere not visited by the campaign representative.

Cultural Activities

Two Jewish theatrical groups, Ha-Kol and Les Compagnons des Arts,carried on very active programs during 1955-56. Each group presented sev-eral plays, as well as lectures on literary and religious subjects. The weeklyJewish half-hour on the Tunis radio continued, but changed its name fromThe Voice of Israel to Images et pensees Juives.

Personalia

Rabbi David Bokobza, grand rabbi of the Sousse community since 1940,died in November 1955. Rabbi Bokobza was respected and honored for hisgreat moral stature.

HENRY L. LEVY

MOROCCO

SULTAN SIDI MOHAMMED BEN YOUSSEF returned from his two-year exile inMadagascar in November 1955. The arrival of the sultan, the symbol of

Moroccan independence, restored a measure of peace to the country, whichhad been torn by violence, dissension, and fighting between French troops andnationalists. Sporadic violence continued during the year that followed. Manysupporters of Thami el Glaoui, the pasha of Marrakesh who had been largelyresponsible for the exiling of the sultan, were killed by mobs or nationalistextremists. (El Glaoui himself, who had kissed the sultan's feet as a sign ofsubmission, died in February 1956, at the age of eighty.) Riots and killingssometimes followed disputes between adherents of the Istiqlal and the Partyfor Democratic Independence (PDI), the two leading political parties. TheLiberation Army of nationalist guerrillas remained active in the Riff moun-tains for months after the sultan's return, and controlled large parts of FrenchMorocco, while awaiting the results of Moroccan negotiations with the Frenchand Spanish. Bandits and terrorists sought private gain under the cover ofpatriotism. But, by and large, Moroccans heeded the sultan's appeals for peaceand order. In December, Ben Youssef appointed a cabinet including membersof the Istiqlal, PDI, and independents, under the premiership of Si Bekkai.A Jew, Leon Benzaquen, was minister of post, telegraph, and telephone. Withthe sultan's active aid, the government began establishing order and workingfor full Moroccan independence.

On March 2, 1956, French and Moroccan representatives in Paris signed aprotocol ending the Treaty of Fez, by which the French protectorate had beenestablished in 1912. Full Moroccan sovereignty was further confirmed in July,when the Security Council voted unanimously to recommend Morocco's entryinto the United Nations.


In January 1956 Spain's dictator Francisco Franco complained that Francewas proceeding too far, too fast, with Moroccan independence. A short out-break of terrorism that month in Tetuan, capital of the Spanish zone, and theresignation of two Moroccan ministers of the zone's caliphate governmentquickly changed Franco's mind. Spain followed the French lead, and gave upits protectorate over the northern part of Morocco in June 1956. In October1956 eight of the nine powers responsible for the administration of the inter-national zone of Tangiers gave de jure confirmation to the de facto controlby Morocco. The whole country was thus brought under the sultan's directrule. The United States, in the fall of 1956, gave up extraterritorial rights ithad held since 1787. Moreover, the Moroccan government told the UnitedStates it must renegotiate rights to American air bases in the country, sinceMorocco would not recognize French "alienation" of Moroccan territory. Cer-tain nationalist leaders, such as Si Allal el Fassi, head of the Istiqlal, also laidclaim to the Sahara desert down to the Senegal, a claim quickly rejected byFrance.

All the sultan's prestige and skill were needed to maintain a balance amongthe elements jockeying for power. The real military force in the couDtry, theLiberation Army, was only with difficulty incorporated into the new royal armyheaded by Crown Prince Moulay Hassan. The breakdown of the formerFrench-Moroccan administration of caids and pashas meant that the sultan'sauthority, while unchallenged, could not always be implemented; trainedpersonnel was seriously lacking in all branches of the government. Econom-ically, Morocco was still dependent on French aid, a position galling tonationalists.

By August 1956 Istiqlal, probably the strongest single force in the country,wanted to withdraw from the Si Bekkai cabinet, claiming it alone should holdpower. The PDI and certain Berber chiefs charged Istiqlal with seeking a dic-tatorship. The presence of French troops in Morocco caused constant irrita-tion. Above all, the fighting in Algeria had direct repercussions in Morocco.It strengthened sentiments of Moslem unity, led to increased anti-Westernacrimony, and strengthened extremists who wished Morocco to turn com-pletely to the Arab League and to reject the West and democracy.

As could be anticipated, Moroccan relations with Israel were affected. Mo-roccan ministers called for an end to all trade arrangements previously madebetween their country and Israel by the French. The Istiqlal and the PDIdenounced Zionism as a form of colonialism which it was the "duty of everyMoslem to combat." Israelis and persons who had any connection with Israelwere asked to leave the country in June 1956.


The legal status of Morocco's Jews, the only native minority in the coun-try, was still in doubt after the nation achieved independence. Historically,Morocco had been a theocratic state governed by Koranic law, with the sultanas temporal and spiritual ruler. The Jew was a dhimmi, or "protected one,"who could not be forced to convert, and whose person and property had tobe respected, but who could not attain equality with a Moslem. Sultan BenYoussef, on his return in November 1955, declared: "Jews will enjoy full

MOROCCO 355

rights with absolute equality and will be associated with every aspect of na-tional life." Premier Bekkai told the American Jewish Committee in January1956: "Moroccan Jews will enjoy the same rights and duties as their fellowcitizens of the Moslem faith." Similar positions were taken by the Istiqlal andPDI. The appointment of Benzaquen as a minister, Sam Benazareff as assist-ant to Finance Minister Abdel Kadel Benjelloun, Meyer Toledano as a legalassistant to Foreign Minister Ahmed Balafrej, of a Jewish judge, M. Ibguy,and a Jewish counselor to the Court of Appeal, M. Azoulay, were tangiblesteps toward fulfillment of these pledges. But as Morocco took no action toestablish a constitutional regime during 1955-56, a legal basis for the equalityof Jews as citizens was still nonexistent. Theoretically, Koranic law still pre-vailed, and there could be no doubt that the great mass of strongly tradition-alist Moroccans still considered Jews as inferior beings. As the future of de-mocracy and constitutional government remained in doubt in Morocco, so, too,did the status of the Jew.

Jewish Population

The number of native Jews in Morocco in October 1956 was estimated at190,000: about 170,000 lived in the former French zone, 10,000 in the formerSpanish zone, and 12,000 in Tangier. There were some 10,000 non-MoroccanJews in the country. The year saw a continuation of large-scale movement ofJews from villages and small towns in the interior, where they felt more ex-posed, to the larger cities. Casablanca, with 75,000, was by far the most impor-tant Jewish center; Marrakesh, Fez, Rabat, and Meknes each had some 12,000to 14,000 Jews.

Emigration

Jews had shared in the general feeling of insecurity during the previousyears of upheaval, with the additional fear that Moslem religious extremists orfrustrated mobs might turn on them. Moroccan leaders took positive steps tokeep their followers from anti-Jewish attacks. But Jews, conscious of ArabLeague pressure, the impact of Cairo-inspired propaganda, and the growingvirulence of anti-Zionist and anti-Israel expression, wondered how long theMoslem masses would make a distinction between anti-Israel and general anti-Jewish feeling. Jews had been particularly hit by the disorder of previousyears, which reduced commerce to a standstill. They also faced the competi-tion of a rising Moslem middle class, and a growing sentiment that Moslemsought to take their business to Moslems. For such reasons, and because manyOrthodox Jews saw in Israel the fulfillment of a Biblical promise, emigrationto Israel rose steadily. Only 2,423 in 1953, it jumped to 10,261 in 1954 and26,555 in 1955. At the beginning of 1956, there were some 70,000 Jews regis-tered for emigration with the Jewish Agency. Because of Israel's limited ab-sorptive capacity, the agency set the migration of 40,000 Moroccan Jews as its1956 goal. It was progressing steadily toward this objective when, in the middleof May 1956, the Moroccan government intervened. The Moroccan securityoffice refused a group visa requested by Cadima, the agency's representativeorganization in Morocco, for the exit of some 3,000 Jews.


During the next three weeks some 1,500 persons nonetheless embarked forIsrael, using visas previously issued. During this period Alex Easterman, polit-ical director of the World Jewish Congress, negotiated with Moroccan SecurityDirector Si Mohammed Laghzaoui to permit Cadima to continue operatingfor at least three months, until arrangements could be made for the migrationof Jews who had already declared their intention to leave Morocco. On June11, 1956, however, Laghzaoui issued orders that Cadima should cease all activ-ity within twenty-four hours and liquidate all its affairs by midnight of June20; that twenty Israelis connected with Cadima should be expelled (along withan Israeli working for the American Joint Distribution Committee [JDC]);and that Moroccan frontier authorities should prevent the departure of allJews, even those with previously granted exit visas.

These orders were a profound shock to Moroccan Jews, who, whether theyintended to emigrate or not, had always considered the government attitudetoward migration as a test of Moroccan determination to create a democraticstate with protection of basic human rights. There was an immediate rush ofMoroccan Jews from all parts of the country to the Cadima processing camp,about twenty kilometers south of Casablanca. Camp population spurted in afew days from 2,000 to well over 6,000.

After months of arduous negotiation by Easterman and Jewish Agency rep-resentatives, the Moroccan government permitted the departure of the 6,325people from the camp, which was becoming a menace to public health. Move-ment finally began on August 12, 1956, after several boats chartered by theJewish Agency had come to Casablanca and gone away again empty; it wascompleted by the end of September. The plight of the Jews in the campbrought international press attention, and led to a stirring plea by Benzaquento his Moroccan cabinet colleagues to empty the camp. Various governmentsintervened informally with Morocco on humanitarian grounds. As the pricefor emptying the camp, Moroccan authorities sought a commitment from Jew-ish groups not to discuss future migration from Morocco. Later, however, thisdemand was dropped; negotiations for continued migration were in progressat the time of writing (October 1956). During the first nine months of 1956,over 25,500 Jews left for Israel, making a total of 80,000 since 1949.

The Moroccan nationalist attitude toward Jewish migration—expressed forexample, by Istiqlal leaders Omar Abdjellil and Abdelkhalek Torres before aJewish gathering in April 1956—was that "the Jews of Morocco who emigrateto Israel are bad citizens," and that transferring capital to Israel was "doubletreason" against Morocco. Nonetheless, Moroccan authorities always insisted,even after shutting off mass emigration, that they would not block the freemovement of Jews from Morocco, as individuals. The security office orders ofJune 11 that all Jews be stopped at the frontiers, even if they held individualpassports (a clear act of anti-Jewish discrimination that violated promises ofJewish equality) were revoked after a few weeks. There were reports in August1956 that the Casablanca authorities would not issue any passports to Jews.The authorities denied this, saying that the delay in issuing passports was dueto a lack of administrative personnel. The United HIAS Service, which estab-lished offices in Morocco in July 1955 to help individual Jews emigrate to coun-tries other than Israel, moved 192 persons during the following twelvemonths,

MOROCCO 357

while another 1,500 registered. There was a possibility of increased movementto Canada and Brazil during 1957. But there seemed little chance for massJewish movement from Morocco on the scale of the previous two years, unlessthe Moroccan government radically changed its attitude.

Community Organization and ActivityJewish welfare and educational organizations still operated in much the usual

fashion during 1955—56. There were clear indications, however, that they mightbe seriously modified in nature with the passage of time. Moroccan nationalistleaders asserted on several occasions that Jewish institutions in Morocco (ex-cept for purely religious bodies) would eventually have to be "integrated" withnon-Jewish institutions, so as to form over-all Moroccan organizations. So far,such "integration" was much more talked about than practiced, however.Whether Jewish institutions could maintain their identity and standards if soaltered was questionable.

Complicating the already difficult position was the ambiguous status of Jew-ish community organization in Morocco. The Central Council of Jewish Com-munities of Morocco, rent by internal strife, attacked vigorously by Jewishgroups outside it, and practically ignored by the new government, wasdormant and indeed virtually nonexistent after February 1956. The individualcommunity councils in the different cities did not fare much better, thoughsome of them continued to function.

Local Jewish community councils had first been recognized by the French in1918 and given a legal personality in 1931. They had fallen into apathy, how-ever, because of the limitation of their activities to charity matters only. A re-organization in 1945 expanded their function, giving them the responsibilityof aiding the poor, supervising religious affairs, and advising the governmenton all matters of interest to Jews. A General Assembly of Jewish Communitieswas created, consisting of the presidents of the different communities, whowere supposed to meet once a year. In practice, however, this general assem-bly developed into the permanent Central Council of Jewish Communities,whose executive head was Secretary General Jacques Dahan of Rabat; it wasrecognized as the representative body of Moroccan Jews by the French andsherifian administrations, although it never received that legal status. At thesame time, the government maintained a special inspector, Maurice Botbol,who served as adviser and supervisor on all matters affecting the Jewish com-munities.

This system ended when Morocco became independent. On January 23, 1956,the office of inspector of Jewish affairs was abolished and the rabbinical courts—dealing with matters of Jewish personal status, such as marriage, divorce, andinheritance—were placed under the jurisdiction of the minister of justice. Jew-ish schools came under the minister of education; other aspects of Jewish com-munity life came under various ministries.

The Council of Communities did valuable work in Jewish welfare, educa-tion, and health. It cooperated with welfare organizations such as the JDC.But it was accused of representing only a small minority of Jewish "notables"that controlled council elections. Young Moroccan Jewish nationalists calledthe council an agent of French rule in Morocco, and denounced it for not


leading the Moroccan Jewish masses into the struggle for independence. In-ternal jealousies among council leadership had a disruptive effect. Finally, atthe end of 1955, there was acrimonious dispute among the council members,many of whom had been candidates for the ministry of post, telegraph, andtelephone in the new Moroccan government. These disputes fragmented thecouncil, and cost it such prestige as it had with Moslems, Jews, and the lead-ers of the new government. One-third of the council's members were supposedto be elected in December 1955; but at the request of the government thiswas not done. In February 1956, Secretary General Dahan resigned. An at-tempted reorganization at that time did not help. Though the council still ex-isted in theory, it became completely dormant. Some Jews felt that it shouldagain become an assembly of presidents, and no more. The young Jewish na-tionalists who led the attack on the council held that there was no need forany Jewish representative body in Morocco, since Jews were no longer a mi-nority apart.

The situation of the local community councils varied. There was a markeddecrease in efficiency in almost all; some practically ceased functioning. Manymembers of the former Casablanca Jewish Community Council, the most im-portant in the country, resigned after receiving anonymous threats. These osten-sibly came from a Moroccan terrorist group—but later were learned to havebeen the work of rival Jewish elements. In September 1956, after severalmonths of confusion, Governor Bargash of Casablanca appointed a new coun-cil headed by David Benazareff to act until the government took action onthe status of the Jewish community bodies. Similarly, a new community coun-cil in Marrakesh was appointed by the local governor. Jews in the IstiqlalParty seemed likely to play an increasingly preponderant role in the directionof Jewish communal organizations. This group was also active in WIFAQ, anorganization of Moslems and Jews established during the year to promotebetter understanding and increase cooperation among the different elementsof the Moroccan population. At the time of writing (October 1956), it had notattracted any large number of Jews.

Social Service

The departure of breadwinners for Israel left many Moroccan Jewish fami-lies without support, and welfare loads increased or remained stable, despitethe decreased population. The JDC occupied itself increasingly with adultcare, and had about 7,500 people on its rolls by October 1956. This admittedlyonly scratched the surface of Moroccan Jewish misery. JDC's primary programwas directed at children and youth. Of the 35,000 children in 184 JDC-subsidized schools, some 24,000 benefited from a canteen and school-aid pro-gram, about the same number as in 1954-55. The JDC estimated that in 1955about 600,000,000 francs ($1,750,000) was received from all sources by theagencies it aided, with JDC providing half, local contributions about 20 percent, government subsidies 13 per cent, and other foreign sources 17 per cent.Local contributions were expected to fall sharply in view of the general flightof capital from Morocco. There was also doubt about the extent of govern-ment support, because of the complications of the change-over from French toMoroccan administration and Morocco's difficult economic position. Food and

MOROCCO 359

clothing supplies given by the United States Department of Agriculture, aspart of the United States surplus disposal program, were of considerable as-sistance in relief operations.

The health organization Oeuvre de Secours aux Enfants Israelites (OSE)operated six dispensaries in the former French zone of Morocco, and reorgan-ized its service in Tangier. It reported giving 58,000 general medical treat-ments, plus 54,000 treatments for trachoma and 14,000 for tinea in Casablancaalone; its five milk stations reached 6,800 children. In June 1956 OSE begana medical program aimed at the children attending the usually filthy privatechadarim of the Casablanca mellah. OSE also established a new center for pre-natal and well-infant care in the Casablanca dispensary, and started a socialhygiene service to provide in-service training for nursing personnel and pre-ventive health work. Jewish antituberculosis organizations continued to func-tion in Casablanca, Fez, and Rabat.

Jewish educational institutions experienced a high turnover of students anda falling-off in enrollment. Alliance Israelite Universelle schools reported26,500 children in June 1956, a drop of about 4,500 from November 1955;several schools in smaller communities closed. The Alliance introduced theteaching of Arabic in its schools during the year. Enrollment in the twoOrganization for Rehabilitation Through Training (ORT) schools in Casa-blanca dropped about 20 per cent, to 650. Ozer Hatorah had to close almosta score of its smaller institutions, and had about 4,000 children. It opened aJewish day school in Tangier, and a girl's seminar for the training of futureteachers. Hebrew evening courses, which in recent years had become a majoreducational activity for children and adults, as many persons prepared to goto Israel, still reached some 3,000 people. The Lubavitcher schools, attendedby about 3,000 children, were less affected than the others by changing condi-tions in Morocco. The Department for Education of Jewish Youth (DEJJ),the leading youth group in the country, successfully undertook a major reor-ganization because of Jewish population shifts. It continued to train some 2,500children in the mellahs, had some 1,000 in its workshop programs, and estab-lished new community centers for young people in six Moroccan cities during1955-56.

The principal Jewish publication, the French-language monthly La Voixdes Communautes, which had been published by the Central Council, ceasedpublication early in 1956.

Union of South Africa

p E UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA faced political tensions and economic prob-J. lems at home and abroad during the period under review (July 1, 1955

through June 30, 1956). Within its own communal orbit, South AfricanJewry had to contend with financial problems which imposed a severe strainon its major institutions, as well as with personnel shortages in the religiousfield and in youth work.

Political Background

In the limited scope of this review, it is possible only to barely indicate theyear's political background. Premier Johannes Gerhardus Strijdom's Na-tionalist government pressed ahead with its apartheid (segregation) program,in the face of attacks by the opposition. The clash between government andopposition, however, was not over the principle of segregation between theUnion's 2,500,000 Europeans (Whites) and its 10,000,000 non-Europeans(Negroes, Asiatics, mulattoes), but over the government's particular measuresfor its implementation. All the main opposition groups—the United Party(former governing party and chief opposition force), the Labor Party, theFederal Party, and the Conservative Party—subscribed to the general segre-gation policies which successive Union governments had followed; only thefractional Liberal Party and the now proscribed Communists assumed anantisegregation stand.

The opposition attacked the government's increasingly rigid application ofsegregation and its withdrawal of certain domiciliary privileges and legalrights hitherto held by non-Europeans. Jews, as an integral part of the Euro-pean population, shared the prevailing white attitude, generally supportingeither the government or opposition interpretation of segregation, though afew Jews supported the antisegregation camp.

At the time of writing (August 1956), new tension seemed imminent overthe government's decision, under the Group Areas Act (see AMERICAN JEW-ISH YEAR BOOK, 1951 [Vol. 52], p. 263), to ban Indians from certain parts ofJohannesburg where they had long lived, traded, and acquired property; tocompel sale of their property to Europeans; and to order their removal toLenasia, a new township for Asiatics miles away from the city.

In September 1955 the Union government withdrew its delegation fromthe then current session of the United Nations (UN), on the ground that theUN appointment of the Santa Cruz committee, to report on South Africangovernment policy and legislation concerning non-Europeans, constituted in-terference in the Union's domestic affairs. The government's decision metwith qualified sympathy in the opposition press, which argued, however, that

360

UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA 361

the Union would have gained more by recording its protest but not with-drawing. Most South African newspapers (opposition as well as pro-Govern-ment) expressed concern at the course of the UN in relation to South Africa.

The chief political issues of the period under review were the enlargementand reconstitution of the Senate in September 1955, in terms of the govern-ment's new Senate Act (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p.476-77); the South Africa Act Amendment Bill; the Separate Representationof Voters Amendment Bill; and the Tomlinson Report on the socio-economicdevelopment of the Bantu (Negro) Areas within the Union of South Africa.

The Senate changes gave the government sufficient votes in the upperhouse to pass the South Africa Act Amendment Bill by 174 votes to 68 at ajoint sitting of both houses of parliament on February 27, 1956, thus securingthe two-thirds majority required for such amendment by Sections 35 and 152of the original South Africa Act (the act establishing the Union). The origi-nal act entrenched the equal language rights of English-and Afrikaans-speaking citizens, and the franchise rights of colored (mulatto) voters in theCape Province, by providing that each could only be varied by a two-thirdsmajority of both houses of parliament, sitting together. The government'samending legislation reaffirmed entrenchment of the language rights, butwithdrew the entrenchment of the franchise rights of colored voters.

COLORED FRANCHISE

Passage of the Separate Representation of Voters Amendment Bill by 73votes to 39 in the House of Assembly on April 27, 1956, secured the variationof the franchise rights of colored voters (by removing them from the com-mon roll to a separate communal roll) which the government had hithertounsuccessfully tried to impose (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1953 [Vol.54], p. 396-99; 1955 [Vol. 56], p. 457; 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 477). The UnitedParty appealed to the courts on the grounds that the alteration and enlarge-ment of the Senate to provide the two-thirds majority necessary to amend theSouth Africa Act was in fact an evasion of the requirements of the SouthAfrica Act, and that the amending legislation was invalid in consequence.The case was heard by the full bench of the Cape division of the SupremeCourt, consisting of Mr. Justice de Villiers (Judge-President), Mr. JusticeNewton-Thompson, and Mr. Justice van Winsen. Their verdict in May 1956unanimously held both the act enlarging the Senate and the act amendingthe South Africa Act to be valid in law. An appeal was to come before theappellate division of the Union's Supreme Court later in 1956.1

TOMLINSON REPORT

The Tomlinson Report, debated in Parliament during May 1956, was heldby the government to confirm its apartheid policy, and by the opposition toshow the impossibility of apartheid. The report held that development of theBantu areas to serve the goal of apartheid would cost £104,000,000 ($291,-200,000) over the next ten years, and would involve the incorporation intothe Union of the British-held protectorates of Bechuanaland, Basutoland,

1 On November 9, 1956, the appellate division of the Union Supreme Court in Bloemfonteindismissed the appeal, declaring the affected legislation valid by a majority of 10 to 1.


and Swaziland. The government allocated £3,500,000 ($9,800,000) as a firstinstallment towards implementation of some of the report's proposals.

At the Conference of British Commonwealth Premiers held in London atthe end of June 1956, Prime Minister Strijdom and External Affairs MinisterEric Louw asked for the transfer of the protectorates. The British govern-ment refused, reiterating its position as trustee of the territories.

During the debate on the South Africa Act Amendment Bill, Henry Gluck-man, United Party member of Parliament for Yeoville, Johannesburg, calledthe prime minister's attention to certain implications that might flow fromthe government's amendment of the South Africa Act. Speaking in Parlia-ment on February 21, 1956, Gluckman said that an eminent legal authorityhad stated that while the entrenched clauses of the original act protectedvoters from being removed from the common roll on grounds of race orcolor, save by a two-thirds majority of both Houses of Parliament, once theentrenchment was removed it would be possible to disfranchise any racialgroup in the Union by a bare majority. He asked for a clarification fromthe prime minister on the position of Jewish citizens. He said he did notraise the question from any propaganda motive, but rather so as to place thematter in its proper perspective. "I would be wrong in making any criticismof the Government vis-a-vis the general position of the Jewish people in thiscountry," he said. "I think it is only fair to say that there has been no causefor criticism."

On February 23, 1956, the prime minister, replying, regretted that thequestion had been raised. He said it could equally affect Greeks, Hollanders,Italians, Germans, or any other section of the electorate. He affirmed thatwhen the entrenched clauses were drafted, they were confined to two mattersexclusively: the question of language rights, and the non-European franchise.

He reaffirmed this position on February 27, 1956, in reply to J. G. N.Strauss, the leader of the opposition, adding: "Section 35 was never placedon the statute book in order to protect the franchise of Afrikanders, English-men, Greeks, Germans, Italians, or Jews, but was only inserted in the consti-tution in connection with the non-European franchise."

SHECHITA

The question of ritual slaughter came up in Parliament during the year,when the government introduced a Slaughter of Animals Amendment Bill, todose certain loopholes in the original act. Gluckman asked for an assurancethat Shechita (ritual slaughter) would not be affected. Minister of HealthTom Naude assured the House that the new bill would not interfere withritual slaughter for religious purposes.

A private member's bill on the question of humane slaughter of animalswas introduced by V. L. Shearer, of Durban. A deputation from the Councilof Natal Jewry obtained an assurance from him that no interference withShechita was contemplated. The debate on Shearer's bill, however, left cer-tain doubts still to be cleared up. The measure, left over during the 1956session, was to be examined further in 1957.


Jewish Population

It was estimated that the Jewish population had not changed appreciablysince the 1951 census revealed 108,496 Jews out of a European (white) popu-lation of 2,588,933, and a total population (all races) of 12,437,277. In 1951Jews constituted 4.18 per cent of the European population, as comparedwith 4.4 per cent in the 1946 census.

Civil and Political Status

Jews continued to enjoy equal rights and opportunities with other sectionsof the European (white) population. As in previous years, several Jews wereappointed or elected to high public office.

Jews were elected mayors of several towns. These included: Morris S. Ne-stadt (Benoni); Louis Dubb (Port Elizabeth); C. Hurwitz (Mafeking); M.Paul (Queenstown); J. Jowell (Springbok); R. Silverman (Saldanha Bay); M.Alperstein (Fort Beaufort); Dr. S. Goldberg (Viljoenskroon); H. Ostro (Hei-delberg). Max Goodman was elected deputy mayor of Johannesburg. S. R.Back was reelected president of the Cape Chamber of Industries.

A nti-Semitism

The decline in anti-Semitism that characterized the last few years con-tinued during 1955-56. What limited anti-Jewish propaganda there was camefrom the same sources as in the previous year—Ray K. Rudman and hisAryan Bookshop in Natal; Johann Schoeman of Broederstroom; and severalother apologists of the late Adolf Hitler. Much anti-Semitic material camefrom overseas. This included copies of Williams Intelligence Summary, pub-lished by Robert H. Williams, of Santa Ana, Calif., and some pamphletsemanating from Einar Aberg, of Sweden. Some anti-Israel and anti-Zionistpamphlets were circulated by the Egyptian legation in South Africa. Someanti-Jewish comment figured in a Cape Town monthly, The South AfricanObserver, which supported the National Party. Nationalist leaders, however,disclaimed any connection with the Observer, or any sympathy with its anti-Jewish comments.

The government published a consolidated list of banned publicationswhich proscribed, among 2,300 sexually questionable, Communist, and racial-ist books and pamphlets, a number of anti-Semitic publications. These in-cluded The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, Henry Ford's The InternationalJew, and various publications of the Britons' Publishing Society in England,such as The World's Enemies, and Kol Nidre, Jewish Immoral Prayer.


Communal organization of South African Jewry faced major financialproblems during 1955-56. The twentieth biennial congress of the SouthAfrican Jewish Board of Deputies in September 1955 nearly saw a communalsplit on the question of the budgetary requirements of the South African


Board of Jewish Education, which demanded a considerably increased alloca-tion from the United Communal Fund (UCF). Some of the Board of Educa-tion's representatives threatened to secede from the Fund. The deadlock at thecongress was later resolved by a compromise increase.

FUND RAISING

The UCF found difficulty in raising its target figure to meet the budgetsof its member organizations. These were the South African Jewish Board ofDeputies, the South African Board of Jewish Education, the Cape Board ofJewish Education, the South African Council for Progressive Jewish Educa-tion, the Federation of Synagogues of the Transvaal and Free State, theUnion of Jewish Women, the Country Communities Fund, the Yiddish Cul-tural Federation, the Histadruth Ivrith, the South African Organization forRehabilitation and Training-Oeuvre de Secour aux Enfants Israelites (ORT-OSE), the Bnei Akivah Yeshivah, the Jewish Ministers' Association, and thePension Fund for Hebrew Teachers. Starting its fourth biennial campaign inOctober 1955, the UCF suspended its campaign the following month to en-able the South African Zionist Federation to launch an emergency appealfor Israel, in response to the Middle East crisis. Zionist leaders expressed ap-preciation of this cooperation; they called upon Zionists to support the UCFwhen the emergency appeal terminated in February 1956 and the UCF cam-paign was resumed. But by then other difficulties had manifested themselves.Certain unauthorized appeals had been launched in the interim, for overseasyeshivot and other causes, and these interfered with the campaign for theUCF. The Board of Deputies and the Zionist Federation felt compelled toissue a joint call to the community not to support any appeals which did nothave their authorization.

By the end of March 1956, the UCF campaign was still so far behind itstarget that the national UCF chairman Abel Shaban called a conference ofaffiliated organizations to consider immediate imposition of a drastic cut inallocations. The cut was held in abeyance, pending new plans for an intensi-fication of the campaign, and the launching by the religious authorities of aspecial Yom Kippur Appeal for the UCF. The community was warned thatif the crisis was not surmounted, several UCF beneficiaries, notably the SouthAfrican Board of Jewish Education, would confront a crisis that might wellendanger their existence.

The eighth national conference of the Union of Jewish Women, meetingin Johannesburg at the end of April 1956, recorded substantial progress inwomen's communal work.

VOCATIONAL EDUCATION

The South African ORT-OSE continued its vocational guidance and train-ing activities, and its assistance to ORT and OSE abroad. As of December 31,1955, there were three manual training schools, one hachsharah training farmpreparing emigrants for Israel, and a vocational guidance bureau, which hadplaced 129 apprentices during the calendar year 1954. Abel Shaban, chairmanof the World OSE Council, attended the Pan-American conference of theORT-OSE in Mexico City in July 1956.


Jewish Education

Work in the field of Jewish education suffered from the financial troublesalready mentioned. This led to difficulties and differences within the SouthAfrican Board of Jewish Education. Despite these difficulties, the educationalwork of the Board went on uninterruptedly. In the eleven years since the es-tablishment of its Rabbi Judah Leib Zlotnik Seminary, it had producedseventy-four Hebrew teachers, the majority of them South African born. TheBoard's King David Hebrew Day School in Johannesburg had a substantialwaiting list; its Herber House Hostel recorded seventy school-going childrenin residence, with a waiting list of further applications.

In the Cape there was a similar story of educational progress and financialdifficulty. The building of Cape Town's new Herzlia Day School, for 423pupils, was begun. Other schools run by the United Hebrew Schools of CapeTown also recorded progress. But the annual meeting in November 1955 re-vealed that in the previous two years, the United Hebrew Schools had suf-fered a deficit of £12,000 ($33,600). In May 1956, the Cape Jewish Orphanagegranted the United Hebrew Schools a loan of £15,000 (§42,000) from accumu-lated funds, to help them over financial difficulties.

In Natal, Durban registered a general advance in educational work, withincreasing numbers of pupils.

YOUTH SERVICES

Jewish youth services did not record the same advance as Jewish education.The Board of Deputies, in its efforts to implement the decisions of its 1955biennial congress to establish a youth department, invited applications for ayouth officer to head it, but up to the time of writing (August 1956) no ap-pointment had been made. Nor had any progress been achieved in imple-menting the recommendations of the Milgrom Report (see AMERICAN JEWISHYEAR BOOK, 1955 [Vol. 56], p. 463).

In Cape Town, the record of failure was even more disappointing. There,the Hillel House project begun so hopefully during Rabbi Louis Milgrom'svisit to South Africa in 1953 was forced to close down in November 1955when a lost of £5,600 ($15,680) on the past year's work, and conflict on theadministration of the project, led the Cape Council of the South AfricanJewish Board of Deputies and the Cape Board of Jewish Education to with-draw from the scheme, pending a more satisfactory understanding on admin-istration and control.

Religious Life

Religious activities were hampered by a serious shortage of personnel. Atthe time of writing (August 1956) large congregations still searching for arabbi included the Pretoria Hebrew Congregation, the Oxford Hebrew Con-gregation (Johannesburg), the Berea Hebrew Congregation (Johannesburg),the Vredehoek Hebrew Congregation (Cape Town), the New Hebrew Con-gregation (Cape Town), and the Germiston Hebrew Congregation. CapeTown's Sea Point Hebrew Congregation, one of the largest in the country,


was also to be without a spiritual leader when its minister, Rabbi AbrahamT. Shrock went to the Durban Hebrew Congregation. (He succeededRabbi Harris Swift, who resigned during the year in order to go to America.)Financial problems also burdened many Hebrew congregations and tendedto restrict their activities.

The year saw the opening of a large new synagogue in Sydenham-High-lands North (Johannesburg), and the initiation of projects for new syna-gogues in Emmarentia (Johannesburg) and Arcadia (Pretoria). The Kemp-ton Park Hebrew Congregation's new communal center was consecrated byChief Rabbi Louis Isaac Rabinowitz on October 30, 1955.

The Reform movement, under the leadership of Rabbi Moses C. Weiler,registered further progress and established new congregations in East London(Cape) and Bulawayo (Rhodesia). With the establishment of the Rhodesiancongregation, the movement changed its name to the Southern African Unionfor Progressive Judaism. The Reform movement now had twelve constituentcongregations in South Africa. Progress in Johannesburg included plans for thebuilding cf a new temple and of school premises. Reform had three centraland nine suburban schools in Johannesburg, with a total enrollment of over1,000 pupils.

Zionist Activities and Relations with IsraelRelations of close friendship between South Africa and Israel continued

through 1955-56. Prime Minister Strijdom personally proposed the toast tothe Jewish state at the diplomatic reception held by the Israel Minister toSouth Africa on Israel Independence Day in April 1956. Other cabinet min-isters were also present.

The government kept a vigilant eye on the developing crisis in the MiddleEast. Defense Minister F. C. Erasmus told Parliament in January 1956 thatthe situation was one in which South Africa was necessarily interested, andthat increased Soviet influence in North Africa closely affected the Union.Pro-government and opposition newspapers alike took the view that SouthAfrica should join the western powers in extending aid to Israel should thecrisis erupt into an Israel-Arab war. Some criticism was voiced at the factthat Israel voted against South Africa on the South-West African issue at theUnited Nations in November 1955. The opinion was expressed, by manyJews as well as by non-Jews, that Israel should have abstained from the vote,in view of the ties of friendship and common interest between the two states.

The first organized tour of Israel by a representative group of South Afri-can businessmen, in October 1955, led to an increase in trade between thetwo countries.

Israel again exhibited at the Rand Easter Show (South Africa's main tradefair) in April 1956, and the mayor of Johannesburg, Councillor L. V. Hurd,paid tribute to the close relations between the two countries when he for-mally opened the Israel pavilion. The government was represented at theopening by the undersecretary for commerce and industries.

Zionist work was conducted at a sustained tempo throughout 1955-56.Israel Dunsky, chairman of the South African Zionist Federation, and JosephDaleski, vice chairman, attended the Zionist Actions Committee meeting in


Jerusalem in September 1955 and undertook special obligations, on behalf ofSouth African Jewry, in respect to the Middle East crisis and aid for Moroc-can Jewry. This led to the launching of the Israel Emergency Appeal alreadynoted. The appeal reached its target in three months and was praised at theWorld Zionist Congress in April 1956 as an object lesson in Zionist cam-paigning. Twelve delegates from South Africa attended the World ZionistCongress in Jerusalem in April 1956.

Social Services

Important work was done in the field of social services. Progress was madeon the new Witwatersrand Jewish Aged Home and Chronic Sick Hospitalproject at Sandringham, Johannesburg, intended to provide accommodationfor 500 inmates. Our Parents Home, doing similar work on a smaller scale,reported 140 inmates at the end of 1955.

Difficult economic conditions confronted welfare institutions with increas-ing calls for assistance. The Johannesburg Chevra Kadisha paid out £56,944($159,443) in assistance grants and rehabilitation during its financial year,and the Joseph Miller Benevolent Association granted the record sum of£63,498 (§177,794) in loans. The Witwatersrand Gmilus Chasodim grantedloans totaling £54,590 ($152,852). All these were interest-free loans, designedto tide recipients over periods of economic hardship.

The Jewish Women's Benevolent and Welfare Society honored its welfareofficer, Frieda Sichel, by opening its Frieda Sichel Occupational TherapyCenter in Johannesburg in June 1956.

The problem of juvenile delinquency in the Jewish community occupiedthe attention of the Witwatersrand Jewish Welfare Council. Expert reportspinpointed the growth of this problem as part of the general problem ofjuvenile delinquency in South Africa.

Cultural ActivitiesCultural activities during 1955-56 included the lecture programs and edu-

cational work of the Yiddish Cultural Federation, the Histadruth Ivrith, andthe People's College. An important cultural innovation was the establish-ment in Johannesburg by the Board of Deputies of a Jewish Museum(opened December 1955).

Publications by South African Jewish writers during the period under re-view included: The Jews in South Africa: A History, edited by Gustav Saronand Lewis Hotz; The Birth of a Community, by Chief Rabbi Israel Abra-hams (history); Yiden in Johannesburg, by Leibl Feldman (history); ThomasBowler of the Cape of Good Hope, by Edna and Frank Bradlow (biogra-phy); Sparks from the Anvil, by Chief Rabbi Louis I. Rabinowitz (sermons);Shire Yisroel, by Chief Cantor I. Alter (cantorial); Ibn Gabirol, the Man andPoet, by A. Moar (literary criticism); The Teaching of the Hebrew Languagein the Elementary and Secondary School in Israel, by A. Moar (education);Six Feet of the Country, by Nadine Gordimer (short stories); Kop of Gold,by Lewis Sowden (novel); A Dance in the Sun, by Dan Jacobson (novel); TheUtmost Sail, by Bernard Sachs (novel); Coleurs des promenades, and II n'y a


pas de cripuscule, by Adolphe Shedrow (French poems); Solution for SouthAfrica: A Jewish View, by Henry Katzew (politics); Dankere, by H. Ehrlich(sketches); My Greatest Match, by Arthur Goldman (sport).

Personalia

South African Jewry suffered the loss of several prominent personalitiesduring the year. They included: H. Sonnabend, mayor of Ashkelon; Felix C.Hollander, former Durban mayor, senator, and communal leader; Max Son-nenberg, former Cape Town member of parliament and communal leader;Bernard Kaumheimer, industrialist and communal leader; S. L. Sive, RandJewish pioneer and congregational leader; J. M. Weinreich, Cape TownZionist leader; Joseph Coplans, Cape Town sculptor; Samuel Schneier,Johannesburg financier and communal worker; and Leopold Snider, hon-orary president of the South African ORT-OSE.

EDGAR BERNSTEIN

Australia

D URING 1955-56, there were signs of a tightening of the Australian eco-nomic position, though industrial expansion and immigration continued.

A sharp increase in taxation and increased import restrictions had a somewhatdeflationary effect.

The general elections of December 1955 resulted in a victory of the Lib-eral and Country Party coalition under Prime Minister Robert G. Menziesover the Labor Party opposition. In the New South Wales state elections,Abram Landa, member for the district of Bondi, was re-elected, but in theallocation of state cabinet portfolios, he exchanged the ministry of labor andindustry for the housing ministry. Leon S. Snider continued as a member ofthe New South Wales Upper House, and Baron D. Snider was still a mem-ber of the Victorian State Parliament.

Jewish Population and ImmigrationThe Jewish population of Australia was estimated at 56,000, out of a total

Australian population of 9,313,291. It had almost doubled since 1937, almostentirely due to immigration.

Ninety per cent of Australian Jews lived in Sydney and Melbourne, andabout 5 per cent in the other four capital cities. About 54 per cent of thegeneral population lived in the metropolitan areas of the six Australianstates.

Australia's dynamic postwar immigration policy continued, and during theyear under review the one-millionth postwar immigrant came into the coun-try. Immigrants came mainly from Britain, followed by immigrants from theNetherlands, Germany, Italy, and other southern European countries. After1950, the number of immigrants declined. In the year under review (July 1,1955, through June 30, 1956) sixty-eight immigrants came as assisted andguaranteed cases of the Australian Federation of Jewish Welfare Societies.Another 250 immigrants came under private sponsorship.

In the fall of 1955, the government had limited immigration from Israel,Spain, Portugal, and Italy to persons sponsored by relatives or guaranteedemployment on the land. The restriction on immigration from Israel wasbased on the argument that Israel itself was a migrant intake country. Pre-viously over a thousand immigrants, chiefly families of already settled per-sons, had come from Israel.

Jewish efforts to bring immigrants from Asian countries were not success-ful in cases where such intending immigrants were excluded because of theirnon-European origin under the White Australia Policy. This applied par-ticularly to Jews of Oriental or Arabic origin; even close relatives of Aus-tralian Jews could not be brought in.

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Generally no difficulty was experienced in finding employment for immi-grants. The welfare societies maintained employment sections which assistedimmigrants and older residents.

Discrimination and Anti-SemitismAustralian Jewry enjoyed the same civic and political status as all other

Australians. Anti-Semitism was at a minimum. No important incidents of anovert character occurred during 1955-56. No apparent discrimination mani-fested itself in the spheres of employment, housing, education, or among gen-eral groups or organizations.

Community Organization and Communal AffairsAustralian Jewry was a highly organized community. At the state level

matters of concern to Australian Jews were channeled through the states'Boards of Jewish Deputies. The Executive Council of Australian Jewry(ECAJ) maintained a close relationship with Commonwealth government de-partments.

Under a constitutional provision for the biennial alternation of ECAJheadquarters between the states of Victoria and New South Wales, the head-quarters were to return to Sydney, New South Wales, after a conference inMelbourne, Victoria in August 1956.

Australia was represented by Maurice Ashkanazy of Melbourne (presidentof the ECAJ during 1954-56) on the directorate of the Conference on JewishMaterial Claims Against Germany (CJMCAG), whose meetings were held inParis in February 1955 and in New York in January 1956. The CJMCAGallocated £53,800 ($118,360). This was in addition to a further installmentof £12,500 ($27,000) of the special three-year-grant for Mount Scopus College(Melbourne) that the CJMCAG had made the year before.

The greater part of the allocation went to the Jewish welfare societies forrehabilitation of victims of Nazi persecution. Grants also went to the SirMoses Montefiore Home for Aged Jews, the Isabella Lazarus Home for Chil-dren (of Sydney), the Emmie Monash Home for Aged (Melbourne), and theSouth Australian Board of Jewish Deputies for an old people's home; all ofthese institutions served immigrants.

Religious Life

Suburban Orthodox congregations in Melbourne and Sydney expandedtheir activities. In Sydney the Orthodox congregation of the Maroubra-Kings-ford District inducted its first full-time rabbi, Alexander Grozinger, onMarch 4, 1956, while in the Western Suburbs Hebrew Congregation (theoldest in Sydney) Rabbi Lew Aisenstadt succeeded the late Rabbi Isaac Ra-binowitch on April 29, 1956.

The Great Synagogue in Sydney, the largest congregation in the BritishCommonwealth, opened its War Memorial Centre. The project cost almost£100,000 ($220,000), and was built underneath the existing synagogue. It in-cluded a meeting hall, a classroom, club facilities, and a library to house

AUSTRALIA 371

what was expected to become the most complete collection of Jewish booksin Australia.

Suburban congregations in Sydney, too, were engaged in building projects,especially the growing North Shore Congregation and the Parramatta Con-gregation, situated about eighteen miles from the center of the city.

Temple Emanuel, Sydney, completed extensions to its present structurewith a building known as the Owen Klippel Memorial Hall. The Liberalcongregation extended its religion classes to the North Shore district.

The ninety-one-year-old Brisbane Hebrew Congregation celebrated theseventieth anniversary of the existence of its synagogue.

The Central Synagogue in Bondi, Sydney, appointed Rabbi Harry Freed-man, a well-known Jewish scholar, as its chief minister.

George W. Reuben was appointed rabbi of the Perth Liberal congregation,established in May 1956.

Jewish Education

Several small day schools and kindergartens in Sydney and Melbourne in-creased the number of their pupils. Approximately 1,000 pupils attendedJewish day schools. Mt. Scopus College, Melbourne, completed extensions tobuildings and planned to expand further and increase the present total at-tendance of between 600 and 700 children in primary and secondary classes.Mt. Moriah College, Sydney, obtained the services in February 1956 of Mr.Tovia Shahar as director of Jewish studies. The Melbourne Yeshiva, estab-lished in 1950 and having 100 pupils, moved to new premises in Caulfield,with an attached yeshiva day school. The Sydney Yeshiva, founded in 1955,increased its enrollment to more than forty students.

About 1,500 children received religious instruction in Hebrew classes forfrom three to six hours per week. Most of these classes were under synagogueauspices.

Contact was maintained with the approximately 5,300 children attendingstate schools by a scripture lesson given weekly by teachers provided by theJewish community. In many cases this was the only religious education theyreceived.

Most of the costs of Jewish education were defrayed by funds raised fromappeals within the Jewish communities.

Social Services

Hostels in each state housed some 150 immigrants, who were assisted insecuring positions and establishing homes and businesses with funds madeavailable by the CJMCAG and the American Jewish Joint Distribution Com-mittee (JDC) through the branches of the Federation of Australian JewishSocieties.

The sheltered workshop founded in February 1955 by the Australian Jew-ish Welfare Society in their Sydney premises was organized on a cooperativebasis, with some seventy aged men and women participating and enjoyingsocial satisfaction and comfort, as well as obtaining a small remuneration.


The Australian branch of the United Restitution Organization (URO)processed almost 500 claims against the West German Government of the800 claims submitted.

Zionism and Israel

The growing seriousness of the situation in Israel further solidified Aus-tralian Jewish communal feeling for the Jewish state. An emergency appealwas held towards the end of 1955. This was in addition to the regular yearlyIsrael Appeal and yielded £110,000 ($242,000); the annual United Israel Ap-peal obtained pledges amounting to about £150,000 ($330,000) a sum sur-passing the 1954 total of pledges—pledging being 3 per cent higher thanactual funds collected.

Zionist activity continued to center in the Zionist Federation of Australiaand New Zealand. The conference of the federation, held in MelbourneJanuary 28-30, 1956, endorsed the principle of recognizing specific needs ofthe local community. As of the time of writing (August 1956), there were novisible signs that this resolution was being implemented.

During the Israel crisis, beginning in February-March 1956, emergencycommittees representing most Jewish communal bodies were set up. In Syd-ney and Melbourne, these emergency committees included the local Boardsof Jewish Deputies.

Late in 1955, meetings were organized under the aegis of the ECAJ andthe Zionist Federation of Australia to protest the supplying of arms byCzechslovakia to the Arab countries. A resolution to this effect was dulyhanded to the Commonwealth government on April 25, 1956. SubsequentlyPrime Minister Robert G. Menzies received a delegation requesting thatAustralia's voice be raised at the United Nations and that the matter bebrought before the Prime Ministers' Conference to be held in London inJuly 1956.

The Jewish National Fund expanded its coverage of the community andaimed to increase its general revenue by 25 per cent by September 1956. Thetotal for Australia was £120,000 ($336,000), including the Jewish NationalFund Blue Box collection of £36,000 ($100,800).

The youth shelichim (emissaries) of the Jewish Agency continued trainingyouth in leadership, organization, and culture (these emissaries were Mena-chim Levin, Asher Mansbach, and Gad Padatzur); a number of young peoplewere sent to Israel, some as scholarship students, and some as members ofcollectives.

The attitude of the Australian public grew more favorable toward Israel,mainly as a result of the deterioration of Britain's relations with the Arabstates. Newspapers and broadcasters gave increasing attention to the prob-lems of Israel and the Middle East. Two newspapers, the Sydney MorningHerald and the Melbourne Sun, sent their correspondents to Israel andother Middle Eastern areas to report on the situation for Australian readers,in April and May 1956, respectively.

The government's friendly attitude continued, and was reflected by the

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Australian representative to the Security Council of the United Nations,E. Ronald Walker.

Efforts continued to transfer the Israel legation, now situated in Sydney, toCanberra, the national capital; there was some hope that financial problemsmight be overcome so that construction of a legation building there mightbegin in 1956. The legation made preparations for an Israel stamp exhibitand an Australia-wide Israel fashion show. Trade between Australia and Is-rael, particularly in the fashion field, increased, but was far below potenti-alities. The renewed Australian import restrictions did not improve the situ-ation.

The experiment of Solomon Goldberg in transplanting Australian sheepto Israel showed success; the practicability of further shipments of Australiansheep to Israel for breeding purposes was discussed by Goldberg and inter-ested Jewish businessmen.

Cultural Activity

The bulk of cultural activity in Yiddish and English took the form of rep-ertory play reading, youth drama festivals, lectures, symposia, panel discus-sions, and exhibitions of arts and crafts.

The second edition of The Star of David, by Rabbi Rudolf Brasch of Tem-ple Emanuel, Sydney, dealing with the principles and customs of Judaism,went into print early in 1956.

Personalia

On November 25, 1955, the death was reported of Isaac Herbert Boas, na-tional forestry expert and distinguishd chemist, a president of the JewishAdvisory Board and the Jewish Welfare Society, as well as of the AustralianFriends of the Hebrew University.

BlLLIE ElNFELD

Israel

THE PERIOD under review in this article, as in most articles in this volume,is July 1, 1955, through June 30, 1956. The significant political and mili-

tary developments that took place after the cut-off date (Israel's "invasion" ofthe Sinai desert on November 6, 1956, the subsequent "police action" byGreat Britain and France, and the consequences of these actions) will betreated at length in the AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1958 (Vol. 59).

Population

Israel's population of 1,823,000 on June 1, 1956, included 1,621,000 Jewsand 202,000 non-Jews. In 1955, the population rose by over 71,000, of whom64,000 were Jews. The first five months of 1956 added 34,000 (more than30,000 Jews and more than 3,000 non-Jews). In 1955 the net surplus of per-sons entering the country over those leaving was over 31,000. In the first fivemonths of 1956, net immigration was 17,000.

Whereas from 1949 to 1951 net immigration had supplied over 80 per centof Israel's population increase, over 80 per cent of the rise in the next threeyears came from natural increase. But during 1955-56, net immigration con-tributed 47 per cent of the population increase. This was due mainly to re-newed mass immigration from North Africa. Of 22,000 immigrants duringthe first five months of 1956, almost 20,000 came from North Africa (over17,000 from Morocco). Most of the immigrants were in the younger agegroups. Only 4.5 per cent were over sixty, and more than 40 per cent wereunder fifteen. Emigration from Israel appeared to be on the decrease. Fewerthan 4,000 declared emigrants left Israel in 1955. In 1952 the number hadbeen over 11,000, but it gradually decreased in the following years. TheAmericas, and especially the United States, continued to be the chief goalof emigrants.

VITAL STATISTICS

The Jewish birth rate in Israel in the first half of 1956 was 26.73, as against27.22 in 1955, 27.35 in 1954, and 30.23 in 1953. The birth rate of the non-Jewish minorities, especially Moslems, continued to be among the highest inthe world-52.20 in the first half of 1956, 50.10 in 1955, and 45.08 in 1954. Itwas still rising, while the Jewish birth rate was starting to fall. Infant mor-tality among Jews was 33.59 per 1,000 births in 1955, as against 34.12 in 1954and 35.66 in 1953. Infant mortality among the minorities remained about 60per 1,000 births. Jewish life expectancy rose for males from 65.2 years in1949, to 67.3 in 1951, 67.5 in 1954, and 69.4 in 1955; for females it was 67.9in 1949, 70.1 in 1951, 70.5 in 1954, and 72.1 in 1955.

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Men outnumbered women by 1,031 to 1,000 at the end of 1955. The excesswas mainly in the younger age groups. Israel had a young population, with33.5 per cent under fifteen years of age, 43.5 per cent from fifteen throughforty-four, 18.3 per cent from forty-five through sixty-four, and 4.7 per centover sixty-five. Those under fifteen rose from 28.7 per cent in 1948 to 33.5per cent in 1955. Since those over forty-five increased from 18.9 per cent in1948 to 23.0 per cent in 1955, the proportion of persons of normal workingage fell from 52.4 per cent in 1948 to 43.5 per cent in 1955.

POPULATION MOVEMENT AND DISTRIBUTION

Major movements of population inside Israel continued. In 1955 270,000persons moved. Some 170,000 of them migrated from one part of the countryto another. The chief shift was into the Greater Tel Aviv area, Galilee, andthe Negev, and from the coastal plain between Hadera and Rehovoth (exceptfor the Greater Tel Aviv area). There was little change in the Jerusalem andHaifa areas. But the shift into the Tel Aviv area was only 2.5 per cent of itspopulation, while gains from migration to the Negev and Galilee in 1955amounted to 14 per cent and 10 per cent of their respective populations.The Jewish population of the Negev rose from less than 3,000 (0.4 per centof Israel's Jews) in 1948 to over 83,000 (5.3 per cent) in 1956. In 1948 some7.7 per cent of the Jewish population (53,000) lived in Galilee and thenorthern valleys; in 1956, almost 11 per cent (170,000). The Greater TelAviv, Haifa, and Jerusalem areas accounted in 1948 for over 80 per cent ofthe Jewish population, but in 1956 for less than 60 per cent. The agriculturalsector gained at the expense of the urban. In 1956, rural settlements con-tained almost 24 per cent of the Jewish population. Growth was especiallymarked in cooperative settlements (moshave ovdim and moshavim shitufim)rather than in communal settlements (kibbutzim and kvutzot). The popula-tion of the former rose from 30,000 in 1948 to almost 100,000 in 1955, whilecommunal settlements increased only from 54,000 in 1948 to 78,000 in 1956.The proportion living in kibbutzim tended to fall steadily, despite the estab-lishment of many new kibbutzim. The total number of settlements of allkinds at the end of 1955 was 884. Of these, 111 were non-Jewish, mainlyArab villages. Fifty-one were urban, 26 of them cities and townships withmore than 10,000 inhabitants, including Tel Aviv with 364,000, Haifa with158,000, and Jerusalem with 146,000. The remainder were rural, including300 cooperative settlements and 225 communal settlements. The number ofJewish rural settlements more than doubled from 1948 to 1956.

AGRICULTURAL SETTLEMENT AND DEVELOPMENT

There were 720 Jewish agricultural settlements in Israel in 1955. Of these,446 had been established since 1948. Their 31,000 families cultivated 1,500,-000 dunams (375,000 acres) at the end of 1955, and their output was 40 percent of the total agricultural production of Israel. In 1955, twenty new settle-ments with 1,100 farm units were established in the Negev. Settlement activi-ties during 1955 were concentrated mainly in the Lakhish area, the modelfor a new type of settlement treating each region as a unit in planning culti-vation, water usage, and public buildings. From January 1955 to May 1956,


twenty-five agricultural settlements were established in the Lakhish area, fora total investment of I£ 15,000,000. In addition, a village center was estab-lished for the region, including educational, health, and economic facilities.The foundation was laid for an industrial urban center, with additionalservices and industrial facilities for processing the agricultural output of theregion—especially cotton. An irrigation network covered 100,000 dunams(25,000 acres). A smaller regional settlement area was established in theTa'anakh area near the Jordanian frontier, where six settlements were foundedcovering 60,000 dunams (15,000 acres). In both regions most of the settlerswere immigrants from North Africa, brought to their new homes directlyfrom the ships on which they arrived. Full employment in developmentwork, soil preparation, and irrigation, was assured to these settlers until theycould live on the production of their soil.

Agricultural development work in the older settlements came to I£ 66,500,-000. In July 1956 a special marketing company was set up to aid the newNegev settlements. For mainly defensive reasons, a number of border settle-ments were established for army veterans with agricultural training.

In the hill region, development centered in the Upper Galilee and Judeanareas. The Jewish National Fund published a five-year plan for the reclama-tion of 300,000 dunams in the hill region for tillage and 150,000 dunams forafforestation, and for the settlement of 12,000 families of new immigrants inwork villages and other hill settlements. In addition to agricultural settle-ments, small towns were established in the development areas. Their inhabi-tants were to subsist on development work and part-time farming. Suchtowns were founded at Dimona near Sodom, at Ofakim, and at Shderot andAzata in the Western Negev. Several hundred families of North African im-migrants were settled at Eilath during 1955-56. To encourage settlement atIsrael's Red Sea port, the government exempted inhabitants and investors atEilath from income tax.

Domestic PoliticsProlonged negotiations for a new coalition followed the July 1955 elec-

tions to the third Knesset ("parliament"). On November 2, 1955, David BenGurion formed a sixteen-member cabinet, with himself as prime minister.Represented in the cabinet were Mapai, Achdut Ha'avoda, Mapam, the re-cently merged Hapoel Hamizrachi and Mizrachi, and the Progressives. Mapaihad nine ministers; Achdut Ha-avoda, Mapam, and Hapoel Hamizrachi-Miz-rachi, two each; and the Progressives, one. The new government's platformdid not differ basically from that of previous cabinets. Special emphasis waslaid on Israel's defense and her sovereignty and territorial integrity. Thework of the coalition proceeded without any major clashes. The question ofcivil service salaries (see below) led to the temporary withdrawal of the Pro-gressives, but this crisis and the friction with Hapoel Hamizrachi-Mizrachiover the appointment of a deputy minister of education and over Sabbathobservance were solved without basically endangering the government. PoaleAgudat Israel usually supported the coalition, with Agudat Israel's represen-tatives abstaining in Knesset votes on foreign affairs and defense. In May1956 it was decided that a minister, if unable for reasons of conscience to

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support the cabinet on a question of confidence, must resign before the vote(see below).

In June 1956 Moshe Sharett resigned from the post of foreign ministerwhich he had held since 1948. This resulted from differences of opinion be-tween Sharett and Ben Gurion on the coordination of foreign affairs and de-fense policy; there was also a background of personal differences. On June18 Golda Myerson (who subsequently Hebraized her last name to Meir) wasappointed foreign minister to replace Sharett.

The third Knesset opened its first winter session on October 17, 1955. InJuly 1956 the Knesset started to debate a basic law to codify its rules andmode of election. The only major innovation proposed was to give parlia-mentary investigating commissions the right to subpoena witnesses.

In view of criticism leveled against luxurious living and high personal ex-pense accounts, the Mapai executive on January 26, 1956, called on its rep-resentatives in the Knesset and in various public bodies to live a life ofausterity. The eighth congress of the Histadrut (whose membership was 852,-000, 53.6 per cent of the total Jewish population) decided in March 1956 todecentralize its subsidiary organs, including its health services, Kupat Holim,and to increase the workers' share in managing the Histadrut enterprises.The executive of the Histadrut appointed a twenty-one member committee,under the chairmanship of Israel Guri, to revise its constitution, which hadremained unchanged for many years.

Within Mapai, differences of opinion arose over Sharett's resignation anda proposal to name him secretary general of the party. Another subject ofcontroversy was the demand of the group known as the Young Generationfor decentralization and for a cut in the power of the party officials. Theparty's eighth congress was to have taken place in July 1956, but was post-poned to August 26, 1956, to permit preparation of an economic programand the formulation of proposals for a wage policy.

In May 1956, Mordecai Oren, a Mapam leader, was released from a Pragueprison after more than four years of imprisonment on charges of Zionist es-pionage against the Czech regime (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1955[Vol. 56], p. 416). After his return, Oren explained that his imprisonmenthad been due to the "degeneration of the personnel" of the Czech regime.He gave a detailed description of the tortures he had suffered; at the sametime he renewed his expressions of faith in the future of the "world of social-ism." Mapam expressed its shock at Oren's treatment, and at the fact thatdespite his release he had not been rehabilitated by the Czech authorities.These developments, as well as the arming of Egypt by the Soviet bloc (seebelow), brought Mapam closer to other Zionist socialist parties than to theanti-Zionist Communists; there was some discussion of a possible merger ofMapai, Achdut Ha-avoda, and Mapam.

Prolonged discussions took place between the two main parties of theright—Herat at the extreme and the General Zionists in the center—on thepossibility of a merger. A liberal group within the General Zionist Party, es-pecially those elements represented in the World Federation of General Zion-ists, opposed a merger, as did the workers' group of Herat. The workers'


section of the General Zionists, which had participated in the elections tothe eighth Histadrut congress, split away from the party.

On June 20, 1956, the Hapoel Hamizrachi and Mizrachi merged to formthe National Religious Party. It was decided that the united party woulddeal with all questions except labor and settlement problems, on which theHapoel Hamizrachi would continue to pursue an independent policy.

After the twentieth congress of the Soviet Communist Party in February1956 (see p. 305) the Israel Communists also attempted a change of line, in-cluding a popular front approach to the socialist parties. They even went sofar as to request the World Jewish Congress to be allowed to join that body.They also started to condemn Stalin's crimes against Soviet Jewish culture.

On the other hand, there was a purge of Communists who were discon-tented with the unconditional support given to Gamal Abdel Nasser's regimein Egypt; at the same time Arab nationalists were also removed. Followingthe anti-Stalin ideological crisis, many members left the Communist ranks.

Foreign RelationsIsrael's policy in 1955-56 was dominated, as always, by the search for se-

curity in the face of Arab threats. Israel felt increasingly that she could ex-pect no help from the great powers in obtaining a peace settlement on anybasis which did not involve major territorial concessions and the return ofthe Arab refugees. In Sir Anthony Eden's Guildhall speech of November 9,1955,the British prime minister called for a compromise between Israel's presentfrontiers and the much smaller limits proposed in the United Nations (UN)1947 partition plan. Soviet hostility to Israel showed itself both by officialstatements and propaganda, and by Soviet voting in the Security Council.After the signing of the Baghdad Pact in the spring of 1955 (see AMERICANJEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956 [Vol. 57], p. 512), Iraq had become the main re-cipient in the area of Western arms, American as well as British. Britain hadalways supplied Jordan and Egypt, and continued arms deliveries to the lat-ter. France continued her traditional supplies to Syria, as well as to Egyptuntil the Suez crisis (see p. 393). And above all, the Czech arms deal withEgypt (see p. 205) gave the Arab states their first force approaching the pro-portions of a modern army. Israel had long sought a mutual defense treatywith the United States that would guarantee her borders. But a statement bySecretary of State John Foster Dulles in August 1955 indicated that UnitedStates willingness to guarantee the borders between Israel and the Arab stateswas dependent on prior agreement between the parties concerned (see AMER-ICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956, [Vol. 57], p. 283-84). After the entry of the SovietUnion into the area by the arms deal with Egypt, Israel feared that theUnited States and Britain would try to prevent a conflagration in the areaby quickly imposing a peace settlement in which Israel would have to makeall the concessions. When Foreign Minister Moshe Sharett visited the UnitedStates at the end of 1955, the subject of peace terms came up repeatedly.Israel reiterated that at the peace table she would be prepared to discuss mu-tually convenient economic and transport arrangements between herself andher neighbors, as well as minor and mutual border adjustments and some in-

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ternationally backed resettlement scheme for refugees. But Israel was not pre-pared to make unilateral territorial concessions or permit large-scale re-patriation of refugees. Sharett's visit to the United States came after hisunsuccessful appeal to the Big Four foreign ministers at Geneva in Novem-ber 1955 (see p . 206) to restore the arms balance which had been upset by theCzech arms deal. Neither at Geneva nor in Washington was this pleagranted.

The Czech arms deal and the increasingly close relations—political, eco-nomic, and cultural—between the countries of the Soviet bloc and the Arabworld (except Iraq) brought about a deterioration in these countries' re-lations with Israel. This was shown by Khrushchev's speech of December 1955and articles in the Soviet press denouncing Israel as a tool of imperialism.But there was a more cautious (and balanced) tone to Soviet statements onthe Middle East between February and April 1956, reflecting Khrushchev'sdenunciation of Stalinism at the twentieth Communist Party Congress inFebruary. A considerable increase in immigration to Israel was permitted bymost Soviet bloc countries, including the Soviet Union, usually under afamily reunion scheme. (Poland came closest to allowing free immigration.)Commercial relations with the Soviet bloc improved (e.g., the Israel-Sovietfuel agreement of the spring of 1956). Relations with Czechoslovakia im-proved after the release of Mordecai Oren (see p. 323). The worst clash withthe Soviet bloc came when the Bulgarians in July 1955 shot down an El Alcivil airliner which had accidentally strayed from its course. There werelarge casualties, and a wave of indignation passed across Israel; matters werenot improved by the slowness of the Bulgarian authorities in dealing withIsrael's claims for compensation and in punishing those responsible.

Israel continued to seek close relations with the former colonial countriesin Asia and Africa. After the visit of Burmese Premier Nu to Israel relationsbetween Burma and Israel became close in all fields—including the economic.Israel also established closer relations with other Asian-African countries, in-cluding Ethiopia (on the consular level) and Japan.

Guatemala and Uruguay decided to establish their legations in Jerusalem,a special mark of friendship, since most foreign diplomatic representativescontinued to reside in Tel Aviv, refusing to recognize Jerusalem as Israel'scapital.

France increasingly supported Israel's position, largely because she was inconflict with Egypt in North Africa.

Guerrilla WarfareDuring 1955-56 it was mainly Egyptian forces which carried on the "small

war" against Israel. A special force of Palestinian refugees, mainly in com-mando units, penetrated a considerable distance into Israel for purposes ofmurder, sabotage, and espionage. In August 1955 the Egyptians started aseries of concerted attacks against Israel frontier patrols, against border set-tlements, and against settlements deep within Israel territory. On the nightof August 31, 1955, Israel forces attacked the training camp of the fedayeen(Egyptian suicide squads) at Khan Yunis, destroying all the military instal-lations


Following the Egyptian-Czech arms deal in September 1955, the Egyptiansplaced large forces along the Sinai frontier, although the armistice permittedonly small check-points in the "defensive zone" between Abu Agheila andNitsana (El Auja); the Egyptians also removed the frontier markers alongthe boundary in the Nitsana zone. Israel forces then moved into the Nitsanademilitarized zone. After UN intervention, an agreement was reached in Oc-tober 1955 whereby only Israel police forces were to be left in the Nitsanazone, while the Egyptians were to cease their violations of the armisticeagreement in the area.

In spite of the cease-fire agreement reached after the Khan Yunis incident,the Egyptians continued their fedayeen activities. After an Israeli soldier waskidnapped and murdered by Syrians in October, an Israel force captured aSyrian officer, a noncommissioned officer, and three soldiers, in retaliation.

On October 26, 1955, Egyptian forces entered the Nitsana zone and at-tacked an Israel checkpost. Two days later Egyptian forces started to en-trench themselves in the demilitarized zone. An Israel force then attacked theEgyptian post at Kuntila, on the approach route to the demilitarized zone,and overran it. After four UN appeals had failed to make the Egyptiansleave the demilitarized zone, where they now had artillery and armoredforces, Israel attacked the Egyptian base at Es-Sabha. Two major Egyptianpositions were captured.

In the meantime, the Syrians had violated the armistice agreement by at-tacking Israel fishing and police vessels, and by penetrating into the thirty-three foot strip of Israel territory on the eastern shore of Lake Tiberias.There were twenty-six attacks against Israeli fishermen several hundredmeters from the shore, and on December 10, 1955, the Syrians fired on fish-ing and police vessels one kilometer from the eastern shore of the lake. Twonights later, Israel forces attacked Syrian positions situated at least partlywithin Israel territory and destroyed them.

In March and April 1956, guerrilla warfare against Israel was renewedboth by the Egyptians and the Jordanians. On April 5, five settlements nearthe Gaza strip were shelled by the Egyptians; the Israel army then shelledthe military camps in the Gaza strip and the Egyptian headquarters at JebelMuntar in retaliation. Following a cease-fire, the Egyptians, between April 7and 11, sent hundreds of fedayeen into Israel. They carried out attacks onvehicles, houses, and water installations, as well as sabotaging the railwaylines. The Israel security forces killed eleven of the terrorists, and five werecaptured. The captured terrorists said that most members of the organiza-tion were Palestinians, many with criminal pasts, who had been forced toenter the Egyptian Intelligence Service and to carry out murder and sabotagein Israel. They said that they had been recruited, trained, and sent intoIsrael by the officer in charge of Intelligence in the Gaza strip, Colonel Mus-tafa Hafez. In July 1956 Mustafa Hafez was killed in mysterious circum-stances in an Egyptian camp near Gaza. On April 12, Israel Air Force planesdiscovered four Egyptian planes over the southern Negev and shot down one.

In July 1956 Jordan concentrated large forces, in excess of the limitationsimposed by the armistice agreement, in the Jerusalem area, and Jordanianinfiltrators attacked border settlements in the center and north. Major-Gen-

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eral Eedson L. B. Burns, chief of staff of the UN Truce Supervision Organi-zation, issued a grave warning to the Jordanian authorities to refrain fromsuch attacks; a period of relative quiet followed, prior to Hammarskjold'ssecond visit on July 18, 1956.

Arabs

Arabs constituted about 90 per cent of Israel's total minority population,which in 1955-56 exceeded 200,000. The total number of Moslem and Chris-tian and Moslem .Arabs in Israel was estimated at 180,000, the remainingminorities consisting mainly of Druzes and European and other non-ArabChristians. The economic, social, and cultural position of Israel's Arabs im-proved steadily during 1955—56. No marked changes, however, took place intheir political status. The tension along Israel's borders and the nationalismaroused throughout the Arab world tended to postpone the date when thegovernment felt that the Israel Arab minority could be fully assimilated intopolitical life as citizens sharing political duties and privileges. A commissionwas appointed in November 1955 by Premier David Ben Gurion to investi-gate the possibility of limiting military government in certain minority areas.Military rule was one of the major complaints of the Arab minority. Thecommission reported in March 1956 that it was necessary to continue militarygovernment to avoid grave security problems in border areas populated byArabs, and that this necessity would probably continue as long as there wasno peace between Israel and the Arab states. The commission, however,called for improved standards for the personnel and methods of functioningof the military government, as well as for a relaxation in granting movementpermits to Arab workers employed outside their villages. The commissionalso found that many Israel Arabs maintained unlawful contact with mem-bers of their families resident in enemy countries, and that these contactswere frequently exploited by hostile powers for the purpose of espionage andsmuggling. The commission found that many Israel Arabs had joined theCommunist Party; not necessarily because they sympathized with the party'saims, but rather because the party carried on a propaganda campaign againstthe Israel government and appealed to the nationalism of the minority,which identified the government with the Jewish state. Nevertheless, the at-traction of the Communist Party in the Arab sector declined in the electionsto the third Knesset. Arab Christians, and especially the Greek Catholicsunder the leadership of Bishop George Hakim, tended to recognize the insti-tutions of the state and to reduce propaganda against it. They also showed afeeling that the present status was a permanent and stable one by increasingtheir building activities—especially in the case of churches. Three churcheswere completed during 1955-56, and four more were under construction.The elders of the Arab Christian community encouraged young men fromHaifa, Nazareth, and the Arab villages in Galilee to volunteer for the armedservices, where special units were established for them. During 1955-56 workwas started on conscripting members of the Druze minority for the regularnational service period of two and one-half years. Some Druze elders ob-jected to conscription (Druze volunteer units had participated in the Israeldefense forces since the establishment of the state), but this was due mainly


to internal differences among the Druze leadership on other matters. Thisfactor also delayed recognition of the Druzes as a religious entity separatefrom the Moslem community; however, the government was fully agreed onthis step, and the necessary sums were already budgeted for the support ofDruze institutions (as for all recognized religious communities in Israel).

In spite of difficulties due to Arab political traditions and to security con-siderations, great progress was made in granting local self-government toArab towns and settlements, and in arranging for local tax collection andfor Arab participation in the establishment of cultural, health, and social in-stitutions. There were two Arab municipalities (Nazareth and Shfar'am) andsixteen Arab local councils. The government conducted short courses in localgovernment laws for Arab officials. The collection of income tax from Arabcitizens improved, although the average Jewish citizen still paid almosttwenty-five times as much in taxation as the average Arab citizen (in 1954-55he had paid almost forty times as much). In the 120 settlements of the mi-norities there were 129 schools (apart from mixed Arab-Jewish areas), nine ofthem secondary schools, with a total of 29,000 pupils. More than sixty Arabstudents (including one girl) were studying at the Hebrew University in Jeru-salem, and about a dozen were studying at the Technion in Haifa.

More than 6,000 Arabs were members of the Histadrut, and almost 18,000(including dependents) were insured in its health services. More thanI£750,000 of frozen Waqf funds (Moslem religious benefices) had been re-leased by the development authority and invested in religious, health, andsocial enterprises serving the 140,000 Moslems in Israel. The funds served torepair mosques, to maintain Moslem cemeteries, to pay the salaries of Mos-lem religious judges, to construct an Arab old age home, to provide scholar-ships for thirty young Moslem girls studying in the Jaffa Arab teachers' seminar,and to construct regional health centers at Tira and at Baq'ah el Gharbiehin the Little Triangle (the Samarian hills). In May 1956 the Tira regionalhealth center was opened; the ministry of health also contributed funds to-wards its construction. It was to serve some 15,000 inhabitants of the sixArab villages of the area. The Israel Broadcasting Service increased its Arabicservice to three hours daily.

Jewish Agency

According to a report to the twenty-fourth Zionist Congress, the JewishAgency from May 1948 to December 1955 spent $708,600,000 on the absorp-tion of 800,000 new immigrants, the development of 216 settlements foundedbefore the establishment of the state, and 395 settlements founded subse-quently, the maintenance and education of more than 40,000 children andadolescents, and other economic, educational, cultural, and propaganda ac-tivities. During 1954-55 the agency spent I£l 22,000,000 of which I£5,400,-000 went to immigration, I£7,200,000 to the absorption of immigration,I£8,200,000 to the immigration of children and adolescents, I£72,200,000 tosettlement, I£5,500,000 to education, culture, and youth work, I£9,900,000to the cancellation of debts, and I£l 3,600,000 to other activities. The agency'sbudget for the current Jewish year (September 15, 1955 through September 5,1956) was increased in January 1956 by I£l 3,000,000 to I£157,000,000, to assist

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increased immigration from North Africa and to absorb 45,000 immigrants.The agency undertook the exclusive responsibility for housing immigrants.,which was previously also dealt with in the state budget.

The twenty-fourth Zionist Congress opened in Jerusalem on April 24,1956, with 500 delegates, 300 of them from abroad. The congress, held underthe chairmanship of Joseph Sprinzak, lasted ten days, and devoted most of itsattention to political problems and the dangers threatening Israel from theArab states, as well as the need for increased immigration from North Africa.Organizationally, the congress decided to base itself on the national terri-torial grouping of Zionist bodies, and to open its doors to non-Zionists.

Nahum Goldmann was elected president of the World Zionist Organization,and it was decided to abolish the distinction between a chairman of theZionist executive resident in Jerusalem and a chairman resident in New York.Eighteen members were elected to the executive of the Jewish Agency.

During 1955—56 the agency persuaded several hundred youngsters from theUnited States, the United Kingdom, the Union of South Africa, and LatinAmerica to come to Israel for a year's service in border settlements or for ayear's agricultural training.

Economic Developments

During 1955-56 defense expenditure on such items as emergency stocks,arms acquisition, and the building of fortifications and shelters increasedconsiderably. The drought of the winter of 1955, which reduced local foodproduction, the increase in the import of capital goods, and a 6 per cent in-crease in prices on the world market brought about a large expenditure offoreign currency. Wages and salaries increased by I£60,000,000. There was aconsiderable growth in the consumption of food and durable industrialgoods. The population changed its consumption habits, spending moremoney on food, which was now plentiful, though at higher prices, and lesson clothing and footwear. This depressed the textile and leather industries,and reduced the incentive to produce for export in other branches. Net na-tional income in 1955 increased by 7.5 per cent to I£l,663,000,000. The gapin the trade balance (in products and services) rose from $240,000,000 in 1954to $303,700,000 in 1955. At the end of 1955 there was a 20 per cent rise inmoney in circulation and bank credit. During the first three months of 1956,the national output rose by 8 per cent, as compared with the same period inthe previous year. There was a 10 per cent rise in agriculture and also inwork financed by the government. There was, however, a 15 per cent declinein building, because of a restriction on government building work.

A rise in demand brought about a rise in the cost of living. The index rosefrom 228 in January 1955 to 238 in January 1956. By July 1956, the indexhad risen to 249 points (a rise of 11 points in six months, as compared witha rise of 10 points in the whole of 1955). The rise in prices led to demandsfor wage and salary increases. In spite of the population increase and a 6 percent rise in the working population in 1955, there had been no increase inunemployment since 1954. In the first half of 1956, however, there was anincrease in the average number of unemployed.


FOREIGN TRADE AND FINANCE

Imports in 1955 were $433,000,000, against $375,000,000 in 1954. Exportsrose to $139,000,000 from $135,000,000 in 1954. During the first six monthsof 1956, exports were $65,000,000, against $54,000,000 in the same period of1955. Agricultural exports were $35,600,000 as compared to $27,800,000,while industrial exports rose by $1,000,000. Imports were $183,000,000, anincrease of 521,000,000 over the 1955 period.

Citrus fruit was still the leading export. Next in order came diamonds, fol-lowed by textile products, metal goods, vehicles, and building materials, es-pecially cement. Israel's leading customers were the United States (mainlybecause of the increase in diamond exports), Britain (the main customer forcitrus fruit and products), Turkey, and Finland. These countries took 60 percent of her exports in 1955. Turkish import restrictions limited Turkish-Israel trade. In 1955 Israel was a party to fourteen commercial agreements,one payments agreement, and one barter agreement. Israel export goods weresent to more than eighty countries, ten of which bought more than four-fifths of all Israel's exports.

The Israel Bank, opened in November 1954, reached 360,600,000 inproperty and commitments. The bank advised the government in November1955 that a further rise in the means of payment might endanger the sta-bility of the currency and of the country's economy, and recommended bal-anced budgets, limiting credits in proportion to real output, and the pre-vention of any rise in personal incomes without corresponding rise inproductivity. The government decided to end credit financing of its expendi-ture, limit public works, and increase taxes and efficiency in tax collection.In January 1956 the Bank Leumi raised its interest rates from 8 per cent to9 per cent, and the rates of the Post Office Savings Bank were raised from 2per cent to 3 per cent in April 1956. In April 1956 the governor of the bankadvised an increase of bank credit by 3 per cent over the period of creditfreeze in November 1954. This proposal was accepted by the ministerial eco-nomic committee, which granted I£7,500,000 additional credit to agricul-ture and export industries.

An effort was made to absorb inflationary money surpluses and finance de-velopment through various savings plans aligned to the cost of living or theexchange value of the dollar.

The regular budget for 1955-56 estimated income at I£775,400,000 andexpenditure at I£778,200,000. The defense budget also included a deficit. In-come tax fell I£3,000,000 below the estimate, and indirect taxes were I£12,-000,000 short. However, other sections of the state revenues brought a sur-plus of I£9,000,000 over the estimate, mainly from higher excise collec-tions on cigarettes, alcohol, and building materials. On March 22, 1956, the1956-57 budget of I£769,300,000 was approved. Of this, I£306,700,000went to the development budget. The foreign currency budget for 1956-57was $480,000,000 (against $402,000,000 for 1955-56).

On May 27, 1956, the Knesset approved a special defense fund of I£55,-000,000. This was financed by I£19,000,000 contributed or pledged to thedefense fund, from additional income tax of up to 8 per cent, and from in-creased indirect taxation. In addition the cabinet decided to cut the expendi-

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ture of the various ministries—except for education and health—by up to 2per cent to cover the increased expenditure on civil service salaries.

Foreign Aid

Grants-in-aid and other unilateral contributions totaled $224,000,000 inmoney and goods during 1955—$9,000,000 less than in 1954. Private transfersby residents and immigrants supplied $9,200,000, private investments fromabroad $24,200,000, personal restitution from Germany $18,800,000, gifts$9,500,000, German collective restitution $88,700,000, United States grants-in-aid and technical aid $23,100,000, American United Jewish Appeal (UJA)and other fund-raising organizations $38,200,000, the Consolidation Loan$6,300,000, and transfers by the government and official organizations ingoods $6,400,000. The total indebtedness of the state in foreign currencyrose from $403,700,000 at the end of 1954 to $450,000,000 at the end of 1955.

In 1955 Israel Development Bonds brought $40,500,000, a 20 per cent in-crease over 1954. During the first six months of 1956 bonds brought $24,000,-000, compared to $17,500,000 during the same period of 1955. The emer-gency fund of the UJA brought in $17,500,000, while a loan to the value of$24,000,000 was received under a guarantee extended by the Jewish commu-nities of the United States.

UN technical aid to Israel was raised in 1956 from $366,000 to $401,366.Through Keren Hayesod (Palestine Foundation Fund), Israel received aseven-year loan of 2.25 million pounds sterling from British banks for thepurchase of goods, especially transport equipment, in Britain.

AGRICULTURE

Despite the drought, 1955 agricultural output rose 5 per cent to I£342,-850,000 (at 1954 prices), and food imports fell $2,400,000, in spite of thepopulation increase. Total investment in agriculture in 1955 was I£127,400,-000. Of this, 33.9 per cent came from the government's development budget,38.2 per cent from the Jewish Agency, and 27.9 per cent from the farmers them-selves. At the beginning of 1956 the irrigated area was about 950,000 dunams,an increase of some 200,000 dunams over the previous year. There werebumper grain, plantation and field crops.

Some 370,000,000 cubic meters of water were available to agriculture. Anational water plan was completed in February 1956, by which an estimatedexpenditure of I£350,000,000 would place 1,800 million cubic meters ofwater annually at the country's disposal in ten years' time. This would makeit possible to support a population of some three million. Work on the Jor-dan enterprise continued outside the demilitarized zone near the Syrianborder; in March the 800-meter Ilabun tunnel was completed as part of theline to bring Jordan waters to the Bet Netufa reservoir and from there tothe south of the country. Work was started on a seven-kilometer tunnelunder the Samarian hills. In the Negev work continued on branch lines fromthe main Yarkon-Negev water line, on which work started in 1954-55. Thesearch for underground water resources continued in all parts of Israel. Richwells were discovered on the slopes of Mount Tabor and the Bet Govrinhills, previously considered arid regions. But wells in the coastal plain region


were turning brackish, endangering the water supply of a flourishing agri-cultural area and of Tel Aviv itself. Excessive pumping was banned, andsteps were taken to supply the affected areas with water from the Yarkonsprings.

In May 1956 some 250 delegates and observers from twenty countries, in-cluding the Soviet Union and Arab countries of North Africa, attended theFourth International Congress of Citrus Growers in the Mediterranean re-gion at Tel Aviv. The same month a congress on problems of planning agri-cultural settlement was held in Israel under the auspices of the UN Foodand Agriculture Organization. This meeting drew representatives and ob-servers from Finland, Holland, Belgium, Switzerland, France, Sweden, Cy-prus, India, the Philippines, and Burma, as well as Israel.

IndustryIndustrial output in Israel in 1955 rose to I£l,045,000,000 from I£860 mil-

lion in 1954 (a 12 per cent rise at constant prices). Imports of raw materialsfor industry rose 4.2 per cent in 1955 and the use of local raw materials inindustry also rose. Industrial employment increased 7.9 per cent in 1955,while per capita production rose 4.2 per cent. The rise in output was due toincreased investment in industry, including new industrial equipment, mainlyfrom the United States and Germany; to bonuses for output; and to in-creased vocational training. Government and bank credits to industry in1955 reached I£58,700,000, 10.3 per cent above 1954; investment in industryin 1955 totaled I£60,800,000.

The output potential of the Israel Electric Company in 1955 rose consid-erably. Sales of current in 1955 rose 17 per cent. This increase showed itselfin the supply of current to waterworks and the irrigation system, as well asin the inclusion of new settlement areas within the electric network. Theelectric company's investments in 1955 were more than three times those of1954, reaching I£32,800,000. The company engaged in the construction oftwo new power units of 20,000 kilowatt hours each, as well as the construc-tion of two additional units, near Tel Aviv (40,000 kilowatt hours), and nearthe mouth of the Lakhish River (150,000 kilowatt hours). A high tension lineto the settlements of Upper Galilee was also under construction.

Potash production at the Dead Sea works did not exceed 3,000 tonsmonthly. During 1955 I£16,300,000 were invested in mining and relatedfields, and the number of persons employed in this sector reached 1,700. Thebuilding of a railway from Beersheba to the north, and the construction offacilities for loading bulk goods at the railway and at Haifa port reducedtransport costs for Dead Sea potash, for bromides (the production of whichstarted), and for phosphates from the Oron Works. The output of the phos-phates enterprise in 1955 rose by approximately 73 per cent to 72,000 tonsannually, a level at which production was commercially profitable. Phosphateoutput was expected to reach 10,000 tons monthly in 1956-57. All phosphateswere sold to the Haifa Chemical and Fertilizer Plant, which produced super-phosphate fertilizers. In 1955 the output of this enterprise increased 19 percent to 101,000 tons, of which 10 per cent was to be exported in the nearfuture, mainly to Cyprus. In December 1955 Chemicals and Fertilizers put

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into production a new I£8,000,000 plant, to manufacture 60,000 tons of am-moniac and ammonium sulphate. Work continued on the construction of acopper smelter at Timna near Eilat, where copper reserves of one milliontons had been discovered. The enterprise was to begin output in 1957,processing 1,500 tons of ore daily and producing 7,000 tons of copper an-nually. The first productive oil well was discovered in September 1955. Oilprospecting continued near the Dead Sea, in the southern Negev, in thesouthern coastal plain, in other parts of the coastal plain, and in the Carmelarea and Haifa bay, but the only oil discovered was still that at Heletz, wherethe first well was struck. Investments in oil prospecting in 1955 reachedI£9,900,000. The saving of foreign exchange from the Heletz oil in 1956was estimated at SI,000,000. Prospecting in the Heletz area continued, and itwas hoped to have twelve wells producing by the end of the year.

The value of building completed in 1955 was I£46,500,000 (32 per cent)more than in 1954. The construction of housing for immigrants, which re-ceived priority, almost doubled. Building for other settlers was restricted anddropped by a half.

LaborBetween June 1954 and November 1955 the number of gainfully employed

rose 6.8 per cent to 585,000; in 1955, 33 per cent of the population weregainfully employed, against 32 per cent in 1954. The number of unem-ployed in 1955 was 45,500. This was 7.2 per cent of the total labor force, adrop of 0.8 per cent from June 1954. Unemployment was highest among un-skilled laborers, while skilled workers were unemployed in building and in-dustry. Unemployment was greatest in the three chief cities, and in townssettled by immigrants who refused to leave for agricultural settlements.

Major strikes took place in the textile industry and among state employeeswith academic training. In October 1955 academically trained employees ofthe state and public institutions—doctors, engineers, lawyers, economists, etc.—put forward claims for salary rises and for the creation of a larger gap be-tween their own remuneration and that of nonacademic employees. Afterwarning strikes, the cabinet agreed to a salary rise in line with the recom-mendations of the 1955 salary committee set up by the Knesset. In February1956, after the cabinet stated that it could not fulfill these promises in viewof the dangers to the state from the Egyptian-Czech arms deal and the needfor preparing against all eventualities, the academic employees in the civilservice struck, and were joined by doctors, engineers, and lawyers in otherofficial positions. The strikers rejected the government's proposal that duringthe current financial year they should receive only 50 per cent of the in-creases promised by the Guri committee. On February 6, 1956, the Knessetrejected a proposal by Herut, the General Zionists, and the Communists todebate the question, and the same day the Progressives left the cabinet inprotest against the government's stand. On February 13, the Knesset rejectedthree motions of no-confidence by the opposition on the same subject. Inthis vote the Progressives abstained. On February 21, the strike ended with acompromise giving the academic workers two-thirds of the increase immedi-ately, with 13 per cent more to come in 1957, and 20 per cent in 1958. The


ministry of finance demanded a wage freeze during the emergency, except forwages below the national minimum and raises based on increased output.But the trade union section of the Histadrut demanded the full payment ofthe cost-of-living bonus every three months, as agreed with the Industrialists'Association in December 1953. Wage claims led to some stoppages and to thetextile strike of July 1956. Some 15,000 work days were lost in these strikes,which were ended by a temporary agreement to solve the question by ne-gotiations without pressure. In the meantime, negotiations between the in-dustrialists and the Trade Union Confederation on the subject of the cost-of-living bonus continued. At the end of July 1956 the agreement was renewed,and it was agreed that the bonus would be paid in full and new negotiationsstarted on the possibility of changing the method of determining its amount.

EducationDuring 1955 the number of pupils in all educational institutions rose to

435,500, as compared to 406,000 in 1954. Of this number, 72,000 were in kin-dergartens, 283,600 in elementary and special schools, 24,000 in secondaryschools and evening classes, 10,800 in schools for working youth, 5,900 in ag-ricultural schools, 6,100 in other vocational schools, 3,600 in teachers' andkindergarten teachers' seminaries. In higher educational establishments therewere 6,500 (the Hebrew University, the Haifa Technion, Bar Han Universityand the Tel Aviv School of Law and Economics) and 22,000 in other educa-tional establishments, including those of a religious character (yeshivot, etc.)with 5,000 pupils, schools for nurses and social workers, commercial schools,and Christian schools with 9,000 pupils (including 1,000 Jews).

All state schools received a uniform schedule of studies and a similar sched-ule was started for the secondary schools. The ministry of education allottedI£500,000 to secondary school scholarships, of which I£l 00,000 went to chil-dren of new immigrants and those of oriental origin. An additional 1,000trained teachers were needed. Training schools were graduating only 700teachers annually.

In 1956, some 5,250 new pupils entered the vocational schools, 12.5 percent more than in 1955. Agricultural schools, including boarding schools, had10,000 pupils, of whom 2,400 were new entrants. An Organization for Re-habilitation Through Training (ORT) vocational training center was underconstruction in Tel Aviv, to accommodate 700 pupils at a cost of $500,000.The twenty-four ORT vocational schools had 2,400 pupils from the ages oftwelve to eighteen in 1955, and some 800 adults took part in their courses.In Jerusalem a vocational center for 120 trainees was set up by the ministryof labor in cooperation with the United States Operations Mission. In March1956, the Abba Hillel Silver agricultural secondary school was officiallyopened near Ashkelon in the south. The Mikveh Israel school—the country'sfirst agricultural school, established by Baron Edmond de Rothschild—be-came a government school by agreement with the Alliance Israelite Uni-verselle. The Hebrew University in Jerusalem and Haifa Technion had rec-ord registrations of new students in all faculties. Both institutions engagedin widespread building activities in the areas assigned to them in Jerusalemand on Mount Carmel, respectively. Considerable work was also done by

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both in adult education. In the academic year 1955-56 the six faculties ofthe Hebrew University had 3,150 students, as against 2,958 in 1954-55. TheHebrew University-Hadassah Medical School accepted 50 out of 280 appli-cants for admission. It added a faculty of forensic medicine and one of pub-lic health and the history of medicine. A students' strike over tuition feeswas averted when the fee was fixed at I £210 by the students' organizationand the university authorities, with the provision that it should be alignedto the cost-of-living index. There were 1,751 students at the Technion; forthe new school year of 1956—57 some 400 pupils out of 900 applicants wereadmitted. The Technion's evening classes for working people had 240 stu-dents. Courses were also given for people in local industries on subjects suchas industrial organization and engineering.

One hundred students (including some twenty from North America) wereenrolled at the Bar Ilan University near Ramat Gan, established and sup-ported by the Mizrachi Organization of America. A committee of the TelAviv municipality decided in June 1956 to gather under one roof all the as-pirants to higher education in the area in what was named the Tel AvivUniversity.

The ministry of education also continued its efforts to impart a workingknowledge of Hebrew to adults—mainly new immigrants. Twelve new bookswere published for special Hebrew and local geography classes conducted inall parts of the country, mainly by volunteer teachers. Special lunch hourHebrew classes for factory workers were also started. In Beersheba a regionaladult education center was established by the Hebrew University and theeducation department of the Histadrut. It gave courses in such subjects aseconomics, history, geography, the Bible, and social sciences, to 170 studentsfrom the Negev and Beersheba.

Religious AffairsDisputes over Sabbath observance, the sale of pork, and other religious

matters arose several times during 1955—56, but they did not cause a crisis inthe coalition, in which the religious groups were represented. In January1956, after the rabbinate had refused to allow a marriage between a Karaitefrom Rehovot and a non-Karaite Jewish girl, Prime Minister Ben Gurionasked the rabbinate to find a solution in the same spirit of national unity inwhich the state had agreed to give the rabbinate sole jurisdiction over mar-riage and divorce. The question was raised in the Knesset, where the deputyminister of religions, Zerach Warhaftig, replied that the question of the re-turn of the Karaite community to the Jewish people was not a real issue be-cause the Karaite community itself did not wish integration. The problemwas one of individual Karaites who wished to marry Jews. The course forthem to take was to apply to the rabbinical court, which would decide eachcase on its merits. The question aroused major interest, since some 1,500Karaites of Egyptian and Iraqi origin were resident in Israel. In March 1956the Knesset prolonged the terms of office of the religious councils for anotherfour years after speakers from all parts of the House had demanded the in-troduction of a bill which would permanently delimit their powers. At thesame time, the Knesset passed a bill granting the religious courts the same


authority exercised by commissions of inquiry and other quasi-judicial bodiesto summon parties and witnesses and compel them to give evidence. Mapamand the Communists voted against the bill.

Religious questions became a matter of public controversy when excava-tions were started near the grave of Maimonides in Tiberias, as part of theplan to establish a mausoleum there. After bones and previous grave siteshad been dug up, patrols of religious groups, mainly the Neturei Karta sect,prevented the orderly execution of the work. The work was stopped for somedays and resumed after the chief rabbinate had made sure that the planswould be changed so as not to disturb ancient graves.

In May 1956 demonstrations against the opening of the Haifa industrialexhibition on Sabbath led to clashes between demonstrators and police.Sympathy demonstrations of religious elements took place in Tel Aviv andJerusalem. The government's refusal to intervene led to the tabling of non-confidence motions in the Knesset on May 9, 1956 by Herut and by AgudatIsrael. Premier Ben Gurion explained that the cabinet had no power to in-tervene against the opening of the exhibition, which was a purely municipalenterprise, just as it could not intervene against the Sabbath openings of theamusement park and zoo of Tel Aviv-Jaffa, a municipality ruled by a co-alition of religious parties, Herut and the General Zionists, or prevent foot-ball games on a Sabbath. The no-confidence motions were rejected, withHapoel Hamizrachi and Poale Agudat Israel abstaining. The Agudat Israelrepresentatives on the Haifa municipality resigned in protest, but returnedafter the industrial exhibition ended.

The question of the sale of pork in Jewish towns and cities arose after thehigh court of justice annulled municipal bylaws banning the sale of pork inbutcher shops. The government coalition agreed to place before the Knesseta bill authorizing each local authority to decide for itself whether it wishedto impose a complete or partial ban on the sale of pork in the area under itsjurisdiction. The Knesset passed this bill on July 25, 1956. Another religiousquestion arose in July 1956 when the religious representatives in the Jeru-salem municipality objected to letting Nelson Glueck establish an archaeo-logical institute which would also include a reform synagogue. Permissionwas granted over their opposition.

A Rashi Month was inaugurated at Elijah's cave on Mt. Carmel on Febru-ary 12, 1956, in commemoration of the 850th anniversary of the death of thecelebrated talmudic commentator. In Jerusalem a seminar headed by ChiefRabbi Yitzhak Nissim was established in memory of the late Rabbi Uziel totrain religious judges and spiritual leaders for Sephardic communities abroad.The ministry of religions and the department of religious education of theJewish Agency established an academy for rabbis and religious leaders for thediaspora. In Pardess Hannah a yeshiva and secondary school for 150 pupilswere established with the aid of contributions from Britain. In Nethanyawork started on a center for 600 Chasidim from Telz, headed by the Rabbi ofKlausenburg. A congress of religious teachers on problems of religious educa-tion in Israel took place at Bar Ilan University in March 1956. To mark the300th anniversary of the return of Jews to Britain, the Rabbi Kook Institutein Jerusalem published the works of Rabbi Elijah Menahem of London in

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collaboration with the Jewish Historical Society in London. An arrangementwas made with Yeshiva University of New York to bring to Israel the manu-script of the works of Rabbi Joseph Rosen of Dvinsk, known as the Roga-shover Gaon. The manuscript of 9,000 pages, some in microfilm, was broughtto New York on the eve of the Nazi invasion of Poland. The Institute ofReligious Songs of the Ministry of Education continued collecting religioussongs of various Jewish communities, recording 250 religious songs of theJewish communities of Tunisia.

Scholarship

In 1955 and 1956 the archaeological group organized by the Hebrew Uni-versity and the James de Rothschild Fund, under the leadership of YigaelYadin, made important discoveries at Tel Hatzov. Sites of other diggings in-cluded: an area near the kibbutz of Ginossar in Galilee; Bet Shearim; Athlit;the Rehavia quarter of Jerusalem; ancient Jaffa; and the Negev.

One of the Dead Sea scrolls, known as the Scroll of Lemech, was decipheredby Yigael Yadin and Nachman Avigad of the Hebrew University. It wasfound to contain an interpretation of the Book of Genesis in which the patri-archs tell their story in the first person. The Bialik Institute publishedYadin's research into another of the scrolls—The War of the Sons of LightAgainst the Sons of Darkness—with many details of warfare in Israel in thedays of the Hasmoneans. The eleventh annual meeting of the Palestine Ex-ploration and Antiquities Society was held in October 1955 at Tiv'on andlasted four days. The Society for Biblical Research met in Jerusalem in thespring of 1956, and attracted more than 1,000 participants. The society pub-lished on this occasion the first of its quarterlies called Bet Mikra. Thefourth volume of the Biblical Encyclopaedia appeared. The Bialik Institutepublished the first volume of the Book of Jerusalem edited by Michael Avi-Yonah, including nineteen articles by various experts outlining the historyof the city from 3,000 B.C.E. to the destruction of the second Temple. Muchpublic interest was also aroused by the congress of the Israel Historical So-ciety, and the exhibition of historical documents from its archives which tookplace in Jerusalem in July 1956.

Work started on the construction of the Hebrew Language Academy onthe grounds of the Jerusalem university center. On January 7, 1956, the cen-tenary of the birth of the great Hebraist Eliezer Ben Yehuda, an exhibitionof his manuscripts was held in Jerusalem. David Yellin prizes for JewishStudies were awarded to Professor Yitzhak Be'er for his book Israel Amongthe Nations, a study of the sources of Jewish law and its relationship to thelaws of other nations, and to Moshe Atias for his Spanish Romancero, a col-lection of one hundred songs in Ladino.

Weizmann prizes for science were awarded to J. H. Jaffe for his researchon the spectroscope of infra-red rays, to Z. Tabor for his research on theexploitation of solar energy, and to Professor Markus Reiner for his pioneerwork on rheology. After eighteen months of preparatory work an electronicbrain was constructed at the Weizmann Institute. The Beilinson Hospital inRehovot established an institute for medical isotopes. The government viro-logical laboratories at Jaffa started production of samples of the Salk vaccine


against polio, according to a new method. It was estimated that this institutewould be able to manufacture the necessary quantities for vaccinating allIsraeli children from the ages of one to four by the autumn of 1956. In April1956 an international symposium at Rehovot on macromolecular chemistryattracted the participation of 200 scientists from all over the world.

Cultural ActivityDuring the 1954—55 season Israel's three main theatres, the Habimah, the

Chamber Theatre, and the Ohel gave more than 1,600 performances beforemore than 1,000,000 spectators. Habimah attracted the largest number. Habi-mah established a drama school, accepting 30 out of 100 applicants. TheChamber Theatre issued a monthly publication called Stage Art. The Cham-ber Theatre participated in the Paris Theatrical Festival in July 1955 withgreat success.

The film industry devoted itself mainly to the production of documenta-ries. An Israel film festival was held in October 1955 in Haifa.

In 1954-55, 1,000 new Hebrew books were published in Israel (three-fourths were original works, one-fourth translations), an increase of 5 per centover 1953-54. The Bialik literature prize was awarded to Moshe Shamir inDecember 1955. The Ussishkin prize for literature was awarded to ZalmanShazar and to the young writer Milla Ohel. The Shlonsky Poetry Prize wasawarded for the first time, going to Leah Goldberg.

The Engel Music Prize was awarded to Yitzhak Edel for his cantata Laban,to H. Alexander for his piano works, to Y. Wohl for his first symphony, andto Y. Ne'eman for his book on biblical music. Israel, like other countries,celebrated 1956 as Mozart year. The most distinguished visiting artists werethe Martha Graham Group, the London Festival Ballet, and the Polish Wil-komirski String Trio.

An Israel prize for acting was awarded to Hannah Rovinah for her per-formance in Medea. The prize for Jewish studies went to Yigael Yadin forbis research on the Dead Sea scrolls, and to Professor Naphtali Herz Tur-Sinai for his research into Semitic philology and the Bible. The prize for so-cial studies went to Yaacov Talmon for his work The Origins of TotalitarianDemocracy. The prize for natural sciences went to Professor AvrahamFraenkel for his research into theory of sets and foundations of mathematics.

Middle East

Political and Economic Developments

The most dramatic aspect of the period under review (July 1, 1955, throughNovember 30, 1956) was the Anglo-French-Israel attack on Egypt at the endof October 1956. This attack led to major political shifts and realignments,not only in the Middle East, but throughout Asia and the Western world.The decline of their influence in the Afro-Asian world led England andFrance to attempt by force to maintain some part of their former dominantrole in the East. But they succeeded only in furnishing the Soviet Union anopportunity to exploit the situation to its own advantage.

The attack was the culmination of a long series of recriminations and inci-dents between the British, French, and Israelis on the one hand, and theEgyptian government on the other. These centered around Egypt's national-ization on July 26, 1956, of the Suez Canal, formerly under Anglo-Frenchownership, her refusal to permit Israel ships to use the canal and the Straitsof Tiran, attacks on Israel settlements from Egyptian-held territory by Arabguerrillas, and Egyptian support for Algerian rebels against French rule.

Nationalization of the canal was itself the consequence of rapidly deepen-ing rifts between Egypt and the Western world, particularly Great Britainand France, and to a lesser extent the United States. These rifts were but onemanifestation of the growing Asian revolt against the West. Hence Egypt re-ceived the support of the Asian nations, especially in the United Nations(UN), after the invasion. The Soviet Union utilized the situation to build itsown influence in the area. Even before the Suez dispute came to the UN,Moscow gave its full support to the Egyptian position. When the disputeerupted into warfare, the Soviet Union not only backed Egypt diplomati-cally, but early in November 1956, also threatened military interventionagainst Great Britain, France, and Israel if they failed to heed UN reso-lutions.

Throughout 1955-56, the Soviet Union moved toward its goals in Asia andthe Middle East with diplomatic, economic, and to some extent ideologicalweapons. It avoided any frontal attack on such Western defensive alliancesas the Baghdad Pact and the South East Asian Treaty Organization (SEATO),seeking to bypass the Western wall of military alignments by exploitingAsian grievances against the West.

In 1955 Moscow began a large-scale effort to seize the initiative in eco-nomic competition with the West. Both directly and through its satellites,the Soviet Union offered Asian nations things they needed or wanted—arms,industrial equipment, factories, and raw materials. No direct gifts were made,but payment was facilitated by granting long-term credits and accepting sur-plus products which were often difficult to dispose of on world markets. The

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most spectacular of these deals was the exchange of Egyptian cotton, to bedelivered over a period of several years, for well over $250,000,000 worth ofmilitary equipment.

It took only a few months for the Russians to burst into an area fromwhich they had been barred for nearly 200 years. In November 1956 Sovietofficers and technicians were reported in Egypt and Syria, and several Sovietpilots were working on the Suez Canal, a waterway considered the jugularvein of the British Empire.

The shift of political and economic orientation from West to East seemedgreatest in Syria and Egypt. During 1955-56, several agreements broughtEgypt into closer contact with the Soviet bloc. These included a most favored-nation trade agreement with Czechoslovakia enabling Egypt to buy ma-chinery in exchange for cotton, rice, and textiles (July 19, 1955); the armsdeal, also with Czechoslovakia, by which Egypt bartered cotton for an esti-mated 200 MIG jet fighters, 100 tanks, 6 submarines, and artillery (September27, 1955); and an agreement by which Communist China agreed to buyabout E£ 8,000,000 (f2,720,000) worth of Egyptian cotton (August 11, 1955).This was followed by a decision to open Egyptian trade offices in CommunistChina (September 14, 1955). On March 1, 1956, Egypt signed a contract tosell Communist China 5,000 tons of cottonseed oil. Egypt agreed with Rus-sia on September 6, 1955, to exchange 60,000 tons of its current rice crop for500,000 tons of Russian crude oil. On October 10, 1955 the Soviet Ambassa-dor to Cairo, Daniel S. Solod, announced that his government was preparedto offer technical assistance to all Arab countries. In February 1956 Cairobegan trade talks with Hungary and Bulgaria. A trade agreement with Bul-garia was signed on March 17, and the Hungarian government offered inApril to supply machinery and build roads in connection with the AswanDam project. Representatives of Egypt and North Viet Nam met at the Leip-zig Fair in East Germany during March and agreed to the exchange of up to$5,000,000 in Egyptian cotton for Vietnamese coal and cement. A Rumanianeconomic delegation visited Cairo on May 29, 1956, to negotiate the ex-change of Egyptian cotton for oil.

In May 1956 an Egyptian health delegation arrived in East Berlin to tourhospitals and medical installations in East Germany. During the samemonth, Egypt admitted that some of her army officers were receiving trainingin Poland. Egypt recognized Communist China on May 16.

Whereas in 1954 only 12 per cent of Egypt's chief export, cotton, had beenpurchased by the Soviet bloc, by the end of 1955 the Soviet Union alone wasabsorbing over a third.

The economic shift was accompanied by a noticeable change in the tone ofofficial Egyptian political pronouncements concerning the Soviet Union andthe West. The government-controlled press and official radio stepped up thestream of attacks on Great Britain, France, and the United States, while fre-quently releasing glowing eulogies of the Soviet Union and Communist poli-cies. This affected the negotiations which Egypt was conducting with theUnited States and Britain for help in financing the Aswan Dam. On July 20,1956, the State Department withdrew its offer of economic aid for the AswanDam after Egypt had announced its acceptance of American terms. The gov-

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ernment of Gamal Abdel Nasser reacted violently on July 26 by nationaliz-ing the Suez Canal.

The rising prestige of Egypt as a nation and President Nasser as an indi-vidual among the neutral nations was underscored by the close relationswhich developed between Nasser and President Josip Broz Tito of Yugo-slavia and Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru of India. Several times during1955-56 the three leaders exchanged visits. When Tito visited Cairo early in1956, he and Nasser jointly declared their intention to remain outside anymajor power bloc. At a conference held on the Yugoslav island of Brioni inJuly 1956, the three leaders issued a tripartite declaration urging immediateadmission of Communist China to the UN and pledging "close cooperation"in international questions.

Nasser also took the lead in forming an Arab bloc to counteract the in-fluence of the Baghdad Pact. From the beginning, Egypt had attacked thepact as a divisive element in the Arab world. Nasser also felt that it threat-ened Egypt's leadership of the Arab states.

When on October 26, 1955, Iran joined the Baghdad Pact organization, the"northern tier" was complete from Pakistan through Turkey, and the MiddleEast was theoretically integrated into the global plan to contain the SovietUnion. In the West the Baghdad powers were linked to the North AtlanticTreaty Organization (NATO) through Britain and Turkey; on the East, theywere aligned with the SEATO through Britain and Pakistan. Attempts weremade to give greater substance to the Baghdad organization by extending itsjurisdiction to joint antisubversion efforts, and to economic and social co-operation. But there were many weaknesses in the organization. British pleasfailed to overcome the reluctance of the United States to become a full-fledged member because of the danger of antagonizing Egypt. France lookedwith great misgiving upon the whole "northern tier" concept as a "papertiger." Later, Britain's participation in the attack on Egypt undermined hereffectiveness as a partner in the Baghdad organization, since Iraq refused toattend meetings together with the British.

Prior to the invasion of Egypt, Cairo's opposition to the pact was perhapsthe greatest deterrent to its success. On October 20, 1955, Egypt and Syriaannounced that they had signed a pact providing for mutual assistance incase either party were attacked by a third nation. An organization similar tothe Baghdad Treaty structure was set up, with a supreme council, a warcouncil, and a joint command. A joint defense fund was subscribed, 65 percent from Egypt and 35 per cent from Syria. A week later Saudi Arabia be-came a member, and Yemen joined in April 1956. Military forces wereplaced under a joint command headed by Major General Abdel al-HakimAmir, Egyptian chief of staff and minister of defense.

Shortly after Syria was drawn into the Egyptian orbit, ties between Da-mascus and the Soviet bloc were strengthened. A trade agreement betweenSyria and the Soviet Union was announced on November 17, 1955. Syria wasto ship various agricultural products in return for machinery, automobiles,and assorted manufactured and chemical products. At the end of November,Syria and Communist China signed an agreement for the exchange of com-mercial representatives. A similar agreement was signed between Syria and


Rumania on January 14, 1956. There were reports in the autumn of 1956 oflarge shipments of Russian military equipment to Syria and an influx ofmilitary personnel from the Soviet Union.

In the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan the political struggle between theBaghdad powers and the Egyptian bloc intensified. Before either side ap-plied any great pressure, Jordan announced that it would remain neutralbetween the Baghdad Pact and the Egyptian-Syrian-Saudi Arabian DefensePact (November 21, 1955). But on December 6, 1955, General Sir GeraldTempler, Chief of the British general staff, came to Amman to persuade thegovernment to join the Baghdad Pact. The immediate consequence was up-heaval in the Jordan government and mass demonstrations against the West.Egyptian and Saudi Arabian "economic assistance" played a role in thepopular outbreaks against the Baghdad Pact. After several cabinet shake-upsand four changes of prime ministers within a month, Samir al-Rifa'i tookoffice with a promise that "adherence to any new pacts is not the policy ofmy government."

On May 2, 1956, King Hussein dismissed Lt. General John Bagot Glubband three other high-ranking British officers of the Arab Legion, one of thebest disciplined and trained fighting forces in the Arab world. Less than amonth later, command of the legion was given to Lt. Colonel Ali abuNuwar, an enemy of the former British commander and an admirer ofEgypt's President Nasser. On May 31 Jordan and Syria announced an agree-ment for a permanent body for military consultation and joint effort in caseof war. After the attack on Egypt, Jordan's rift with Great Britain becameeven deeper. The government announced that, in accordance with a vote ofthe newly elected anti-Western Jordanian parliament, it would end the al-liance with Britain as soon as the assistance which it received from Londonwas replaced by aid from Egypt and other Arab countries.

Military DevelopmentsBorder flareups between Israel and its Syrian, Jordanian, and Egyptian

neighbors continued to threaten peace and security in the area. On two oc-casions during 1955-56, troubles caused by the Arab-Israel conflict werebrought before the UN Security Council. On December 11, 1955, Israeliforces staged a raid on a Syrian army position in the Lake Tiberias area, inretaliation for Syrian firing at Israeli fishing boats, and killed at least 56Syrians. Israel was censured in a resolution passed unanimously by the Secur-ity Council on January 19.

Despite the Security Council resolution, flare-ups continued, not only be-tween Israel and Syria in the Lake Tiberias area, but with Egypt in the ElAuja demilitarized zone, in the Gaza region, and along the Jordanian fron-tier. By the beginning of April 1956 the whole armistice regime governingborder relations between Israel and her Arab neighbors seemed on the vergeof collapse. Again the Security Council was called to consider the situation.On April 4, the council unanimously requested UN Secretary General DagHammarskjold to go to the Middle East to work out improved armistice re-lations between Israel and the Arab states. It asked him to make a one-month survey of compliance with the armistice agreements, and to arrange

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any measures which might help to reduce tension along the frontiers. DuringHammarskjold's negotiations, conflict between Israel and Egypt broke outagain. On April 5, a ten-hour artillery duel left fifty-five Arab civilians killedand ninety-two wounded in the Egyptian-held town of Gaza, while therewere six wounded on the Israel side of the line. Suicide squads (fedayeen),mostly composed of Arab refugees trained by the Egyptian army, raided sev-eral Israel towns and villages and penetrated to within fifteen miles of TelAviv.

But by the end of April, Hammarskjold succeeded in easing the tensions,and persuaded both sides to call a halt to the mounting tide of attacks, re-taliations, and counter-retaliations. The most significant accomplishment wasthe agreement by Egypt and Israel to permit greater freedom of movementfor UN truce observers along the demarcation line, and for the creation offixed observer posts along the Gaza strip. After visiting all the Arab statesbordering Israel, the secretary general reported to the Security Council onMay 10 that a "will to peace" existed in the Middle East, and urged en-couragement of that feeling. He called for a waiting period while the resultsof his peace mission developed.

After a month, the Security Council convened to further consider the sec-retary general's report. On June 5, 1956, the council again unanimouslyadopted a resolution requesting Hammarskjold to "continue his good officeswith the parties, with a view to full implementation of the Council's resolu-tion of April 4, 1956 and full compliance with the Armistice Agreements,and to report to the Security Council as appropriate."

Although the Secretary General's mission was successful in postponing acomplete breakdown of the armistice agreements for a few more months, al-most no progress was made toward a solution of the Palestine question. Theintense nationalism and deep misunderstandings on both sides of the Arab-Israel frontiers were not conducive to a resolution of the nearly nine-year-oldcrisis.

By the autumn of 1956 tensions mounted to a higher pitch than ever be-fore. Israel engaged in a series of large-scale retaliatory raids against Jordan,and charged that fedayeen attacks from Egypt were being stepped up. Belli-cose threats on both sides of the frontiers finally culminated in Israel's in-vasion of the Sinai desert on October 30, 1956. Great Britain and Francejoined the battle a few days later when they invaded Egypt "to keep theEgyptian and Israeli forces apart."

After British and French vetoes in the UN Security Council blocked Amer-ican and Russian resolutions directing a cease-fire and withdrawal of Israel,a special session of the General Assembly was convened to deal with the situ-ation. The world organization called on Great Britain, France, and Israel towithdraw their troops from Egypt and to restore the boundaries existingprior to the invasion. For several weeks the three invaders failed to heed theUN resolutions. Before withdrawing, Great Britain and France wanted guar-antees of an international status for the Suez Canal. Israel insisted on anover-all peace settlement with Egypt which would insure free transit throughthe canal, unmolested entry into the Gulf of Aqaba, and freedom from at-tack by Arab forces based in Egypt. Finally, international pressure—including


a Soviet threat of armed intervention—and European oil shortages causedGreat Britain and France to accede to the UN resolutions. Since Israel couldnot hold out alone, it agreed to withdraw.

To help restore stability in the area, a UN Emergency Force (UNEF) wasestablished, under the command of Canadian General E. L. M. Burns, com-mander of the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization. The UNEFwas composed of contingents from various small nations not directly involvedin the Middle East conflict.

As a result of the attack on Egypt, Israel was thrown into isolation, andpossibilities of an amicable relationship with her Arab neighbors approachedthe vanishing point. Because Israel was joined in its attack on Egypt byGreat Britain and France, the Arab image of the new state as a "bridgeheadof Western imperialism" was deepened, and possibilities of Israel's integra-tion into its Middle East environment receded.

The attack undermined the prestige of Great Britain and France in theMiddle East and throughout Asia and Africa. It also strained relations notonly with the Asian members of the Commonwealth, but with Canada, whichregarded the attack as a setback for the UN and world peace.

Relations between the United States and its two foremost allies were seri-ously jeopardized by their failure to consult Washington about their plans, orto give due regard to American opinion. American opposition to the invasionhelped to recoup some of the prestige lost by the United States in Asia andthe Middle East in recent years. Many Asian nations expressed gratitude forthe diplomatic support they received from the United States in the crisis.

By far the greatest gainer was the Soviet Union, which now lent all-outsupport to the most extreme Arab demands for action against Israel, GreatBritain, and France. The invasion lent invaluable support to Soviet propa-ganda against "Western imperialism." At the time of writing (November1956), it was not clear to what extent the Soviet Union would actually enterthe area physically. But it was certain that the Communists would reap greatdiplomatic and propaganda benefits from the invasion of Egypt.

EGYPT

The growth of nationalism in the Arab world and the outbreak of war inEgypt had a direct impact on the traditional status of minority groups, in-cluding the Jewish community. At the time of writing (November 1956)Egypt had the largest Jewish population of any Arab League state. Estimatesranged from 30,000 to over 50,000. The latter was the estimate of the Egyp-tian government. In normal times approximately two-thirds lived in Cairo.The next largest Jewish community, that of Alexandria, was dwindling be-cause of deteriorating economic conditions. Prior to 1948 nearly a third ofEgypt's Jewish population lived there. There were no reliable figures availa-ble on the number of Jews living in the large towns of the Nile Delta andthe Suez Canal Zone, where prior to 1948 there had been small communities.But the number there was also believed to have dwindled.

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An estimated 90 per cent of the Jewish community was born in Egypt, butrelatively few Egyptian Jews were officially recognized as Egyptian citizens.The government estimated that more than half the Jewish population werecitizens, but other reliable sources maintained that not more than 12.5 percent were officially recognized as Egyptians. Many Jews were Italian, French,British, or Greek subjects, although they and their families had lived in thecountry for several generations. Some of them had attempted to becomeEgyptian citizens, but without success. Still others, although born in Egypt,often of families which had lived there for several generations, were stateless.Estimates of both foreign and stateless Jews varied, but their numbers werebelieved to be about equal. This situation arose from the peculiarities of thenationality law. This prescribed three principal ways of establishing Egyptiancitizenship: first, by qualifying as an Egyptian by origin, birth, or marriage;second, in the case of former Ottoman subjects, by opting for Egyptian na-tionality within a prescribed period; and third, in the case of foreigners, bynaturalization. In the first case, there was normally no difficulty for thosewho had the qualifications. However, mere birth in Egypt did not qualify anindividual to obtain citizenship. The law defined an Egyptian by birth asone who had been a subject of the Ottoman Empire, a member of the royalfamily, who had served in the armed forces, or who had an Egyptian par-ent. Few Jews fitted into any of these categories. Not having been Ottomansubjects, they were also unable to obtain citizenship by the second method.Naturalization was always difficult for certain minority groups, includingJews. There were numerous instances of individuals whose applications fornaturalization had been pending for as long as fifteen or twenty years.

The Egyptian authorities gave preference in naturalization to individualsregarded as valuable and capable of being amalgamated into the "nationaltype." In the past many foreign residents attached relatively little importanceto Egyptian nationality, and in fact were much more at home in the foreignthan in the Egyptian strata of the population. Because most Jews living inEgypt tended to identify themselves with European culture and consciousnessrather than with that of Egypt, the Jewish community was among those re-garded by many Egyptian officials as unassimilable.

Another related problem for Egypt's Jews was the desire of the authoritiesto take from foreign minorities the large measure of economic and admin-istrative control they had previously exercised in the country. This trendbegan to develop with the rise of Egyptian national consciousness, and foundlegislative expression as early as twenty years ago. It acquired even greatermomentum with Nasser's ascent to power. A principal aim of the new re-gime was to create a society which would "develop, form, consolidate andbecome a strong homogeneous and unified whole" (Egypt's Liberation, thePhilosophy of the Revolution, by Nasser).

This aspiration created special difficulties for the country's Jewish mi-nority, because many of its members were closely identified in the popularmind both with European culture and with Israel, Egypt's principal foe onthe international scene. Another difficulty was created by the term "Israel,"


traditionally used to describe the Jewish community, but now also synony-mous with the enemy.

Even prior to the attack by Israel there was evidence of the government'sdoubts about the political reliability of the Jewish community. Jews oftenfaced delays in obtaining permits for foreign travel, although in the endthese were generally granted. Jewish men called for army service were toldthat they remained liable for duty but were not needed at present. Jews hadto obtain special permits to travel in certain security zones. A special depart-ment in the ministry of interior previously known as the Zionist departmentbecame known as the bureau of Jewish affairs, and was reportedly given thetask of supervising Jewish businessmen, bankers, and stock exchange brokers.

Noncitizen members of minority groups, and many who were Egyptiancitizens, were faced with difficulties by the drive to "Egyptianize" the nationaleconomy. Often in applying for government import permits or other docu-ments necessary for transacting their business, they met ruinous delays towhich their Muslim competitors were not subjected. To plug up leaks ofcurrency, which members of minority groups were suspected of sending outof the country, a staff of twenty inspectors was established in Egypt and tenin Switzerland. Their activities were reported to be responsible for the ex-pulsion in 1956 of the Jewish banker, Elie Politi, and the publisher SalomonSalama. The property and assets of both men were confiscated by the Egyp-tian government.

One example of Egyptianization was the transfer of the Delta Land Com-pany, established in 1910 by the Jewish banker Joseph Mosseri Bey, to Egyp-tian hands in July 1956. The Jewish president, chairman, and managing di-rector were forced to resign, and were replaced by three Muslims, to whom500 shares each were transferred. The directors were forced to sell 50 percent of the company's shares to the Egyptian government.

As a consequence of growing economic difficulties, many Jewish and othernon-Muslim businessmen had formed partnerships with Muslims in the post-Palestine war era. The official registry of Egyptian businesses showed fewerJewish names than in the era immediately preceding the nationalist upsurge.Often the purpose of these mergers was to obtain a Muslim name for anenterprise.

Another step toward national homogeneity was the abolition of all Mus-lim, Christian, and Jewish religious tribunals on January 1, 1956. This waslargely motivated by the government's desire to dose the Muslim religiouscourts as part of its fight against the Muslim Brotherhood. A governmentspokesman characterized the law, enacted on September 21, 1955, as an "ef-fective means for achieving democracy," eliminating "all semblances of aspecial order which limits the authority of the State and its sovereignty" and"realizing the unity of the judiciary" for all Egyptians regardless of religiousaffiliation.

The new law did not secularize or unify family law, but gave the civilcourts the task of applying the various religious laws which had been for-merly applied by the religious tribunals. There was still no secular law ofmarriage and divorce, although the new legislation might be a step in that

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direction. The Egyptian Jewish community's two rabbinical tribunals wereamong the fourteen non-Muslim tribunals abolished.

The September 21 law permitted Muslim qadis to sit on the bench of civilcourts when cases of personal status were heard, but made no such provisionfor non-Muslims. There was no public Jewish statement on the law, but theheads of the Roman, Coptic, Greek, Maronite, Armenian, Syrian, and Chal-dean Catholic rites openly protested against the decree. In December 1955, fivepriests and several Catholic laymen were arrested in Cairo for distributingcopies of a joint protest statement issued by these Christian religious groups.

On January 17, 1956, the Egyptian government announced a new con-stitution. This was approved by a popular referendum on June 23, 1956.While in Article 3 it stated that "Islam is the religion of the State . . . ," itspreamble "assured freedom of thought and worship in an atmosphere wherethere are no dictates save those of conscience and reason." Article 31 guar-anteed the equality of all Egyptians "in respect of rights and obligationswithout discrimination on account of race, origin, language, religion, orcreed." Article 43 reiterated that: "Freedom of worship is unrestricted. TheState guarantees freedom of religious practice in accordance with the estab-lished usage in Egypt, providing this does not conflict with public order ormorality."

The special status of Islam in the legislation abolishing religious courtsand in the new constitution emphasized the religion's close identificationwith Egyptian nationalism. This special consideration served to fortify thepopular conception of the "true Egyptian" which placed a premium on iden-tification with Islam, despite the frequent statements of the present regimethat Egyptians of all faiths and ethnic origins were held in equal esteem.

Egypt's Jewish community participated in various national events during1955-56. In Cairo and in Alexandria about 3,000 Jews, led by Chief RabbiHarm Nahoum and Salvatore Cicurel, president of the Cairo Jewish com-munity, participated in the June 23 elections. When the Egyptian govern-ment organized a National Arms Week in October 1955 to raise funds forthe purchase of equipment, the Jewish community fully participated. Of theE£ 600,000 ($204,000) raised, it contributed E£ 15,400 ($5,236). The chiefrabbi stated: "This drive by Egyptians should not be regarded as astonishing.Egyptian Jews have duties toward Egypt, where they were born and live, aswell as rights." After the Israel incursion into the Sinai desert, the chiefrabbi published a communique denouncing "Zionist aggression," and empha-sized that the patriotism of Egyptian Jews was beyond doubt. Radio Da-mascus reported on November 6, 1956, that wealthy Jews in Egypt were col-lecting E£ 50,000 ($17,000) for the Red Crescent.


The Jewish community was still divided into Rabbanite (Sephardic andAshkenazic) and Karaite groups, each with its own community organizationin Cairo. In Alexandria all groups were organized into a single communitycouncil. Rabbi Haim Nahoum was officially recognized as the leader of thewhole Jewish community in Egypt. The Cairo and Alexandria communities


still maintained their own schools. The Jewish hospital and clinic in Cairoserved about 2,000 Muslims, Christians, and Jews each month.

The exodus of large numbers of Jews from Egypt and the general declinein the country's economy adversely affected Jewish communal organizations.In 1953 the Cairo Jewish hospital had a deficit of $19,000, and the educationcommission a deficit of $21,600. At the end of 1955 it was reported that theCairo Jewish hospital was running an annual deficit of around $30,000. Sal-vatore Cicurel announced in June 1956 that most Cairo Jewish communal in-stitutions would have to close down because of the growing burden of sup-port for the city's poverty-stricken sick and elderly Jews.

A major problem of Egyptian Jewry was that of finding a spiritual leaderto succeed the eighty-three-year-old Rabbi Nahoum, who had played a majorrole in the life of the community. Until the Israel attack, it was hoped thatthe authorities would revise existing legislation so that a new chief rabbicould be obtained from France, the cultural home of most of the presentEgyptian Jewish community.

The renewed eruption of war with Israel at the end of October 1956 ledto the worsening of Jewish conditions in Egypt. Although at the time of writ-ing (November 1956) there was no precise information available about thesituation of Egyptian Jews, there was evidence that the Israel attack hadprecipitated either official or unofficial action against many members of theJewish community. Strong feeling was aroused against all who might be sus-pected of any attachment to Britain, France, or Israel. The situation wasparticularly exacerbated by the British and French bombing of Port Said,which was reported in Cairo to have killed over 10,000 Egyptians. About100,000 inhabitants fled from the town, and 60,000 were said to be refugeesin and around the area of Cairo. Since many Jews in Egypt were citizens ofeither Great Britain or France, they suffered from action directed by thegovernment at all British and French subjects.

Unconfirmed reports from Jewish refugees arriving in Europe from Egyptat the end of November 1956 stated that several hundred Jews had been in-terned, and that their property had been confiscated. Many others were saidto have been expelled from the country. The Paris office of the AmericanJewish Committee released a list of individuals, about 90 per cent of whomwere Jewish, control of whose property had been taken over by the Egyptiangovernment. The list, reported to be a photocopy from the Cairo French-language daily, Journal de Commerce, contained 486 names, including Rene1

and Salvatore Cicurel, two of the foremost leaders of the Jewish community.The Egyptian government retorted that as of December 4, 1956, only 288

Jews were being detained "for reasons of security," and that efforts werebeing made through the International Red Cross to get them out of thecountry. Of these, 151 were said by the government to be stateless, and therest Egyptian nationals. The Egyptian government maintained that therewas no discrimination on a racial or religious basis, and that action wasbeing taken only against those suspected of pro-Zionist or pro-Israel activitiesand sentiments. The government asserted that Jews who were not securityrisks were free "to live here and conduct their business unmolested as theyalways have been."

MIDDLE EAST 403

However, the Egyptian government acknowledged that assets of rich Jewshad been put under sequestration (government control) "to be sure that theydo not try to smuggle their money out of the country." This order includedseveral large department stores owned by leading Jewish families in Egypt.The profits were presumably going into the controlled accounts of theowners.

SYRIA

In Syria, the traditional center of Arab anti-Western sentiment, the growthof intense nationalism also had an impact on minorities. Again, there wereno accurate figures concerning the number of Jews in Syria, but it was be-lieved to be between 5,000 and 7,000—about half the number who had livedthere just prior to the Palestine war. Since 1948, the largest number of Jew-ish emigrants were believed to have gone to neighboring Lebanon. The nextlargest group apparently had migrated to South American countries. A num-ber went to France, Italy, and North Africa. Only about 200 were believed tohave gone to Israel since 1948. Somewhat less than 50 per cent of the Jewishcommunity lived in Damascus, and a slightly smaller number in Aleppo.About 1,000 Jews lived in other Syrian towns.

According to available information, Jewish integration into the Syriancommunity was difficult for many of the same reasons as in Egypt. Jewishidentification with Western, and particularly French, culture and conscious-ness, in the face of growing Arab nationalist estrangement from the West,was one bar. Identification of the Jewish minority with Israel, the chiefenemy, was a second. After the Palestine war, Jews were unwelcome as mem-bers of political parties. During 1955—56, none were employed in any publicposts, nor did large private organizations hire Jews. Nevertheless, in Aleppo,where the Jewish community was traditionally well-to-do, some Jews con-tinued to prosper. Some were professionals, including a number of relativelyprosperous Jewish doctors, and some conducted businesses, chiefly import-export and foreign exchange.

In Damascus, the Jewish community was traditionally poor, and its situ-ation remained about the same. A large proportion of the families requiredfinancial aid to supplement the earnings of employed members. This aidaveraged about 1.5 Syrian pounds per week (about 45 cents). In all, the com-munity spent about $500 per week on some 1,300 individuals.

Syrian Jews generally had difficulty in obtaining passports to leave thecountry. Laissez-passers for a one-week stay in Lebanon were abolished, butsome Jews made the trip fairly regularly and had no particular difficulty inobtaining permission to do so. In the spring of 1956, Jordan and Syriaagreed to authorize travel permits for cross-border travel without visas, ex-cept to Jews. Identity cards issued to Syrian residents stated the religion ofthe bearer.

Since 1948, some estates belonging to Jews living abroad had been requisi-tioned for the use of Palestine Arab refugees. On occasion, the close prox-imity of Arab refugees and the Syrian Jewish community created communaltension. Although actual incidents resulting from this tension were few, it


created a state of alarm in the Jewish community. In December 1955 Syriaalso launched a fund for arms to which Jews contributed. According toRadio Damascus, the leader of the Damascus Jewish community contributed950 Syrian pounds ($285), and some other members gave 1,000 pounds ($300)each. By the end of December it was reported that the Jewish communityhad contributed a total of 8,730 Syrian pounds ($2,619).

The Palestine war left the Syrian Jews in a depressed and insecure state,and greatly reduced whatever possibilities of integration had existed prior to1948. Despite individual exceptions, identification with the national causetended to be equated with identification with Islam. In Syria, more than inany other Arab country with a Jewish minority, the Jewish community wasstigmatized because of its identification with "international Zionism" and theIsrael enemy.

LEBANON AND IRAQ

There were few changes in the lives of the 8,000 Jews of Lebanon and the5,000 in Iraq. Late in 1955, the remnant of the once large Iraqi Jewish com-munity (prior to the Palestine war, about 130,000) had some of its rights andproperty restored to it. Full passport privileges were restored to Jews in 1955.The government also proposed a draft law to allow smaller numbers of di-rectors to manage affairs of Jewish incorporated societies. It was felt that themove would enable Jews in Iraq to take advantage of some of the propertyformerly held by the Jewish community.

During 1955, 155 Jews arrived in Israel from Iraq. The citizenship of 103Iraqi Jews was withdrawn during the same period by the council of ministerswhen they failed to return to Iraq from business trips abroad within theperiod of time prescribed on their passports. There were reports from Iraqthat a small number of Jews had turned Muslim to facilitate their social,political, and economic assimilation into Iraqi society.

In Lebanon, the only Arab country to increase its Jewish population sincethe Palestine war, conditions for Jews were normal. The Jewish population ofLebanon actually increased from 5,000 to about 8,000 as a consequence of aninflux of Jewish refugees from Iraq and Syria since 1948. The French Alli-ance Israelite Universelle continued to operate its four schools, with over1,000 Jewish students.

DON PERETZ

,%,».|. % •!• >t> * * » * » » » * * •!• * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * ^ * * * * * * * *

Latin America

ARGENTINA

DURING THE PERIOD under review (July 1, 1955, through June 30, 1956)Argentina continued to pass through a transition from an authoritarian

to a democratic type of government. This change was accompanied by ahost of problems, social and economic as well as political, involving the re-lationship of the state to various religious, national, and ethnic minorities.The Jewish community of Argentina necessarily faced the same critical prob-lems as the country as a whole. Under the presidency of Major GeneralPedro Aramburu, who assumed the leadership of a provisional governmenton November 14, 1955, there was a continuous purge from all Argentinianinstitutions of the Peronist elements that had previously dominated them.Military installations, municipalities, labor unions, and universities wereamong the civic, social, and educational organizations affected. The purgemet with considerable resistance—in June 1956 a bloody military uprisingwas put down; it had been preceded in the fall of 1955 by a general strikecalled by the General Confederation of Labor under Peronist influence.

The Argentinian Jewish community of 400,000, mostly urban in character,felt the repercussions of the universal purge. The erroneous impression hadspread that the Jewish community had identified itself with the Peronist re-gime; actually, what had happened was that certain unrepresentative indi-viduals had taken advantage of the absence of a free press and other civilliberties under the authoritarian Peronist system to prevent the genuinelydemocratic elements in the Jewish community from expressing themselvesboth in Jewish and general affairs.

Consequently, the Jewish community of Argentina was engaged during1955-56 in a very quiet house-cleaning, whose upshot was the removal of cer-tain undesirable persons from positions of authority in Jewish economic andphilanthropic organizations. By June 1956, the Jewish community as a wholehad succeeded in identifying itself with the new democratic regime ofArgentina.

The fear that this transitional period in Argentinian life would be ex-ploited to arouse anti-Jewish sentiments proved unfounded. The continuouscontact between the representative Jewish organizations and the Aramburugovernment, and the energetic and clear-cut declarations by the ProvisionalRevolutionary government, did much to dissipate this fear. In addition,during 1955-56, the Jewish community organized three mass rallies in whichnon-Jewish democratic political groups participated. As a result of this newgovernment understanding and the development of cordial relations with thetraditional democratic forces, the Jewish community of Argentina was able

405


to relax, and to look forward to a period of harmonious development. It wasparticularly gratified by the reinstatement of Jewish professors who had beenousted by the Peronist regime.

Jewish Population and ImmigrationThe exact number of Jews in Argentina remained uncertain. There were

about 50,000 heads of families who were members of the Ashkenazic Kehilla,or community of Jews from Eastern and Central Europe residing in BuenosAires. Assuming an average family size of four, 200,000 persons were con-nected with the Ashkenazic community. Adding to this number the 100,000Sephardim, or Jews of Mediterranean origin, and those Ashkenazic Jews whowere not affiliated with the Ashkenazic community, we arrive at an estimateof 300,000 Jews in the capital alone. There were no figures for the naturalrate of increase of Argentinian Jewry.

Argentina remained closed to large-scale Jewish immigration. During1955-56, only twenty Jewish families, consisting of seventy individuals, en-tered Argentina legally. They came from Hungary, Germany, Israel, theUnion of South Africa, France, Morocco, and Uruguay. Hundreds of appli-cations for immigration were not being processed by the authorities.

The large number of illegal immigrants who had been in Argentina forsome time represented a complicated problem. In 1948, resident illegal im-migrants had been granted a modified amnesty, which legalized the status oftens of thousands of individuals in this classification. Those amnestied in-cluded some 10,000 to 12,000 Jews, consisting mostly of escapees from Nazismand the Iron Curtain countries in Eastern Europe. Since 1948 the number ofillegal immigrants had further increased. During 1955-56, Catholic, Prot-estant, and Jewish institutions concerned with immigration petitioned thegovernment to legalize the status of this new group, compelled to live outsidethe law. The immigrant aid organizations estimated the number in this cate-gory at between 50,000 and 100,000, including a minimum of 1,000 Jews. TheJewish agency, Sociedad de Proteccion a los Immigrantes Israelitas (SOPRO-TIMIS), provided legal advice and assistance to the Jewish illegal immigrants.There was every indication that the new democratic Aramburu regime wouldestablish a nondiscriminatory policy in regard to illegal immigrants, and par-ticularly to the Jewish ones.

Community Organization and Activity

During 1955-56, the organized Jewish community made progress in severalareas. The Vaad Hakehilot, or council of communities, which coordinatedand centralized activities for fifty-seven local communities throughout Ar-gentina, held regional councils during 1955 in Resistencia, Tucuman, Ro-sario, and Mendoza. In April 1956 an important convention at which fifteencommunities were represented was held in Buenos Aires. Frequent visits tolocal communities by field representatives of the Vaad helped strengthen thesense of mutual interest, as well as coordinate activity. New local institutionswere being set up in ten communities where the Jewish population had pre-viously been unorganized. Most of these communities were Ashkenazic.

ARGENTINA 407

Buenos Aires, where the great majority of Argentinian Jewry lived, re-mained the focus of Jewish internal political, economic, and cultural life. Itsninety-six-year-old Asociacion Mutual Israelita Argentina (AMIA), popularlyknown by its original name of Chevra Kadisha, under Peron had been chieflya relief organization, with no statutory right to deal with educational prob-lems, engage in cultural activities, or serve as a representative body in po-litical matters. On April 16, 1956, the Provisional Revolutionary governmentissued a new statute for the AMIA which embodied extensive changes in itsstructure and function. Article 3, paragraph c of the statute empowered theAMIA to engage in "every form of activity in behalf of the welfare of theState of Israel." The broadness of this wording offered the AMIA the oppor-tunity to work outside of Argentina and to develop stronger cultural tieswith Israel. Article 4, paragraph a authorized the extension of Jewish edu-cation, organizational conferences, and scientific courses. The electoral systemwas changed, a system of proportional representation replacing the formermajority rule system. The new statute scheduled the next election for April1957. The previous election, held on October 30, 1955, resulted in a victoryfor the National Bloc representing all the Zionist parties. It was hoped thatthe new statute would stimulate activity in the Jewish community of BuenosAires, and secure renewed support for the Vaad Hakehilot. The provincialcommunities were expected to follow the new electoral pattern introducedinto the Buenos Aires AMIA.

Despite the narrow frame within which the AMIA had been allowed tooperate exclusively as a mutual aid society under the old statute, its member-ship had grown since its inception in 1894 from 85 to 48,000—far out-distancing the Jewish population increase. Relief expenditures had risenfrom 96,000 pesos in 1940 to 2,000,000 pesos ($100,000) in 1955; subsidies forJewish schools, representing 40 per cent of tuition costs, rose from 7,330pesos in 1940 to 6,000,000 pesos ($300,000) in 1955. The Jewish schools subsi-dized by the AMIA had enrolled 2,447 pupils in 1941; 8,580 in 1950; and10,600 in 1955. The AMIA had also contributed 50 per cent to the cost ofthe construction of new Jewish school buildings. During the period 1950-55,the AMIA had helped to build thirty-five schools with a contribution of12,225,951 pesos ($611,298). The AMIA had also furthered the cultural ac-tivities of various organizations. In 1940 the AMIA's subsidy for such activityhad been 144,000 pesos, in 1950, 1,011,000 pesos, and in 1955 it was estimatedat about 3,000,000 pesos ($150,000).

Jewish EducationThe twenty-year-old Vaad Hachinuch Harashi supervised Jewish education

in the provinces outside of Buenos Aires. In 1955 the Vaad directed educa-tional policies for 65 schools and 21 kindergartens, attended by 4,000 chil-dren. There was a staff of 130 teachers.

The Vaad had established two teachers' training schools, one for menteachers, financially assisted by the AMIA of Buenos Aires, and a normalschool for woman teachers. These seminaries had graduated seventy-fourteachers, who were working in the Jewish schools, some as superintendents.Most of the seminarians were from the provinces.


Religious Activity

The Jewish community of Argentina showed little interest in religious af-fairs. Only four rabbis served the 300,000 Jews of Buenos Aires; there wereno rabbis at all in the provinces. During the fall of 1956 Rabbi AvigdorCyperstein was installed as the chief rabbi of Argentina. The Vaad Hakehilothad passed numerous resolutions calling for the installation of new rabbisand other religious functionaries, and the observance of dietary regulations—however, these resolutions were never followed through. Significantly, inBuenos Aires, where during the High Holy Days eighty places of worship wereattended, there was not a single kosher restaurant.

Zionist Activity

The usual large-scale Zionist educational program and fund-raising cam-paign in Argentina were supplemented during 1955-56 by a special drive toacquaint non-Jews with the problems of the State of Israel. Thus, the con-ference on this subject held in Montevideo, Uruguay, in March 1956, wasinitiated and organized by the Jewish community of Argentina.

During 1955, 205 young people emigrated to Israel from Argentina aschalutzim to work on collective farms. In addition, 17 professionals (physi-cians, lawyers, technicians, and the like) emigrated to Israel with their fami-lies. Thirty-two delegates from various Israel political and social groupsvisited Argentina during 1955.

Cultural Activity

During 1955-56 Argentinian Jewry continued to be one of the leadingpublishers and distributors of Yiddish literature, with the issuance of somefifty new books. The AMIA, in the course of the annual Month of the Yid-dish Book, sold 226,831 books during 1956, as compared with 159,663 in 1955,and 14,917 in 1947.

MORDECAI BERNSTEIN

MEXICO

MEXICO ENJOYED PEACE and order during the period from July 1, 1955, toJune 30, 1956. The country successfully recovered from the severe eco-

nomic setback which followed the devaluation of the peso in April 1954. Ag-riculture, manufacturing, electric power generation, and crude petroleumproduction increased by 10, 10.8, 11.2 and 15.3 per cent respectively. Theiron and steel industry recorded the most prosperous year in its history. Goldand foreign exchange reserves rose to an all-time high of $410,000,000 onDecember 31, 1955.

MEXICO 409

Jewish Population

The Mexican census of 1950 gave a total of 25,791,017 persons, including25,329,498 Catholics, 330,111 Protestants, and 17,574 Jews. Of the Jews,14,383 resided in Mexico City and 3,191 were scattered throughout theMexican republic.

Exact figures for 1955 were not available. The number of Jews was esti-mated at about 22,000, of whom 61 per cent were Ashkenazim and 39 percent Sephardim. Most of the Ashkenazic immigrants had come from Poland,Russia, and Lithuania, and the Sephardim from Syria, Turkey, and Greece.The community showed potentialities of growth in spite of a ban on immi-gration, since 45 per cent of the Jewish population of Mexico was undertwenty-five years of age. An estimated 19,000 Jews were concentrated inMexico City, and 3,000 were dispersed in other parts of the country. Jews inthe provinces tended to migrate to larger Jewish settlements, or to the capi-tal, in order to provide their children with a Jewish environment and edu-cation. The largest Jewish communities outside of Mexico City were inGuadalajara and Monterey, with over 100 families each.

ECONOMIC SITUATION

The relatively small opportunities for, and low wages paid to, industrialworkers in Mexico discouraged the Jews from engaging in manual labor. Onthe other hand, Jewish immigrants found in Mexico a market for their busi-ness skills and enterprise. The initial stage of their economic life was ped-dling. In the course of time the Mexican Jews were to be found in mostbranches of the national economy.

During 1955—56 the Jews continued active in the fields of underwear,hosiery, sweaters, paints and dyes, leather tanning, plastics, pharmaceuticalsupplies, building construction, films, and metallurgy. It was estimated that65 per cent were merchants; 17 per cent, manufacturers; and 5 per cent, pro-fessionals, primarily doctors, engineers, and chemists. The others were em-ployed as managers, bookkeepers, and traveling salesmen, or were self-employed artisans. The Jews were, on the whole, a well-to-do community.

Anti-Semitic Activity

There were several instances of anti-Semitic outbursts in Mexico. Theseincluded the distribution by mail of pro-Arab pamphlets, attacking Jews andIsrael;J propaganda in the Universidad Nacional Autonomo de Mexicoagainst the Jewish students,2 and anti-Semitic smears in the Mexican press.3

Anti-Semitic activity was fought by the Anti-Defamatzye Komitet and theYidisher Tzentral Komitet.

1 See Der Veg, February 23, 1956, unsigned editorial.2 See Oscar Shveb, writing in Di Shtime, August 24, 1955.3 In connection with the purported murder of a non-Jewess by her Jewish husband. See

La Prensa and Claridades.


Communal Organization and Activity

The Jewish organizations in Mexico covered the entire gamut of socio-cultural, religious, philanthropic, and Zionist life. There was hardly a Jew,immigrant or native-born, who was not affiliated with one or more Jewishorganizations. The most popular institution was the Yidisher Sport Tzenter,planned and built mostly by the second generation of Mexican Jews. Thiscenter had a membership of over 6,000 Ashkenazim and Sephardim of allages. In addition to its excellent sport and recreational facilities, it alsosponsored various social and cultural programs. Several thousand adults, ado-lescents, and children congregated there on week ends.

The approximately eighty-five Jewish organizations overlapped, duplicated,and competed with one another in most areas of endeavor. It was believed,however, that the long-projected and much talked of Ashkenazic Kehillah, orrepresentative community organization (at the time of writing, August 1956,it was still in the process of formation) would coordinate the work of theseorganizations and eliminate waste of communal funds and effort. The Yid-isher Tzentral Komitet continued to remain the representative body of theentire community. It was reorganized in January 1956, with twenty-ninemembers representing all groups and sectors of the Jewish population.

Fund Raising

The United Campaign for Israel, the Emergency Campaign for Israel, andthe Israel Bond Drive receipts totaled about $1,500,000, the bond drive itselfraising $500,000. There were also the customary yearly collections for theJewish National Fund, the Pioneer Women, and the Women's InternationalZionist Organization (WIZO). Smaller sums were also raised by the Women'sMizrachi and the Bialistoker Farband. Figures released by the Jewish Na-tional Fund indicated that 599,100 pesos ($48,000) had been collected in1954-55, a slight decrease from the 617,000 pesos ($49,360) raised in 1953-54.The Women's Mizrachi contributed some $30,000 toward clinic and hospitalservices in Israel.

As in 1954, in 1955 the United Campaign for Local and International Jew-ish Organizations raised 1,000,000 pesos ($80,000). About 80 per cent of thetotal was designated for the local philanthropic, cultural, and educationalinstitutions, to help meet their deficits. The remainder was allotted to worldJewish organizations in the diaspora, including the Oeuvre de Secours auxEnfants Israelites (OSE), the World Jewish Congress, the World Congress forJewish Culture, the YIVO Institute for Jewish Research, and the CentralYiddish Culture Organization (CYCO).

Religious Behavior

The Jews in Mexico, by and large, were not Orthodox. A survey conductedin 1952-53 by this writer among 700 students of the Jewish schools in Mexicorevealed that 85 per cent of their fathers worked on the Sabbath and on Jew-ish holidays, and 59 per cent of the mothers engaged in shopping and cook-

MEXICO 411

ing on these days. Eighty-nine per cent of them prepared a Passover Seder,or attended one. Sixty per cent of the mothers bought kosher meat exclu-sively, and 44 per cent kept separate dishes for dairy and meat foods.

There was only one kosher restaurant in Mexico City, located in the syna-gogue Nidche Israel. There were, however, several Jewish restaurants whichserved traditional Jewish food. In all the synagogues in the capital therewere sixteen minyanim, or prayer quorums, on the weekdays, forty-seven onthe Sabbath, and a considerably larger number on the Jewish holidays. Al-most the entire community attended services on the High Holy Days.

Religious activity outside the capital was neglected. The shochet, or ritualslaughterer, in the city of Monterey was the only religious functionary in allthe provinces of the Republic.

Jewish Education

The Jewish educational pattern in Mexico had quite unique features. Sup-plementary Jewish education played a minor role. Only 500 pupils receivedthis type of training on all levels, from the elementary classes through theyeshivot. On the other hand, 3,731 students—1,998 boys and 1,733 girls—wereregistered in all-day schools. There were six such schools in the capital andone each in Guadalajara and Monterey. Of the eight colegios, all recognizedby the government, two offered Jewish and general learning from kinder-garten to high school, a program of eight years. Four extended their educa-tion to junior college, for eleven years of study, and two also maintained juniorcollege departments, totaling thirteen years of Jewish training and influence.The time devoted to Jewish learning—general studies were prescribed by thegovernment—ranged from ten to fifteen hours weekly on the various educa-tional levels. About 80 per cent of the Jewish children attended the schools.The largest of them, all in Mexico City, were: Colegio Israelita de Mexico,1,067 students; Escuela Israelita Yavne, 667; Colegio Hebreo Sefardi, 569;and Colegio Hebreo Monte Sinai, 490 students.

Ideologically, the all-day schools represented two main types: national secu-lar and national religious. The national secular schools had 82 per cent ofthe total enrollment, and the national religious ones only 18 per cent. Inkeeping with the cultural ideas of the Ashkenazim that Yiddish is an integralconstituent of Jewishness, 84 per cent of the Ashkenazic student populationwere registered in schools which taught both Yiddish and Hebrew. Only 16per cent attended the Colegio Hebreo Tarbut, which did not include Yiddishin its curriculum.

The schools were equipped with adequate classrooms, laboratories, audi-toriums, libraries, lunchrooms, and clinics, as well as playgrounds and facilitiesfor sports and recreation.

The Jewish Teachers' Seminary attempted to alleviate the acute shortageof Jewish teachers in Mexico. It had an enrollment of twenty-five women andone man. The graduates ordinarily worked in the kindergartens and thelower grades of the elementary divisions. Vacancies in the higher departmentswere filled by teachers from the United States and Israel.

There was also a chair of Hebrew language and culture at the Universidad


Nacional Autonomo de Mexico financed by the Anti-Defamatzye Komitet. In1956, the students attending this class were mostly non-Jews.

Social Service

While the Jewish community, on the whole, was economically well situ-ated, there were a number of old, sick, and incapacitated persons, who neededhelp from its welfare institutions. About $100,000 was spent by the communityon all forms of social service. There was no record of any Jew becoming a bur-den to the Mexican government.

In the absence of a Jewish hospital—there were plans to build one—theMedical Center OSE offered 4,591 free medical and dental treatments in1955, and filled 3,175 prescriptions to the needy. The Michael Weitz Sour-asky Children's Home in Cuernavaca provided 200 underprivileged young-sters with a vacation during the school holiday period.

The Hilfs Farayn, one of the Ashkenazic aid societies, celebrated its twenty-fifth anniversary in 1956. During the quarter-century of its existence it helpedhundreds of Jewish families to establish or re-establish themselves economically.

It was estimated that approximately 60 per cent of the present Ashkenaziccommunity had been helped in one way or another by the Hilfs Farayn. In1955 its yearly budget was about 1,000,000 pesos ($80,000). It derived its in-come from membership dues, pledges, donations, and contributions. In 1955over fifty sick, aged, and incapacitated persons received permanent aid fromthe Hilfs Farayn, totaling about 150,000 pesos ($12,000). Other forms of aidincluded medical aid, emergency financial aid, business loans, and dowries.

The Jewish community also contributed to the general welfare of the coun-try. The women's commission (Damen Komisye) of the Yidisher TzentralKomitet had established public laundries, and child care centers for workingmothers; it also supplied nourishing breakfasts to thousands of underprivilegedschool children. The Yidisher Tzentral Komitet built the Albert EinsteinHigh School, costing about 2,000,000 pesos ($160,000). In 1955-56, the YidisherTzentral Komitet raised 100,000 pesos ($8,000) to help the victims of the floodsof September 1955.


All factions of the Zionist organization were active in Mexico. Leon Dult-zin, president of the Zionist Federation of Mexico, was named a member ofthe executive of the Jewish Agency and head of its economic department. Hewas also one of the four directors of the Keren Hayesod (Palestine Founda-tion Fund).

Five other Mexican leaders were elected to the Zionist General Council.They were: Yeshayohu Austri-Dan, Mapam; Adolfo Fastlicht and YerachmielWishinowitz, General Zionists; Benjamin Kowalski, Poale Zion; and D. Ru-binstein, Herut. Austri-Dan was elected a full member and the others deputymembers.

The $2,000 contribution of the Israel Red Magen David to the MexicanRed Cross for the victims of the September 1955 floods made a favorableimpression in Mexican circles.

MEXICO 413

In June 1956 David Shalthiel replaced Joseph Kessari as Israel's ministerto Mexico. In April 1956 Mexico appointed the former head of the Govern-ment Tourist Office, the writer Gustavo Ortez Hernan, as its first minister toIsrael.

During 1955, Israel bought from Mexico 500 tons of kosher meat, 4,000tons of sulphur, and 7,300 tons of sugar, totaling more than $1,000,000. Overthree hundred Mexican citizens visited Israel in 1955. Twelve of them werenon-Jews.

Social and Cultural DevelopmentsEvery organization in Mexico engaged, to a larger or lesser degree, in

some socio-cultural work. There were lectures, theatrical performances, po-litical rallies, art exhibitions, symposia, memorial day observances, Jewishholiday festivals, and a variety of social affairs by local talent, as well as byguest speakers and artists from Israel and the United States. On the average,there were five affairs a week of this nature. Many of these were well at-tended. The Sunday morning lectures of the Ashkenazic rabbi, Jacob Avig-dor, for example, drew an audience of several hundred listeners each week.'(The chief rabbi of Mexico was David S. Rafalin.) A Yiddish recital by a-visiting artist packed the theater to its maximum seating capacity—800 per*sons—and the Israel Independence Day ball attracted 1,000 people. •>

The Zvi Kessel Foundation awarded its literary prizes for 1955 to the p<sets,iYitzchok Berliner, Mexico, and S. Shalom, Israel; and to the writer, Jacob Par,:United States. The Kessel Foundation also published Literarishe Vegn, essays'by Nochum B. Minkoff. The S. Mendelsohn Foundation at the Gezelshaftfar Kultur un Hilf brought out Epizodn fun Mayn Lebn by Ephraim'tiZelmanowicz, and Fun Kheyder un Shkoles biz Tsisho, by Chaim S. KazdanjIn 1956 the cultural commission at the Yidisher Tzentral Komitet publishedSolomon Kahan's Muzikalishe Esseyen. There also appeared Fun Altn Kvdl,essays by the late M. Duchowicz; Naygang, by Yeshayohu Austri-Dan;Meksikaner Yidn Tsvishn Berg, by Meyer Rapoport; Hilf, twenty-fifth annhversary issue of the Hilfs Farayn, and the annuals of the Jewish schools inMexico.

The newspaper Der Veg appeared three times a week and Di Shtime twiceweekly. The monthly Foroys (organ of the Kultur un Hilf Society and theJewish Socialist Bund), Dos Vort (League for Labor Palestine), Fray, Veji(Folks Lige), and other Yiddish periodicals, as well as the weekly Prensa Iftraelita, the monthlies Optimismo Juvenal (published by the Revista Israelitede Mexico), Tribuna Israelite/. (United Anti-Defamation Committee), and anumber of occasional publications in Spanish, continued to appear. The Jew-ish radio program, too, continued to broadcast seven hours a week.. ***Yiddish.

In 1955, the Shakhne Kaplan Fund was established for the purpose of pub-lishing literature for Jewish children. The Jacob Sourasky Fund gave 1,000,-000 pesos ($80,000) to help Jewish students go to Israel and complete theireducation there. ' .'

The Sports Center opened its library of Yiddish, Hebrew;1 Spanish/andEnglish books to the public. This institution also celebrated the/houseWarmj-


ing of its theater and casino buildings. The Yiddisher Kultur Tzenter, lo-cated in the old section of the city where few Jews now reside, boughtgrounds in the populated Jewish district and planned to start constructionof a new center there. Nidche Israel, also located in the old part of town,planned to build a synagogue, halls for weddings and parties, and a BethAm, a community house for the local institutions and youth groups,. in thepopulated Jewish area of Colonia Hipodromo. There was little socio-culturalactivity outside Mexico City.

JACOB LEVITZ

CUBA

y« HE PRESENCE of Jews in Cuba goes back to the colonial period of that is-.L land's history, but there is no direct connection between the present Jew-

ish colony in Cuba and the "sons of Israel" who lived there in the sixteenth,seventeenth, eighteenth, and the first half of the nineteenth century. Thehistory of the Jews in Cuba properly begins with the appearance on the is-land at the end of the nineteenth century of a few Jews from the UnitedStates, mainly from Florida. In 1904, they founded the United Hebrew Con-gregation, which purchased land in Guanabacoa for a cemetery. A few yearsbefore World War I, new groups of Sephardim, the majority from Turkeyand some from Mexico, arrived in Cuba and formed the organization UnionHebrea Shevet Achim in 1914. The true origin of the Jewish communitydates from the arrival of numerous immigrants from East Europe, chieflyPoland and Russia; in the years between 1933 and 1940, they were joined bynew groups of refugees from Germany and Austria.

Jewish PopulationThere was no way to establish accurately the number of Jews in Cuba. Es-

timates varied between 10,000 and 15,000. About 80 per cent of the Jews re-sided in Havana; the rest were dispersed in such smaller cities as Santa Clara,Camaguay, and Oriente.

The general economic situation in Cuba during 1955-56 was somewhatprecarious, mostly because of the rising competition on the world sugar mar-ket. The economic situation of the Jewish population was a good one. Dur-ing World War II and immediately after, most of the Jewish immigrants whopreviously had considered themselves transients settled and established com-mercial and industrial enterprises. A few were very successful; but the largestnumber, about 60 per cent, just managed to meet their high standard ofliving.

Discrimination and Anti-SemitismThere were no signs of anti-Semitism in Cuba. The establishment and

growth of the State of Israel gave great prestige to Cuban Jews; and the offi-cialdom and the press were generally sympathetic to Jewish interests and tojpro-Israel aspirations.

CUBA 415

Communal Organization and Activity

There were some forty Cuban Jewish religious, welfare, educational, andrecreational Jewish organizations, the majority in Havana. The most im-portant was the Zionist Federation of Cuba, in which all the parties in theZionist movement were represented. The federation promoted all the pro-Israel campaigns in Cuba.

Centro Israelita de Cuba, founded in 1925, was on the decline. Membershiphad fallen from a record 700 to 800 in recent years to about 150. However,Centro Israelita still maintained the largest Jewish library in Cuba, as wellas sponsoring the Autonomous Jewish School, where 40 children were re-ceiving a Jewish education. This school consisted of a kindergarten and sixgrades of elementary schoool, as well as three years of high school education.The high school was part of a government high school where Hebrew andYiddish together with Spanish and English were taught.

The Patronato had completed a Jewish center building, which was dedi-cated on October 27, 1955. The Patronato was continuing its efforts to createa centralized community organization, or kehillah. Resistance to these effortswas offered by the Centro Israelita, on the one hand, and the congregationAchdut Israel, on the other. Achdut Israel wished to control all religious ac-tivities of the Patronato, and it had not been possible to come to ah under-standing.

The organizations with the largest number of members were the Anti-Tuberculosis Committee and the Council of Jewish Women (about 1,000members each).

In April 1956, the congregations Adat Israel and Chesed Shel Ernes laidthe corner stone for a $100,000 building for a new synagogue. In the samemonth, Achdut Israel and the Centro Israelita arranged a mass memorialmeeting to commemorate the Warsaw Ghetto uprising. The ceremony tookplace before a monument to the six million Jews annihilated by Hitler.


The Israel bond campaign, under the honorary chairmanship of AdolphKates and the effective presidency of Enrique Kalisin, yielded in 1955 atotal of over $100,000.

The Women's International Zionist Organization (WIZO), with about1,400 members, organized a Month of the Jewish Child with considerablesuccess. In June 1956, WIZO announced through the Yiddish newspaperHavaner Lebn a chain campaign for the building of emergency shelters inIsrael. The sum of $12,000 was raised in a month's time.

At the end of 1955 an emergency campaign for Israel was proclaimed, witha goal of $300,000. By September 1956, about $225,000 had been raised.Especially active in this campaign were Rabbi Meyer Rosenbaum and theJewish writer, David Utiansky.

In addition, private investment by Cuban Jews in Israel reached $250,000by July 1956.


Cultural Activities

The B'nai B'rith lodge, with 371 members, published a Spanish magazinecalled Fragmentos. Printed in editions of 3,000, it was distributed among bothJews and non-Jews. The Jewish artist, Simcha Glazer, was awarded the firstprize and a gold medal for his painting, Nature and Meditation, which wasexhibited at the Circulo de Bellas Artes.

Personalia

In February 1956, at the celebration of his seventieth birthday organizedby the Patronato, Adolph Kates donated $40,000 for local Jewish institutions.

ABRAHAM J. DUBELMAN

CONFERENCE ON JEWISH MATERIAL CLAIMSAGAINST GERMANY, ALLOCATIONS, 1956*

TABLE 1

DISTRIBUTION OF ALLOCATIONS BY CATEGORY

Category AllocationRelief and Rehabilitation $ 7,563,259*Cultural and Educational Reconstruction 1,328,058*Legal Aid (United Restitution Organization) 400,000Commemorative Projects (Yad Vashem, Paris

Memorial) 420,000Administration 360,000"

TOTAL $10,071,317

• Basic programs covering the continent of Europe and American JointDistribution Committee programs on behalf of Nazi victims. For a break-down of earmarked allocations, see Table 2 below.

b Includes contribution to costs of Israel Purchasing Mission.

* For an account of the origins and program of the Conference onJewish Material Claims Against Germany, see AMEEICAN JEWISH YEARBOOK, 1956 (Vol. 57), p. 540-47.

CONFERENCE ON JEWISH MATERIAL CLAIMS AGAINST GERMANY

TABLE 2

DISTRIBUTION OF ALLOCATIONS FOR RELIEF AND REHABILITATION,CULTURAL AND EDUCATIONAL RECONSTRUCTION

(By Country and Program)

417

Country and AreaRelief and

Rehabilitation(earmarked)

Cultural andEducational

ReconstructionTotal

EuropeAustriaBelgiumDenmark . . .FranceGermanyGreat BritainGreeceHollandItalyNorwaySpainSwedenSwitzerland . .Yugoslavia . .

AustraliaCanadaUnited States . .South America.

Argentina . . .BoliviaBrazilChileEcuadorPeruUruguay

$1,394,856115,860143,000

5,40045,800

479,524118,27256,00051,30080,00036,70012,000

161,500

89,500118,272

235,947

13.50081,99819,8008,571

15,78996,289

$496,299

47,1002300

143,275"42,14290,160

730064,51753,931

2,500

25,6746,000

11,00027,00010,000

31351254,66634,666

20,000

$1,891,155115,860190,100

7,900189,075521,666208,43263,500

115,817133,93139,20012,000

187,1746,000

100,500145,272

10,000313,212290,613

34,66613^0081,99839,8008,571

15,78996,289

TOTAL COUNTRIES.

Programs and ProjectsAid programsb

International organizations'.YeshivotScholarships, etc.*Rabbinical research

1,749,075

270,000270,000

901,177

426,881

46,600165,281d

165,00050,000

2,650^52

696,881270,000

46,600165581165,00050,000

GRAND TOTAL 2,019,075 1,328,058 3,347,133

• Includes $21,428 for the yeshiva in Aix-les-Bains.b For refugee rabbis, invalids, and community leaders.c Includes World Sephardi Federation, World Union for Progressive Judaism, and Leo Baeck

Institute.d This sum refers to the United States, Canada, Great Britain, and Switzerland. Total allocated

for the whole yeshivot program, including French and Belgian appropriations, amounts to$206,709.

* Includes fellowships, teacher training, and university chairs in Judaic studies.

DIRECTORIESLISTS

NECROLOGY

. .!• ,i. •!• •!. , | . » » » . | , ,i, ,ii .!• .1. .!• •!•»•!• •!• •!• •!• .p •!• •!• •!• . | . » • ! • » » * » • ! • .|. .

List of Abbreviations

acad academyact. active, actingADL Anti-Defamation Leagueadmin. administrative, administrationadv advisoryami. affiliatedagr. agricultureagric agriculturist, agriculturalAm. America, Americanafflb ambassadorapptd appointedasoc associate, association, associatedasst. assistantatty attorneyau author

b bornbd boardBib Biblebibliog bibliography, bibliographerBklyn BrooklynBur. Bureau

Can CanadaCCAR. Central Conference of American

Rabbischmn chairmanCJFWF Council of Jewish Federations and

Welfare Fundscoll collector, collective, collegeColo Coloradocom. committeecomdr commandercomm commissioncommr commissionercomp composer, composedcond. conductorconf conferencecong congress, congregationconstr construction, constructedcontrib contributorcorr. correspondent

d. dieddem democratdept. departmentdir directordist. districtdiv division

econ economic, economisted editoredit. editededid. editorialedn editioneduc educationeducl. educationalEng English, Englandestab established

executive

fd fundfdn. foundationfdr. founderfed. federationfor. foreign

Ger Germangov governor, governinggovt government

Heb HebrewHIAS Hebrew Sheltering and Immigrant

Aid Societyhist historical, historyhon honoraryhosp hospitalHUC Hebrew Union CollegeHung Hungarian

incl includingind independentinst instituteinstn institutioninstr instructorintemat. internationalItal Italian

JDA Joint Defense AppealJDC American Jewish Joint Distribution

CommitteeJNF Jewish National FundJTS Jewish Theological Seminary ol

Americajurisprudence.National Jewish Welfare Board

vi*h War

gen.. .general

421

junsp.JWB.JWV Jewish War Veterans of AmericaTang languageleg legal, legislationlit literature, literary

mag magazinemed medicalmem membermetrop metropolitanmfr manufacture, manufacturermng managingmngr managermi manuscript

nat nationalNCCJ National Conference of Christians

and JewsNCRAC National Community Relations Ad-

visory CouncilNRA National Recovery AdministrationN.Y.C New York City

off. office, officerorg organized, organizersorgn organizationORT. Organization for Rehabilitation

Through TrainingOWI Office of War Information

Pal Palestinephar pharmacist, pharmaceuticalphys physicianprei presidentprin principalprod producer, production, producingprof. professorpseud pseudonympub publish, publication, publisher


rabb rabbinate, rabbinicalreed receivedrel religion, religiousreorg reorganizerep representativeret retiredRum RumaniaRuss Russian

sch schoolsci scientificsec secretarysect sectionsem seminarysoc societySp Spanishspec special, specialist•ubj subject«upt superintendent

tchr teachertheol theologicaltr translator, translatedtrav travel, travelertreas treasurer

UAHC Union of AmericanRations

Hebrew Con-gregations

UIA United Israel AppealUJA United Jewish AppealU N United Nationsuniv universityUNRRA United Nations Relief and Rehabili-

tation AdministrationUPA United Palestine AppealUSO United Service Organizations, Inc.

vol volumev.p vice president

west westernWPA Works Progress Administration

?-s yearsid Yiddish

YMHA Young Men's Hebrew AssociationYWHA Young Women's Hebrew AssociationZion ZionistZOA Zionist Organization of America

National Jewish Organizations1

UNITED STATES

COMMUNITY RELATIONS,POLITICAL

AMERICAN COUNCIL FOR JUDAISM, INC.(1943). 201 E. 57 St., N. Y. C, 22.Pres. Clarence L. Coleman Jr.; Exec. V.Pres. Elmer Berger. Seeks to advance theuniversal principles of a Judaism free ofnationalism, and the national, civic, cul-tural, and social integration into Ameri-can institutions of Americans of Jewishfaith. Council News; Education in Juda-ism; Growing Up; Highlights of the Yid-dish, Hebrew, and Anglo-Jewish Press;Press Digest.

AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE (1906).386 Fourth Ave., N. Y. C , 16. Pres.Irving M. Engel; Exec. V. P. John Slaw-son. Seeks to prevent infraction of thecivil and religious rights of Jews in anypan of the world and to secure equalityof economic, social, and educational op-portunity through education and civic ac-tion. Seeks to broaden understanding ofthe basic nature of prejudice and to im-prove techniques for combating it. Pro-motes a philosophy of Jewish integrationby projecting a balanced view with re-spect to full participation in Americanlife and retention of Jewish identity.AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK (withJewish Publication Society of America);Commentary; Committee Reporter; Re-port of Annual Meeting; "This Is OurHome."

AMERICAN JEWISH CONGRESS (1917; re-org. 1922, 1938). Stephen Wise CongressHouse, 15 E. 84 St., N. Y. C, 28. Pres.Israel Goldstein; Act. Exec. Dir. IsaacToubin. Seeks to protect the rights of Jewsin all lands; to strengthen the bonds be-tween American Jewry and Israel; to pro-mote the democratic organization of Jew-ish communal life in the United States,to foster the affirmation of Jewish religious,cultural, and historic identity, and to con-tribute to the preservation and extension

of the democratic way of life. CongressRecord; Congress Weekly; Polk undVeil; Judaism; Program Notes and Leads.

-, WOMEN'S DIVISION OF (1933).Stephen Wise Congress House, 15 E. 84St., N. Y. C, 28. Pres. Mrs. Thelma Rich-man; Dir. Mrs. Naomi Levine. Com-mitted to the preservation and extensionof the democratic way of life, and theunity and creative survival of the Jewishpeople throughout the world. ProgramNotes and Leads; World Tourists' Hand-book.

ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUB OF B'NAIB'RITH (1913). 515 Madison Ave.,N. Y. C, 22. Nat. Chmn. Henry E.Schultz; Nat. Dir. Benjamin R. Epstein.Seeks to eliminate defamation of Jews,counteract un-American and anti-demo-cratic propaganda, and promote bettergroup relations. ADL Bulletin; ADLChristian Friends' Bulletin; ADL Re-search Reports; Pacts; "Freedom Pam-phlets."

ASSOCIATION OF JEWISH COMMUNITY RE-LATIONS WORKERS (1950). 9 East 38St., N. Y. C, 16. Pres. Walter A. Lurie;Sec. Isaac Franck. Aims to encourage co-operation between Jewish community re-lations workers and communal workers;to encourage among Jewish communityrelations workers the fullest possible un-derstanding of Jewish life and values.

CONSULTATIVE COUNCIL OF JEWISH OR-GANIZATIONS—CCJO (1946). 61 Broad-way, N. Y. C, 6. Co-Chmn. Jules Braun-schyig (Alliance Israelite Universelle),Irving M. Engel (American Jewish Com-mittee), Robert N. Carvalho (Anglo-Jew-ish Association); Sec-Gen. Moses Mosko-witz. Cooperates and consults with,advises and renders assistance to, UnitedNations Educational, Scientific and Cul-tural Organization on all problems relat-ing to human rights and economic, social,cultural, educational, and related matterspertaining to Jews. Occasional mono-graphs.

1 Includes national Jewish organizations in existence for at least one year prior to June 30,19S6, based on replies to questionnaires circulated by the editors. Inclusion in this list does not

reprinted from the AMERICAN JEWISH YEAS BOOK, 1956 (Volume 57)

423


COORDINATING BOARD OF JEWISH ORGAN-IZATIONS (1947). 1003 K St., N.W.,Washington 1, D. C. Co-Chmn. Philip M.Klutznick (B'nai B'rith), Barnett Janner(Board of Deputies of British Jews),Bernard Arthur Ettlinger (South AfricanJewish Board of Deputies); Sees. Gen.Maurice Bisgyer (U.S.), A. G. Brotman(U.K.), J. M. Rich (S.A.). As an organ-ization in consultative status with the Eco-nomic and Social Council of the UnitedNations, represents the three constituents(B'nai B'rith, the Board of Deputies ofBritish Jews, and the South African Jew-ish Board of Deputies) in the appropriateUnited Nations bodies with respect to ad-vancing and protecting the status, rights,and interests of Jews as well as relatedmatters bearing upon the human rights ofall peoples.

INTERNATIONAL JBWISH LABOR BUND.See WORLD COORDINATING COMMITTEEOF THE BUND.

JEWISH LABOR COMMITTEB (1933). AtranCenter for Jewish Culture, 25 E. 78 St.,N. Y. C, 21. Nat. Chmn. Adolph Held:Exec. Sec, Jacob Pat. Aids Jewish andnon-Jewish labor institutions overseas;aids victims of oppression and persecu-tion; seeks to combat anti-Semitism andracial and religious intolerance abroadand in the U.S. in cooperation with or-ganized labor and other groups. Facts andOpinions; Labor Reports; Jewish LaborOutlook.

, WOMEN'S DIVISION OF (1947).Atran Center for Jewish Culture, 25 E.78 St., N. Y. C, 21. Nat. Chmn. EleanorSchachner; Exec. Sec. Vivian Leopold.Supports the general activities of the Jew-ish Labor Committee; maintains childwelfare and adoption program in Europeand Israel. Women's Division Bulletin.

- , WORKMEN'S CIRCLE DIVISION OF(1940). Atran Center for Jewish Culture,25 E. 78 St., N. Y. C, 21. Chmn. S. Sil-verberg; Exec. Sec. Zelman J. Lichten-stein. Promotes aims of and raises fundsfor the Jewish Labor Committee amongthe Workmen's Circle branches. Bulletin;Yearly Report.

JBWISH SOCIALIST VERBAND OF AMERICA(1921). 175 E. Broadway, N. Y. C, 2.Chmn. Nat. Exec. Com. Max Gaft; Nat.Sec. I. Levin-Shatzkes. Promotes andpropagandizes the ideals of social democ-racy among the Jewish working people.Der Wecker.

* JEWISH WAR VETERANS OF THE UNITEDSTATES OF AMERICA, INC. (1896). 1712New Hampshire Ave., N.W., Washing-ton, 9, D.C.

JOINT DEFENSE APPEAL OF THE AMERI-CAN JEWISH COMMITTEE AND ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE OF B'NAI B'RITH(1941). 300 W. 43 St., N. Y. C, 36.Nat. Exec. Dir. Samuel L. Hyman. Raisesfunds for the activities of the constituent

organizations. Briefs of J.D.A. NationalCouncil; New York Campaign Briefs.

NATIONAL COMMUNITY RELATIONS AD-ISORY COUNCIL (1944). 9 E. 38 St.,N. Y. C, 16. Chmn. Bernard H. Trager;Exec. Dir. Isaiah M. Minkoff. Aims: Tostudy, analyze, and evaluate the policiesand activities of the national and localagencies; to ascertain the problem areasfrom time to time; to ascertain the areasof activities of these organizations and toconduct a continuous inventory of theirprojects; to serve as a coordinating andclearance agency for projects and policies,to eliminate duplication and conflict ofactivities, and to recommend further proj-ects to member agencies; to seek agree-ment on and formulate policies. In theCommon Cause.

WORLD COORDINATING COMMITTEE OFTHE BUND (1897). 25 E. 78 St., N. Y. C,21. Sec. Emanuel Nowogrudsky, EmanuelScherer. Coordinates activities of the Bundorganizations throughout the world andrepresents them in the Socialist Interna-tional. Jewish Labor Bund Bulletin;Unser Tsait (U.S.); Bulletin of the Jew-ish Youth Movement.

WORLD JEWISH CONGRESS (1936); org.in U.S. 1939). Stephen Wise CongressHouse, 15 E. 84 St., N. Y. C, 28. Pres.Nahum Goldmann; Exec. Sec. AbrahamS. Hyman. Seeks to secure and safeguardthe rights, status, and interests of Jewsand Jewish communities throughout theworld; represents its affiliated organizationsbefore the United Nations, governmental,inter-governmental, and other internationalauthorities on matters which are of con-cern to the Jewish people as a whole;promotes Jewish cultural activity and rep-resents Jewish cultural interests beforeUNESCO; organizes Jewish communal lifein countries of recent settlement; preparesand publishes surveys on contemporaryJewish problems. Congress Digest; Cur-rent Events in Jewish Life; Folk un Velt;Information Series; Information Sheets;Institute of Jewish Affairs Reports; JewishCultural Affairs; Periodical Reports.

CULTURALALEXANDER KOHUT MEMORIAL FOUNDA-

TION, INC. (1915). 3080 Broadway,N. Y. C, 27. Pres. Harry A. Wolfson;Sec. Shalom Spiegel. Publishes worksmainly in the fields of Talmudic lore,lexicography, and archeology.

AMERICAN ACADEMY FOR JEWISH RE-SEARCH, INC. (1920). 3080 Broadway,N. Y. C, 27. Pres. Saul Lieberman; Sec.A. S. Halkin. Encourages research by aid-ing scholars in need and by giving grantsfor the publication of scholarly works.Proceedings of the American Academy forJewish Research.

AMERICAN ASSOCIATION OF ENGLISH JEW-ISH NEWSPAPBRS (1943). 608 Dryades

NATIONAL JEWISH ORGANIZATIONS 425St., New Orleans, La. Pres. AbrahamSlabot; Sec. Jimmy Wisch. Seeks to raiseand maintain the standards of professionalJewish journalism and to create instru-ments of information for American Jewry;maintains news service. American JewishPress.

* AMERICAN BIBLICAL ENCYCLOPEDIA SO-CIETY, I N C . TORAH SHELEMAH (1939 ) .114 Liberty St., N . Y. C , 6.

AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY( 1 8 9 2 ) . 3080 Broadway, N . Y. C , 27.Pres. Jacob R. Marcus; Librarian-Ed.Isidore S. Meyer. Collects and publishesmaterial on the history of the Jews inAmerica. Publication of the AmericanJewish Historical Society.

AMERICAN JEWISH INSTITUTE, I N C .(1947 ) . 103 Park Ave., N . Y. C , 17.Pres. Bernard G. Richards; Hon. Sec.Herman W. Bernstein. Seeks the advance-ment of Jewish knowledge and culturethrough the dissemination of data onJews and Judaism, publication of essentialliterature, speakers, and library services.Current Jewish Thought.

, JEWISH INFORMATION BUREAU( 1 9 3 2 ) . 250 W. 57 St., N . Y. C , 19.Chmn. Bernard G. Richards; Hon. Sec.Herman W. Bernstein. Serves as clearinghouse of information on Jewish subjects.The Index.

' AMERICAN MEMORIAL TO SIX MILLIONJBWS OF EUROPE, INC. ( 1947 ) . 165 W.46 St., N . Y. C , 36.

CENTRAL YIDDISH CULTURE ORGANIZA-TION (CYCO), INC. ( 1 9 3 8 ) . 25 E. 78St., N . Y. C , 21.

COL. DAVID MARCUS MEMORIAL F O U N -DATION, I N C . ( 1 9 4 8 ) . 19 E. 70 St.,N . Y. C , 21. Pres. Arthur H. Schwartz;Sec Mrs. Emma C. Marcus. Dignifies andproperly recognizes only worthwhile proj-ects formed in memory of David Marcus.

CONFERENCE O N JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES(formerly CONFERENCE ON JEWISH RE-LATIONS, I N C . ) ( 1935 ) . 1841 Broad-way, N . Y. C , 23. ACT. Pres. Koppel S.Pinson; Sec. Bernard H. Goldstein. En-gages in and supervises scientific studiesand factual research with respect to soci-ological problems involving contemporaryJewish life. Jewish Social Studies.

CONGRESS FOR JEWISH CULTURE, INC.( 1 9 4 8 ) . 25 E. 78 St., N . Y. C , 21.Chmn. Exec. Com. H. Leivick; Exec. Sec.H. B. Bass. Seeks to centralize and pro-mote Jewish culture and cultural activi-ties throughout the world and to unifyfund raising for these activities. Bulletinfun Kultur Kongres; Zukunft.

, W O R L D BUREAU FOR JEWISH ED-UCATION OF, ( 1 9 4 8 ) . 25 E. 78 St.,N. Y. C , 21. Sec. H. Bass, L. Spizman.Promotes and coordinates the work of theYiddish and Hebrew-Yiddish schools inthe United States and abroad. Bletter farYiddisher Dertsiung; Bulletin fun Velt-senter far der Yiddisher Shut.

HISTADRUTH IVRITH OF AMERICA (1916;re-org. 1922) . 165 W. 46 St., N . Y. C ,36. Pres. Samuel K. Mirsky, Morris B.Newman, Simon Federbush, Joseph Ten-enbaum; Exec. Sec. Yerachmiel Wein-garten. Seeks to promote Hebrew languageand literature in the United States and tostrengthen the cultural relations betweenthe United States and Israel. Hadoar;Hadoar Lanoar; Mabua; Musaf LakoreHatzair: Niv; Perakim; Shvilei Hachi-nuch; Ogen publications.

• , HEBREW ARTS FOUNDATION( 1 9 3 9 ) , 165 W. 46 St., N. Y. C , 36.

JEWISH ACADEMY OF ARTS A N D SCIENCES,INC. ( 1 9 2 7 ) . 46 W. 83 St., N. Y. C ,24. Pres. Leo Jung; Exec. Sec. AbrahamBurstein. Honors Jews distinguished inthe arts and professions; encourages andpublishes Jewish achievement in scholar-ship and the arts by its members and fel-lows. Bulletin.

JEWISH BOOK COUNCIL OF AMERICA(1940) (sponsored by National JewishWelfare Board). 145 E. 32 St., N. Y. C ,16. Pres. Ely E. Pilchik; Exec. Sec. PhilipGoodman. Seeks to spread knowledge ofJewish books. In Jewish Bookland; Jew-ish Book Annual.

JBWISH LIBRARIANS ASSOCIATION ( 1 9 4 6 ) .40 W. 68 St., N. Y. C , 23- Pres. I. Ed-ward Kiev; Corr. Sec. Harry J. Alderman.Advances the interests of Jewish librariesand the professional status of Jewish li-brarians; promotes publications of Jewishbibliographical interest.

JEWISH MUSEUM (1947) (under the aus-pices of The Jewish Theological Seminaryof America), 1109 Fifth Ave., N. Y. C ,28. Dir. Simon Greenberg; curator anddir. of exhibits Stephen S. Kayser. Dis-plays Jewish art treasures and temporaryexhibits of Jewish artists; conducts edu-cational activities in connection with ex-hibits.

JEWISH MUSIC FORUM-SOCIETY FOR THBADVANCEMENT OF JEWISH MUSICALCULTURE (1939 ) . 39-40 GreenpointAve., Long Island City 4, N. Y. Pres.Arthur Wolfson; Corresponding Sec. LeahM. Jaffa. Presents, evaluates, promotes,and advances Jewish music; gives youngcomposers and performers the opportunityof being heard. Bulletin, 1956.

JEWISH PUBLICATION SOCIETY OF AMER-ICA (1888 ) . 222 N. 15 St., Philadelphia2, Pa. Pres. Edwin Wolf, 2nd; Exec. Sec.Lesser Zussman. Publishes and dissemi-nates books of Jewish interest on history,religion, and literature for the purpose ofpreserving the Jewish heritage and cul-ture. AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK(with American Jewish Committee);Annual Catalogue; JPS Bookmark.

LEO BAECK INSTITUTE, U. S. OFFICE(1955) . 50 W. 77 St., N. Y. C , 24.Pres. Siegfried Moses (Jerusalem); Sec.N. Y. office Max Kreutzberger. Engagesin historical research, the publication and


presentation of the history of German andCentral European Jewry, and in the col-lection of books and manuscripts in thisfield; publishes a year book as well asmonographs. Yearbook.

Louis LAMED LITERARY FOUNDATION FORTHE ADVANCEMENT OF HEBREW ANDYIDDISH LITERATURE (1939) . 980Whitmore Rd., Detroit 3, Mich. Fdr.Louis LaMed. Seeks to bring about unityand cooperation between Yiddish andHebrew writers and readers.

MENORAH ASSOCIATION, INC. (1929). 20E. 69 St., N. Y. C, 21. Chanc. HenryHurwitz; Sec. Harry Starr. Seeks to studyand advance Jewish culture and ideals.Menorah Journal.

NATIONAL HAYM SALOMON MEMORIALCOMMITTBE, INC. (1950) . 299 Madi-son Ave., N. Y. C, 17. Chmn. GabrielA. Wechsler; Exec. V.-Chmn. Sidney E.Wolffson. Carries out provisions of jointResolution of 74th Congress authorizingconstruction of memorial in Washington,D. C, to Haym Salomon; educates publicto contributions of American Jewry.

NATIONAL JEWISH MUSIC COUNCIL (1944)(sponsored by National Jewish WelfareBoard). 145 E. 32 St., N. Y. C, 16.Chmn. Emanuel Green; Exec. Sec. LeahM. Jaffa. Promotes Jewish music activi-ties nationally and encourages participa-tion on a community basis. Jewish MusicNotes.

OFFICE FOR JEWISH POPULATION RE-SEARCH (1949) . 386 Fourth Ave., N. Y.C, 16. Pres. Salo W. Baron; Sec.-Treas.Morris Fine. Aims to gather populationand other statistical data on the Jews ofU. S.; to provide such data to Jewishagencies and the general public and tostimulate national interest in Jewish popu-lation research through publications andother media.

UNITED FUND FOR JEWISH CULTURB(1950). 25 E. 78 St., N. Y. C, 21.Chmn. B. Tabachinsky; Sec. H. Bass.Centralizes fund raising of the constituentorganizations (Congress for Jewish Cul-ture, Yiddish Encyclopedia, CYCO, Zu-kunft) which are devoted mainly to thepromotion of Yiddish culture, education,and literature.

YlDDISHER KULTUR FARBAND — YKUF(1937). 189 Second Ave., N. Y. C, 3.Pres. Kalman Marmor; Nat. Sec. ZionWeinper. Advances Jewish culture throughpublishing a monthly magazine, books ofcontemporary and classical Jewish writers,conducting cultural forums, and exhibit-ing works of contemporary Jewish artists.Yiddishe Kultur.

Yivo INSTITUTE FOR JEWISH RESEARCH,INC. (1925). 1048 Fifth Ave., N. Y. C,28. Chmn. Bd. of Dir. Charles Zunser;Exec. Dir. Mark Uveeler. Engages in Jew-ish social research; collects and preservesdocumentary and archival material per-taining to Jewish life, and publishes the

results of its findings in books and peri-odicals. Yedies fun YIVO—News of theYIVO! Yidishe Shprakh; Yidisher Folk-lore; YIVO Annual of Jewish Social Sci-ence; YIVO Bleter.

OVERSEAS AIDAMERICAN COMMITTEE OF OSE, INC.

(1940) . 24 W. 40 St., N. Y. C , 18.Chmn. Bd. of Dir. Israel S. Wechsler;Exec. Dir. Leon Wulman. Aims to im-prove the health of the Jewish people bymeans of health education and populariza-tion of hygiene; and by implementationof medical and public health programsamong Jews, with particular emphasis onchildren, youth, and migrants. AmericanOSE Review; Amerose News Letter.

AMERICAN FRIENDS OF THE ALLIANCE IS-RAELITE UNTVERSELLE, INC. (1946) .61 Broadway, N. Y. C , 6. Pres. MarcelFranco; Exec. Dir. Saadiah Cherniak.Serves as liaison between American Jewryand the Alliance Israelite Universelle.Alliance Review; Revista de la Alliance.

AMERICAN JEWISH JOINT DISTRIBUTIONCOMMITTEE, INC.—JDC (1914) . 3 E.54 St., N. Y. C , 22. Chmn. EdwardM. M. Warburg; Exec. V.-Chmn. andSec. Moses A. Leavirt. Organizes and ad-ministers welfare, medical, and rehabili-tation programs and distributes funds forrelief and reconstruction on behalf ofJews overseas. JDC Annual Report; JDCDigest; Statistical Abstract.

AMERICAN ORT FEDERATION, INC.-—OR-GANIZATION FOR REHABILITATIONTHROUGH TRAINING (1924) . 212 FifthAve., N. Y. C , 10. Pres. William Haber;Exec. Sec. Paul Bernick. Trains Jewishmen and women in the technical tradesand agriculture; organizes and maintainsvocational training schools throughout theworld. ORT Bulletin.

, AMERICAN AND EUROPBANFRIENDS OF ORT (1941) . 318 W. 57St., N. Y. C, 19. Pres. Jacob Frankel.Promotes the ORT idea among Americansof European extraction; supports the ORTTrade School.

, AMERICAN LABOR ORT (1937) .212 Fifth Ave., N. Y. C, 10. Chmn.Adolph Held; Exec. Sec. Samuel Milman.Promotes ORT program of vocationaltraining among Jews in labor unions,AFL-CIO, and the Workmen's Circle.

- , BUSINESS AND PROFESSIONALORT (formerly Young Men's andWomen's ORT) (1937) . 212 FifthAve., N. Y. C , 10. Pres. Mrs. RoseSeidel; Exec. Sec. Mrs. Kate Taormina.Engages in fund-raising activities for thesupport of ORT.

, NATIONAL ORT League (1941) .212 Fifth Ave., N. Y. C , 10. Chmn. Her-man Hoffman; Exec. Dir. Chaim Wein-traub. Promotes ORT idea among Jewishfraternal landsmannschaften, national and

NATIONAL JEWISH ORGANIZATIONS 427

local organizations, congregations; helpsto equip ORT installations and Jewishartisans abroad, especially in Israel.

WOMEN'S AMERICAN ORT(1927). 212 Fifth Ave., N. Y. C, 10.Nat. Pres. Mrs. Victor Segal; Nat. Exec.Dir. Nathan Gould. Promotes and sup-ports ORT program. Highlights; Wom-en's American ORT News.

- , YOUNG MEN'S AND WOMEN'SORT. See BUSINESS AND PROFESSIONALORT.

A.RJ.F.—ASSOCIATION POUR LA RECON-STRUCTION DES INSTITUTIONS ET OEUV-RES ISRAELITES EN FRANCE (1943).119 E. 95 St., N. Y. C, 28. Pres. ReneB. Sacerdote; Sec. Simon Langer. HelpsJewish religious and cultural institutionsin France.

COMMITTEE FOR JEWISH CLAIMS ON AUS-TRIA (1953). 3 E. 54 St., N. Y. C, 22.Chmn. Exec. Bd. Nahum Goldmann; Sec.Saul Kagan. Deals with problems of com-pensation to Jewish victims of Nazi per-secution from and in Austria, in order toimprove the benefits to individual victimsunder compensation legislation and to ob-tain funds for relief of needy Jewish vic-tims of Nazi persecution in and fromAustria.

CONFERENCE ON JEWISH MATERIALCLAIMS AGAINST GERMANY, INC.(1951). 3 E. 54 St., N. Y. C, 22. Pres.Nahum Goldmann; Sec. Saul Kagan. Re-ceives funds from the Government of theGerman Federal Republic under theterms of the agreement between the Con-ference and the Federal Republic, andutilizes these funds for the relief, rehabili-tation, and resettlement of needy victimsof Nazi persecution residing outside ofIsrael on the basis of urgency of need.

FREELAND LEAGUE FOR JEWISH COLONI-ZATION (1937; in U. S. 1941). 310 W.86 St., N. Y. C, 24. Gen. Sec. I. N.Steinberg. Plans large-scale colonizationin some unoccupied territory for thosewho seek a home and cannot or will notgo to Israel. Freeland; Oifn Shi/el.

HIAS—HEBREW SHELTERING AND IMMI-GRANT AID SOCIETY (1884). See UNITEDHIAS SERVICE.

JEWISH CULTURAL RECONSTRUCTION, INC.(1947). 1841 Broadway, N. Y. C, 23.Pres. Salo W. Baron; Sec. Hannah Arendt.Takes title to heirless and unidentifiableJewish cultural properties in Germany,and distributes them to Jewish institutionsthroughout the world.

JEWISH RESTITUTION SUCCESSOR ORGANI-ZATION (1947). 3 E. 54 St., N. Y. C,22. Pres. Monroe Goldwater; Exec. Sec.Saul Kagan. Acts to discover, claim, re-ceive, and assist in the recovery of Jewishheirless or unclaimed property; to utilizesuch assets or to provide for their utiliza-tion for the relief, rehabilitation, and re-settlement of surviving victims of Nazipersecution.

UNITED JEWISH APPEAL, INC. ( 1939).165 W. 46 St., N. Y. C, 36. Gen.Chmn. William Rosenwald; Pres. EdwardM. M. Warburg; Exec. V.-Chmn. HerbertA. Friedman. National fund-raising in-strument for American Jewish Joint Dis-tribution Committee, United Israel Ap-peal, and New York Association for NewAmericans. Report to Members.

VAAD HATZALA REHABILITATION COM-MITTEE, INC. (1939). 132 Nassau St.,N. Y. C, 38. Pres. Eliezer Silver; Exec.Dir. Jacob Karlinsky. Sends food parcelsand scrip to Israel; supplies religiousbooks to yeshivot, kibbutzim, and settle-ments in Israel; assists rabbis and scholarsin Europe and in U. S. with immigrationproblems.

RELIGIOUS, EDUCATIONALAGUDAS ISRAEL WORLD ORGANIZATION

(1912). 2521 Broadway, N. Y. C, 25.Chmn. Exec. Central Com. American Sec-tion Isaac Lewin; Hon. Sec. SalomonGoldsmith. International organization rep-resenting the interests of Orthodox Jews.

AGUDATH ISRAEL OF AMERICA, INC.(1912). 5 Beekman St., N. Y. C, 38.Admin. Pres. Michael G. Tress; Exec.V.P. Morris Sherer. Seeks to organize re-ligious Jewry in the Orthodox spirit, andin that spirit to solve all problems facingJewry in Israel and the world over.Agudah News Reporter; Jewish Opinion—Dos Yiddishe Vort.

, CHILDREN'S DIVISION—PIRCHBIAGUDATH ISRABL (1925). 5 BeekmanSt., N. Y. C, 38. Chmn. Wolf Karfiol.Educates Orthodox Jewish children ac-cording to the traditional Jewish way.Darkeinu; Inter Talmud Torah Boys;Leaders Guide.

-, GIRLS' DIVISION—BNOS AGUDATHISRAEL. 5 Beekman St., N. Y. C, 38.Pres. Bertha Fuchs, Sheila Goldson. Aimsto lead Jewish youth to the realization ofthe historic nature of the Jewish peopleas the people of the Torah; to strengthentheir devotion to and understanding ofthe Torah; and to train them to helpsolve all the problems of the Jewish peo-ple in Israel in the spirit of the Torah.Kol Basya; Kol Bnos.

YOUNG AGUDAH WOMEN—N'SHEI AGUDATH ISRAEL (1941). 5Beekman St., N. Y. C, 38. Pres. Mrs.Chaye Frankel, Mrs. Esther Knobel, Mrs.Sylvia Klein. Assists refugee children inIsrael; performs social and cultural workin Israel and the United States. Organizeswomen's groups connected with the Agu-dah movement throughout the world;maintains camp for underprivileged girls.N'shei News; Annual Journal.

YOUTH DIVISION-ZEIREI AGU-DATH ISRAEL (1921). 5 Beekman St.,N. Y. C, 38. Pres. Julius Klugman, F.


Sochaczewsky. Exec. Dir. B. Borchardt.Aims to lead Jewish youth to the realiza-tion of the historic nature of the Jewishpeople as the people of the Torah; tostrengthen their devotion to and under-standing of the Torah; and to train themto help solve all the problems of the Jew-ish people in Israel in the spirit of theTorah. Agttdab Youth; Leaders Guide;Orthodox Tribune.

AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR JEWISH EDU-CATION (1939) . 1261 Broadway, N . Y.C , 1. Pres. Philip W. Lown; Exec. Dir.Judah Pilch. Coordinates, guides, and serv-ices Jewish education nationally througha community program. Adult Jewish Lead-ership (in cooperation with the JewishEducation Committee of New York);Audio-Visual Review; Better Type ofTeaching; Jewish Education Newsletter;Pedogogic Reporter; Trends and Develop-ments.

AMERICAN CONFERENCE OF CERTIFIEDCANTORS (1953 ) . 40 W. 68 St., N . Y.C., 23. Pres. Benjamin Grobani; Exec.Sec. Wolf Hecker. Devotes itself to thehighest ideals of the cantorate, enhancingstatus and security of individual cantors.American Conference of Certified CantorsBulletin.

ASSOCIATION OF JEWISH CHAPLAINS OFTHE ARMED FORCES (1946 ) . 145 E. 32St., N . Y. C , 16. Pres. Israel Miller; Sec.Samson M. Goldstein. Seeks to promotefellowship among and advance the com-mon interests of all chaplains in and outof the service.

B'NAI B'RITH HlLLEL FOUNDATIONS, INC.( 1 9 2 3 ) . 165 W. 46 St., N . Y. C , 36.Chmn. Nat. Hillel Comm. William Haber;Nat. Dir. Judah J. Shapiro. Provides cul-tural, religious, and counseling service toJewish students in colleges and univer-sities in the United States, Canada, Eng-land, and Israel. Clearing House; HillelNewsletter.

B'NAI B'RITH Y O U T H ORGANIZATION(1944 ) . 1129 Vermont Ave., N. W.,Washington 6, D . C. Chmn. B'nai B'rithYouth Comm. Label A. Katz; Nat.Dir. Max F. Baer. Helps Jewish youthachieve personal growth through a pro-gram of cultural, religious, interfaith,community service, social, and athleticactivities. Shofar.

• BRANDEIS Y O U T H FOUNDATION, I N C .(1941 ) . 816 S. Robertson Blvd., LosAngeles 35, Calif.

CANTORS ASSEMBLY OF AMERICA ( 1 9 4 7 ) .3080 Broadway, N . Y. C , 27. Pres.Samuel Rosenbaum; Exec. V. P. David J.Putterman. Seeks to elevate the generalstatus and standards of the cantonal pro-fession. Annual Convention Proceedings;Cantors Voice.

CENTRAL CONFERENCE O F AMERICANRABBIS (1889) . 40 W. 68 St., N . Y. C ,23. Pres. Israel Bettan; Exec. V.P. SidneyL. Regner. Seeks to conserve and pro-

mote Judaism and to disseminate itsteachings in a liberal spirit. CCAR Jour-nal; Yearbook.

CENTRAL YESHIVAH BETH JOSEPH RAB-BINICAL SEMINARY (In Europe 1891; inU.S. 1941) . 1427 49 St., Brooklyn 19,N. Y. Pres. Henry L. Kraushar; Exec. Sec.and Admin. Kurt Klappholz. Maintains aschool for the teaching of rabbis andteachers as well as yeshivah instructors.

COLLEGE O F JEWISH STUDIES ( 1 9 2 4 ) . 72E. 11 St., Chicago 5, 111. Pres. AbrahamG. Duker; Registrar Louis Katzoff. Offerscourses in history, language, literature,and religion of the Jews; provides profes-sional training for Hebrew school teachers,Sunday School teachers, cantors, and Jew-ish dub and group workers; conductsgraduate school leading to the degrees ofMaster and Doctor of Hebrew Literature.Alon; Student Annual.

COMMISSION O N STATUS O F JEWISH W A RORPHANS I N EUROPE, AMERICAN SEC-TION ( 1 9 4 5 ) . 120 W. 42 St., N . Y. C ,36. Pres. and Hon. Sec. Moses Schonfeld;Treas. Arthur I. LeVine. Seeks to restoreJewish orphans to their former familiesand to the Jewish faith and environment.

DROPSIE COLLEGE FOR HEBREW A N DCOGNATE LEARNING ( 1 9 0 7 ) . Broad andYork Sis., Philadelphia 32, Pa. Pres. Ab-raham A. Neuman; Exec. V.P. Samuel B.Finkel. A nonsectarian institution underJewish auspices; trains scholars in higherJewish and Semitic learning; offers onlypostgraduate degrees. Jewish QuarterlyReview.

, A L U M N I ASSOCIATION ( 1 9 2 5 ) .Broad and York Sts., Philadelphia 32, Pa.Pres. Abraham I. Katsh; Sec.-Treas. JosephReider. Fosters the interests of DropsieCollege. Newsletter.

• FEDERATION OF JEWISH STUDENT OR-GANIZATIONS ( 1 9 3 7 ) . 3010 Broadway,N. Y. C , 27.

GRATZ COLLEGE ( 1 8 9 5 ) . 1338 Mt. Ver-non St., Philadelphia 23, Pa. Chmn. Bd.of Overseers Maurice Jacobs; Admin.Daniel Isaacman. Trains teachers for Jew-ish religious schools; provides Jewishstudies for adults. Hamithorer; NeirTalmid; Alumni News Letter.

HBBREW TEACHERS COLLEGE ( 1 9 2 1 ) . 43Hawes St., Brookline 46, Mass. Pres.Harry A. Savitz; Dean Eisig Silber-schlag. Offers higher Jewish learning;trains Hebrew teachers and communityworkers; maintains Hebrew High School.Hebrew Teachers College Bulletin; Eyal.

HBBREW TEACHERS FEDERATION O FAMERICA ( 1 9 4 4 ) . 165 W. 46 St., N . Y .C , 36. Pres. Shemeon Pollack; Exec.Dir. Zevi Glatstein. Aims to improve theprofessional status of Hebrew teachersin the United States; to intensify thestudy of Hebrew language and literaturein Jewish schools; and to organize He-brew teachers nationally in affiliatedgroups and associations. Yediot Hamerkaz.

NATIONAL JEWISH ORGANIZATIONS 429HEBREW TEACHERS UNION (1911). I l lFifth Ave., N. Y. C, 3.

HEBREW THEOLOGICAL COLLEGB (1922).216 W. Jackson Blvd., Chicago, 111. Pres.Oscar Z. Fasman; Admin. Officer MelvinGoodman. Offers studies in higher Jew-ish learning along traditional lines; trainsrabbis, teachers, and religious function-aries; postgraduate school for advanceddegrees in Hebrew literature. Journal;Scribe.

, TEACHERS' INSTITUTE OF (1927).3448 West Douglas Blvd., Chicago 23,HI. Pres. Oscar Z. Fasman; Dean JosephBabad. Trains teachers for Hebrewschools; offers traditional Jewish education.

- , YESHTVA WOMEN (1949). 216W. Jackson Blvd., Chicago, 111. Pres. Mrs.Jack Tresley; Sec. Mrs. Morris Korb.Sponsors scholarship and welfare fundsfor students of Hebrew Theological Col-lege; serves as clearing house for tradi-tional synagogue sisterhoods. YeshivaWomen Bulletin.

HEBREW UNION COLLEGE—JEWISH INSTI-TUTE OF RELIGION of Cincinnati, NewYork, and Los Angeles (1875, 1922;merged 1950). Clifton Ave., Cincinnati20, Ohio; 40 W. 68 St., N. Y. C, 23;590 N. Vermont Ave., Los Angeles, 4.Pres. Nelson Glueck; Asst. to Pres. Rich-ard N. Bluestein. Prepares students forrabbinate, cantorate, religious school teach-ing, community service; promotes Jewishstudies; assembles, classifies, and preservesJewish Americana. HUC—JIR Bulletin;Hebrew Union College Annual.

, ALUMNI ASSOCIATION OF THB(1884; merged 1949). 11 Eton St.,Springfield 8, Mass. Pres. Samuel D.Soskin; Sec.-Treas. Herman E. Snyder.Aims to promote the welfare of Judaism,of the Hebrew Union College-Jewish In-stitute of Religion, and of its graduates.Annual Report.

- , SCHOOLS OF EDUCATION ANDSACRED MUSIC (1947). 40 W. 68 St.N. Y. C, 23. Dean Abraham N. Franz-blau, Exec. Dir. Wolf Hecker. Trainscantor-educators for all congregations,Orthodox, Conservative, and Reform;trains musical personnel for all congre-gations; trains principals and teachers forReform religious schools.

HERZLIAH HEBREW TEACHERS INSTITUTB,INC. (1921). 314 W. 91 St., N. Y. C,24. Pres. Jacob H. Cohen; Fdr. and DeanMoses Feinstein. Trains teachers of Bible,Hebrew language and Jewish religion forHebrew elementary schools, parochialschools, and high schools; conducts ajunior high school, high school, teachersinstitute, graduate division, and adult ex-tension courses. Abba-lmma; BeneinooI/Vein Azmenoo; Bulletin for Graduates;Bulletin for Parents.

JEWISH CHAUTAUQUA SOCIETY, INC.(1893). 838 Fifth Ave., N. Y. C, 21.Pres. Leo Wertgame; Exec. Dir. Sylvan

Lebow. (Sponsored by National Federa-tion of Temple Brotherhoods.) Dis-seminates authoritative knowledge aboutJews and Judaism to universities and col-leges in the U. S. and Canada and toChristian church summer camps and in-stitutes and on television and radio.American Judaism; NFTB Service Bulle-tin.

* JEWISH MINISTERS CANTORS ASSOCIA-TION OF AMERICA, INC. (1898). 236Second Ave., N. Y. C, 3.

JEWISH RECONSTRUCTIONIST FOUNDA-TION, INC. (1940). 15 W. 86 St.,N. Y. C, 24. Pres. Maurice Linder; Exec.Sec. Rena Sylvia Lee. Dedicated to theadvancement of Judaism as a religiouscivilization, to the upbuilding of EretzIsrael, and to the reconstruction of Jew-ish life everywhere. The Reconstruction-is t.

JEWISH SABBATH ALLIANCE OF AMERICA,INC. (1905). 302 E. 14 St., N. Y. C, 3.Exec. Sec. William Rosenberg. Promotesthe observance of the Seventh Day Sab-bath; maintains employment bureau forSabbath observers; seeks legislation tostrengthen Sabbath observance and pro-tects Sabbath observers charged with vio-lation of the Sunday laws.

JEWISH TEACHERS' SEMINARY AND PEO-PLE'S UNIVERSITY (1918). 154 E. 70St., N. Y. C, 21. Pres. M. L. Brown; Dir.and Dean Philip Friedman. Trains menand women in the light of scientificknowledge and historical Jewish idealsfor the Jewish teaching profession, re-search, and community service. JewishReview; Seminar Yedioth; Seminarist.

JEWISH THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY OFAMERICA (1886; re-org. 1902). 3080Broadway, N. Y. C, 27. Chancellor ofSeminary and Pres. of Faculties LouisFinkelstein; Chmn. Bd. of Dir. Alan M.Stroock. Maintains a theological seminaryfor the perpetuation of the tenets of theJewish religion, the cultivation of Hebrewliterature, the pursuit of biblical and ar-chaeological research, the advancement ofJewish scholarship, the maintenance of alibrary, and the training of rabbis andteachers of religion. Seminary Newsletter;Seminary Progress; Seminary Register;You and Judaism.

, AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORY CEN-TER (sponsored by Louis M. Rabinowitz)(1953). 3080 Broadway, N. Y. C, 27.Dir. Allan Nevins; Co-Dir. Moshe Davis.Promotes the writing of local Jewish his-tory in the context of the total Americanand Jewish experience.

* , ETERNAL LIGHT (1944). 3080Broadway, N. Y. C, 27.

- , INSTITUTE FOR RELIGIOUS ANDSOCIAL STUDIES (N. Y. C, 1938; Chi-cago 1944; Boston 1945). 3080 Broad-way, N. Y. C, 27. Dir. Louis Finkelstein;Exec. Dir. Jessica Feingold. Aims to serveas a scholarly and scientific fellowship* of


clergymen and other religious teacherswho desire authoritative information re-garding some of the basic issues now con-fronting spiritually minded men.

, Louis M. RABINOWITZ INSTITUTEFOR RABBINIC RESEARCH (1950). 3080Broadway, N. Y. C, 27. Co-Dir. LouisFinkelstein; Saul Lieberman. Prepares sci-entific editions of early Rabbinic works.

- , UNIVERSITY OF JUDAISM, WestCoast Academic Branch of JTSA (1947).612 South Ardmore Ave., Los Angeles 5,Calif.

LEAGUE FOR SAFEGUARDING THE FIXITYOF THE SABBATH (1929). 120 W. 76St., N. Y. C, 23. Pres. Herbert S. Gold-stein; Sec. Isaac Rosengarten. Seeks tosafeguard the fixity of the Sabbath againstintroduction of the blank-day device incalendar reform.

MESIVTA YESHTVA RABBI CHAIM BERLIN-RABBINICAL ACADEMY (1905). 350Stone Ave., Brooklyn 12, N. Y. Pres.Alex M. Fruchthandler; Exec. Dir. SidneyHarcsztark. Maintains elementary divisionin the Hebrew and English departments,lower Hebrew division and Mesivta highschool, rabbinical academy, post graduatecourses; also maintains dormitories andkitchens and summer camp.

* MIRRER YESHIVA CBNTRAL INSTITUTB( ? ) . 1791 Ocean Parkway, Brooklyn23, N. Y.

MIZRACHI NATIONAL EDUCATION COM-MITTEE (1939; re-org. 1947). 1133Broadway, N. Y. C, 10. Pres. CharlesGold; Exec. Dir. Isidor Margolis. Organ-izes and supervises yeshivot and TalmudTorahs; prepares and trains teachers; pub-lishes textbooks and educational material;conducts a placement agency for Hebrewschools. Void Bulletin.

MORIAH—NATIONAL FEDERATION OF YB-SHIVA TBACHERS AND PRINCIPALS(1950). 5 Beekman St., N. Y. C, 38.Act. Pres. Harold I. Leiman; Exec. Sec.Joseph Kaminetsky. Provides an educa-tional forum for the exchange of ideasand techniques in the field of yeshivateaching; co-sponsor of the National Ye-shiva Teachers Board of License.

NATIONAL AGRICULTURAL COLLEGE(1896). Doylestown, Pa. Pres. JamesWork; Sec. Elsie M. Belfield. Trainsyoung people to become scientific andpractical agriculturists. Bulletins; Cata-logue.

, ALUMNI ASSOCIATION (1900).Doylestown, Pa. Pres. Kenneth B. Mayer;Sec.-Treas. David Segal. Furthers the in-terests of the college and agriculture.Gleanings.

NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF HEBREW DAYSCHOOL PARENT-TEACHER ASSOCIA-TIONS (1948). 5 Beekman St., N. Y. C,38. Pres. Charles M. Bart; Sec. Mrs. DavidNissel. Organizes PTA groups in all-day-school communities; serves as clearinghouse for PTA programs for local com-

munity problems; publishes aids to PTA'sfor programming, parent education, childguidance, and parent-teacher meetings andconferences. Holiday Programs; JewishParent Magazine; Olomeinu; ProgramAids.

NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF HILLEL DI-RECTORS (1949). 475 W. 140 St.,N. Y. C, 31. Pres. Arthur J. Zuckerman;Sec. Aaron Gewirtz. Aims to facilitate ex-change of experience and opinion amongHillel directors and counselors, developpersonnel standards, and promote the wel-fare of the B'nai B'rith Hillel Foundationsand their professional personnel.

NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR JEWISH EDUCA-TION (1926). 1261 Broadway, N. Y. C,1. Pres. Nathan Brilliant; Sec. Samuel J.Borowsky. Seeks to further the cause ofJewish education; to raise professionalstandards and practices; to promote thewelfare and growth of Jewish educationalworkers; and to improve and strengthenJewish life generally. Jewish Education;Sheviley Hahinuch.

, WORLD UNION FOR JEWISH EDU-CATION, AMERICAN SBCTION (1947).1261 Broadway, N.Y.C., 1. Chmn. AzrielEisenberg. Encourages, guides, and coordi-nates Jewish educational effort the worldover, administers the Jerusalem examina-tions of competency in Hebrew in coopera-tion with Hebrew University in Jerusa-lem and Dept. of Educ. and Culture ofJewish Agency; conducts lectureship onAmerican Jewish education at HebrewUniversity in Jerusalem.

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF BETH JACOBSCHOOLS, INC. (1943). 150 Nassau St.,N. Y. C, 38. Pres. Ira Rosenzweig; Exec.Dir. David Ullmann. Operates traditionalall-day schools and a summer camp forgirls. Beth Jacob Journal.

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF YOUNG ISRAEL(1912). 3 W. 16 St., N. Y. C, 11. Nat.Pres. Moses H. Hoenig; Nat. Dir. SamsonR. Weiss. Seeks to educate Orthodoxyouth and adults through youth work andadult Jewish studies; to prove that Juda-ism and Americanism are compatible; tohelp in the development of Israel in thespirit of Torah. Armed forces Viewpoint;Institute Bulletin; Young Israel View-point; Women's League Manuals; YouthDepartment Manuals and Program Serv-ices.

, ARMED FORCES BUREAU (1939).3 W. 16 St. N. Y. C, 11. Chmn. J.David Delman. Advises and counsels theinductees into the Armed Forces with re-gard to Sabbath observance, kashrut, andOrthodox behavior; supplies kosher foodpackages, religious items, etc., to service-men; aids veterans in readjusting to ci-vilian life. Armed Forces Viewpoint;Guide for the Orthodox Servicemen.

- , EMPLOYMENT BUREAU (1914).3 W. 16 St., N. Y. C, 11. Chmn. Her-bert Schnur; Dir. Dorothy Stein. Helps

NATIONAL JEWISH ORGANIZATIONS 431secure employment with particular empha-sis given to Sabbath observers; offers vo-cational guidance.

-, ERETZ ISRAEL DIVISION (1926).3 W. 16 St., N. Y. C, 11. Chmn. ElijahStein. Offers nonpolitical aid and servicesto the State of Israel; helps support Israelby fostering the sale of bonds and U. J.A. drives; aims to inculcate a spirit ofreverence and dedication to the HolyLand in American youth.

- , INTERCOLLEGIATE COUNCIL OF(1950). 3 W. 16 St., N. Y. C, 11.Pres. Philip Fuchs; V. Pres. Abe Fried-man. Fosters and maintains a program ofspiritual, cultural, social, and communalactivity towards the advancement and per-petuation of traditional Judaism amongAmerican college-level youth. The Col-legion.

- , WOMEN'S LEAGUE (1937). 3 W.16 St., N. Y. C , 11. Pres. Mrs. HowardR. Axelrad; Treas. Mrs. Saul Abramson.Fosters youth clubs in Young Israel syna-gogues; helps women's groups organizeand function on local level; combats mis-sionary activity among the youth of Israelin a nonpolitical fashion. Hi-Lights; Pro-gram Guide.

-, YOUNG ISRABL INSTITUTE FORJEWISH STUDIES (1945). 3 W. 16 St.,N. Y. C, 11. Dir. Samson R. Weiss;Assoc. Dir. Ephraim H. Sturm. Helpsform adult branch schools; aids YoungIsrael synagogues in their adult educationprogram. Institute Bulletins.

- , YOUTH DEPARTMENT (1912). 3W. 16 St., N. Y. C, 11. Dir. Stanley W.Schlessel. Organizes youth groups designedto train future leaders; plans and executespolicies for all Young Israel synagogueyouth groups; supervises Young Israel dayand resident camps. Bulletin Board; Holi-day Manuals; Program Service.

NATIONAL COUNCIL ON JEWISH AUDIO-VISUAL MATERIALS (sponsored by theAmerican Association for Jewish Educa-tion) (1949). 1261 Broadway, N. Y. C ,1. Chmn. Albert P. Schoolman; Exec. Sec.Zalmen Slesinger. Offers advice and guid-ance on and evaluates available Jewishaudio-visual materials. Jewish Audio-Visual Review.

NATIONAL WOMEN'S LEAGUE OF THEUNITED SYNAGOGUE OF AMBRICA(1918). 3080 Broadway, N. Y. C, 27.Nat. Pres. Mrs. Louis Sussman; Exec. Dir.Naomi Flax. Seeks to advance traditionalJudaism by furthering Jewish educationamong women and children; services sis-terhoods of the Conservative movement.Leagnotes; National Women's LeagueOutlook.

NER ISRAEL RABBINICAL COLLEGE (1934).4411 Garrison Blvd., Baltimore 17, Md.Dean Jacob I. Ruderman; Exec. Dir. Her-man N. Neuberger. Prepares students forthe rabbinate and as pedagogues.

• P'EYLIM-AMERICAN YESHIVA STUDENT

UNION (1951). 3 W. 16 St., N. Y. C ,11.

RABBINICAL ALLIANCE OF AMERICA(1944). 141 So. 3 St., Brooklyn 11,N. Y. Pres. Ralph Pelcovitz; Exec. Dir.Chaim U. Lipschitz. Seeks to further tra-ditional Judaism; helps support the Me-siyta Rabbinical Seminary and other in-stitutions of higher learning; seeks tomaintain professional competency amongmembers; helps to establish Jewish mod-ern Orthodox communities throughout theUnited States and supply all Jewish com-munities with all religious functionaries.Igud Newsletter; Torah and SermonManual.

RABBINICAL ASSEMBLY OF AMERICA(1900). 3080 Broadway, N. Y. C, 27.Pres. Aaron H. Blumenthal; Exec. V. Pres.Wolfe Kelman. Serves as the professionalorganization of Conservative rabbis. Con-servative Judaism; Proceedings.

RABBINICAL COLLEGE OF TELSHE (1941).706 E. 105 St., Cleveland 8, Ohio. Pres.C. M. Katz; Exec. V. Pres. Aaron Paper-man. College for higher Jewish learning,specializing in Talmudic studies and Rab-binics; offers possibility for ordination tostudents interested in the active rabbinate;also maintains a preparatory academy in-cluding secular high school, a post gradu-ate department, and a teachers trainingschool. Pri Etz Chaim—Journal for Tal-mudic Research; Semiannual News Bul-letin.

RABBINICAL COUNCIL OF AMERICA, I N C(1923; re-org. 1935), 331 Madison Ave.,N. Y. C, 17. Pres. Solomon J. Sharfman;Exec. Sec. Israel Klavan. Promotes Or-thodox Judaism in the community; sup-ports institutions for study of Torah;stimulates creation of new traditionalagencies. Record; Sermon Manual.

RESEARCH INSTITUTE OF RELIGIOUS JEWRYINC. (1941). 1133 Broadway, N. Y. C ,10. Chmn. Bd. Salomon Goldsmith; Sec.Marcus Levine. Engages in research andpublishes studies concerning the situationof religious Jewry and its problems allover the world.

SHOLEM ALEICHBM FOLK INSTITUTE, INC.(1918). 22 E. 17 St., N. Y. C, 3. Pres.Jacob Berg; Exec. Dir. Saul Goodman.Aims to imbue children with Jewishvalues through teaching Yiddish languageand literature, Hebrew and the Bible,Jewish history, Jewish life in Americaand Israel, folk songs and choral singing,celebration of bar mitzvah and Jewishholidays. Kinder Journal; P.T.A. Sup-plement; Sholem Aleichem Bulletin.

SOCIETY OF FRIENDS OF THE TOUROSYNAGOGUE, INC. (1948). 85 Touro St.,Newport, R. I. Pres. Bernard C. Fried-man; Exec. Sec. Theodore Lewis. Main-tains Touro Synagogue as a national his-toric site.

SYNAGOGUE COUNCIL OF AMERICA (1926).110 W. 42 St., N. Y. C, 36. Pres. Abra-


ham J. Feldman; Exec. Dir. Marc H.Tanenbaum. Provides over-all Jewish re-ligious representation in the United States,acting in the interest of Orthodox, Con-servative, and Reform Judaism.

THBODOR HERZL FOUNDATION (1954).250 W. 57 St., N. Y. C, 19. Chmn.Bd. of Dir. Emanuel Neumann. Estab-lished as an educational agency to pro-mote the study and discussion of prob-lems confronting Jews in the world today.Midstream.

THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY YESHIVATH CHA-CHMBY LUBIN (1942). 12007-15 Lin-wood Ave., Detroit 6, Mich. Pres. M.Rothenberg; Sec. Harry Stolsky. Main-tains school for higher Jewish learningand prepares students for the rabbinate.

TORAH UMESORAH—NATIONAL SOCIETYFOR HEBREW DAY SCHOOLS (1944). 5Beekman St., N. Y. C, 38. Pres. SamuelC. Feuerstein; Nat. Dir. Joseph Kamin-etsky. Establishes and services all-day Jew-ish schools throughout U. S.; conductsteaching seminar and workshops for in-service training of teachers; publishes textbooks and supplementary reading ma-terial. Annual Report; Monthly Report;Olomeinu—Our World.

UNION OF AMERICAN HEBREW CONGRE-GATIONS (1873). 838 Fifth Ave., N. Y.C, 21. Pres. Maurice N. Eisendrath; Ad-min. Sec. Louis I. Egelson. Serves anddevelops American Liberal synagogues;helps to establish new congregations;promotes Jewish education; maintains theHebrew Union College—Jewish Instituteof Religion. American Judaism; JewishTeacher; Synagogue Service Bulletin;Youthleader.

, COMMISSION ON SOCIAL ACTION(1949). 838 Fifth Ave., N. Y. C, 21.Chmn. I. Cyrus Gordon; Exec. Sec. Al-bert Vorspan. Develops materials to assistReform synagogues in setting up socialaction programs relating the principles ofJudaism to contemporary social problems.Assists congregations in studying the moraland religious implications in various so-cial issues such as civil rights, civil liber-ties, church-state relations; guides congre-gational social action committees. SocialAction in Review.

- , Los ANGELES COLLEGE OF JEW-ISH STUDIES OF. See HEBREW UNIONCOLLEGE—JEWISH INSTITUTE OF RE-LIGION.

- , NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF TBM-PLE EDUCATORS (1955). 838 Fifth Ave.,N. Y. C, 21. Pres. Toby Kurzband;Exec. V. Pres. James J. Levbarg. Repre-sents the temple educator within thefamily of Reform Judaism; encouragesthe growth and development of Jewishreligious education; develops a philosophyof Jewish education for children andadults; stimulates communal interest andresponsibility for the educational program.NATE News.

, NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF TBM-PLE SECRATARIBS OF (1941). 838 FifthAve., N. Y. C, 21. Pres. Bernard I. Pin-cus; Sec. Henry S. Jacobs. Fosters ReformJudaism; prepares and disseminates ad-ministrative information and proceduresto the member synagogues of the UAHC;provides and encourages proper and ade-quate training of professional synagogueexecutives; formulates and establishes pro-fessional ideals and standards for thesynagogue executive. NATS Quarterly.

- , NATIONAL FEDERATION OF TEM-PLE BROTHERHOODS (1923). 838 FifthAve., N. Y. C, 21. Pres. Leo Wen-game; Exec. Dir. Sylvan Lebow. Stimu-lates temple brotherhoods to greater serv-ice to Judaism through a program ofsocial, cultural, and religious activities.American Judaism; NFTB Service Bul-letin.

-, NATIONAL FEDERATION OF TEM-PLE SISTERHOODS (1913). 838 FifthAve., N. Y. C, 21. Pres. Mrs. HugoDalsheimer; Exec. Dir. Jane Evans. Bringssisterhoods into closer cooperation; stimu-lates spiritual and educational activity; ad-vances Judaism in the United States andthe world; serves Jewish and humanitar-ian causes; cooperates with the UAHC inthe execution of its aims; espouses suchreligious causes as are particularly thework of Jewish women. American Juda-ism; Current Copy; President's Packet.

- , NATIONAL FEDERATION OF TEM-

PLE YOUTH (1939). 838 Fifth Ave.,N. Y. C, 21. Pres. Joel Wittstein; Nat.Dir. Samuel Cook. Unites youth of Re-form congregations in national youthprojects, programs, institutes and campconferences. NFTYMES; Program-of-the-Month.

-, AND CENTRAL CONFERENCE OFAMERICAN RABBIS, COMMISSION ONJEWISH EDUCATION OF (1923). 838Fifth Ave., N. Y. C, 21. Chmn. SolomonB. Freehof; Sec. Maurice N. Eisendrath.Develops courses of study and preparesliterature for Jewish education in Reformreligious schools throughout the U. S.,including textbooks for children, youth,adults and teacher training, as well aspre-school material and other aids forJewish education. Annual Catalogue ofPublications; Curricula for the Jewish Re-ligious School; Jewish Book Week List;Jewish Teacher.

-, AND CENTRAL CONFERENCE OFAMERICAN RABBIS, COMMISSION ONSYNAGOGUE ACTIVITIES (1932). 838Fifth Ave., N. Y. C, 21. Chmn. Alex-ander Frieder; Dir. Eugene J. Lipman.Assists congregations in the areas of wor-ship and ceremonies, art and architecture,administration, aspects of adult education,and similar fields. Synagogue Service.

UNION OF ORTHODOX JEWISH CONGREGA-TIONS OF AMERICA (1898). 305 Broad-way, N. Y. C, 7. Pres. Moses I. Feuer-

NATIONAL JEWISH ORGANIZATIONS 433stein; Admstr. Saul Bernstein. Services theOrthodox synagogues; serves as authorita-tive spokesman for Orthodox congrega-tions in the U. S. and Canada. Jewish Ac-tion; Jewish Life; © Kasbruth Directory;Leaders Manual; O. U. News Reporter;P'rakim; Service Reporter.

N A T I O N A L CONFERENCE OFSYNAGOGUE Y O U T H (1954 ) . 305 Broad-way, N. Y. C , 7. Pres. Dan Ziff; Nat.Dir. Harold Cohen. Provides a mediumfor the affiliation of synagogue youthgroups with a dynamic national organiza-tion; promotes the perpetuation of the re-ligious ideals of Judaism; instills in Jew-ish youth a love of God and countrythrough healthy intellectual, cultural, re-ligious, and social experiences. Leader'sManual; NCSY Newsletter; ResourceGuides.

- , W O M E N ' S BRANCH OF ( 1 9 2 3 ) .305 Broadway, N . Y. C , 7. Nat. Pres.Mrs. Allen I. Edles; Exec. Sec. Mrs.David K. Schafer. Seeks to unite all Or-thodox women, girls, and their organiza-tions; publishes educational and culturalmaterial; raises funds, aids Israel. Hacbo-desh; Manual for Sisterhoods; Newsletter;Orthograms.

U N I O N OF ORTHODOX RABBIS OF THEU N I T E D STATES A N D CANADA, INC.( 1 9 0 2 ) . 132 Nassau St., N . Y. C , 38.Pres. Eliezer Silver, Moshe Rosen; Exec.Dir. Meyer Cohen. Seeks to foster tradi-tional Judaism, promote higher Torahlearning, strengthen authority of Ortho-dox rabbinate, and disseminate knowledgeof traditional Jewish rites and practicesamong the Jewish masses.

U N I O N OF SEPHARDIC CONGREGATIONS,INC. ( 1 9 2 9 ) . 8 W. 70 St., N. Y. C , 23.Pres. David de Sola Pool; Sec. VictorTarry. Promotes the religious interests ofSephardic Jews.

U N I T E D SYNAGOGUE OF AMERICA ( 1 9 1 3 ) .3080 Broadway, N . Y. C , 27. Pres.Charles Rosengarten; Exec. Dir. BernardSegal. Services affiliated Conservative con-gregations and their auxiliaries, in alltheir religious, educational, cultural, andadministrative needs. Adult Jewish Educa-tion; Synagogue School; United Syna-gogue Review.

, COMMISSION O N JEWISH EDUCA-TION (c. 1930) . 3080 Broadway, N . Y.C , 27. Chmn. Josiah Derby; Educ. Dir.Abraham E. Millgram. Aims to promotehigher educational standards in Conserva-tive congregational schools and to publishmaterial for the advancement of theireducational program. Synagogue School.

- , EDUCATORS ASSEMBLY OF (1951).3080 Broadway, N . Y. C , 27. Pres.Harry Malin; Sec. Philip Gorodetzer. Pro-motes, extends and strengthens the pro-gram of Jewish education on all levels inthe community in consonance with thephilosophy of the Conservative movement.Educators Assembly Newsletter.

, NATIONAL ACADEMY FOR A D U L TJEWISH STUDIES (1940) . c/o JewishMuseum, 1109 Fifth Ave., N. Y. C , 28.Dir. Simon Noveck; Exec. Sec. Mrs. LilyEdelman. Promotes programs of adultJewish education in Conservative congre-gations. Adult Jewish Education.

N A T I O N A L ASSOCIATION OFSYNAGOGUE ADMINISTRATORS OF(1948 ) . 3080 Broadway, N. Y. C , 27.Pres. Abe Schefferman. Aids congrega-tions affiliated with the United Syna-gogue of America to further aims of Con-servative Judaism through more effectiveadministration and to integrate all ac-tivity; conducts placement bureau and ad-ministrative surveys. N.A.S.A. Bulletin.

- , NATIONAL FEDERATION OF JEW-ISH MEN'S CLUBS, INC. (1929 ) . 3080Broadway, N. Y. C , 27. Nat. Pres. Abra-ham Satovsky; Nat. Sec. Joseph L. Blum.Seeks to further traditional Judaism bythe integration of its members in study,observance, and active participation inJewish life and culture as propounded bythe Conservative movement. Torch.

- , NATIONAL W O M E N ' S LEAGUE OF.See NATIONAL W O M E N ' S LEAGUE OFTHE U N I T E D SYNAGOGUB.

- , U N I T E D SYNAGOGUE Y O U T H OF(1951 ) . 3080 Broadway, N. Y. C , 27.Pres. Arthur Pestcoe; Nat. Dir. MortonSiegel. Offers opportunities to the adoles-cent to continue and strengthen his iden-tification with Judaism and with the syn-agogue; seeks to develop a program basedon the personality development, needs,and interests of the adolescent. News andViews; Program Notes.

- , Y O U N G PEOPLE'S LEAGUE OF(1921 ) . 3080 Broadway, N. Y. C , 27.Nat. Pres. Arnold Fleischmann; Nat. Dir.Morton Siegel. Seeks to bring Jewishyouth closer to Conservative Judaism, thesynagogue, and the Jewish community.News Chat.

W O R L D U N I O N FOR JEWISH EDUCATION,AMERICAN SECTION. See NATIONALCOUNCIL FOR JEWISH EDUCATION.

W O R L D U N I O N FOR PROGRESSIVE JUDAISM,U. S. OFFICE (1926) . 5017 WashingtonBoulevard, St. Louis 8, Mo. Am. Dir.Ferdinand M. Isserman; Treas. Johann S.Ackerman. Promotes and coordinates ef-forts of Reform Jewish congregations inthe United States on behalf of LiberalJudaism; supports newly organized Inter-national Institute for Jewish Studies inParis for the education of Reform rabbisin Paris, France.

YESHIVA UNIVERSITY (1896 ) . 186 St. andAmsterdam Ave., N. Y. C , 33. Pres.Samuel Belkin; Dir. of Development Mi-chael M. Nisselson. Offers undergraduateand graduate work in general and Jewisheducation; provides community servicethrough four auxiliary agencies; grantsrabbinical ordination and fifteen differentacademic degrees. Academy News; Com-


mentator; Elchanite; Horeb; In Retro-spect; Masmid; Nir; Progress Report;Script a Mathematical Sura; Talpioth; Y.U. News.

-, Alumni Wives (1948). 186 St.and Amsterdam Ave., N. Y. C, 33. Pres.Mis. Minerva Avrech; Treas. Mrs. ThelmaCohen. Aids Yeshiva University, particu-larly its schools for women; promotes fel-lowship among the wives of the gradu-ates of all schools of Yeshiva University.Newsletter.

- , GRADUATE DIVISION ALUMNI OF(1949). 186 St. and Amsterdam Ave.,N. Y. C, 33. Act. Pres. Bernard Berg-man. Graduate Division Newsletter.

-, NATIONAL COUNCIL OF ORGANI-ZATIONS FOR (1943). 270 Park Ave.,N. Y. C, 17. Nat. Chmn. Louis Levine;Nat. Sec. Samuel A. Doctorow. Advancesthe program of Yeshiva University.

- , RABBINIC ALUMNI ASSOCIATIONOF (1944). 186 St. and Amsterdam Ave.,N. Y. C, 33. Pres. Joseph H. Lookstein;Rec. Sec. Eugene Cohen. Aims to advancethe cause of traditional Judaism and itsrabbinate. Chevrusa; Ideas; RabbinicAlumni Bulletin; Youth Bureau Publica-tions.

- , SYNAGOGUE COUNCIL OF (1936).270 Park Ave., Bldg. "A," N. Y. C, 17.Pres. Max J. Etra; Exec. Dir. Max Hal-pert. Seeks to unify congregations andpromote traditional Judaism; maintainsYeshiva University.

- , TEACHERS INSTITUTE ALUMNIASSOCIATION OF (1942). 186 St. andAmsterdam Ave., N. Y. C, 33. Pres.Elihu Kasten; Sec. Matthew Clark. Aimsto advance the cause of the Teachers In-stitute and its service in the field of Jew-ish education; to foster Jewish learningand scholarship. Monthly Buletin.

- , WOMEN'S ORGANIZATION OF(1928). 250 W. 57 St., N. Y. C, 19-Pres. Mrs. Joseph S. Greenberg; Sec. Mrs.Rebecca Berkowitz. Provides scholarshipsfor students attending Yeshiva University;assists the Albert Einstein College ofMedicine and Stern College for Women.Yeshiva University Women.

- , YBSHIVA COLLEGE ALUMNI AS-SOCIATION (1934). 516 W. 185 St.,N. Y. C, 33. Pres. Morris Epstein; Corr.Sec. Morris Silverman. Furthers the in-terests of the College of Arts and Scienceof Yeshiva University. Yeshiva CollegeAlumni Bulletin.

YESHIVATH TORAH VODAATH AND ME-SIVTA RABBINICAL SEMINARY (1918).141 S. 3 St., Brooklyn 11, N. Y. Pres.Charles A. Saretsky; Treas. Benjamin Feld-man. Offers Jewish education leading torabbinical ordination and post-rabbinicalwork; maintains a Hebrew Teachers Insti-tute granting a teacher's degree; maintainsoffice for community service; operatesnon-profit camp. Annual Journal; Alumni

News; Bgud Newsletter; G. O. Scroll;Hamesifta.

SOCIAL, MUTUAL BENEFIT

APHA EPSILON PHI (1909). 185 N. Wa-bash Ave., Chicago 1, 111. Exec. Sec. KayeMcLaughlin. Social; philanthropic; cul-tural. Columns of Alpha Epsilon Phi.

ALPHA EPSILON PI FRATERNITY (1913).4 N. 8 St., St. Louis 1, Mo. Pres. NormanM. Levin; Exec. Sec. George S. Toll.Educational; fraternal; philanthropic; cul-tural; for undergraduate college men.Lion; Newsletter.

ALPHA OMEGA FRATERNITY (1907). 41 E.19 St., N. Y. C, 3. Nat. Pres. JesseTrager; Nat. Sec. David L. Dyen. Profes-sional dental fraternity. Alpha Omegan.

' AMERICAN FEDERATION FOR AID TOPOLISH JEWS affiliated with AMERICANALLIANCE OF POLISH JEWISH SOCIETIES(formerly AMERICAN FEDERATION FORPOLISH JEWS) (1908). 1133 Broadway,N. Y. C, 10.

AMERICAN FEDERATION OF JEWS FROMCENTRAL EUROPE, INC., (1941) . 50 W.77 St., N. Y. C, 24. Pres. Max Gruene-wald; Exec. V.P. Herman Muller. Seeksto safeguard the rights and interests ofCentral European Jews now living in theU. S., especially in reference to restitutionand indemnification; engages in culturalactivity by research and publications inthe history of Central European Jewry andby participation in the work of the LeoBaeck Institute; sponsors a social programfor needy Nazi victims in the U. S. incooperation with United Help, Inc. In-formation bulletins.

ASSOCIATION OF YUGOSLAV JEWS IN THBUNITED STATES, INC. (1940). 209 W.107 St., N. Y. C, 25. Pres. Paul Neu-berger; Sec. Richard Kresic. Furnishes aidto Jews from Yugoslavia; assists Jewishcommunities in Yugoslavia; assists Yugo-slav immigrants in Israel and other coun-tries. Bulletin.

BETA SIGMA RHO FRATERNITY (1910).527 Lexington Ave., N. Y. C, 17. Pres.Samuel K. Goldstein; Exec. Sec. MarvinP. Price. Beta Sigma Rho Newsletter.

BNAI Z I O N — T H E AMERICAN FRATERNALZIONIST ORGANIZATION (1910). 225 W.57 St., N. Y. C, 19. Pres. Arthur Marke-wich; Nat. Sec. Herman Z. Quittman. Pa-triotic; Zionist; mutual aid. Bnai ZionVoice.

BRITH ABRAHAM (1887) . 37 E. 7 St.,N. Y. C, 3. Grand Master Irving Katcher;Grand Sec. Adolph Stern. Zionist; civicdefense; mutual aid; philanthropic. Beacon.

• BRITH ABRAHAM FOUNDATION (spon-sored by BRITH ABRAHAM) (1950). 37E. 7 St., N. Y. C , 3.

BRITH SHOLOM (1905). 506 Pine St., Phil-adelphia 6, Pa. Nat. Pres. Irving R.Shull; Exec. Dir. Albert Liss. Devoted

NATIONAL JEWISH ORGANIZATIONS 435to service to community and armed forces,civic welfare, and defense of minorityrights. Brith Sholom News.

CENTRAL SEPHARDIC JEWISH COMMUNITYOF AMERICA, INC. (1940). 225 W. 34St., N. Y. C, 1. Pres. David Politi; Sec.Isaac Molho. Seeks to promote the cul-ture, religion, and welfare of SephardicJews. Sephardi.

FARBAND—LABOR ZIONIST ORDER (1913).45 E. 17 St., N. Y. C, 3. Pres. Meyer L.Brown; Gen. Sec. Louis Segal. Rendersfraternal insurance benefits on legal re-serve basis and engages in Labor Zionist,Israel, Jewish educational, cultural, andsocial programs. Farband Newsletter.

FREE SONS OF ISRAEL (1849). 257 W. 93St., N. Y. C, 25. Grand Master MiltonM. Meyer; Grand Sec. Joseph C. Seide.Benevolent, fraternal. Free Son News.

HEBREW VETERANS OF THE WAR WITHSPAIN (1899). 87-71 94 St., Woodhaven21, N. Y. Comdr. Jack Stone; Sec. Sam-uel J. Semler. Social and fraternal.

JEWISH NATIONAL WORKERS' ALLIANCEOF AMERICA. See FARBAND-LABOR ZION-IST ORDER.

JEWISH PEACE FELLOWSHIP (1941). 132Morningside Drive, N. Y. C, 27. Chmn.Jane Evans; Exec. Sec. Harvey Edwards.Seeks to clarify the relationship of Juda-ism to pacifism; aids conscientious objec-tors. Tidings.

JEWISH THEATRICAL GUILD OF AMERICA,INC. (1924). 1564 Broadway, N. Y. C,36. Pres. Eddie Cantor; Exec. Sec. DaveFerguson. Seeks to serve as a nonsectariantheatrical assistance agency.

MAGEN DAVID FEDERATION. See UNITEDMAGEN DAVID ORGANIZATIONS.

Mu SIGMA FRATERNITY, INC. (1906). 140Nassau St., N. Y. C, 38. Pres. HowardRaskin; Sec. Robert Goldstein. Highschool; cultural; welfare. Lamp; Roster.

PHI ALPHA FRATERNITY, INC. (1914).2310 Wichita Ave., Baltimore 15, Md.Pres. Jerome H. Berkowitz; Exec. Sec.Alexander Goodman. Phi Alpha Bulletin.

PHI EPSILON PI FRATERNITY (1904).1411 Walnut St., Philadelphia 2, Pa.Pres. Vigdor W. Kavaler; Exec. Sec. Al-bert Greenstone. Collegiate. Phi EpsilonPi Quarterly.

PHI LAMBDA KAPPA FRATERNITY, I N C ,NATIONAL MEDICAL FRATERNITY (1907).1030 Euclid Ave., Cleveland 15, Ohio.Pres. B. H. Bayer; Exec. Sec. GeorgeBarnetson. Medical. Phi Lambda KappaQuarterly.

PHI SIGMA DELTA FRATERNITY (1909).47 W. 43 St., N. Y. C, 36. Pres. Lau-rence J. Sobel; Exec. Sec. Joseph Kruger.Collegiate. Deltan.

Pi TAU PI FRATERNITY (incl. HAI RESH)(1913). 1147 Rydal Rd., Rydal, Pa.Pres. Leonard S. Isenberg; V. Pres. JamesSchwartz. Cultural; religious; philan-thropic; social. Pitaupian.

PROGRESSIVE ORDER OF THE WEST, GRAND

LODGB (1896). 705 Chestnut St., St.Louis 1, Mo. Grand Master Harold E.Friedman; Grand Sec. Sam Novack. Ben-evolent. Progressive Order of the WestBulletin.

SBPHARDIC JEWISH BROTHERHOOD OFAMERICA, INC. (1915). 116 E. 169 St.,Bronx 52, N. Y. Pres. Sam Benrube;Exec. Sec. Hyman M. Nadjari. Promotesthe industrial, social, educational, and re-ligious welfare of its members. El Her-man ado,

SIGMA ALPHA MU FRATERNITY (1909).56 W. 57 St., N. Y. C, 19. Nat. Pres.Raymond L. Sabath; Exec. Sec. James C.Hammerstein. Collegiate. Octagonian.

SIGMA DELTA TAU SORORITY (1917).924 Noyes St., Evanston, 111. Nat. Pres.Mrs. William Katz; Nat. Sec. Mrs. LeahKartman. Philanthropic, collegiate; carriesout a national philanthropic program formultiple sclerosis and blood research, andwith various children's schools across thecountry. Torch.

TAU EPSILON PHI FRATERNITY, I N C(1910). Rm. 1403, 130 W. 42 St., N. Y.C, 36. Pres. Isadore Heiman; Exec. Sec.Sidney S. Suntag. Collegiate. Plume.

TAU EPSILON RHO FRATERNITY (1919).51 W. Warren, Detroit 1, Mich. Pres.Benjamin W. Grant; Supreme Master ofthe Rolls Harry Klein. Professional; legal.Summons.

* UNION OF RUSSIAN JEWS, INC. (1941).Apt. 2A, 352 W. 110 St., N. Y. C, 25.

UNITED GALICIAN JEWS OF AMERICA,INC. (1904; re-org. 1937). 175 FifthAve., N. Y. C, 10. Pres. Sigmund I.Sobel; Exec. V. Pres. Osias Reiner. AidsGalician Jews; active in colonization andvocational training in Israel. UnserStimme.

UNITED HUNGARIAN JEWS OF AMERICA,INC. (1940). 242 W. 76 St., N. Y. C,23. Pres. Joseph Brownfield; Exec. SecErnest Lendway. Cooperates with UnitedJewish Appeal in fund drives; gives as-sistance to Jews of Hungarian descent.

UNITED MAGEN DAVID ORGANIZATIONS(formerly MAGEN DAVID FEDERATION,INC.) (1921). 34 Ave. P, Brooklyn 4,N. Y. Pres. Joseph Ashear; Exec. Dir.Carl Lampner. Assists needy Syrian Jew-ish communities in U. S. and abroad;maintains educational and benevolent in-stitutions. Community Bulletin.

UNITED ORDER TRUE SISTERS, INC. (1846).150 W. 85 St., N. Y. C, 24. Nat. Pres.Mrs. Charles Miller; Nat. Sec. Mrs. I. J.Winter. Philanthropic; cancer treatment;care of orthopaedically handicapped chil-dren and underprivileged children. Echo.

UNITED RUMANIAN JEWS OF AMERICA,INC. (1909). 31 Union Square, N. Y.C, 3. Pres. I. Glickman; Sec. SamuelLonschein. Aids Rumanian Jews in Eu-rope, Israel, and elsewhere, financiallyand politically. Record.

UPSILON LAMBDA PHI FRATERNITY, INC.


(1917). 283 Academy St., Wilkes-Barre,Pa. Pres. Gordon Milman; Chmn. Bd. ofTrustees David Linett. Athletic; welfare.Hour Glass; Frat. Manual; Pledge Man-ual; Roster.

WORKMEN'S CIRCLE (1900). 175 E. Broad-way, N. Y. C, 2. Pres. Jack T. Zuker-man; Gen. Sec. Nathan Chanin. Benevo-lent aid; allied with labor movement;educational, cultural, and humanitarianactivities. The Friend; Culture and Educa-tion; Kinder Zeitung; Workmen's CircleCall.

, ENGLISH-SPEAKING DIVISION(1927). 175 E. Broadway, N. Y. C, 2.Chmn. Nat. Orgn. Com. Yechiel Eberil;Nat. Dir. William Stern. Performs social,cultural, and educational activities withinthe program of a Jewish labor and fra-ternal organization. Workmen's CircleCall.

- , YOUNG CIRCLE LEAGUE—YOUTHSECTION OF THB (1927). 175 E.Broadway, N. Y. C, 2. Dir. Nat Peskin.Engages children in the program of theWorkmen's Circle. Junior Triangle.

' WORLD SEPHARDI FEDERATION, AMERI-CAN BRANCH (1951). 225 W. 34 St.,N. Y. C, 1.

ZETA BETA TAU FRATERNITY (1898). 124E. 40 St., N. Y. C, 16. Pres. Stanley I.Fishel; Gen. Sec. L. D. Dover. Zeta BetaTau Quarterly.

SOCIAL WELFAREAMERICAN JEWISH SOCIETY FOR SERVICE,

INC. (1950). 120 Broadway, N. Y. C,5. Pres. Henry Cohen; Sec. Leveritt A.Wallace. Dedicated to service on a uni-versal basis, to all peoples regardless ofrace, creed, or color; operates work servicecamps.

AMERICAN MEDICAL CENTER AT DENVER(formerly JEWISH CONSUMPTIVES' RE-LIBF SOCIETY) (1904). P. O. Box 537,Denver 1, Colo. Pres. Noah A. Atler.Operates the Denver Hospital and Sana-torium, a free, non-sectarian, nation-widemedical center for cancer and tuberculosis.JCRS Bulletin.

, NATIONAL COUNCIL OF AUXIL-IARIES (1904; re-org. 1936). P. O. B.537, Denver 1, Colo. Pres. Mrs. Ben-Henry Rose; Exec. Sec. Mrs. Joseph Zeen-kov. Coordinates work of the constituentauxiliaries and aids in the formation ofnew auxiliaries. JCRS Bulletin.

BARON DE HIRSCH FUND, INC. (1891).386 Fourth Ave., N. Y. C, 16. Pres.George W. Naumburg; Mng. Dir. GeorgeBookstaver. Supports the Jewish Agricul-tural Society; aids Americanization ofJewish immigrants and their instructionin trades and agriculture.

B'NAI B'RITH (1843). 1003 K St., N. W.Washington 1, D. C. Pres. Philip M.Klutznick; Exec. V. Pres. Maurice Bisgyer.

Seeks to unite Jews through civic, educa-tional, cultural, philanthropic, and patri-otic activities. ADL Bulletin; NationalJewish Monthly; Shofar.

- , VOCATIONAL SERVICE (1938).1129 Vermont Ave., N. W. Washington5, D. C. Chmn. Maurice Jacobs; Sec. andNat. Dir. of Admin. Virgil Smirnow.Aids in occupational adjustment of Jew-ish youth and adults; carries out re-search in problems of occupational adjust-ment and discrimination. Career News;Catalogue of Publications; Counselors In-formation Service.

B'NAI B'RITH WOMEN'S SUPREME COUN-CIL (1940). 203 N. Wabash Ave., Chi-cago 1, 111. Pres. Mrs. Louis L. Perlman;Nat. Dir. Mrs. Arthur G. Laufman. Seeksto further and coordinate program ofyouth welfare and education; defendsJewish rights; engages in philanthropies,social action for Americanism, veterans'affairs, adult Jewish education program-organizes aid to Israel. B'nai B'rithWomen's World.

CITY OF HOPE—A NATIONAL MEDICALCENTER UNDER JEWISH AUSPICES.(1913). 208 W. 8 St., Los Angeles 14,Cal. Pres. Victor M. Carter; Exec. V.Pres. Samuel H. Goiter. Operates a freenational nonsectarian medical center underJewish auspices for treatment of tubercu-losis and allied chest diseases and cancerin all stages; operates a Medical ResearchInstitute in the diseases treated at themedical center; and provides postgraduatemedical education in these diseases. Cityof Hope Quarterly; Monthly Torchbearer.

CONFERENCE COMMITTEE OF NATIONALJEWISH WOMEN'S ORGANIZATIONS(1929). 15 E. 84 St., N. Y. C, 28.Chmn. Mrs. Abraham A. Schnee; Sec-Treas. Mrs. David Fink. Promotes inter-organizational understanding and goodwill among the cooperating organizations;brings to attention of constituent organi-zations matters of Jewish communal in-terest for their consideration and possibleaction.

COUNCIL OF JEWISH FEDERATIONS ANDWELFARB FUNDS, INC. (1932). 729Seventh Ave., N. Y. C, 19. Pres. HerbertR. Abeles; Exec. Dir. Philip Bernstein.Provides national and regional services inJewish community organization, cam-paigns and interpretation, budgeting, plan-ning for health and welfare, and coopera-tive action by the associated communityorganizations in the U. S. and Canada.Jewish Community.

EX-PATIENTS' SANATORIUM FOR TUBERCU-LOSIS AND CHRONIC DISEASE (1908).8000 E. Montview Blvd., Denver 8, Colo.Pres. Edward M. Silverberg. Provides freetreatment and rehabilitation for needy pa-tients with tuberculosis, asthma, and otherchronic diseases.

FAMILY LOCATION SERVICE (formerly NA-TIONAL DESBRTION BURBAU, INC.)

NATIONAL JEWISH ORGANIZATIONS 437( 1 9 0 5 ) . 31 Union Sq. W., N. Y. C , 3.Pres. Walter H. Liebman; Exec. Dir. andChief Counsel Jacob T. Zuckerman. Pro-vides location, casework and legal aidservices in connection with problems aris-ing out of family desertion or other formsof marital breakdown; when advisable, as-sists families in working out plans forreconciliation; in some cases helps to ar-range for support payments, preferably ona voluntary basis.

JEWISH AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY, I N C .(1900 ) . 386 Fourth Ave., N . Y. C , 16.Pres. Philip H. Naumburg; Gen. Mgr.Theodore Norman. Seeks to encouragefarming among Jews in the U. S. JewishFarmer.

JEWISH BRAILLE INSTITUTE OF AMERICA,I N C (1931 ) . 101 W. 55 St., N. Y. C ,19. Ptes. Mrs. Louis J. Bieber; Exec. Dir.Jacob Freid. Seeks to further cultural, ed-ucational, and religious welfare of theJewish blind. Jewish Braille Review.

JEWISH CONCILIATION BOARD OF AMER-ICA, INC. ( 1930 ) . 225 Broadway, N. Y.C , 7. Pres. Israel Goldstein; Exec. Sec.Louis Richman. Adjusts and conciliatesdisputes involving Jewish individuals andorganizations. Annual Report.

JEWISH NATIONAL HOME FOR ASTHMATICCHILDREN AT D E N V E R (formerly N A -TIONAL HOME FOR JBWISH CHILDRENAT D E N V E R ) ( 1 9 0 7 ) . 3447 W. 19Ave., Denver 4, Colo. Pres. Mrs. FannieE. Lorber; Exec. Dir. Israel Friedman.Maintains an institution for the physicaland emotional rehabilitation of dependentchildren from all parts of the U. S. whoare suffering from chronic intractableasthma or other allergic diseases. Newsfrom the Home front.

JEWISH OCCUPATIONAL COUNCIL, INC.(1939) . 1841 Broadway, N . Y. C , 23.Pres. Sidney Simon; Exec. Dir. RolandBaxt. Serves as the central national advis-ory, coordinating and research facility inthe field of Jewish vocational guidance,job placement, training, vocational reha-bilitation, sheltered workshops, and occu-pational research. Program and Informa-tion Bulletin; Vocational Service Abstracts.

LEO N. LEVI MEMORIAL HOSPITAL at HotSprings National Park, Arkansas (spon-sored by Bnai B'rith) ( 1914 ) . 343 So.Dearborn St., Chicago 4, 111. Pres. Mrs.Louis H. Harrison; Admstr. Mrs. FannieB. McLaughlin. Maintains a free, non-sectarian, interracial medical center forthe treatment of arthritis, rheumatism,and allied diseases. Newsletter.

NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF JEWISH C E N -TER WORKERS (1918 ) . 158 AbernathyDrive, Trenton 8, N. J. Pres. Bertram H.Gold; Sec. Edward Korn. Seeks to pro-mote the welfare, training, and profes-sional standards of center workers. Newsand Notes.

NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF JEWISH COM-M U N A L SERVICE (formerly NATIONAL

CONFERENCE OF JEWISH SOCIAL W E L -FARE) ( 1899 ) . 1841 Broadway, N. Y.C , 23. Pres. Roland Baxt; Exec. Sec.Preston David. Journal of Jewish Com-munal Service.

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH PRISONCHAPLAINS, INC. ( 1935 ) . 10 E. 73 St.,N. Y. C , 21. Pres. Harry J. Brevis; Sec.I. Fred Hollander. Helps to rehabilitateJewish prisoners; offers religious and so-cial services in penal institutions.

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH W O M E N ,I N C (1893 ) . 1 W. 47 St., N. Y. C , 36.Pres. Mrs. Moise S. Cahn; Exec. Dir. Mrs.Frances T. Cahn. Sponsors a program ofservice and education for social action infields of social legislation, internationalunderstanding for peace, contemporaryJewish affairs, community welfare, over-seas service, and service to the foreign-born. Council Woman.

NATIONAL JEWISH COMMITTEE O N SCOUT-ING (1926) . Boy Scouts of America,New Brunswick, N. J. Chmn. Frank L.Weil; Exec. Sec. Harry Lasker. Seeks tostimulate Boy Scout activity among Jew-ish boys. Ner Tamid Guide for BoyScouts and Explorers; Scouting and theJewish Boy; Suggestions for Boy ScoutSabbath.

NATIONAL JEWISH HOSPITAL AT DENVER( 1 8 9 9 ) . 3800 E. Colfax Ave., Denver6, Colo. Pres. Stanley C. Shubart; Sec.and Exec. Dir. Philip Houtz. Offers na-tion-wide, free nonsectarian care for needytuberculosis and chest disease patients;conducts research, education, and rehabili-tation. News of the National; 8 et 40Bulletin.

NATIONAL JBWISH WELFARE BOARD(1917 ) . 145 E. 32 St., N. Y. C , 16.Pres. Charles Aaron; Sec. Alan J. Alt-heimer. Serves as national association ofJewish community centers and YM-YWHAs; authorized by the governmentto provide for the religious and welfareneeds of Jews in the armed services andin veterans hospitals; sponsors JewishBook Council, National Jewish MusicCouncil, National Jewish Youth Confer-ence, Jewish Center Lecture Bureau; rep-resents American Jewish community inUSO. Armed Services Year Book; JWBCircle (of which In Jewish Bookland andJewish Music Notes are supplements);Jewish Center Program Aids; Jewish Cen-ter Year Book; Women's Division Bul-letin.

, COMMISSION O N JEWISH CHAP-LAINCY (1940) . 145 E. 32 St., N. Y.C , 16. Chmn. Joseph H. Lookstein; Dir.Aryeh Lev. Represents Reform, Orthodox,and Conservative rabbinates on mattersrelating to chaplaincy; is the only agencyauthorized to recruit, ecclesiastically en-dorse, and serve all Jewish military chap-lains. Newsletter.

- , W O M E N ' S ORGANIZATIONS" DIVI-SION OF (1942). 145 E. 32 St., N. Y.


C , 16. Chmn. Mrs. Leonard H. Bern-heim; Dir. Mrs. Earl C. Gluckman. Pro-vides morale and recreational services forhospitalized veterans and GIs and Jewishchaplains at remote areas in U. S. andoverseas. Women's Division Bulletin.

NATIONAL JEWISH Y O U T H CONFERENCE(1946; re-org. 1948, 1953) (sponsoredby National Jewish Welfare Board) 145E. 32 St., N. Y. C , 16. Pres. Sue Strass-man; Advisor Harry A. Shatz. Seeks tostimulate active participation of Jewishyouth in Jewish communal affairs and de-velop Jewish youth leadership; conductsannual assembly and sponsors JewishYouth Week. Assembly Proceedings; Jew-ish Youth Week Manual; Program Aids.

SOCIETY OF THE FOUNDERS OF THE A L -BERT EINSTEIN COLLEGB OF MEDICINEOF YESHIVA UNIVERSITY (1953 ) . 270Park Ave., N. Y. C , 17. Chmn. CharlesFrost; Sec. Milton Levin. To perpetuatethe interest and association of the found-ers of the college and their families inthe Albert Einstein College of Medicine.

U N I T E D HIAS SERVICE, INC. ( 1 9 5 4 ) . 425Lafayette St., N. Y. C , 3. Pres. Murray I.Gurfein; Act. Exec. Dir. James T. Rice.World-wide organization with offices, af-filiates, committees in United States,Europe, North Africa, Latin America,Canada, Australia, China. Services Jewishmigrants in the following areas: pre-immigration planning, procurement ofimmigration visas, visa documentation,consular representation and intervention,transportation, reception, sheltering, initialadjustment and reunion of families; car-ries on social adjustment, naturalization,and Americanization programs; providesprotective service for aliens and natural-ized citizens threatened with deportation ordenaruralization; assists in locating per-sons abroad for friends and relatives in theUnited States, and persons in this countrysought by friends and relatives overseas;succors needy Jewish families in Europeand Israel through funds sent by friendsand relatives; works in the United Statesthrough local community agencies to in-tegrate the immigrant into American lifethrough a planned program of resettle-ment. Rescue; United HIAS Service News.

* , W O M E N ' S DIVISION OF ( ? ) .425 Lafayette St., N . Y. C , 3.

U N I T E D SERVICE FOR N E W AMERICANS,INC. See U N I T E D HIAS SERVICE.

WORLD FEDERATION OF Y M H A S A N D JEW-ISH COMMUNITY CENTERS ( 1 9 4 7 ) . 145E. 32 St., N. Y. C , 16. Pres. Frank L.Weil; Sec. Louis Kraft. Serves nationalorganizations in all countries engaged inmeeting the leisure-time and welfareneeds of Jewish youth.

ZIONIST AND PRO-ISRAEL

AMERICAN COMMITTEE FOR BAR-ILANUNIVERSITY IN ISRABL, INC. (1952).

1133 Broadway, N. Y. C , 10. Chmn. Bd.Trustees Samuel L. Sar; Exec. Dir. CarolKlein. Assists Bar-Ilan University, anAmerican-patterned university for liberalarts, sciences, and humanities located atRamat Gan, Israel. Bar-Ilan Beacon.

AMERICAN COMMITTEE FOR N A T I O N A LSICK F U N D OF ISRAEL, INC. ( 1 9 4 6 ) .156 W. 44 St., N . Y. C , 36. Chmn H.L. Gordon; Exec. V. Chmn. Morris Gi-loni. Provides medical equipment, drugs,instruments, chemicals, and other suppliesfor the health centers, dispensaries, andmedical institutions of the National SickFund of Israel.

AMERICAN COMMITTEE FOR W E I Z M A N NINSTITUTE OF SCIENCE, INC. (1944 ) .250 W. 57 St., N . Y. C , 19. Pres. Abra-ham Feinberg; Exec. V. Chmn. Meyer W.Weisgal. Supports the Weizmann Insti-tute of Science for scientific research inRehovoth, Israel.

AMERICAN FRIENDS OF THE HEBREWUNIVERSITY ( 1 9 3 1 ) . 9 E. 89 St., N . Y.C , 28. Pres. Daniel G. Ross; Exec. V.Pres. Frederick R. Lachman. Representsand publicizes Hebrew University in theU. S.; serves as fund-raising arm and pur-chasing agent; processes American studentsand arranges exchange professorships inthe United States and Israel. AFHU Bul-letin; Scopus.

AMERICAN F U N D FOR ISRAEL INSTITU-TIONS ( 1 9 4 1 ) . 2 W. 45 St., N . Y. C.Pres. Samuel Rubin; Exec. V.P. Arthur J.Lelyyeld. Federated fund-raising agency forleading educational, cultural, and tradi-tional institutions in Israel; serves as amedium for cultural exchange betweenthe United States and Israel.

AMERICAN ISRAELI LIGHTHOUSE, INC.(PALESTINE LIGHTHOUSE) ( 1928 ) .2109 Broadway, N . Y. C , 23. Nat. Pres.Mrs. Joseph H. Cohen; Sec. Mrs. LeopoldHochman. Provides education, rehabilita-tion, guide dog service, and optical lensaid for blind adults and children in Israelwith the purpose of effecting their inte-gration into the seeing community. Amer-ican Israeli Lighthouse Tower; Year Book.

AMERICAN JEWISH PHYSICIANS' COMMIT-TEE ( 1 9 2 1 ) . 55 W. 42 St., N. Y. C , 36.Pres. John H. Garlock; Chmn. Exec. Com.David J. Kaliski. Seeks to assist the build-ing and maintenance of the medical de-partments of the Hebrew University andmedical libraries in Israel; raises funds formedical education and research in Israel.

AMERICAN PHYSICIANS FELLOWSHIP COM-MITTEE, INC., OF THE ISRAEL MEDICALASSOCIATION ( 1 9 5 0 ) . 1330 Beacon St.,Brookline 46, Mass. Pres. J. M. Rogoff;Sec. Manuel M. Glazier. Seeks to estab-lish liaison between American and Israeliphysicians; provides residence and post-graduate fellowships in American hospi-tals for Israeli physicians; assists the med-ical association in achieving higherstandards in the profession in Israel; seeks

NATIONAL JEWISH ORGANIZATIONS 439to supply Israeli physicians with essentialsunobtainable in Israel, to establish na-tional academy of medicine in Israel, andto send American specialists to lecture inIsrael. A.P.F.C. News; Harefuah.

AMERICAN RED MOGEN DOVID FOR ISRAEL,INC. (1941) . 225 W. 57 St., N. Y. C ,19. Pres. Louis Rosenberg; Exec. Dir.Charles W. Feinberg. Functions as the na-tional membership organization in supportof the Magen David Adorn, Israel's firstaid agency and official Israel Red Crossservice.

AMERICAN SOCIETY' FOR TECHNION-ISRAELINSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY, INC. (1940).1000 Fifth Ave., N. Y. C, 28. Pres. DavidRose; Exec. Dir. William H. Schwartz.Supports the Technion-Israel Institute ofTechnology, and promotes the technicaland industrial development of Israel. Tech-nion Review; Technion Yearbook.

AMERICAN TECHNION SOCIETY. See AMER-ICAN SOCIETY FOR TECHNION, above.

AMERICAN ZIONIST COMMITTEE FOR PUB-LIC AFFAIRS (1954) . 1737 H St. N.W.,Washington 6, D. C. Chmn. Philip S.Bernstein; Exec. Dir. I. L. Kenen. Con-ducts and directs public action on behalfof the American Zionist movement bear-ing upon relations with governmental au-thorities with a view to maintaining andimproving friendship and goodwill be-tween the United States and Israel. Reportfrom Washington.

AMERICAN ZIONIST COUNCIL (1939; re-org. 1949). 342 Madison Ave., N. Y. C ,17. Chmn. Irving Miller; Exec. Dir. Je-rome Unger. Conducts an Israel-MiddleEast informational program on the Amer-ican scene, stresses the fostering of Jewishculture and the Hebrew language in Amer-ican Jewish life, and carries on an intensiveZionist youth program. United States andMiddle East.

, YOUTH DEPARTMENT (1954) .342 Madison Ave., N. Y. C , 17. Chmn.A. Schenker; Exec. Dir. David Macarov.Coordinates and implements Zionist ac-tivities among American youth; sponsorsZionist Youth Council and Student Zi-onist Organization.

AMERICANS FOR PROGRESSIVE ISRAEL(1950). 112 Fourth Ave., N. Y. C , 3.Nat. Chmn. William S. Cantor; Exec. Sec.Valia Hirsch. Disseminates informationand encourages financial and public sup-port for the Israel kibbutzim; seeks sup-port for an independent and democraticIsrael; encourages investment in coopera-tive industrial enterprises in Israel. Infor-mation Bulletin; Israel Horizons.

AMPAL—AMERICAN ISRAEL CORPORATION(1942) . 17 E. 71 St., N. Y. C, 21.Pres. Abraham Dickenstein; Chmn. Exec.Com. Benjamin R. Harris. Seeks to de-velop trade relations between the U. S. andIsrael and assists in development of eco-nomic, agricultural, and mineral resourcesof Israel. Annual Report.

BACHAD ORGANIZATION OF NORTH AMBR-ICA (1950). 154 Nassau St., N. Y. C ,38. Exec. Dir. Issachar Ben-David. Fostersand promotes ideals of religious pioneeringin Israel; maintains hachsharah agricul-tural training farm and school, as well asprofessional department to guide and as-sist those interested in pioneering andprofessions in Israel. Hamevaser.

BNBI AKIVA OF NORTH AMERICA (1939).154 Nassau St., N. Y. C, 38. Pres. IssacharBen-David; Nat. Exec. Dir. Nachum Pessin.Seeks to awaken the interest of membersin religious labor Zionism through self-realization in Israel; maintains trainingfarms, leadership seminars, and summercamps. Akivon; Hamvaser; Ohalenu;Pinkos L'madrich; Gurim.

FEDERATED COUNCIL OF ISRAEL INSTITU-TIONS—FCII (1940). 38 Park Row, N.Y. C, 38. Pres. David L. Meckler; Exec.V.P. Abraham Horowitz. Central fund-raising organization for independent re-ligious, educational, and welfare institu-tions in Israel which are not maintainedby the various fund-raising agencies of theZionist Organization. Annual Financial Re-port.

* FOUNDATION FOR THE JEWISH NATIONALFUND (formerly NATIONAL USSISHKINLEAGUE) (1945) . 41 E. 42 St., N. Y.C , 17.

• GIVAT HASOFBR—WRITERS CENTER OFISRAEL, AMERICAN FRIENDS OF (1952).3080 Broadway, N. Y. C, 27.

HABONIM, LABOR ZIONIST YOUTH (1920).200 Fourth Ave., N. Y. C, 3. Sec.Daniel Mann. Trains Jewish youth to be-come chalutzim in Israel; stimulates studyof Jewish life, history, and culture; spon-sors work-study programs in Israel andsummer camps in America; prepares Jew-ish youth for active participation inAmerican Jewish community life. Fur-rows: Haboneh.

HADASSAH, THE WOMEN'S ZIONIST OR-GANIZATION OF AMERICA, INC. (1912).65 E. 52 St., N. Y. C, 22. Pres. Miri-am Freund; Exec. Dir. Hannah L.Goldberg. Seeks to foster creative Jewishliving in the U. S.; conducts health, med-ical, social service, child rehabilitation, vo-cational education, and land reclamationand afforestation activities in Israel. Ha-dassah Headlines; Hadassah Newsletter.

HAGDUD HAIVRI LEAGUE, INC. (AMERICANPALESTINE JBWISH LEGION) (1929).1009 President St., Brooklyn 25, N. Y.Nat. Comdr. Elias GUner; Sec. IrvingLilienfeld. Seeks to uphold the ideals ofthe Jewish Legion which fought for theliberation of Palestine in World War I,to assist legion veterans in settling inIsrael and to help establish in Israel aLegion House (Bet Hagdudim) for vet-erans.

HAPOEL HAMIZRACHI OF AMERICA, INC.(1921). 154 Nassau St., N. Y. C. 38.Nat. Pres. Bernard Bergman; Nat. Exec.


Dir. Isaac B. Rose. Seeks to build up theState of Israel in accordance with the prin-ciples, laws and traditions of Orthodoxy.Igeret; Jewish Horizon; Kolenu.

W O M E N ' S ORGANIZATION OF(1948). 154 Nassau St., N. Y. C , 38.Pres. Mrs. Meyer Karlin; Exec. Sec. Mrs.Nathan Savetsky. Helps to maintainnurseries, kindergartens, homes for chil-dren and girls, loan organizations, andtraining schools in Israel. Menorab Bul-letin.

HASHOMER HATZAIR ZIONIST Y O U T H(1925) . 112 Fourth Ave., N. Y. C , 3.Pres. Chaim Dubno; Sec. Charne Gins-burg. Educates youth and provides agri-cultural training for pioneering and col-lective life in Israel. Al Hamishmar;Young Guard.

HECHALUTZ ORGANIZATION O F AMERICA,INC. (A functional arm of the JewishAgency and the World Zionist Organiza-tion.) (1935). 33 E. 67 St., N. Y. C ,21. Pres. Mihail Frishberg; Sec. DovPeleg. Devoted to the organization andtraining of American Jewish youth forthe purpose of settlement in Israel, prin-cipally on collective farms.

ISRAEL MUSIC FOUNDATION (1948 ) . 731Broadway, N. Y. C , 3. Pres. Oscar Regen;Sec. Oliver Sabin. Supports and stimulatesthe growth of music in Israel, and dissem-inates Israel music in the U. S. andthroughout the world in recorded form.

JBWISH AGENCY FOR PALESTINE (1929 ) .16 E. 66 St., N. Y. C , 21. Pres. andChmn. Nahum Goldmann; Exec. Dir.Gottlieb Hammer. Recognized by theState of Israel as the authorized agencyto work in the State of Israel for thedevelopment and colonization of thatcountry, for the absorption and settlementof immigrants there and for the coordina-tion of the activities in Israel of Jewishinstitutions and associations operating inthese fields; conducts a world-wide He-brew cultural program which includes spe-cial seminars and pedagogic manuals; dis-perses information about Israel and assistsin research projects concerning that coun-try; promotes, publishes and distributesbooks, periodicals and pamphlets concern-ing developments in Israel, Zionist, andJewish history; produces and distributesweekly educational radio program, "Vistasof Israel." Israel Among the Nations; Jew-ish Agency Digest of Press and Events.

JEWISH NATIONAL F U N D , I N C . — K E R E NKAYEMETH LEISRAEL ( 1 9 1 0 ) . 42 E. 69St., N. Y. C , 21. Pres. Harris J. Levine;Exec. Dir.-Sec. Mendel N. Fisher. Raisesfunds to purchase and develop the soil ofIsrael. JNF Bulletin; Land and Life.

JUNIOR HADASSAH, Y O U N G W O M E N ' SZIONIST ORGANIZATION OF AMERICA(1920 ) . 65 E. 52 St., N . Y. C , 22.Pres. Elayne Kabakoff; Exec. Dir. AlineKaplan. In Israel maintains the Children'sVillage of Meier Shfeyah and the Junior

Hadassah Library at the Hadassah Hen-rietta Szold School of Nursing; supportsJewish National Fund projects; conductsan educational program for membership tostrengthen democracy and American Jew-ish community. Junior Hadassah Tempo.

LABOR ZIONIST ORGANIZATION OF AMER-ICA—POALE ZlON (1905 ) . 200 FourthAve., N. Y. C , 3. Chmn. Central Com.Pinchas Cruso; Dir. David Breslau. Sup-ports labor and progressive forces in Is-rael, democratization of American Jewishcommunity life, and American pro-laborlegislation. Jewish Frontier; YiddisherKemfer.

LEAGUE FOR N A T I O N A L LABOR I N ISRAEL,INC. (1935) . 156 W. 44 St., N. Y. C ,36. Chmn. Beinesh Epstein; Gen. Sec.Morris Giloni. Extends moral and finan-cial help to the non-socialist NationalLabor Federation of Israel (Histradut Ha-Ovdim Haleumit), and acquaints theAmerican public with its aims and activi-ties.

LEAGUE FOR RELIGIOUS LABOR I N ERETZISRAEL, INC. ( 1 9 4 1 ) . 154 Nassau St.,N. Y. C , 38. Pres. Jesse Eisen; Exec.Dir. Isaac B. Rose. Promotes in the UnitedStates the ideals of the Torah Vavodah(religious labor) movement; assists thereligious pioneers in Israel.

MlZRACHI HATZAIR-MIZRACHI YOUTH OFAMBRICA ( 1 9 5 2 ) . 242 Fourth Ave.,N. Y. C , 3. Nat. Pres. David J. Zwiebel;Program Dir. Reuben E. Gross. Aims toaid in the upbuilding of Israel in ac-cordance with the Torah and traditionsof Israel; spreads the religious Zionistideal among the youth of America throughvaried cultural and educational programs.Inter-Action Newspaper; Junior Hamagid;Leaders Guides; Mizracha; Mizrachi Hat-zair Newsletter; Religious Guides; TorahDiscussion Guides; Zionist Recorder.

MIZRACHI ORGANIZATION O F AMERICA(1911 ) . 1133 Broadway, N. Y. C , 10.Pres. Mordecai Kirshblum; Nat. Exec.Sec. Samuel Spar. Seeks to rebuild Israelas a Jewish commonwealth in the spiritof traditional Judaism and to strengthenOrthodox Judaism in the Diaspora. Miz-rachi Outlook; Mizrachi Weg; Or Ha-mizrach.

MIZRACHI PALESTINE F U N D ( 1 9 2 8 ) . 1133Broadway, N. Y. C , 10. Chmn. MordecaiKirshblum; Sec. Henry H. Rubins. Actsas financial instrument of the World Miz-rachi Organization to collect funds in theUnited States for the activities of Mizrachiand Hapoel Hamizrachi in Israel and todisburse these funds in Israel.

MIZRACHI W O M E N ' S ORGANIZATION O FAMERICA ( 1 9 2 5 ) . 242 Fourth Ave., N . Y.C , 3. Nat. Pres. Mrs. Lionel Golub;Exec. Sec. Helen Tannenbaum. Conductsextensive social service, child care, and vo-cational education programs in Israel inan environment of traditional Judaism;conducts cultural activities for the pur-


pose of disseminating Zionist ideals andstrengthening traditional Judaism in Amer-ica. Cultural Guide; Mizracbi Woman.

NATIONAL COMMITTEE FOR LABOR ISRAEL(ISRAELHISTADRUTCAMPAIGN) (1923).33 E. 67 St., N. Y. C, 21. Nat. Chmn.Joseph Schlossberg; Nat. Sec. Dov Biegun.Provides funds for the various social wel-fare, vocational, health, cultural, andsimilar institutions and services of His-tadrut for the benefit of workers andimmigrants and to assist in the integrationof newcomers as productive citizens in Is-rael; promotes an understanding of theaims and achievements of Israel laboramong Jews and non-Jews in America.Histadrut Foto-News.

, AMERICAN TRADE UNIONCOUNCIL OF (1947). 33 E. 67 St., N. Y.C, 21. Chmn. Joseph Breslaw; Exec. Dir.Gregory J. Bardacke. Collects funds, edu-cates, and solicits moral and political as-sistance from trade union organizationsand members for the Histadrut and theState of Israel. Histndrut Foto-News.

NATIONAL YOUNG JUDAEA (1909). 16 E.50 St., N. Y. C, 22. Pres. Abe Kaufman;Nat. Dir. Amram Prero. Seeks to developin the U. S. a Jewish youth rooted in itsheritage Zionistically and dedicated to serv-ing the Jewish people in America and Is-rael. Judaean Leaves; Senior; Young Ju-daean.

PALESTINE ECONOMIC CORPORATION(1926). 18 E. 41 St., N. Y. C , 17.Pres. and Chmn. Bd. Robert Szold; Sec.Albert Seiffer. Fosters economic develop-ment of Israel on a business basis throughinvestments.

* PALESTINE FOUNDATION FUND (KERBNHAYESOD), I N C (1922). 16 E. 66 St.,N. Y. C, 21.

PALESTINE PIONEER FOUNDATION, INC.(1946). 156 W. 44 St., N. Y. C, 36.Chmn. Morris J. Mendelsohn; Exec. Dir.Morris Giloni. Aids in building, coloniza-tion, and social welfare activities of theNational Labor Federation in Israel andits various institutions.

PALESTINE SYMPHONIC CHOIR PROJECT(1938). 3143 Central Ave., Indianapolis5, Ind. Chmn. Myro Glass; Treas. JamesG. Heller. Seeks to settle cantors and Jew-ish artists and their families in Israel;seeks to establish a center for festivals ofBiblical musical dramas.

PIONEER WOMEN, THE WOMEN'S LABORZIONIST ORGANIZATION OF AMERICA,INC. (1925). 29 E. 22 St., N. Y. C , 10.Pres. Chaya Surchin; Exec. Dir. LillianKugel. Seeks to build Israel along co-operative lines and achieve social im-provements in the U. S.; sponsors socialwelfare, agricultural, and vocational train-ing and rehabilitation projects in Israel.Pioneer Woman.

PLUGAT ALIYAH — HANOAR HATZIONI(sponsored by Hadassah) (1947). 17W. 60 St., N. Y. C, 23. Pres. Richard

Chesnoff; Exec. Officer Debby Heffler. Fur-thers emigration to Israel and formationof agricultural settlements there as a meansof building a cooperative society based onprinciples of social and economic justiceand spiritual fulfillment as Jews. HakolHakoreh; Iggeret Hagarin; Kol Hanoar.

POALE AGUDATH ISRAEL OF AMERICA, INC.(1948). 147 W. 42 St., N. Y. C, 36.Pres. Leo Jung, Samuel Schonfeld, SamuelWalkin, Noah Chodos; Exec. Dir. Shim-shon Heller. Aims to educate and prepareyouth throughout the world to become Or-thodox chalutzim in Israel; to supportOrthodox communities in Israel. YediotbPAL

, EZRA-IRGUN HANOAR HACHA-REIDI (1953). 147 W. 42 St., N. Y. C,36. Pres. Gershon Kranzler; Sec. ChanaGottlieb. Youth organization of the PoaleAgudath Israel; aims to give children areligious, agricultural education in orderto enable them to become members of orbuild kibbutzim in Israel. Yedioth Haezra.

- , LEAGUE OF RELIGIOUS SETTLE-MENTS, INC.—CHBVER HAKIBBUTZIM(1951). 147 W. 42 St., N. Y. C, 36.Pres. Fabian Schonfeld; Sec. Aron NoahBlasbalg. Enables Jewish youth to enterthe Orthodox kibbutzim in Israel.

-, POALIM-WOMENS DIVISION OF(1948). 147 W. 42 St., N. Y. C, 36.Pres. Mrs. Rosaline Abramczyk; Sec. Mrs.Tova Danziger. Assists Poale Agudath Israelin its efforts to build and support thechildren's homes, bate-cbalutzim, bate-chalotzot, and kindergartens in Israel.

PROGRESSIVE ZIONIST LEAGUE-HASHOMERHATZAIR (1947). 112 Fourth Ave., N.Y.C, 3. Pres. Avraham Schenker; Treas. Yitz-chak Frankel. Seeks to encourage Ameri-can community support for Israel kibbutzmovement; engages in fund raising forIsrael, particularly on behalf of chalutz(pioneering) movement; seeks to fight forrights of Jews everywhere. BackgroundBulletin; Israel Horizons.

* SIDNEY LIPTZEN FOUNDATION, I N C(1940). 200 William St., N. Y. C, 38.

STUDENT ZIONIST ORGANIZATION (spon-sored by Youth Department of AmericanZionist Council) (1954). 342 MadisonAve., N. Y. C, 17. Pres. Harold Kush-ner; Sec. Aviva Kiev. Interprets to thegeneral community, college students, andfaculty the history, meaning and promiseof Zionism and the State of Israel; en-courages Jewish students in the study ofand participation in all aspects of affirma-tive Jewish living. Student Zionist; ZionistCollegiate.

TEL HAI FUND, INC. (1935). 156 W. 44St., N. Y. C, 36. Pres. Leo Wolfson;Sec. M. Giloni. Finances the institutionsof the Jabotinsky movement in Israel.

UNITED CHARITY INSTITUTIONS OF JBRU-SALEM, INC. (1903). 207 E. Broadway,N. Y. C, 2. Pres. David L. Meckler; Sec.


Morris Eliach. Supports medical and edu-cational institutions in Jerusalem.

UNITED ISRAEL APPEAL, INC. (1927). 41E. 42 St., N. Y. C, 17. Nat. Chmn.Dewey D. Stone. Raises funds for Israel'simmigration and resettlement program;chief beneficiary of the UJA campaign;fund-raising representative of all Zionistparties as well as the Palestine FoundationFund and the Jewish Agency; carries outinterpretative and educational program onIsrael immigration and resettlement proj-ects. Israel Potofacts.

UNITED LABOR ZIONIST PARTY (ACHDUTHAAVODAH-POALE ZION) (1920; re-org.1947). 305 Broadway, N. Y. C, 7. Nat.Sec. Paul L. Goldman. Seeks to establish ademocratic socialist order in Israel andstrengthen the Jewish labor movement inthe U. S. Vndzer Veg.

UNITED STATES COMMITTEE FOR SPORTSIN ISRAEL (1950). 236 W. 55 St., N. Y.C, 19. Chmn. Harry D. Henshel; Exec.Dir. Samuel Sloan. Assists the people ofIsrael to develop and maintain a programof recreational facilities and physical edu-cation activities, including the training ofpersonnel in leadership in wholesome com-petitive sports.

UNITED ZIONISTS-REVISIONISTS OF AMER-ICA, INC. (1925). 156 W. 44 St., N. Y.C, 36. Pres. Leo Wolfson; Exec. Dir.Morris Giloni. Aims to mobilize supportfor the establishment of a free Jewish com-monwealth within the historic boundariesof the land of Israel. Jewish World.

WOMEN'S LEAGUE FOR ISRAEL, INC.(1928). 1860 Broadway, N. Y. C, 23.Pres. Mrs. William Prince; First V. Pres.,Chmn. Israel Com. Mrs. David L. Isaacs.Provides shelter, vocational training, andsocial adjustment services for young womennewcomers to Israel. Israel News Digest;Women's League for Israel News Bulletin.

WORLD CONFEDERATION OF GENERALZIONISTS (1946). 501 Fifth Ave., N. Y.C, 17. Pres. Israel Goldstein; Gen. Sec.

Kalman Sultanik. In Israel encouragesprivate and collective industry and agricul-ture; advocates the system of free and uni-versal education in Israel, under govern-ment control. Issues monthly bulletins,pamphlets, booklets and reports in English,Yiddish, and Spanish. News Bulletin.

ZEBULUN ISRAEL SEAFARING SOCIETY,INC. (1946). 31 Union Square, N. Y.C, 3. Pres. Solomon S. Isquith; Exec. V.Pres. I. Glickman. Promotes seafaring fa-cilities to Jewish youth in Israel by main-taining training schools where they receivemaritime instruction as sailors and skilledfishermen and in boat building; encour-ages interest in the sea among Jews every-where and helps financially the Zebulunschools in Israel.

ZIONIST ARCHIVES AND LIBRARY OF THEPALESTINE FOUNDATION FUND (1939).250 W. 57 St., N. Y. C, 19. Dir. andLibrarian Sylvia Landress. Serves as an ar-chive and information service for materialon Israel, Palestine, the Middle East, andZionism. Palestine and Zionism.

ZIONIST ORGANIZATION OF AMERICA(1897). 145 E. 32 St., N. Y. C, 16. Pres.Emanuel Neumann; Sec., Exec Dir. Sid-ney Marks. Seeks to safeguard the integrityand independence of Israel as a free anddemocratic commonwealth by means con-sistent with the laws of the U. S.; to assistin the economic development of Israel; andto strengthen Jewish sentiment and con-sciousness as a people and promote its cul-tural creativity. American Zionist; DosYiddishe Folk; Inside Israel; OrganizationLetter; Zionist Information Service.

ZIONIST YOUTH COUNCIL (sponsored byYouth Department of American ZionistCouncil (1951). 342 Madison Ave.,N. Y. C, 17. Chmn. Ernest Mayerfield.Coordinates and initiates Zionist youth ac-tivities of mutual interest to the constitu-ent members of the council; acts as spokes-man and representative of Zionist youth ininterpreting Israel to the youth of America.

CANADAACTIONS COMMITTEE OF THE LABOR

ZIONIST MOVEMENT IN CANADA(1939). 5101 Esplanade Ave., Montreal,14. Nat. Exec. Dir. Jacob Rabinovitch.Coordinates the activities and advancesthe political, organizational, and educa-tional program of Labor Zionist groups inCanada. Dos Vort.

•AMERICAN FUND FOR ISRABL INSTITU-TIONS (CANADA). 1470 Mansfield St.,Montreal.

• CANADA-ISRAEL SECURITIES, LTD. (1952).2025 University St., Montreal.

CANADIAN ASSOCIATION FOR LABOR ISRAEL(HISTADRUT) (1944). 5101 EsplanadeAve., Montreal. Nat. Chmn. S. B. Hur-wich; Nat. V. Chmn. Harry Steiner. Con-ducts fund-raising activities for and dissemi-

nates information about the Histadrut inIsrael. Histadrut Foto News.

CANADIAN ASSOCIATION OF HEBREWSCHOOLS (IGUD). See KEREN HA-TARBUT.

CANADIAN COMMITTEE OF JEWISH FEDER-ATIONS AND WELFARE FUNDS. See COM-MITTEE OF CANADIAN JEWISH FEDERA-TIONS AND WELFARE FUNDS.

CANADIAN FRIENDS OF THE HEBREW UNI-VERSITY (1945). 2025 University St., Mon-treal, 2. Nat. Pres. Allan Bronfman; Nat.Dir. Samuel R. Risk. Represents and pub-licizes the Hebrew University in Canada;serves as fund-raising arm for the univer-sity in Canada. Newsletter.

CANADIAN JEWISH CONGRESS (1919; re-org. 1934). 493 Sherbrooke St. W., Mont-


real, 2. Nat. Pres. Samuel Bronfman; Nat.Exec. Dir. Saul Hayes. As the recognizednational representative body of CanadianJewry, seeks to safeguard the status, rightsand welfare of Jews in Canada, to combatanti-Semitism and promote understandingand goodwill among all ethnic and reli-gious groups; cooperates with other agen-cies in efforts for improvement of social,economic, and cultural conditions of Jewryand mitigation of their sufferings through-out the world, and in helping to rehabili-tate Jewish refugees and immigrants; assistsJewish communities in Canada in establish-ing central community organizations to pro-vide for the social, philanthropic, educa-tional, and cultural needs of those commu-nities. Congress Bulletin.

• CANADIAN ORT FEDERATION (1937). 293Villeneuve St. W., Montreal.

CANADIAN Y O U N G JUDAEA (1917). 5329Waverley St., Montreal, 14. V. Chmn. MissHenny Lowy; Exec. Sec Norman Flax.Educates toward settlement in Israel andactive participation in the Zionist move-ment in Canada. Judaean; Judaean News-letter; Dugma.

C A N P A L - C A N A D I A N ISRAEL TRADING CO.LTD. (1949). 1231 St. Catherine St. W.,Montreal, 25. Pres. B. Aaron; Mngr. J.Baumholz. Active in promoting trade be-tween Canada and Israel. Annual Report.

COMMITTEE OF CANADIAN JBWISH FEDER-ATIONS A N D W E L F A R E FUNDS (affiliatedwith Council of Jewish Federations andWelfare Funds) (1942). 150 Beverley St.,Toronto. Pres. Arthur E. Gelber; Sec. Flor-ence Hutner. Serves as a clearing house forCanadian welfare funds and acts as liaisonwith the Council of Jewish Federations andWelfare Funds.

HADASSAH ORGANIZATION OF CANADA(affiliated with WIZO) (1917). 2025 Uni-versity St., Montreal, 2. Nat. Pres. Mrs.William Riven; Nat. Exec. Dir. Mrs. LouiseAdler. Seeks to foster Zionist ideals amongJewish women in Canada; conducts child-care, health, medical, and social welfareactivities in Israel. Hadassah Highlights;Hadassah Magazine; Hadassah Supplementin Canadian Zionist; Israel Today; MemoFrom National.

JEWISH COLONIZATION ASSOCIATION OFCANADA (1907). 493 Sherbrooke St. W.,Montreal. Pres. Samuel Bronfman; Mngr.M. J. Lister. Assists and promotes Jewishland settlement in Canada by aiding needyestablished farmers with loans; assists theimmigration of trained and experiencedfarmers from Europe for settlement onfarms owned by the association in Canada;gives advice and supervision in farmingmethods.

JBWISH IMMIGRANT AID SERVICES OF C A N -

ADA (JIAS) (1922). 4221 Esplanade Ave.,Montreal. Pres. Jerry Segall; Nat. Exec. Dir.Joseph Kage. Serves as a national agencyfor immigration and immigrant welfare.JIAS News.

JBWISH LABOR COMMITTEE OF CANADA(1936). 4848 St. Lawrence Blvd., Mont-real, 14. Nat. Chmn. Michael Rubinstein;Nat. Dir. Kalmen Kaplansky. Aids Jewishand non-Jewish labor institutions overseas;promotes a civil rights program; seeks tocombat anti-Semitism and racial and reli-gious intolerance. Canadian Labor Reports.

JEWISH NATIONAL F U N D OF CANADA(1900). 2025 University St., Montreal, 2.Nat. Chmn. Charles Bender; Nat. Exec.Dir. Jacob Gottlieb. Raises funds for re-demption of land and afforestation in Israel.

JOINT PUBLIC RELATIONS COMMITTEB OFCANADIAN JEWISH CONGRESS A N D B'NAIB'RITH I N CANADA (1936). 493 Sher-brooke St. W., Montreal. Nat. Chmn. FredM. Catzman; Nat. Exec. Dir. Ben G. Key-fetz. Seeks to prevent and eliminate anti-Semitism and promote better intergroup re-lations in Canada.

K E R E N H A T A R B U T — H E B R E W CULTURBORGANIZATION OF CANADA (ind. CA-NADIAN A S S O C I A T I O N OF HEBREWSCHOOLS). 5815 Jeanne Mance St., Mon-treal, 8. Pres. S. S. Gordon; Exec. Dir. A.Horowitz. Seeks to stimulate the knowl-edge of the Hebrew language and He-brew culture in Canada.

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH W O M E NO F CANADA (1897). 152 Beverley St.,Toronto, 23. Nat. Pres. Reva Gerstein; Nat.Sec. Mrs. Martin Bloom. Offers program ofcommunity welfare services and educationfor action in social legislation and welfarein Canada. Canadian Council Woman.

' PALESTINE ECONOMIC CORPORATION OFCANADA, LTD. (1949). 88 Richmond St.W., Toronto.

U N I T E D JEWISH RELIEF AGENCIES OF C A N -ADA (affiliated with the AMERICAN JOINTDISTRIBUTION COMMITTEE) (1939). 493Sherbrooke St. W., Montreal. Pres. SamuelBronfman; Nat. Exec. Dir. Saul Hayes.Federates organizations extending relief toJewish refugees and other war victims.

UNTTBD JEWISH TEACHERS SEMINARY(1945). 4099 Esplanade Ave., Montreal.Pres. Lavy M. Becker; Dir. Samuel Levine.Trains teachers for all types of Jewish andHebrew schools.

* ZIONIST MEN'S ASSOCIATION OF CANADA(1923). 2025 University St., Montreal, 2.

ZIONIST ORGANIZATION OF CANADA(1892). 2025 University St., Montreal, 2.Pres. Michael Garber; Act. Exec. Dir.Gdalia Zakiff. Seeks to organize mass sup-port for the rebuilding of Israel as a Jewishcommonwealth. Canadian Zionist.

^

Jewish Federations, Welfare Funds,Community Councils

THIS DIRECTORY is one of a series compiledannually by the Council of Jewish Federa-

tions and Welfare Funds. Virtually all ofthese community organizations are affiliatedwith the Council as their national associa-tion for sharing of common services, inter-change of experience, and joint consultationand action.

These communities comprise at least 95per cent of the Jewish population of theUnited States and about 90 per cent of theJewish population of Canada. Listed for eachcommunity is the local central agency—fed-eration, welfare fund, or community council—with its address and the names of the presi-dent and executive officer.

The names "federation," "welfare fund,"and "Jewish community council" are notdefinitive and their structures and functionsvary from city to city. What is called a federa-tion in one city, for example, may be called

a community council in another. In the mainthese central agencies have responsibility forsome or all of the following functions: (a)raising of funds for local, national, and over-seas services; (b) allocation and distributionof funds for these purposes; (c) coordinationand central planning of local services, such asfamily welfare, child care, health, recreation,community relations within the Jewish com-munity and with the general community, Jew-ish education, care of the aged, and vocationalguidance, to strengthen these services, elimi-nate duplication, and fill gaps; (d) in smalland some intermediate cities, direct adminis-tration of local social services.

In the directory, the following symbols areused:

(1) Member agency of the Council ofJewish Federations and Welfare Funds.

(2) Receives support from CommunityChest.

UNITED STATES

ALABAMABESSEMER

JEWISH WELFARE FUND (1948); P. O.Box 9: Pres. Hyman Weinstein; Exec. Sec.J. S. Gallinger.

BIRMINGHAMi UNITED JEWISH FUND (incl. Ensley,Fairfield, Tarrant City) (1937); 700 N.18 St. (3) ; Pres. I. Z. Harris; Exec. Sec.Mrs. Benjamin A. Roth.

MOBILEi. 2 JEWISH WELFARE FEDERATION; Pres.Maurice E. Olen; Sec.-Treas. Sidney Simon,459 Conti St.

MONTGOMERYi JEWISH FEDERATION (1930); Pres.James Loeb; Sec. Hannah J. Simon, P. O.Box 1150.

TRI-CITIESi JEWISH FEDERATED CHARITIES (ind.Florence, Sheffield, Tuscumbia) (1933);Co-Chmn. Philip Olim and Louis Rosen-baum; Sec. William Gottlieb, Florence.

ARIZONA

PHOENIXi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (incl.surrounding communities) (1940); 1510E. Camelback Road; Pres. Nat G. Silver-man; Exec. Dir. Hirsh Kaplan.

TUCSONi. 2 JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (1942);102 N. Plumer; Pres. David Kramer;Exec. Dir. Benjamin N. Brook.

ARKANSASLITTLE ROCK

i. 2 JEWISH WELFARE AGENCY OF LITTLEROCK (ind. England, Levy, North LittleRock) (1912); 732 Pyramid Life Bldg.;Pres. Arnold L. Mayersohn; Exec. Dir.Adele I. Sanders.

CALIFORNIA

BAKERSFIELDi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL OFGRBATBR BAKERSFIELD (ind. Arvin,

444

JEWISH FEDERATIONS, WELFARE FUNDS, COMMUNITY COUNCILS 4 4 5

Delano, Shafter, Taft, Wasco) (1937);Pres. Oscar Katz, 2000 Chester Ave.;Sec. Mrs. Ethel Ferber.

FRESNOi UNITED JEWISH WELFARE FUND (ind.Fresno, Madera Counties) (1931); spon-sored by JEWISH WELFARE FEDERATION;P. O. Box 1328 (15); Pres. H. M. Gins-burg; Exec. Dir. David L. Greenberg.

LONG BEACHi UNITED JEWISH WELFARE FUND(1934); sponsored by JEWISH COMMU-NITY COUNCIL; 2026 Pacific Ave. ( 6 ) ;Pres. Leon Silverman; Exec. Dir. JoshuaMarcus.

LOS ANGELESi. 2 FEDERATION OF JEWISH WELFAREORGANIZATIONS (1911); 590 N. Ver-mont Ave. ( 4 ) ; Pres. Steve Broidy;Exec. Dir. Martin Ruderman.

1 LOS ANGELES JEWISH COMMUNITYCOUNCIL (ind. Los Angeles and vicinity)(1934); sponsors UNITED JEWISH WEL-FARE FUND; 590 N. Vermont Ave. ( 4 ) ;Pres. Judge Stanley Mosk; Exec. Sec.Julius Bisno.

OAKLANDi. 2 JEWISH WELFARE FEDERATION (ind.Alameda, Berkeley, Emeryville, Hayward,Martinez, Piedmont, Pittsburg, Richmond,San Leandro, Central Contra Costa County)(1945); 724—14 St. (12) ; Pres. HarryM. Gross; Exec. Dir. Harry J. Sapper.

SACRAMENTO1 JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL OF SAC-RAMENTO AND SUPERIOR CALIFORNIA(1935); 505 California Fruit Bldg. (14 ) ;Pres. William Belson; Exec. Dir. CharlesT. Shafrock.

SALINASMONTEREY COUNTY JEWISH COMMU-NITY COUNCIL (1948); 326 Park St.;Pres. Leon Aidelberg; Sec. Mrs. A. Hasel-korn.

SAN BERNARDINOi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (ind.Colton, Redlands) (1936); 3512 E. St.;Pres. Irving Moss; Sec. Norman Feldheym.

SAN DIEGOi UNITED JEWISH FUND (ind. San DiegoCounty) (1935); 333 Plaza, Room 301( 1 ) ; Pres. Morris W. Douglas; Exec. Dir.Albert A. Hutler.

FEDERATION OF JEWISH AGENCIES(1950); 333 Plaza, Room 301 ( 1 ) ;Pres. David Kramer; Exec Dir. Albert A.Hutler.

SAN FRANCISCOi. 2 JEWISH WELFARE FEDERATION OFSAN FRANCISCO, MARIN COUNTY, ANDTHE PENINSULA (1910; reorg. 1955);

Pres. Lloyd W. Dinkelspiel; Exec. Direc-tors: Hyman Kaplan, 1600 Scott St. (15)and Sanford Treguboff, 351 CaliforniaSt. ( 4 ) .

SAN JOSEi-2 JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (ind.Santa Clara County) (1936; reorg. 1950);Pres. Mrs. Lee Kaufman; Exec. Sec. Mrs.Herbert Schwalbe, 1269 Magnolia St.(26) .

STOCKTONi. 2 JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (ind.Lodi, Tracy, Sonora) (1948); 1345 N.Madison St. (3 ) ; Pres. Max Sweet; Sec.Mrs. Norine Goldstein.

VENTURA1 VENTURA COUNTY JBWISH COUNCIL(incl. Camarillo, Fillmore, Ojai, Oxnard,Port Hueneme, Santa Paula, Ventura)(1938); 2500 Channel Drive; Pres. Ron-ald Bank; Sec. Eric Cassirer.

COLORADODENVER

i ALLIED JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL(1936); sponsors ALLIED JEWISH CAM-PAIGN; 201 Mining Exchange Bldg. ( 2 ) ;Pres. M. M. Katz; Exec. Dir. NathanRosenberg.

CONNECTICUT

BRIDGEPORT1 BRIDGEPORT JBWISH COMMUNITYCOUNCIL (ind. Easton, Fairfield, Strat-ford, Trumbull) (1936); sponsorsUNITED JEWISH CAMPAIGN; 360 StateSt.; Pres. Irving Rubinstein; Exec. Dir.Mrs. Clara M. Stern.

DANBURYi JEWISH FEDERATION (1945); 141 DeerHill Ave.; Pres. Frederick L. Adler; Treas.Sidney Sussman.

HARTFORDi JEWISH FEDERATION (1945); 74 NilesSt. ( 5 ) ; Pres. A. I. Savin; Exec. Dir.Bernard L. Gottlieb.

MERIDENi JEWISH WELFARE FUND, INC. (1944);127 E. Main St.; Pres. Paul Baron; Sec.Albert N. Troy.

NEW BRITAINJ N E W BRITAIN JEWISH FEDERATION(1936); 33 Court St.; Pres. Martin H.Horwitz; Exec. Dir. Joseph Eisenberg.

NEW HAVENi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (ind.Hamden, W. Haven) (1928); sponsorsJBWISH WELFARE FUND (1939); 152Temple St. (10) ; Pres. John J. Fox;Exec. Dir. Benjamin N. Levy.


NEW LONDONJEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL OF NEWLONDON (1951); Pres. Moses Savin; Sec.Hyman Wilensky, 325 State St.

STAMFORDi UNITED JEWISH APPEAL; 132 ProspectSt.; Chmn. Louis Lotstein; Exec. Sec. Mrs.Leon Kahn.

WATERBURYi. 2 JEWISH FEDERATION OF WATERBURY(1938); 24 Grand St. (2) ; Pres. How-ard R. Matzkin; Exec. Dir. Ralph Segal-

DELAWAREWILMINGTON

i JEWISH FEDERATION OF DELAWARE(Statewide) (1935); 900 WashingtonSt. (99); Pres. Daniel L. Herrmann;Exec. Dir. Simon Krakow.

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIAWASHINGTON

JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL OFGREATER WASHINGTON (1939); 1420New York Ave., N.W. (5) ; Pres. Isa-dore Breslau; Exec. Dir. Isaac Franck.UNITED JEWISH APPEAL OF GREATERWASHINGTON, INC. (1935); 1529—16St., N.W. (6); Pres. Joel S. Kaufman;Exec. Dir. Louis E. Spiegler.

FLORIDAJACKSONVILLE

i JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (ind.Jacksonville Beach) (1935); 425 NewnanSt. (2) ; Pres. Edgar M. Felson; Exec.Dir. Ben Stark.

MIAMIi GREATER MIAMI JEWISH FEDERATION(incl. Dade County) (1938); 420 Lin-coln Road, Miami Beach (39); Pres.Howard Kane; Exec. Dir. Benjamin B.Rosenberg.

ORLANDOCENTRAL FLORIDA JEWISH COMMUNITYCOUNCIL (1949); 529 E. Church St.;Pres. Sidney C. Gluckman; Exec. Sec.Aaron D. Aronson.

PENSACOLA1 PENSACOLA FEDERATED JEWISH CHARI-TIES (1942); Pres. H. Sodoff; Sec. Mrs.C. M. Frenkel, 108 W. Brainard St.

TAMPA1 JEWISH WELFARE FEDERATION OFTAMPA (1941); 325 Hyde Park Ave.(6) ; Pres. Edward I. Cutler; Exec. Dir.Nathan Rothberg.

WEST PALM BEACHi FEDERATED JEWISH CHARITIES OFPALM BEACH COUNTY (1938); 506Malverne Road; Pres. Arthur I. Shain;Sec. Samuel A. Schutzer.

GEORGIA

ATLANTAi. - JEWISH SOCIAL SERVICE FEDERATIONOF ATLANTA (1905); 41 Exchange PLS.E.; Pres. Jacob M. Rothschild; Exec.Dir. Edward M. Kahn.i JEWISH WELFARE FUND (ind. Metro-politan Atlanta Area) (1936); 41 Ex-change PL S.E.; Pres. Ben J. Massell;Exec. Sec. Edward M. Kahn.

JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL; 41 Ex-change PL S.E.; Pres. Abe Goldstein;Exec. Dir. Edward M. Kahn.

AUGUSTA1 FEDERATION OF JEWISH CHARITIES(1943); Richmond County Courthouse;Chmn. Sam Silverstein; Sec. Howard P.Jolles.

COLUMBUSi JEWISH WELFARE FEDERATION (1941);1027 Broadway; Pres. Sam Weil; SecMaurice Kravtin.

MACONi FEDERATION OF JEWISH CHARITIES(1942); P. O. Box 237; Pres. AvromRoobin.

SAVANNAH1 SAVANNAH JEWISH COUNCIL (1943);sponsors UNITED JEWISH APPEAL ANDFEDERATION CAMPAIGN; P. O. Box3456—Sta. A; Pres. Harry R. Friedman;Exec. Dir. Paul Kulick.

VALDOSTAi JEWISH JOINT COMMUNITIES CHARITYFUND OF THE FLORIDA BORDER REGION(ind. Homerville, Quitman); Chmn. AlH. Siskind, 117 W. Hill; Sec.-Treas. AbePincus.

IDAHOBOISE

1 SOUTHERN IDAHO JEWISH WELFAREFUND (1947); P. O. Box 700; Pres. KalSarlat; Treas. Martin Heuman.

ILLINOISAURORA

i AURORA JEWISH WELFARE FUND(1935); 20 N. Lincoln Ave.; Pres. CarlKaufman; Sec. Marshall Goldman.

JEWISH FEDERATIONS, WELFARE FUNDS, COMMUNITY COUNCILS 447

CHICAGO1.2 JEWISH FEDERATION (1900); 231 S.Wells St. (4 ) ; Pres. Samuel S. Hollender;Exec. Vice-Pres. Samuel A. Goldsmith.i JEWISH WELFARE FUND (1936); 231S. Wells St. (4 ) ; Pres. Frederick W.Straus; Sec. Samuel A. Goldsmith.

DECATURi JEWISH FEDERATION; Pres. Irving Mel-nik, 1567 W. Riverview.

ELGINi JEWISH WELFARE CHBST (ind. St.Charles) (1938); Pres. Warren Rubnitz,202 S. Grove St.; Treas. Irvin Berman.

JOLIET1 JOLIET JEWISH WELFARE CHBST (ind.Coal City, Dwight, Lockport, Morris,Plainfield, Wilmington) (1938); 226 E.Clinton St.; Pres. Harry Rubens; Sec.Morris M. Hershman.

PEORIAi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (ind.Canton, E. Peoria, Morton, Pekin, Wash-ington) (1933); 245 N. Perry Ave. (3 ) ;Pres. Samuel Belfer; Exec. Dir. AbrahamF. Citron.

ROCK ISLAND-MOLINEi UNITED JEWISH FEDERATION OF ROCKISLAND AND MOLINE (1938); 1804—7Ave.; Pres. Albert K. Livingston; SecMrs. E. Brody.

ROCKFORDi. 2 JEWISH COMMUNITY BOARD (1937);1502 Parkview, Pres. Alfred C. Meyer;Exec Dir. Allan Bloom.

SOUTHERN ILLINOISi JEWISH FEDERATION OF SOUTHERNILLINOIS (incl. all of Illinois south ofCarlinville) (1942); 435 Missouri Ave.,East St. Louis; Pres. Jacob J. Altman;Exec. Dir. Hyman H. Ruffman.

SPRINGFIELD1.2 JEWISH FEDERATION (ind. Ashland,Athens, Atlanta, Jacksonville, Lincoln,Pana, Petersburg, Pittsfield, Shelbyville,Taylorville, Winchester) (1941); 730East Vine St.; Pres. J. Marvin Salzman;Exec. Dir. Miss Dorothy Wolfson.

INDIANA

EAST CHICAGOi EAST CHICAGO COUNCIL OF JEWISHWELFARE FUNDS; Pres. Lloyd Hurst; Fin.Sec. Simon Miller, 3721 Main St., In-diana Harbor.

EVANSVILLEi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (1936);100 Washington Ave. (13); Pres. LewisB. Newman; Exec. Sec. Martin B. Ryback.

FORT WAYNE1.2 FORT WAYNE JEWISH FEDERATION(ind. surrounding communities) (1922);204 Strauss Bldg. (2) ; Pres. Abe J.Kaplan; Exec. Dir. Joseph Levine.

GARYi JEWISH WELFARE FEDERATION, INC.(ind. Crown Point) (1940); 568 Wash-ington St.; Pres. Samuel M. Terner; Exec.Dir. Harold B. Nappan.

HAMMONDi UNITED JEWISH APPEAL OF HAM-MOND, INC. (1939); Pres. Hyman Shnei-der; Exec. Sec. Mrs. Ulrick B. Steuer, 246Belden PI., Munster.

INDIANAPOLIS1.2JEWISH W E L F A R E F E D E R A T I O N(1905); 615 N. Alabama St. (4); Pres.Samuel Kroot; Exec. Dir. Oscar A. Mintzer.

LAFAYETTEi FBDERATED JEWISH CHARITIES (ind.Attica, Crawfordsville) (1924); FowlerHotel; Pres. Itzak Walerstein, 1334 Sun-set Lane, West Lafayette; Sec. Mrs. SaraBelman.

MICHIGAN CITYi UNITED JEWISH WBLFARE FUND; 2800Franklin Street; Pres. M. L. Bankoff.

MUNCIEIMUNCIE JEWISH WELFARE FUND;Beth El Temple, 525 W. Jackson St.;Pres. Ben Hertz; Sec. Maurice Feuer.

SOUTH BENDi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL OF ST.JOSBPH COUNTY (1946); 308 PlattBldg. (1) ; Pres. Ben H. Weinstein; Exec.Dir. Bernard Natkow.

JEWISH WELFARB FUND (1937); 308Platt Bldg. (1) ; Pres. Louis Piser; ExecDir. Bernard Natkow.

TERRE HAUTEi JEWISH FEDERATION OF TERRE HAUTB(ind. Marshall, Paris) (1922); Pres.Robert Schultz; Sec. Mrs. Leon L. Blum,3200 Ohio Blvd.

IOWA

CEDAR RAPIDSi JEWISH WELFARE FUND (1941); Pres.Leo Smulekoff; Sec. Mrs. A. L. Smulekoff,1826 Second Ave. S.E.

DAVENPORTi JEWISH CHARITIES (1921); 12th &Mississippi Ave.; Pres. Ben Comenitz.

DES MOINESi JEWISH WELFARE FEDERATION (1914);507 Empire Bldg. (9 ) ; Chmn. LouisNussbaum; Exec. Dir. Sidney Speiglman.


SIOUX CITY1.2 JEWISH FEDERATION (1943); P. O.Box 1468; Pres. A. M. Grueskin; Exec.Dir. Oscar Littlefield.

WATERLOOI W A T E R L O O JEWISH F E D E R A T I O N(1941); Pres. Stanley Cohn, 132 Wood-stock.

Old Town, Orono, and outlying towns)(1949); 28 Somerset St.; Pres. How-ard Kominsky; Exec. Dir. Milton Lincoln.

PORTLANDi JEWISH FEDERATION (1942); sponsorsUNITED JEWISH APPEAL; 341 Cumber-land Ave.; Pres. Harold j . Potter; Exec.Dir. Jules Krems.

KANSAS

TOPEKAi TOPEKA- LAWRENCE JEWISH FEDERA-TION (incl. Emporia, Lawrence, St. Marys)(1939); Pres. Stanley Leeser; Sec. LouisPozez, 626 Kansas Ave.

WICHITAi MID-KANSAS JEWISH WELFARE FED-ERATION (ind. August, El Dorado, Eu-reka, Dodge City, Great Bend, Hosington,Hutchinson, McPherson) (1935); Pres.Sheldon Beren; Exec. Sec. Edward Weil,Union National Bank Bldg.

KENTUCKY

LOUISVILLE1 CONFERENCE OF JEWISH ORGANIZA-TIONS (ind. Jeflersonville, New Albany,Ind.) (1934); sponsors UNITBD JEWISHCAMPAIGN; 622 Marion E. Taylor Bldg.(2) ; Chmn. Lewis D. Cole; Exec. Dir.Clarence F. Judah.

LOUISIANA

ALEXANDRIAi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (1938);P. O. Box 612; Pres. Si Sherman.

MONROEi UNITED JEWISH CHARITIES OF NORTH-EAST LOUISIANA (1938); P. O. Box2503; Pres. I. S. Marx; Sec.-Treas. AlanF. Sugar, Jr.

NEW ORLEANSL 2 JBWISH FEDERATION OF N E W OR-LEANS (1913); 211 Camp St. (12);Pres. Frederick A. Kullman; Exec. Dir.Harry I. Barron.

ORLEANS JBWISH WELFAREFUND (1933); 211 Camp St. (12); Pres.Label A. Katz; Exec. Sec. Harry I. Barron.

SHREVEPORTi JEWISH FEDERATION (1941); 802 Cot-ton St. (6) ; Pres. George J. Woolhandler;Exec. Dir. Morton Adell.

MAINE

BANGOR2 JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (ind.

MARYLAND

BALTIMOREi ASSOCIATED JEWISH CHARITIES OFBALTIMORE (1920); 319 W. MonumentSt. ( 1 ) ; Pres. Abraham Krieger; Exec.Dir. Harry Greenstein.

i JEWISH WELFARE FUND (1941); 319W. Monument St. (1 ) ; Pres. Louis J.Fox; Exec. Dir. Harry Greenstein.

CUMBERLANDJEWISH WELFARE FUND OF WESTERNMARYLAND (ind. Frostburg and Oakland,Md., Keyser and Romney, W. Va.)(1939); Pres. Adolph Hirsch; Sec. Rob-ert Kaplon, P. O. Box 327.

MASSACHUSETTS

BOSTONi ASSOCIATED JEWISH PHILANTHROPIES,INC. (central planning, coordinating andbudgeting agency for 22 local health, wel-fare, educational and group work agendes)(1895); 72 Franklin St. (10); Pres.Benjamin A. Trustman; Exec. Dir. SidneyS. Cohen.

i COMBINED JEWISH APPEAL OF GREAT-BR BOSTON, INC. (central fund raisingagency for support of local, national, over-seas, and Israel agencies for Boston andsurrounding communities) (1940); 72Franklin St. (10) ; Pres. Lewis H. Wein-stein; Exec. Dir. Sidney S. Cohen.

JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL OF METRO-POLITAN BOSTON (1944); 72 FranklinSt. (10); Pres. Matthew Brown; Exec.Dir. Robert E. Segal.

BROCKTON1 UNITED JEWISH APPEAL CONFERENCE(ind. Rockland, Stoughton, Whitman)(1939); 66 Green St.; Chmn. HymanWexler; Exec. Dir. Harry Minkoff.

FALL RIVERi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (1938);sponsors FALL RIVER UNITED JEWISHAPPEAL, INC.; 142 Second St., Rm. 211;Pres. Abraham Tulchin.

FITCHBURG1 JEWISH FEDERATION OF FITCHBURG(1939); 66 Day St.; Pres. Philip Salny.


HOLYOKEi COMBINED JEWISH APPEAL OF HOL-YOKB (ind. Easthampton) (1939); 378Maple St.; Pres. Isadore M. Ziff; Exec.Dir. Samuel Soifei.

LAWRENCE1 JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL OFGRBATER LAWRENCE (ind. Andover,Boxford, Methuen, Nonh Andover, Mass.,Salem, N. H.) (1939); sponsors COM-BINED JEWISH APPEAL; 580 HaverhillSt.; Pres. Abraham Rappaport; Exec. Dir.Mark Mazel.

LEOMINSTERi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (1939);Pres. Seymour Tharler, 471 Lindell Ave.

LOWELLi UNITED JEWISH APPEAL OF LOWELL(1940); 105 Princeton St.; Co-Chmn.Jacob Sherman and Edward Ziskind; Exec.Dir. Joseph Warren.

LYNNi JEWISH COMMUNITY FEDERATION OFGRBATER LYNN (ind. Lynnfield, Marble-head, Nahant, Saugus, Swampscott)(1938); 45 Market St.; Pres. CharlesSchulman; Exec. Dir. Albert M. Stein.

PITTSFIELDi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (ind.Dalton, Lee, Lenox, Otis, Stockbridge)(1940); 235 East St.; Pres. NathanielHerbits; Exec. Dir. Herman Shukovsky.

SPRINGFIELDi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (1938);sponsors UNITBD JEWISH WELFAREFUND; 1160 Dickinson; Pres. Irving M.Cohen; Exec. Dir. Benjamin Wolf.

WORCESTERi JEWISH FEDERATION (1947); sponsorsJEWISH WELFARE FUND; 274 Main St.(8); Pres. Jacob Hiatt; Exec. Dir. MelvinS. Cohen.

MICHIGANBAY CITY

NORTHEASTERN MICHIGAN JEWISH WEL-FARE FEDERATION (ind. East Tawas,Midland, West Branch) (1940); Pres.Leonard Bergstein; Exec. Sec. Mrs. DorothyB. Sternberg, 201 Cunningham Bldg.

DETROIT1.2JEWISH W E L F A R E F E D E R A T I O N(1926); sponsors ALLIED JEWISH CAM-PAIGN; Fred M. Butzel Memorial Bldg.,163 Madison (26); Pres. Judge TheodoreLevin; Exec. Vice-Pres. Isidore Sobeloff.

FLINTi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (1936);810 Sill Building (2); Pres. Louis Kasle;Exec. Dir. Irving Antell.

GRAND RAPIDSi JEWISH COMMUNITY FUND OF GRANDRAPIDS (1940); Pres. Samuel Kravitz;Sec. Mrs. Sam Horowitz, 910 Calvin S.E.(6) .

LANSINGi JEWISH WELFARE FEDERATION OFLANSING (1939); Act. Pres. Sidney Mer-melstein, 2704 Woodruff.

PONTIACi JBWISH WELFARE FEDERATION &COUNCIL OF PONTIAC (1936); 44 Mo-hawke Rd.; Pres. Harry Arnkoff; Sec. Mrs.Ann Newhouse.

SAGINAW1 JEWISH WELFARE FEDERATION (ind.surrounding communities) (1939); Pres.Ben Goldman; Fin. Sec. Isadore Lenick,300 Atwater St.

MINNESOTADULUTH

i JEWISH FEDERATION AND COMMUNITYCOUNCIL (1937); 416 Fidelity Bldg.(2); Pres. Samuel N. Lit man; Exec. Dir.Mrs. Harry W. Davis.

MINNEAPOLISi MINNEAPOLIS FEDERATION FOR JEWISHSERVICE (1931); 512 Nicollet Bldg. Rm.718 (2); Pres. Samuel G. Balkin; Exec.Dir. Norman B. Dockman.

ST. PAULi UNITED JEWISH FUND AND COUNCIL(1935); 311 Hamm Bldg. (2); Pres.Mack Wolf; Exec. Dir. Dan S. Rosenberg.

MISSISSIPPI

GREENVILLEi JBWISH WELFARB FUND OF THBGREENVILLE AREA (1952); 512 MainSt.; Pres. Irving Sachs; Sec. Harry Stein.

JACKSONJBWISH WELFARE FUND (1945); P. O.Box 4401, Fondren Station; Sec. Perry E.Nussbaum.

VICKSBURG1 JEWISH WELFARE FEDERATION (1936);1209 Cherry St.; Pres. Louis L. Switzer;Sec.-Treas. Sam L. Kleisdorf.

MISSOURIJOPLIN

i JEWISH WELFARE FEDERATION, INC.(ind. surrounding communities) (1938);P. O. Box 284; Pres. Samuel Rosenberg;Sec. Dexter Brown.


KANSAS CITYi. 2 JEWISH FEDERATION AND COUNCILOF GREATER KANSAS CITY (ind. In-dependence, Mo. & Kansas City, Kan.)(1933); 20 W. 9th St. Bldg. (5) ; Pres.Daniel L. Brenner; Exec. Dii. Abe L.Sudran.

ST. JOSEPHi FEDERATED JEWISH CHARITIES (1916);2208 Francis St.; Pres. Morris L. Rosen-thai; Exec. Sec. Mrs. S. L. Goldman.

ST. LOUISi. 2 JEWISH FEDERATION OF ST. LOUIS(ind. St. Louis County) (1901); 1007Washington Ave. (1) ; Pres. Earl Sus-man; Exec. Dir. Herman L. Kaplow.

NEBRASKALINCOLN

i. 2 JEWISH WELFARE FEDERATION(ind. Beatrice) (1931); 1209 FederalSecurities Bldg. (8); Pres. Max Rosen-blum; Dir. Louis B. Finkelstein.

OMAHAi. 2 FEDERATION FOR JEWISH SERVICE(1903); sponsors JEWISH WBLFARBFUND (1930); 101 N. 20 St. (2) ;Pres. Jack W. Marer; Exec. Dir. PaulVeret.

NEW HAMPSHIRE

MANCHESTERi. 2 JEWISH COMMUNITY CENTER (1913);sponsors UNITED JEWISH APPEAL; 698Beech St.; Pres. Mitchell Muskat; Exec.Dir. Ben Rothstein.

NEW JERSEYATLANTIC CITY

i FEDERATION OF JEWISH CHARITIES OFATLANTIC CITY (1924); sponsors UNITEDJEWISH APPEAL OF ATLANTIC COUNTY;Medical Science Bldg., 101 S. IndianaAve.; Pres. I. D. Sinderbrand; Exec. Dir.Irving T. Spivack.

BAYONNEJEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (1938);sponsors UNITED JEWISH CAMPAIGN;1050 Boulevard; Pres. Samuel J. Pen-chansky; Exec. Dir. Barry Shandler.

CAMDEN! • 2 JEWISH FEDERATION OF CAMDENCOUNTY (ind. all of Camden Commu-nity) (1922); sponsors ALLIBD JEWISHAPPBAL; Marlton Pike, Route 70 (10);Pres. Norman Heine; Exec. Dir. BernardDubin.

ELIZABETHi EASTERN UNION COUNTY JEWISHCOUNCIL (incl. Roselle, Rahway, Union,Elizabeth, Cranford, Linden) (1940);sponsors EASTERN UNION COUNTYUNITED JEWISH APPEAL; 1034 E. JerseySt.; Pres. Israel Cardonsky; Exec. Dir.Louis Kousin.

HACKENSACKi UNITED JEWISH APPEAL OF HACKEN-SACK, INC. (1940); 211 Essex St.; Pres.Sidney Goldberg; Sec. Irving Warshawsky.

JERSEY CITY1 UNITED JEWISH APPEAL (1939); 604Bergen Ave. (4) ; Chmn. George R. Mil-stein; Sec. Mrs. Jeanne Schleider.

NEW BRUNSWICKi JEWISH FEDERATION OF N E W BRUNS-WICK, HIGHLAND PARK & VICINITY(1948); Raritan and So. Adelaide Aves.,Highland Park; Pres. Abraham B. Hal-pern; Exec. Dir. Josef Perlberg.

NEWARKi. 2 JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL OFESSEX COUNTY (1922); sponsors UNITEDJEWISH APPEAL OF ESSEX COUNTY(1937); 30 Clinton St. (2 ) ; Pres. RalphWechsler; Exec. Dir. Herman M. Pekar-sky.

PASSAICi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL OFPASSAIC-CLIFTON AND VICINITY (ind.Garfield, Lodi, Wallington) (1933); spon-sors UNITED JEWISH CAMPAIGN; 184Washington PL; Pres. Irving Ehrenfeld;Exec. Dir. Max Grossman.

PATERSONi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (1933);sponsors UNITED JEWISH APPEAL DRIVE;390 Broadway (1) ; Pres. Jack Stern;Exec. Dir. Max Stern.

PERTH AMBOYi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (ind.South Amboy) (1938); sponsors UNITEDJEWISH APPEAL; 316 Madison Ave.; Pres.Harold Levy; Exec. Dir. Martin E. Danzig.

PLAINFIELDi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL OF THEPLAINFIELDS (1937); sponsors UNITEDJEWISH APPEAL; 403 W. 7 St.; Pres.Arthur Saitz; Exec. Dir. Aaron Allen.

TRENTON1 JEWISH FEDERATION OF TRENTON(1929); 18 S. Stockton St. (10); Pres.Arthur Teich; Exec. Dir. Milton A. Fein-berg.

NEW MEXICO

ALBUQUERQUEi JEWISH WELFARE FUND (Albuquerqueand vicinity) (1938); Pres. Harold


Freedman; Exec. Sec. Mrs. Rana Adler,2416 Pennsylvania St. N.E.

NEW YORKALBANY

i JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL, INC.(1938); 90 State St. (7 ) ; Pres. MauriceFreedman; Exec. Dir. Max C. Gettinger.JEWISH WELFARE FUND (ind. Rensse-laer); 78 State St. (7 ) ; Chmn. MauriceFreedman; Exec. Dir. Max C. Gettinger.

BINGHAMTONi UNITED JEWISH FUND OF BROOMBCOUNTY; 155 Front St.; Co-Chmn. A.Lawrence Abrams, Maurice D. Sail; Exec.Dir. Joseph M. Moseson.

JEWISH FEDERATION OF BROOME COUNTY(1937); 155 Front St.; Chmn. DavidLevine; Exec. Dir. Joseph M. Moseson.

BUFFALOi •- UNITED JEWISH FEDERATION OF BUF-FALO, INC (1903); Sidway Bldg., 775Main St. ( 3 ) ; Pres. Victor Wagner; Exec.Dir. Sydney S. Abzug.

ELMIRA1 COUNCIL OF JEWISH COMMUNALLEADERSHIP (1942); Federation Bldg.;Pres. Lester M. Jacobs; Exec. Dir. Morti-mer Greenberg.

GLENS FALLSGLENS FALLS JEWISH WELFARE FUND(1939); Chmn. Arthur R. Greenberg;Treas. Joseph Saidel, 206 Glen St.

GLOVERSVILLE2 JEWISH COMMUNITY CENTER OF FUL-TON COUNTY (ind. Johnstown); 28 E.Fulton St.; Pres. Joseph Lazarus; Exec.Dir. Rubin Lefkowitz.

HUDSONi JEWISH WELFARB FUND (1947); 414Warren St.; Pres. Samuel Siegel; Sec. Jo-seph Adler.

KINGSTONi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL, INC.;265 Wall St.; Pres. Herman J. Eaton;Exec. Dir. Sol J. Silverman.

MLDDLETOWNi UNITED JEWISH APPEAL (1939); c/oMiddletown Hebrew Association, 13 Lin-den Ave.; Treas. Mrs. Paul Cooper.

NEW YORK CITYi. 2 FEDERATION OF JEWISH PHILANTHRO-PIES OF N E W YORK (ind. Greater NewYork, Westchester, Queens and NassauCounties) (1917); 130 E. 59 St. (22) ;Pres. Salim L. Lewis; Exec. Vice-Pres.Maurice B. Hexter, Joseph Willen.

i UNITED JEWISH APPEAL OF GREATERN E W YORK (ind. New York City and met-

ropolitan areas and Westchester, Queens,Suffolk and Nassau Counties) (1939);220 W. 58 St. (19); Pres. Monroe Gold-water; Exec. Vice-Pres. Henry C. Bern-stein, Samuel Blitz.

BROOKLYN JEWISH COMMUNITY COUN-CIL, INC. (1939); 16 Court St., Brooklyn(1) ; Pres. Maximilian Moss; Exec. Dir.Chaim I. Essrog.

NEWBURGHi UNITED JEWISH CHARITIES (1925);360 Powell Ave.; Pres. Arthur Silver;Exec. Dir. Murray Gunner.

NIAGARA FALLSIJBWISH FEDERATION, INC. (1935);685 Chilton Ave.; Pres. Boris A. Golden;Exec. Dir. Mrs. May Chinkers.

PORT CHESTERi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (1941);sponsors UNITED JEWISH CAMPAIGN; 258Willert Ave.; Pres. George Gruber; Exec.Dir. Aaron Grodsky.

POUGHKEEPSIEJBWISH WELFARE FUND (1941); 54 N.Hamilton St.; Chmn. Marc Eckstein; Exec.Dir. Julius Dorfman.

ROCHESTER' U N I T E D J E W I S H W E L F A R E F U N D(1937); 129 East Ave. (4 ) ; Pres. DavidJ. Rosen thai; Exec. Dir. Elmer Louis.

JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL; 129 EastAve. (4 ) ; Pres. Arthur M. Lo wen thai;Exec. Dir. Elmer Louis.

SCHENECTADYi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (ind.surrounding communities) (1938); spon-sors SCHENBCTADY UJA AND FEDERATEDWELFARE FUND; 300 Germania Ave.(7) ; Pres. Paul Dworsky; Exec. Dir.Samuel Weingarten.

SYRACUSEi JEWISH WELFARE FEDERATION, I N C(1918); sponsors JEWISH WELFAREFUND (1933); 201 E. Jefferson St. (2 ) ;Pres. Samuel Greene; Exec. Dir. NormanEdell.

TROYITROY JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL,INC. (ind. Green Island, Mechanicville,Waterford, Watenrliet) (1936); 87 FirstSt.; Pres. Samuel A. Mintz; Exec. Dir.Julius Ness.

UTICAi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (1933);sponsors UNITED JEWISH APPEAL OFUTICA; 211 Foster Bldg., 131 GeneseeSt. (2 ) ; Pres. Lawrence A. Tumposky;Exec. Dir. James M. Senor.


NORTH CAROLINAASHVILLE

JEWISH COMMUNITY CENTER; Exec. Dir.Charles Parmet, 236 Charlotte St.

CHARLOTTEi FEDERATION OF JEWISH CHARITIES(1940); P. O. Box 2612; Pres. SolLevine; Sec. Ben Jaffa, Jr.

GASTONIAi JEWISH WELFARE FUND (1944); c/oTemple Emanuel, 320 South St.; Pres.Marshal Rauch; Sec. Nathan Hershfield.

GREENSBOROi GREENSBORO JEWISH UNITED CHARI-TIES, INC.; Pres. Milton Weinstein; Sec.Al Rose, 520 Audubon Drive.

HIGH POINT1 JEWISH FEDERATED CHARITIES; Chmn.Herman W. Bernard, Congregation B'naiIsrael.

HENDERSONVILLEJEWISH WELFARE FUND (1946); Pres.Morris Kaplan; Sec. George D. Heyman,312 Eighth Ave. W.

WINSTON-SALEMi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL OFWINSTON-SALEM, INC. (1937); 201Oakwood Dr. (5) ; Pres. Robert Sosnik;Sec. Ernst J. Conrad.

NORTH DAKOTAFARGO

i FARGO JEWISH FEDERATION (incl. James-town, Moorhead, Valley City, Wahpeton,& Detroit Lakes, Minn.) (1939); P. O.Box 1974; Pres. Julius Sgutt; Sec. Paul P.Feder.

OHIOAKRON

i . 2 JEWISH SOCIAL SERVICE FEDERATION(1914); Strand Theatre Bldg., 129 S.Main St. (8); Pres. Alven M. Weil; Exec.Dir. Nathan Pinsky.i JEWISH WELFARE FUND OF AKRON,INC. (incl. Barberton, Cuyahoga Falls)(1935); Strand Theatre Bldg., 129 S.Main St. (8); Pres. Jerome J. Kaufman;Exec. Dir. Nathan Pinsky.

CANTONi CANTON JEWISH COMMUNITY FEDBR-ATION (1935; reorg. 1955); 1528 Mar-ket Ave. N. (4) ; Pres. Ben M. Dreyer;Exec. Dir. Leonard Sebrans.

CINCINNATIi JEWISH WELFARE FUND (1930); 1430Central Parkway (10); Pres. Charles M.Messer; Exec. Dir. Martin M. Cohn.

i . 2 A S S O C I A T E D J E W I S H AGENCIES(1896); 1430 Central Parkway (10);Pres. Frederick Rauh; Exec. Dir. MartinM. Cohn.

CLEVELANDi. 2 JEWISH COMMUNITY FEDERATION OFCLEVELAND (1903); 1001 Huron Rd.(15); Pres. Max Simon; Exec. Dir. HenryL. Zucker.

COLUMBUSi UNITED JEWISH FUND (1925); 55 E.State St. (15); Pres. Samuel Shinbach;Exec. Dir. Benjamin M. Mandelkorn.

JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (1940);55 E. State St. (15); Pres. Melville D.Frank; Exec. Dir. Benjamin M. Mandel-korn.

DAYTONi- 2 JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL OFDAYTON (1943); Community ServicesBldg., 184 Salem Ave., Room 240 (6);Pres. Louis Broock; Exec. Dir. RobertFitterman.

LIMAi FBDERATED JEWISH CHARITIES OF LIMADISTRICT (1935); P. O. Box 152; Pres.Harry Moyer; Sec. Joseph E. Berk.

STEUBENVILLEi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (ind.Mingo Junction, Toronto) (1938); 314National Exchange Bank Bldg.; Pres.Myer Pearlman; Treas. Mrs. Marcus L.Ginsburg.

TOLEDOi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (1936);308 Frumkin Bldg. (2) ; Pres. George S.Davidson; Exec. Dir. Alvin Bronstein.i UNITED JEWISH FUND (1948); 308Frumkin Bldg. (2) ; Pres. Joseph Cohan;Exec. Dir. Alvin Bronstein.

WARRENi JEWISH FEDERATION (ind. Niles)(1938); Pres. Abe Knofsky; Sec. MauriceI. Browm, 600 Roselawn Ave., N.E.

YOUNGSTOWNi. 2 JEWISH FEDERATION OF YOUNGS-TOWN, INC. (ind. Boradman, Campbell,Girard, Lowellville, Stxuthers) (1935);505 Gypsy Lane (4) ; Pres. Joseph Ungar;Exec. Dir. Stanley Engel.

OKLAHOMAARDMORE

i JEWISH FEDERATION (1934); Co-Chmn.Sidney Yaffe, P. O. Box 1868, and MaxRoberson, 412 I St., S.W.

OKLAHOMA CITY1 JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (1941);312 Commerce Exchange Bldg. (1) ;


Pres. Sam Singer; Exec. Dir. Julius A.Graber.

TULSAITULSA JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL(1938); sponsors UNITED JEWISH CAM-PAIGN; Castle Bldg., 114 W. 3 St. (1);Pres. Samuel M. Kantor; Exec. Dir. EmilSalomon.

OREGONPORTLAND

!• - JEWISH WELFARE FEDERATION OFPORTLAND (ind. State of Oregon & ad-jacent Washington communities) (1920);1643 S.W. 12 Ave. (1); Pres. ArthurSenders; Exec. Sec. Milton D. Goldsmith.i OREGON JEWISH WBLFARE FUND(1936); 1643 S.W. 12 Ave. (1); Pres.Jack W. Olds; Sec Milton D. Goldsmith.

PENNSYLVANIAALLENTO^VX

i JEWISH FEDERATION OF ALLENTOWN(1948); 245 N. 6 St.; Pres. Morris Sen-derowitz, Jr.; Exec. Dir. George Feldman.

ALTOONAi. 2 FEDERATION OF JEWISH PHILAN-THROPIES (1920); 1308—17 St.; Pres.Abraham Colbus; Exec. Dir. Irving Linn.

BUTLER1 BUTLER JEWISH WELFARE FUND (incl.Butler County, Chicora) (1938); 225 E.Cunningham St.; Chmn. Saul Bernstein;Sec. Maurice Horwitz.

EASTONi. - JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL OFEASTON AND VICINITY (1939); sponsorsALLIED WELFARE APPEAL; 660 FerrySt.; Pres. Herbert Toff; Exec. Sec. JackSher.

ERIEI - 2 J E W I S H C O M M U N I T Y W E L F A R ECOUNCIL (1946); 133 W. 7 St.; Pres.Max A. Wolff; Exec. Dir. Herman Roth.

HARRISBURGi UNITED JEWISH COMMUNITY (incl.Carlisle, Lykens, Middletown, Steelton)(1933); 1110 N. 3rd St.; Pres. Aaron S.Feinerman; Exec. Dir. Albert Hursh.

HAZLETONJEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL; sponsorsFEDERATED JEWISH CHARITIES DRIVE;Laurel and Hemlock Sts.; Pres. ArnoldSukenik; Exec. Dir. Isidore Kornzweig.

JOHNSTOWNi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL; Pres.Morris Chasanow; Vice-Pres. Seymour S.Silverstone, 602 U.S. Bank Bldg. andSamuel H. Cohen, c/o Glosser & Sons, 72Messenger St.

LANCASTERi UNITBD JBWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL(incl. Lancaster County excepting Ephrata)(1928); 219 E. King St.; Pres. LewisSiegel; Exec. Dir. Irving Ribner.

NORRISTOWNi. 2 JEWISH COMMUNITY CENTER (1936);Brown and Powell Sts.; Pres. Louis Tose;Exec. Dir. Harold M. Kamsler.

PHILADELPHIAi. 2 FEDERATION OF JEWISH AGENCIESOF GREATER PHILADELPHIA (1901;reorg. 1956); 1511 Walnut St. (2);Pres. Abraham L. Freedman; Exec. Dir.Donald B. Hurwitz. (A consolidation ofthe former ALLIED JEWISH APPEAL andFEDERATION OF JEWISH CHARITIES)

PITTSBURGHi. 2 UNITED JEWISH FEDERATION OFPITTSBURGH (1912; reorg. 1955); 200Ross St. (19); Pres. Louis Caplan; Exec.Dir. Robert I. Hiller.

POTTSVILLE1 UNITED JEWISH CHARITIES (incl. Mi-nersville, Pine Grove, St. Clair, SchuylkillHaven) (1935); 508 Mahantongo St.;Chmn. Sidney Meltzer; Sec. SamuelMendelowitz.

READING1 JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (1935);sponsors UNITED JEWISH CAMPAIGN;134 N. 5 St.; Pres. Max Fisher; Exec. Sec.Harry S. Sack.

SCRANTON1 S C R A N T O N - L A C K A W A N N A JEWISHCOUNCIL (ind. Lackawanna County)(1936); 601 Jefferson Ave.; Pres. M. L.Hodin; Exec. Sec. George Joel.

SHARONi SHENANGO VALLEY JEWISH FEDERA-TION (ind. Greenville, Grove City, Sharon,Sharpsville (1940); 8 W. State St.;Pres. Nathan Routman, Sec. BernardGoldstone.

UNIONTOWN1 UNITED JEWISH FEDERATION (ind.Masontown) (1939); Pres. Morris Frank;Sec. Irving N. Linn, 195 Derrick.

WILKES-BARREi WYOMING VALLEY JEWISH COMMITTEE(1935); sponsors UNITED JEWISH AP-PEAL; 60 South River St.; Pres. ArthurSilverblatt; Sec. Louis Smith.

YORKi UNITED JEWISH APPEAL; 120 E. Mar-ket St.; Chmn. Philip Hirschfield; Sec.Joseph Sperling.JEWISH ORGANIZED CHARITIBS (1928);120 E. Market St.; Pres. Mose Leibowitz;Exec. Sec. Joseph Sperling.


RHODE ISLANDPROVIDENCE

i GENERAL JEWISH COMMITTEE OFPROVIDENCB, I N C (ind. Cranston, EastGreenwich, East Providence, West War-wick, Bristol) (1945); 203 Strand Bldg.(3) ; Pres. Henry J. Hassenfeld; Exec.Dir. Joseph Galkin.

WOONSOCKETWOONSOCKET UNITED JEWISH APPEAL,INC (1949); P. O. Box 52; Chmn. Mor-ton Darman; Sec. Herman Lantner.

SOUTH CAROLINACHARLESTON

i JEWISH WELFARE FUND; 58 St. PhilipStreet (10); Pres. Nathan Goldberg;Exec. Sec. Nathan Shulman.

SOUTH DAKOTASIOUX FALLS

i JEWISH WBLFARB FUND (ind. Flan-dreau, S. D.; Jasper, Pipestone, Minn.)(1938); 250-260 Boyce Greeley Bldg.;Pres. Ned A. Etkin; Exec. Sec. Louis R.Hurwitz.

TENNESSEECHATTANOOGA

i JEWISH WELFARE FBDBRATION (1931);511 E. 4 St. (3 ) ; Pres. Ira Trivers; Exec.Dir. Fred A. Liff.

KNOXVILLEi JEWISH WELFARB FUND, INC. (1939);Chmn. Sam A. Rosen; Fin. Sec. MiltonCollins, 621 W. Vine Ave., S.W.

MEMPHISi. 2 FEDERATION OF JEWISH WELFAREAGENCIES (incl. Shelby County) (1906);Ten North Main Bldg. (3); Pres. MorrisL. Strauch; Exec. Sec. Jack Lieberman.i JEWISH WBLFARB FUND (incl. ShelbyCounty) (1934); Ten North Main Bldg.(3) ; Pres. Aaron Brenner; Exec. Dir.Jack Lieberman.

NASHVILLEi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (ind.19 communities in Middle Tennessee)(1936); sponsors JEWISH WELFARBFUND; 3500 West End Ave. (5) ; Pres.Julian Zander; Exec. Dir. Sam A. Hatow.

TEXASAUSTIN

1 JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL OFAUSTIN (1939; reorg. 1956); P. O. Box1064; Pres. Morris Polsky.

CORPUS CHRISTIi. 2 CORPUS CHRISTI JEWISH COMMUNITYCOUNCIL (1953); 750 Everhart Road;Pres. Eli Abrams; Exec. Dir. Harold H.Benowitz.

DALLASi .2JEWISH W E L F A R E F E D E R A T I O N(1911); 209 Browder St. (1 ) ; Pres.Henri L. Bromberg, Jr.; Exec. Dir. JacobH. Kravitz.

EL PASOi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (ind.surrounding communities) (1939); 413Mills Bldg., P. O. Box 1485; Pres. RobertH. Given; Exec. Dir. Victor Grant.

FORT WORTHL 2 JEWISH FEDERATION OF FORT WORTH(1936); 307 Burk Burnett Bldg. (2 ) ;Pres. Abe M. Herman; Exec. Dir. Eli Farm.

GALVESTONIGALVESTON COUNTY UNITED JEWISHWELFARE ASSOCIATION (1936); P. O.Box 146 (5) ; Pres. Ben Levy; Sec. Mrs.Ray Freed.

HOUSTON1 JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL OF MET-ROPOLITAN HOUSTON (ind. neighboringcommunities) (1937); sponsors UNITEDJEWISH CAMPAIGN; 2020 Hermann Drive(4) ; Pres. David H. White; Exec. Dir.Albert Goldstein.

PORT ARTHURFEDERATED JEWISH CHARITIES AND W E L -FARB FUNDS (1936); P. O. Box 442;Pres. Harvey H. Goldblum; Treas. SamWyde.

SAN ANTONIOi. 2 JEWISH SOCIAL SERVICE FEDERATION(ind. Bexar County) (1924); 307 AztecBldg. (5) ; Pres. Herman Wigodsky; Exec.Dir. Louis Iieblich.

TYLERFEDERATED JEWISH WBLFARB FUND(1938); Pres. Bernard Wolf, 219 S.College.

WACOi JBWISH WELFARE COUNCIL OF WACO& CENTRAL TBXAS (1949); P. O. Box2214, 610 Liberty Bldg.; Pres. WalterP. Kochman; Exec. Dir. E. Edwin Swirsley.

UTAH

SALT LAKE CITY1 UNITED JEWISH COUNCIL & SALT LAKEJBWISH WELFARE FUND (1936); 72West 2 South (1) ; Pres. Abraham Bern-stein; Exec. Dir. Philip M. Stillman.

JEWISH FEDERATIONS, WELFARE FUNDS, COMMUNITY COUNCILS

VERMONT

455

VERMONT JEWISH COUNCIL; Pres. JacobHandler, 134 Crescent St., Rutland; Sec.Jacob Kaplan.

VIRGINIAHAMPTON

JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (ind.Phoebus) (1944); 18 Armistead Ave.,Phoebus; Pres. Milton Familant; Sec. AllanMirvis.

NEWPORT NEWSi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (1942);98—26th St.; Pres. Theodore H. Beskin;Exec Dir. Charles Olshansky.

NORFOLKi NORFOLK JEWISH COMMUNITY COUN-CIL, INC. (1937); P. O. Box 11341; Pres.Bertram S. Nusbaum, ST.; Exec Dir. Mor-ton J. Gaba.

PETERSBURGi UNITED JEWISH COMMUNITY FUND(1938); Co-Chmn. Louis Hersh and Mor-ton Sollod; Sec. Alex Sadie, 1651 FairfaxAve.

PORTSMOUTH1 JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL; 314County St.; Pres. Bernard Levin; Sec. Mrs.Ruth Silverman.

RICHMONDi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (1935);2110 Grove Ave. (20); Pres. DavidArenstein; Exec. Dir. Julius Mintzer.

WASHINGTONSEATTLE

i FEDERATED JEWISH FUND & COUNCIL(ind. surrounding communities) (1937);725 Seaboard Bldg. (1) ; Pres. Archie S.Katz; Exec. Dir. Samuel G. Holcenberg.

SPOKANEi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (ind.Spokane County) (1927); sponsorsUNITED JEWISH FUND (1936); 725Paulsen Bldg.; Pres. Sidney Duitch; Sec.Robert N. Arick.

TACOMAITACOMA FEDERATED JEWISH FUND(1936); Co-Chmn. Kenneth Farber and

Bailey Nieder; Sec.-Treas. Bernard Simon,3914 N. 15.

WEST VIRGINIACHARLESTON

i FEDERATED JEWISH CHARITIES OFCHARLESTON, INC. (ind. Dunbar, Mont-gomery) (1937); 804 Quarrier St., Rms.407-8; Pres. Lester J. Mann; Exec. Sec.Charles Cohen.

HUNTINGTONi FEDBRATED JEWISH CHARITIES (1939);P. O. Box 947; Pres. M. D. Friedman;Sec.-Treas. E. Henry Broh.

WHEELINGi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (ind.Moundsville) (1933); Pres. John Wise-man; Treas. Isadore Rubinstein, 30 PoplarAve.

WISCONSINGREEN BAY

i GREEN BAY JEWISH WELFARE FUND;Pres. Louis J. Levitas; Exec. Sec. SheldonIsco, 329 Main St.

KENOSHAIKENOSHA JEWISH WELFARE FUND(1938); 306 Kenosha National BankBldg.; Pres. Harry L. Marcus; Sec.-Treas.Burton Lepp.

MADISON1 MADISON JEWISH WELFARE FUND, INC.(1940); 119 E. Washington Ave. (3) ;Pres. Alex Temkin; Exec. Dir. Bert Jahr.

MILWAUKEEi MILWAUKEE JEWISH WELFARE FUND(1938); 135 W. Wells St. (3) ; Pres.Harry Bloch, Jr.; Exec. Dir. Melvin S.Zaret.

RACINEi , 2 JEWISH WELFARB COUNCIL (1946);Pres. Maurice Kadin; Sec. Ernest Goldner,1402 Park Ave.

SHEBOYGANi FEDERATED JEWISH CHARITIES, I N C(1927); Pres. Robert Mullen; Fin. Sec.Nathan Schoenkin, 2038 N. 19 St.

CANADA

BRITISH COLUMBIAVANCOUVER

1 JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL OF VAN-COUVER (incl. New Westminster)(1932); 2675 Oak St. (9) ; Pres. J. V.White; Exec. Dir. Louis Zimmerman.

MANITOBAWINNIPEG

i JEWISH WELFARE FUND (1938); 370Hargrave St.; Pres. Archie R. Micay;Exec. Dir. Aaron B. Feld.


ONTARIO

HAMILTONi UNITED J E W I S H W E L F A R E F U N D(1939); 57 Delaware Ave.; Pres. MotleyGoldblatt; Exec. Dir. Louis A. Kurman.COUNCIL OF JEWISH ORGANIZATIONS(1934); 57 Delaware Ave.; Pres. JackTaylor; Exec. Dir. Louis A. Kurman.

KINGSTONJBWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (1947);Pres. Sheldon J. Cohen; Sec. Albert Hol-lander, 26 Barrie St.

LONDONi LONDON JEWISH COMMUNITY COUN-CIL; 216 Dundas Bldg.; Pres. HaroldVaisler; Exec. Sec. A. B. Gillick.

NIAGARA FALLSJBWISH FEDERATION; Pres. Jos. Green-span; Sec. I. I. Ackerman, 2295 OrchardAve.

ST. CATHARINESi UNITED JEWISH WELFARE FUND OFST. CATHARINES (1939); 174 St. PaulSt.; Pres. Max Kaminsky; Sec. HowardKaimin.

TORONTOi UNITED JEWISH WELFARE FUND OFTORONTO (1937); 150 Beverley St.(2B); Pres. Meyer W. Gasner; Exec.Vice-Pres. Miss Florence Hutner.

WINDSORi JEWISH COMMUNITY COUNCIL (1938);405 Pelissier St., Suite 4; Pres. MorrisTabachnick; Exec. Dir. Khayyam Z. Paltiel.

QUEBECMONTREAL

i FEDERATION OF JEWISH COMMUNITYSBRVICES (1916); 493 Sherbrooke St.W. (2) ; Pres. Abe Bronfman; Exec. Dir.Arthur S. Rosichan.

Jewish Periodicals1

UNITED STATES

ALABAMAJBWISH MONITOR (1948). P. O. Box 9,

Bessemer. Joseph S. Gallinger. Monthly.

ARIZONAPHOENIX JEWISH NEWS (1947), 528 W.

Granada Rd., Phoenix. M. B. Goldman,Jr. Biweekly.

CALIFORNIAB'NAI B'RITH MESSENGER (1897). 739 S.

Hope St., Los Angeles, 17. Joseph J.Cummins. Weekly.

CALIFORNIA JEWISH VOICB (1921). 406S. Main St., Los Angeles, 13. Is. M.Lechtman. Weekly.

HERITAGE, A JEWISH FAMILY WEEKLY(1954). 5322 Wilshire Blvd., Los An-geles, 36. Herb Brin. Weekly.

JBWISH COMMUNITY BULLETIN (1946).40 First St., San Francisco, 5. Eugene B.Block. Weekly. San Francisco Jewish Com-munity Publications., Inc.

LITERARISHE HEFTN (1946). 10143Mountair Ave., Tujunga. Boris Dimond-stein. Quarterly; Yiddish-English.

SOUTHWESTERN JEWISH PRESS (1915).333 Plaza, San Diego, 1. Maxwell Kauf-man. Fortnightly.

VALLEY JEWISH NEWS (1944). 5730Lankershim Blvd., North Hollywood. JessNathan. Weekly.

COLORADOINTERMOUNTAIN JEWISH NEWS (1912).

Mining Exchange Bldg., Denver, 2. Rob-ert S. Gamzey. Weekly.

CONNECTICUTJEWISH ARGUS (1935). 62 Cannon St.,

Bridgeport, 3. Isidore H. Goldman.Monthly.

JEWISH LEDGER (1929). P.O. Box 1107,179 Allyn St., Hartford. Abraham J.Feldman. Weekly.

DELAWAREJBWISH VOICE (1931), 604 W. 38 St.,

Wilmington, 2. Simon R. Krinsky.Monthly.

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIAAMBRICAN JBWISH JOURNAL (1944). 996

National Press Bldg., Washington, 4.David Mondzac. Quarterly.

JBWISH VETERAN (1930). 1712 NewHampshire Ave., N.W., Washington, 9-Warren Adler. Monthly. Jewish WarVeterans of the U.S.A.

•NATIONAL JEWISH LEDGER (1930). 836Tower Building, 14 & K Sts., N.W.,Washington, 5.

NATIONAL JEWISH MONTHLY (1886).1003 K St., N.W., Washington, 1. Ed-ward E. Grusd. Monthly. B'nai B'rith.

FLORIDAAMERICAN JEWISH PRBSS. See News Syn-

dicates, p. 000.JBWISH FLORIDIAN (1927). P. O. Box 2973,

Miami, 18. Fred K. Shochet. Weekly.OUR VOICB (1932). 506 Malverne Rd.,

West Palm Beach. Samuel A. Schutzer.Fortnightly.

SOUTHERN JBWISH WEEKLY (combiningJEWISH NEWS, JEWISH CITIZEN, and the

1 Periodicals which have been in existence at least one year prior to June 30, 1956, are includedin this directory. Information is based upon answers furnished by the publications themselves,and the publishers of the YEAS BOOK assume no responsibility for the accuracy of the datapresented; nor does inclusion in this list necessarily imply approval or endorsement of theperiodicals. The information provided here includes the year of organization and the name ofthe editor, managing editor, or publisher; unless otherwise stated, the language used by theperiodical is English. An asterisk (*) indicates that no reply was received and that the informa-tion, including name of publication, date of founding, and address, is reprinted from theAMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1956. For organizational bulletins, consult organizational listings.

457


JEWISH JOURNAL) (1924). P. O. Box5588, Jacksonville, 7. Isadore Moscovitz.Weekly.

GEORGIASOUTHERN ISRAELITE NEWSPAPER AND

MAGAZINB (1925). 390 Courtland St.,N.E., Atlanta, 3. Adolph Rosenberg.Weekly and Monthly,

ILLINOISCHICAGO JEWISH FORUM (1942). 82 W.

Washington St., Chicago, 2. BenjaminWeintroub. Quarterly.

JBWISH WAY-UNZER WEG (1946). 30N. Dearborn St., Chicago, 2. NathanKravkz. Monthly; English-Yiddish.

NATIONAL JBWISH POST—Chicago Edn.(1953). 130 N. Wells St., Chicago 6.Gabriel M. Cohen. Weekly.

SENTINEL (1911). 1702 S. Halsted St.,Chicago, 8. J. I. Fishbein. Weekly.

INDIANAINDIANA JBWISH CHRONICLB (1921). 152

N. Alabama St., Indianapolis, 4. MorrisStrauss. Weekly.

JBWISH BULLETIN (1944). 3126 NorthNew Jersey St., Indianapolis, 5. SamuelDeutsch. Biweekly.

NATIONAL JEWISH POST—Indiana Edn.(1935). Box 1633, Indianapolis, 6. Ga-briel M. Cohen. Weekly.

KENTUCKYNATIONAL JEWISH POST—Kentucky Edn.

(1931). 423 Citizens Bldg., Louisville,2. Gabriel M. Cohen. Weekly.

LOUISIANAJBWISH LEDGER (1893). 608 Dryades St.,

New Orleans, 12. Abraham Slabot.Weekly.

MARYLANDJEWISH TIMES (1919). 502 Katz Bldg.,

I l l N. Charles St., Baltimore, 1. Bert F.Kline. Weekly.

MASSACHUSETTSJBWISH ADVOCATE (1902). 251 Causeway

St., Boston, 14. Joseph G. Weisberg.Weekly.

JEWISH CIVIC LEADER (1923). 11 NorwichSt., Worcester, 8. Conrad H. Isenberg.Weekly.

JEWISH TIMES (1945). 40 Walnut St.,Brookline, 46. Michael Shulman. Weekly.

JEWISH WEEKLY NEWS (1945). 38 Hamp-cien St., Springfield, 3. Leslie B. Kahn.Weekly.

MICHIGANAMERICAN JEWISH PRESS. See Newt Syn-

dicates, p. 000.DETROIT JEWISH NEWS (incorporating DE-

TROIT JEWISH CHRONICLE) (1941).17100 West Seven Mile Road, Detroit,35. Philip Slomovitz. Weekly.

MINNESOTAAMERICAN JEWISH WORLD (1912). 40 S.

4 St., Minneapolis, 1; Pioneer Bldg., St.Paul, 1. L. H. Frisch. Weekly.

• S T . PAUL JEWISH NEWS (1953). 2055Jefferson, St. Paul, 5.

MISSOURIKANSAS CITY JEWISH CHRONICLE (1920).

306 Ridge Bldg., 913 Main St., KansasCity, 5. Victor Slone. Weekly.

NATIONAL JEWISH POST—Missouri Edn.(1948). 722 Chestnut St., St. Louis, 1.Rose V. Gordon. Weekly.

NEBRASKAJEWISH PRESS (1921). 101 N. 20 St.,

Omaha, 2. Harry Halpert. Weekly. Fed-eration for Jewish Service of Omaha.

NEW JERSEYJBWISH NEWS (1947). 24 Commerce St.,

Newark, 2. Harry Weingast. Weekly. Jew-ish Community Council of Essex County.

JBWISH RECORD (1939). 1537 AtlanticAve., Atlantic City. Arthur Weyne.Weekly.

JBWISH STANDARD (1931). 924 BergenAve., Jersey Gty, 6. Morris J. Janoff.Weekly.

NEW YORKBUFFALO JEWISH REVIEW (1912). 35

Pearl St., Buffalo, 2. Elias R. Jacobs.Weekly.

JEWISH LEDGER (1924). P. O. Box 795,Rochester, 3. Donald Wolin. Weekly.

LONG ISLAND JEWISH PRESS (combiningNASSAU JEWISH TIMES and QUEENSJEWISH NEWS) (1946). 129 W. 52 St.,N. Y. C , 19. Eugene J. Lang. Monthly.

WESTCHESTER JEWISH TRIBUNE (1950).129 W. 52 St., N. Y. C , 19. Eugene J.Lang. Monthly.

JEWISH PERIODICALS 459NEW YORK CITY

A D U L T JEWISH LEADERSHIP ( 1 9 5 4 ) . 1776Broadway, 19. Leon A. Feldman. Quar-terly. Dept. of Adult Education, JewishEducation Committee of New York.

AGUDAH N E W S REPORTER (1955 ) . 5 Beek-man St., 38. Morris Sherer. Monthly.Agudath Israel of America.

AMERICAN ACADEMY FOR JEWISH R E -SEARCH, INC., PROCEEDINGS OF ( 1 9 3 0 ) .3080 Broadway, 27. Abraham S. Halkin.Annual; English-Hebrew. American Acad-emy for Jewish Research.

AMERICAN HEBREW (1879 ) . 48 W. 48St., 36. Leo M. Glassman. Weekly.

AMERICAN-ISRAEL ECONOMIC HORIZONS(1949) . 250 W. 57 St., 23. ErnestAschner. Monthly. American-Israel Cham-ber of Commerce and Industry.

AMERICAN JEWISH HOME ( 1 9 4 9 ) . 3920Laurel Ave., Brooklyn, 24. Arnold Posy.Irregular. Brooklyn Kosher Butchers Assn.,Inc.

AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK ( 1 8 9 9 ) .386 Fourth Ave., 16. Morris Fine. An-nual.

AMERICAN JUDAISM ( 1 9 5 1 ) . 838 FifthAve., 21. Samuel M. Silver. Quarterly.Union of American Hebrew Congregations.

AMERICAN ZIONIST ( 1 9 2 1 ) . 145 E. 32St., 16. Ernest E. Barbarash. Monthly.Zionist Organization of America.

AUFBAU-RECONSTRUCnON ( 1 9 3 4 ) . 2700Broadway, 25. Manfred George. Weekly;German. New World Qub, Inc.

BlTZARON ( 1 9 3 9 ) . 1141 Broadway, 1.Maurice E. Chernowitz, Pinkhos Churgin,Simon Halkin, Simon Rawidowkz, HarryA. Wolfson. Monthly; Hebrew.

BROOKLYN JEWISH CENTER REVIEW(1933 ) . 667 Eastern Parkway, Brooklyn,13. Joseph Kaye. Monthly. Brooklyn Jew-ish Center.

CCAR JOURNAL ( 1 9 5 3 ) . 40 W. 68 St.,23. Abraham J. Klausner. Quarterly.Central Conference of American Rabbis.

CENTRAL CONFERENCE OF AMERICANRABBIS YEARBOOK ( 1 8 8 9 ) . 40 W. 68St., 23. Sidney L. Regner. Annual. Cen-tral Conference of American Rabbis.

COMMENTARY ( 1 9 4 5 ) . 34 W. 33 St., 1.Elliot E. Cohen. Monthly. American Jew-ish Committee.

CONGRESS W E E K L Y (1935 ) . 15 E. 84 St.,28. Samuel Caplan. Weekly. AmericanJewish Congress.

COUNCIL N E W S ( 1 9 4 3 ) . 201 E. 57th St.,22. Gerald Blank. Monthly. AmericanCouncil for Judaism.

T H E D A Y - J E W I S H JOURNAL ( 1 9 1 4 ) . 183E. Broadway, 2. Solomon Dingol, DavidL. Meckler. Daily; Yiddish.

ECONOMIC HORIZONS. See AMERICAN-ISRAEL ECONOMIC HORIZONS.

• FACTS AND O P I N I O N S ( 1 9 4 1 ) . 25 E. 78St., 21.

FARBAND NBWSLETTER (1912 ) . 45 E. 17St., 3. Louis Segal. Irregular; Yiddish-English. Farband-Labor Zionist Order.

FREIE ARBEITER STIMME (1890) . 33Union Sq., 3. Solo Linder. Bi-weekly;Yiddish. Free Voice of Labor Association.

FURROWS (1942 ) . 200 Fourth Ave., 3.Ahrona Pomerantz. Bimonthly. Habonim,Labor Zionist Youth.

GROWING U P (1953 ) . 201 E. 57 St., 22.Leonard R. Sussman, Samuel HaleviBaron, David Goldberg. Semimonthly.American Council for Judaism.

H A B O N E H (1935 ) . 200 Fourth Ave., 3.Annabelle Simon. Bimonthly. Habonim,Labor Zionist Youth.

HADASSAH NEWSLETTER (1921) . 65 E. 52St., 22. Jesse Zel Lurie. Monthly. Ha-dassah, the Women's Zionist Organizationof America.

HADOAR ( 1 9 2 1 ) . 165 W. 46 St., 36. M.Maisels. Weekly; Hebrew. Hadoar Asso-ciation, Inc.

HADOAR LANOAR (1926 ) . 165 W. 46 St.,36. Simcha Rubinstein. Fortnightly; He-brew. Hadoar Association of HistadruthIvrith, Inc.

HAROFE HAIVRI-HEBREW MEDICAL JOUR-NAL (1926) . 983 Park Ave., 28. MosesEinhorn. Semiannual; Hebrew-English.

HISTADRUT FOTO-NEWS (1948 ) . 33 E. 67St., 21. Nahum Gunman. Monthly. Na-tional Committee for Labor Israel.

HlSTORlA JUDAJCA (1938 ) . 40 W. 68 St.,23. Guido Kisch. Semiannual.

HORBB ( 1 9 3 3 ) . Yeshiva University, 186St. and Amsterdam Ave., 33. AbrahamWeiss. Irregular; Hebrew. Teachers Insti-tute, Yeshiva University.

I N THE COMMON CAUSE (1954) . 9 E. 38St., 16. Samuel Spiegler. Quarterly. Na-tional Community Relations AdvisoryCouncil.

I N JEWISH BOOKLAND (1945 ) . 145 E. 32St., 16. Solomon Grayzel. Monthly. Jew-ish Book Council of America.

INTERRELIGIOUS NEWSLETTER (1955 ) .386 Fourth Ave., N. Y. C , 16. MorrisN. Kertzer, Arthur Gilbert. Bimonthly.American Jewish Committee and B'naiB'rith Anti-Defamation League.

• ISRAEL DIGEST (1951) . 11 E. 70 St., 21 .ISRAEL ECONOMIC HORIZONS. See AMERI-

CAN-ISRAEL ECONOMIC HORIZONS.ISRAEL SPEAKS (1947; re-org. 1948) . 250

W. 57 St., 19. Paul Orentlicher. Fort-nightly.

JEWISH AUDIO-VISUAL REVIEW ( 1 9 5 1 ) .1261 Broadway, 1. Samuel D. Freeman.Cumulative Annual. National Council onJewish Audio-Visual Materials.

JEC BULLETIN (1943 ) . 1776 Broadway,19. Louis L. Ruff man. Four times a year.Jewish Education Committee of NewYork.

JBWISH BOOK A N N U A L (1942 ) . 145 E.32 St., 16. Alexander Alan Steinbach.Annual; English-Hebrew-Yiddish. JewishBook Council of America.


JEWISH BRAILLB REVIEW (1931). 101 W.55 St., 19. Jacob Freid. Monthly; EnglishBraille. Jewish Braille Institute of Amer-ica.

•JEWISH DAILY FORWARD (1897). 175 E.Broadway, 2.

JEWISH DAILY YIDDISH BULLETIN. SeeYIDDISHE TELEGRAPHIN AGENTUR, TEG-LICHER BULLETIN.

JEWISH EDUCATION (1928). 1261 Broad-way, 1. Leo L. Honor. Triannual. NationalCouncil for Jewish Education.

JEWISH EDUCATION NEWSLETTER (for-merly PROGRAM IN ACTION) (1940).1261 Broadway, 1. Judah Pilch. Bi-monthly.

JEWISH EXAMINER (1929). 239 FourthAve., 3; 26 Court St., Brooklyn, 1. AlbertFriedman. Weekly.

JEWISH FARMER (1908). 386 Fourth Ave.,16. Benjamin Miller. Monthly; English-Yiddish. Jewish Agricultural Society, Inc.

JEWISH FORUM (1917). 305 Broadway, 7.Isaac Rosengarten. Monthly.

JEWISH FRONTIER (1934). 45 E. 17 St.,3. Marie Syrkin; Ben Halpern. Monthly.Labor Zionist Letters, Inc.

JEWISH HORIZON (1938). 154 Nassau St.,38. Joseph J. Yoshor. Monthly. HapoelHamizrachi of America.

JEWISH LIFB (1946). 22 E. 17 St., 14.Louis Harap. Monthly.

JEWISH LIFE [ORTHODOX] (1946). 305Broadway, 7. Saul Bernstein. Bimonthly.Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregationsof America.

JLC OUTLOOK (1954). 25 E. 78 St., 21.Walter L. Kirschenbaum. Bimonthly. Jew-ish Labor Committee.

JEWISH NEWSLETTBR (1948). P. O. Box117, Washington Bridge Station, 33.William Zukerman. Fortnightly. Friendsof the Jewish Newsletter, Inc.

JEWISH OUTLOOK. See MIZRACHI OUT-LOOK.

JBWISH PARENT (1949). 5 Beekman St.,38. Joseph Kaminetsky. 5 times a year.National Association of Hebrew DaySchool PTA's.

JBWISH SOCIAL SERVICE QUARTERLY. SeeJOURNAL OF JEWISH COMMUNAL SERV-ICE.

JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIBS (1939). 1841Broadway, 23. Abraham G. Duker. Quar-terly. Conference on Jewish Social Studies.

JEWISH SPBCTATOR (1935). 110 W. 40St., 18. Trade Weiss-Rosmarin. Monthly.

JEWISH TEACHER (1932). 838 Fifth Ave.,21. Samuel Grand. Quarterly. Unionof American Hebrew Congregations.

JEWISH TELEGRAPHIC AGENCY DAILYNBWS BULLETIN (1919). 660 First Ave.,16. Boris Smolar. Daily.

JBWISH TELEGRAPHIC AGENCY WEEKLYNBWS DIGEST (1933). 660 First Ave.,16. Boris Smolar. Weekly.

JEWISH WAY (1939). 870 Riverside Dr.,32. Alice Oppenheimer. Monthly; Ger-man-English.

JWB CIRCLE (1946). 145 E. 32 St., 16.Bernard Postal. Monthly. National JewishWelfare Board.

* JEWISH WORLD (1954). 276 W. 43 St.,36.

JOURNAL OF JEWISH COMMUNAL SERVICE(formerly JEWISH SOCIAL SERVICEQUARTERLY) (1924). 1841 Broadway,23. Herbert H. Aptekar. Quarterly. Na-tional Conference of Jewish CommunalService.

JUDAISM (1952). 15 E. 84 St., 28. RobertGordis. Quarterly. American Jewish Con-gress.

KINDER JOURNAL (1920). 22 E. 17 St.,3. Lipa Lehrer. Bimonthly; Yiddish. Far-lag Matones Assoc, Sholem AleichemFolks Institute.

KINDER ZEITUNG (1930). 175 E. Broad-way, 2. Z. Yefroikin. 5 times a year;Yiddish. Workmen's Circle.

KOSHER FOOD GUIDE (1935). 105 HudsonSt., 13. George Goldstein. Quarterly.

KULTUR UN DERTZIUNG-CULTURB ANDEDUCATION (1930). 175 E. Broadway,2. Z. Yefroikin, N. Chanin. 7 times ayear; Yiddish. Workmen's Circle.

LABOR IN ISRAEL NEWSLETTER (1953).33 E. 67 St., 21. Moshe Bar-Tal. Monthly.Histadrut (General Federation of Laborin Israel).

MENORAH JOURNAL (1915). 20 E. 69 St.,21. Henry Hurwitz. Quarterly. MenorahAssociation, Inc.

MIDSTREAM (1955). 250 W. 57 St., 19.Shlomo Katz. Quarterly. Theodor HerzlFoundation, Inc.

MIZRACHI OUTLOOK (formerly JEWISHOUTLOOK) (1936). 1133 Broadway, 10.Abraham Burstein. Bimonthly. MizrachiOrganization of America.

DER MIZRACHI WEG (1936). 1133 Broad-way, 10. Aaron Pechenick. Monthly; Yid-dish. Mizrachi Organization of America.

MORGEN FREIHEIT (1922). 35 E. 12 St.,3. Paul Novick. Daily; Yiddish.

* MUSAF LAKORE HATZAIR (1945). 165W. 46 St., 36.

NATIONAL JEWISH POST—Nat. Edn.(1946). 110 W. 40 St., 18. Gabriel M.Cohen. Weekly.

* NEW YORKER WOCHBNBLAT (1935). 41Union Sq., 3.

OIFN SHVEL (1941). 310 W. 86 St., 24.I. N. Steinberg. Monthly; Yiddish. Free-land League.

OLOMBINU-OUR WORLD (1945). 5 Beek-man St., 38. Bernard Merling. Monthly;English-Hebrew. Torah Umesorah-Na-tional Society for Hebrew Day Schools.

•OPINION (1931). 1123 Broadway, 10.OR HAMIZRACH (1954). 1133 Broadway,

10. Aaron Pechenick. Quarterly; Hebrew.Mizrachi Organization of America.

OUR VOICE. See UNZER SHTTMMB.PALESTINE AND ZIONISM (1946). 250 W.

57 St., 19. Sylvia Landress. Bimonthly.Zionist Archives and Library of the Pales-tine Foundation Fund.

JEWISH PERIODICALS 461PBDAGOGIC REPORTER (1949). 1261 Broad-

way, 1. Zalmen Slesinger. Bimonthly.American Association for Jewish Educa-tion.

PEDAGOGISHER BULLETIN (1941 ) . 1776Broadway, 19. Yudel Mark. Monthly;Yiddish. Jewish Education Committee ofNew York.

PIONEER W O M A N (1926 ) . 29 E. 22 St.,10. Helen Atkin. Monthly & Bimonthly;English-Yiddish-Hebrew. Pioneer Women,the Women's Labor Zionist Organizationof America.

PROCEEDINGS OF THB RABBINICAL ASSEM-BLY OF AMERICA (1927 ) . 3080 Broad-way, 27. Max Weine, Abraham Simon.Annual. Rabbinical Assembly of America.

PROGRAM I N ACTION. See JEWISH EDUCA-TION NEWSLETTER.

PUBLICATION OF THE AMERICAN JEWISHHISTORICAL SOCIETY ( 1 8 9 3 ) . 3080Broadway, 27. Isidore S. Meyer. Quarterly.American Jewish Historical Society.

RABBINICAL COUNCIL RECORD ( 1 9 5 4 ) .331 Madison Aye., 17. Louis Bernstein.Bimonthly. Rabbinical Council of America.

RECONSTRUCTIONIST ( 1 9 3 4 ) . 15 W. 86St., 24. Eugene Kohn. Fortnightly. Jew-ish Reconstructionist Foundation.

SEVEN ARTS FEATURE SYNDICATE. SeeNews Syndicates, p. 000.

SHEVILEY H A C H I N U C H (1939 ) . 1261Broadway, 1. Zevi Scharfstein. Quarterly;Hebrew. National Council for JewishEducation.

STUDENT ZIONIST ( 1 9 5 4 ) . 342 MadisonAve., 17. Joan Finkelstein. Semi-annual.Student Zionist Organization.

SYNAGOGUE LIGHT (1933 ) . 12 Dutch St.,38. Joseph Hager. Monthly.

SYNAGOGUE SCHOOL (1942 ) . 3080 Broad-way, 27. Samuel Schafler. Quarterly.United Synagogue Commission on JewishEducation.

SYNAGOGUE SERVICE (1933) . 838 FifthAve., 21. Eugene J. Lipman, Albert Vor-span. 6 times annually. Union of Amer-ican Hebrew Congregations.

TALPIOTH ( 1 9 4 3 ) . 186 St. and AmsterdamAve., 33. Samuel K. Mirsky. Quarterly;Hebrew. Yeshiva University.

* TECHNION YEARBOOK (1942 ) . 1000Fifth Ave., 28.

UNDZER VEG ( 1 9 2 5 ) . 305 Broadway, 7.Paul L. Goldman. Fortnightly; Yiddish.United Labor Zionist Organization.

U N Z E R S H T I M M E - O U R VOICE (1940). 175Fifth Ave., 10. Solomon Kerstein. An-nual; Yiddish-English. United GalicianJews of America.

U N Z E R TSAIT ( 1 9 4 1 ) . 25 E. 78 St., 21 .Emanuel Scherer. Monthly; Yiddish.

D E R WECKER (1921 ) . 175 E. Broadway,2. I. Levin-Shatzkes. Fortnightly; Yiddish.Jewish Socialist Verband of America.

WESTCHESTER JEWISH TRIBUNE. See NewYork State.

WORLD OVER (1940) . 1776 Broadway,19. Ezekiel Schloss, Morris Epstein. Fort-nightly. Jewish Education Committee ofNew York.

"Dos W O R T " LIBRARY (1934) . 175 EastBroadway, 2. Samuel H. Setzer. Monthly;Yiddish. S. H. Setzer Club.

YEDIES F U N Y I V O - N E W S OF THE YIVO(1925) . 1048 Fifth Ave., 28. LeibushLehrer. Quarterly; Yiddish-English. YrvoInstitute for Jewish Research, Inc.

YlDDISHE KULTUR (1938) . 189 SecondAve., 3. Nachman Maisel. Monthly; Yid-dish. Yiddisher Kultur Farband—YKUF.

YlDDISHE TELEGRAPHEN AGENTUR, TEG-LICHER BULLETIN (1922 ) . 660 FirstAve., 16. Aleph Katz. Daily; Yiddish.Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

Dos YlDDISHE VORT (1949) . 5 BeekmanSt., 38. Joseph Friedenson. Monthly;Yiddish. Agudath Israel of America.

YIDDISHER KEMFER (1905) . 45 E. 17 St.,3. Baruch Zukerman. Weekly; Yiddish.Labor Zionist Organization Poale Zion.

YIDISHB SHPRAKH ( 1 9 4 1 ) . 1048 FifthAve., 28. Yudl Mark. Quarterly; Yiddish.Yrvo Institute for Jewish Research, Inc.

YIDISHER FOLKLOR (1954) 1048 FifthAve., 28. Edit. Bd. Chaneh Gordon-Mlotek, Bina Silverman-Weinreich, UrielWeinreich, Wolf Younin. Irregular; Yid-dish. Yivo Institute for Jewish Research,Inc.

Yrvo A N N U A L OF JEWISH SOCIAL SCIENCE(1946) . 1048 Fifth Ave., 28. Edit. Bd.Leibush Lehrer, Shlomo Noble. Annual.Yrvo Institute for Jewish Research, Inc.

Yivo BLETER (1931) . 1048 Fifth Ave.,28. Edit. Bd. Leibush Lehrer, ShlomoNoble. Annual; Yiddish. Yrvo InstituteFor Jewish Research, Inc.

Y o u A N D JUDAISM (1952) . 3080 Broad-way, 27. Quarterly. Jewish TheologicalSeminary of America in cooperation withUnited Synagogue and Rabbinical As-sembly.

YOUNG GUARD (1934) . 112 Fourth Ave.,3. Shoshana Ginsburg. Bimonthly; Eng-lish-Hebrew. Hashomer Hatzair.

Y O U N G ISRAEL VIEWPOINT (1937) . 3W. 16 St., 11. Norman H. Cohen. Bi-monthly. National Council of YoungIsrael.

Y O U N G JUDEAN (1910 ) . 16 E. 50 St., 22.Millicent Rubenstein. 8 times a year. Na-tional Young Judaea.

Y O U T H AND N A T I O N . See Y O U N G GUARD.Y O U T H BULLETIN (1955 ) . P. O. Box 63,

Vanderveer Station, Brooklyn, 10. AllanC. Brownfeld. Bimonthly.

• ZOA PROGRAM AND EDUCATION BULLE-T IN (1952) . 145 E. 32 St., 16.

Z U K U N F T (1892) . 25 E. 78 St., 21. H.Leivick, A. Menes, Jacob Pat, N. B. Min-koff. Monthly; Yiddish. Congress for Jew-ish Culture.

462

NORTH CAROLINAAMERICAN JEWISH TIMES-OUTLOOK

(1935; re-org. 1950). 1700 N. Elm St.,Greensboro. Chester A. Brown. Monthly.

CAROLINA ISRAELITE (1940). P. O. Box2505, 1229 Elizabeth Ave., Charlotte, 1.Harry L. Golden. Monthly.

OHIOAMERICAN ISRAELITE (1854). 626 Broad-

way, Cincinnati, 2. Henry C. Segal.Weekly.

AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES (1948).3101 Clifton Ave., Cincinnati, 20. JacobR. Marcus. Semi-annual. Hebrew UnionCollege-Jewish Institute of Religion.

EVERY FRIDAY (1927). 1313 AmericanBldg., Cincinnati, 2. Samuel M. Schmidt.Weekly.

HEBREW UNION COLLEGE ANNUAL(1924). 3101 Clifton Ave., Cincinnati,20. Sec. Edit. Bd., Abraham Cronbach.Annual; English-French-German-Hebrew-Yiddish. Hebrew Union College-JewishInstitute of Religion.

JBWISH INDEPENDENT (1906). 2108 PayneAve., Cleveland, 14. Leo Weidenthal.Weekly.

•JEWISH REVIBW AND OBSERVER (1888).1104 Prospect Ave., Cleveland, 15.

JEWISH VOICB PICTORIAL (1938). P. O.Box 3593, Cleveland, 18. Leon Wiesen-feld. Quarterly.

OHIO JEWISH CHRONICLE (1922). 35 E.Uvington Ave., Columbus, 15. EdwardFisher. Weekly.

STUDIES IN BIBLIOGRAPHY AND BOOKLORE(1953). 3101 Clifton Ave., Cincinnati,20. Sec. Edit. Bd., Herbert C. Zafren.Biannual; English-Hebrew-German. He-brew Union College—Jewish Institute ofReligion.

YOUNGSTOWN JEWISH TIMES (1935).P. O. Box 1195. Youngstown, 1. HarryAlter. Weekly.

OKLAHOMASOUTHWEST JBWISH CHRONICLB (1929).

919 Braniff Bldg., Oklahoma City, 2.E. F. Friedman. Quarterly.

TULSA JEWISH REVIEW (1930). P. O. Box396, Tulsa, 1. Emil Salomon. Monthly.Tulsa Section, National Council of JewishWomen.

PENNSYLVANIAAMERICAN JEWISH OUTLOOK (1934).

1037 Forbes St., Pittsburgh, 19. JaneStern, Bea Paul. Weekly.

JEWISH CRITERION (1893). 422 FirstAve., Pittsburgh, 19. Milton K. Susman.Weekly.

JEWISH EXPONENT (1887). 1608 SpruceSt., Philadelphia, 3. Act. Ed. Sylvan Kling.Weekly. Allied Jewish Appeal of Phila-

AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK

delphia and Federation of Jewish Chari-ties.

JPS BOOKMARK (1954). 222 N. 15 St.,Philadelphia, 2. Solomon Grayzel. Quar-terly. Jewish Publication Society ofAmerica.

JEWISH PICTORIAL LEADER (1887). 1929Murray Ave., Pittsburgh, 17. Louis YaleBorkon. Monthly.

•JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW (1910).Broad and York Sts., Philadelphia, 32.

PHILADELPHIA JEWISH TIMES (1925).2409 Walnut St., Philadelphia, 3. Mrs.Philip Klein. Weekly.

TORCH (1941). 1904 Girard Trust Build-ing, Philadelphia, 2. Milton Berger. Quar-terly. National Federation of Jewish Men'sClubs, Inc.

TENNESSEEHEBREW WATCHMAN (1925). 277 Jeffer-

son Ave., Memphis, 3. Leo I. Goldberger.Weekly.

OBSERVBR (1934). 311 Church St., Nash-ville, 3. Jacques Back. Weekly.

TEXASJEWISH DIGEST (1955). P. O. Box 153,

1719 Caroline St., Houston, 1. BernardPostal. Monthly.

JBWISH HBRALD-VOICB (1908). 1719Caroline St., Houston, 1. David H. White,Weekly.

TEXAS JEWISH POST (1947). P. O. Box742, Fort Worth, 1; 627 Fidelity Bldg.,Dallas. Jimmy Wisch. Weekly.

WASHINGTONTRANSCRIPT (1942). 727 Seaboard Bldg.,

Seattle, 1. Mrs. Marion Rose. Fortnightly.

WISCONSINJBWISH PRESS-MILWAUKBR WOCHENBLAT

(1915). 1721 N. 12 St., Milwaukee, 5.Isador S. Horwitz. Weekly; Yiddish-Eng-lish.

WISCONSIN JEWISH CHRONICLE (1921).120 E. Detroit St., Milwaukee, 2. Ed-warde F. Perlson. Weekly.

NEWS SYNDICATESAMERICAN JEWISH PRESS (AJP) (1950).

311 Church St., Nashville, 3, Term. Pres.Jacques Back. American Association ofEnglish Jewish Newspapers.

JEWISH TELEGRAPHIC AGENCY, INC.—JTA(1917). 660 First Ave., New York, 16,N. Y. Boris Smolar. Daily; English-Yiddish.

SEVEN ARTS FEATURE SYNDICATE, INC.(1922). 660 First Ave., New York, 16,N. Y. Nathan Ziprin. Semi-weekly.

JEWISH PERIODICALS 463

CANADA

BULLBTIN DU CERCLB JU1F (1954). 493Sherbrooke St., W., Montreal. Nairn Kat-tan. Monthly; French. Canadian JewishCongress.

CANADIAN JEWISH CHRONICLB (1897).4075 St. Lawrence Blvd., Montreal. Solo-mon Frank. Weekly.

CANADIAN JEWISH MAGAZINE (1938).1500 St. Catherine St. W., Montreal.O. Scheffer. Monthly.

CANADIAN JEWISH RBVIEW (1921). 265Craig St. W., Montreal, 1. Mrs. FlorenceF. Cohen. Weekly.

CANADIAN JEWISH WEBKLY (WOCHEN-BLATT) (1941). 304 Brunswick Ave.,Toronto, 4. Joshua Gershman. Weekly;Yiddish-English.

CANADIAN ZIONIST (1934). 2025 Univer-sity St., Montreal, 2. Jesse Schwartz.Monthly. Zionist Organization of Canada.

CONGRESS BULLETIN (1943). 493 Sher-brooke St. W., Montreal, 2. Mrs. TobyLipson. Monthly. Canadian Jewish Con-gress.

American Jewish Bibliography1

HISTORYFlNKELSTElN, LOUIS, ed. The Jews; their

history, culture, and religion. 2d ed. NewYork, Harper, 1955. 2 v.

Includes a new essay: The historicalfoundations of the rebirth of Israel, byBen Zion Dinar.

PARROT, ANDRE. Nineveh and the Old Tes-tament. New York, Philosophical Library,1956. 95 p. (Studies in Biblical archae-ology, no. 3)

Concerned with the relationship be-tween the kingdoms of Israel and Judahand the Assyrian Empire as revealed inarchaeological discoveries.

JEWS IN THE UNITED STATESBAND, B E N J A M I N . Portland Jewry; its

growth and development. Portland, Me.,Jewish Historical Society, 1955. x, 117 p.

A history of the Jewish community.FRIEDMAN, THEODORB, and GORDIS, ROB-

ERT, eds. Jewish life in America. NewYork, Horizon Press, 1955. 352 p.

An expansion of articles that first ap-peared in Judaism, Fall 1954, in celebra-tion of the tercentenary of the AmericanJewish community.

FUCHS, LAWRENCB H. The political behav-ior of American Jews. Glencoe, 111., FreePress, 1956. 220 p.

Traces the history of Jewish votingfrom Colonial days to the present day; in-cludes a detailed analysis of recent elec-tions.

GOLDSTEIN, ISRAEL. American Jewry comesof age; Tercentenary addresses. New York,Bloch, 1955. 218 p.

Essays delivered in various pans of theworld by the author in his capacity asassociate chairman of the American Jew-ish Tercentenary Committee.

GOODMAN, PHILIP. American Jewish book-plates. New York, American Jewish His-torical Society, 1956. 216 p.

An illustrated history of bookplatesowned by Jewish individuals and institu-tions.

HIRSHLER, ERIC E., ed. Jews from Ger-many in the United States; introd. by Max

Gruenewald. New York, Farrar, Straus,and Cudahy, 1955. x, 182 p.

Collective and individual contributionsfrom the Colonial period to the recentimmigration from Europe.

HOLISHER, DESIDER. The synagogue and itspeople. New York, Abelard-Schuman,1955. 189 p.

An illustrated account of the role of thesynagogue in the life of the congregationand the community.

LIEBERMAN, HERMAN. Strangers to glory;an appraisal of the American Council forJudaism. New York, Rainbow Press, 1955.vii, 125 p.

A critical estimate.MARCUS, JACOB RADER. Memoirs of Ameri-

can Jews, 1775-1865. Philadelphia, Jew-ish Publication Society of America, 1955—1956. 3 v. (Jacob R. Schiff library ofJewish contributions to American de-mocracy)

Memoirs of fifty-nine Jews, of whomthirty-eight were immigrants and twenty-one American-born.

POOL, DAVID DB SOLA, and POOL, TAMAR(HlRSCHENSOHN) DE SOLA. An old faithin the new world; portrait of ShearithIsrael, 1654-1954. New York, ColumbiaUniv. Press, 1955. xviii, 595 p.

A history of the Spanish-Portuguesesynagogue, the first to be established inthe United States.

WiscHNiTZER, RACHEL ( B E R N S T E I N ) .Synagogue architecture in the UnitedStates; history and interpretation. Phila-delphia, Jewish Publication Society ofAmerica, 1955. xv, 204 p. (Jacob R.Schiff library of Jewish contributions toAmerican democracy)

A profusely illustrated history coveringmajor trends.

JEWS IN EUROPEARNOTHY, CHRISTINE. I am fifteen and I

don't want to die; translated from theFrench. New York, Dutton, 1956. 124 p.

Among the group of people hiding ina cellar during the Russian siege of Buda-pest is a Jew who has managed to escapethe Nazis only to be killed by a Russiansoldier.

1 Books of Jewish interest published in English in the United States during the period July 1,1955, through June 30, 1956

464

AMERICAN JEWISH BIBLIOGRAPHY 465CHAPMAN, GUY. The Dreyfus case; a re-

assessment. New York, Reynal, 1955.400 p.

A study of the evidence, including se-lected documents.

HALASZ, NICHOLAS. Captain Dreyfus; thestory of a mass hysteria. New York,Simon and Schuster, 1955. 274 p.

A new view of the Dreyfus case.INSTITUTE O F JEWISH AFFAIRS. European

Jewry ten years after the war; an accountof the development and present status ofthe decimated Jewish communities of Eu-rope. New York, Institute of Jewish Af-fairs, World Jewish Congress, 1956. 293 p.

A companion volume to the Institute'spublication Hitler's ten year war on theJeus. pub. in 1943.

T E N E N B A U M , JOSEPH LEIB. Race and Reich;the story of an epoch. New York, TwaynePublishers, 1956. xvi, 554 p.

The Nazi racial policies as they wereapplied towards the destruction of "non-Aryans.'

RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHYBUBER, MARTIN. The legend of the Baal-

Shem; tr. from the German by MauriceFriedman. New York, Harper, 1955.222 p.

Tales attributed to the eighteenth-cen-tury founder of Hasidism, Israel benEliezer.

BURROWS, MILLAR. The Dead Sea scrolls;with translations by the author. NewYork, Viking Press, 1955. xv, 435 p.

A scholarly account of the history andsignificance of the scrolls which were dis-covered in 1947.

COHON, BERYL D. Jacob's well; some Jew-ish sources and parallels to the Sermonon the Mount. New York, Bookman Asso-ciates, 1956. 112 p.

Intended to show how deeply rooted inthe soil of Judaism are the sayings andideas of Jesus.

DUPONT-SOMMER, ANDRE. The Jewish seaof Qumran and the Essenes; new studieson the Dead Sea scrolls. Tr. from theFrench by R. D. Barnett. New York,Macmillan, 1955. xii, 195 p.

FlNEGAN, JACK. Wanderer upon earth. NewYork, Harper, 1956. 247 p.

A fictional young Jew from Jerusalemtravels about meeting the great religiousleaders of the fifth century B.C.

Fox, GRESHAM GEORGE. Jesus, Pilate andPaul, based upon the author's "TheJews, Jesus and Christ"; an amazinglynew interpretation of the trial of Jesusunder Pontius Pilate, with a study oflittle known facts in the life of Paul be-fore his conversion. Chicago, Isaacs, 1955.159 p.

FRANK, EDGAR. Talmudic and Rabbinicalchronology; the systems of counting yearsin Jewish literature. Foreword by SidneyB. Hoenig. New York, Feldheim, 1956.80 p.

Points out the differences between thevarious systems of chronology, and ex-plains the reasons for them.

FRIEDMAN, MAURICE STANLEY. MartinBuber: the life of dialogue. Chicago, Univ.of Chicago Press, 1955. x, 310 p.

A study of the thought of the contem-porary religious philosopher.

FRITSCH, CHARLES T. The Qumran commu-nity; its history and scrolls. New York,Macmillan, 1956. viii, 147 p.

The discovery of the Dead Sea scrolls,the relationships between the Qumransect and the Essenes, and the relationshipbetween the communities and the NewTestament.

GINSBURG, CHRISTIAN DAVID. The Essenes:their history and doctrines; and The Kab-balah, its doctrines, development and liter-ature. New complete ed. New York, Mac-millan, 1956. 245 p.

The Essenes was first published in1864; The Kabbalah first appeared in1863.

GlNZBERG, LOUIS. On Jewish law and lore.Philadelphia, Jewish Publication Societyof America, 1955. 262 p.

A collection of scholarly essays: Intro-duction to the Palestinian Talmud; Jewishfolklore, East and West; The significanceof the Halachah for Jewish history; Alle-gorical interpretations of scripture; Thecodification of Jewish law; The Cabala.

GORDIS, ROBERT. Judaism for the modernage. New York, Farrar, Straus, andCudahy, 1955. viii, 368 p.

Discusses the Jewish community andJewish traditions, and the value of thesetraditions, not only for the Jews but forthe larger community.

H A N N A Y , JAMES O W E N (George A. Bir-mingham, pseud.). Jeremiah, the prophet.New York, Harper, 1956. 256 p.

An interpretation of the life and writ-ings of the Hebrew prophet.

HESCHEL, ABRAHAM JOSHUA. God in searchof man; a philosophy of Judaism. NewYork, Farrar, Straus and Cudahy, 1955.437 p.

A companion volume to Man is notalone (New York, Farrar, Straus, 1951)

K A P L A N , MORDECAI MBNAHEM. QuestionsJews ask: Reconstructionist answers. NewYork, Reconstructionist Press, 1956. xv,532 p.

Examines the teachings of Judaism, pastand present. Intended to help AmericanJews to understand their religious herit-age.

MAIMONIDES, MOSES. The code of Maimon-ides; bk. 3: Treatise 8, Sanctification of


the new moon. Tr. from the Hebrew bySolomon Gandz; with supplementation andan introd. by Julian Obermann, and anastronomical commentary by Otto Neuge-bauer. New Haven, Yale Univ. Press,1956. lx, 160 p. (Yale Judaica series,v. 11.)

M I N K I N , JACOB SAMUEL. The romance ofHassidism. New York, Yoseloff, 1955.viii, 398 p.

New edition of a work first publishedin 1935 by Macmillan. Explains the reli-gious movement through the personalitiesresponsible for its inception and expan-sion.

ROSENZWEIG, FRANZ. On Jewish learning,ed. by N. N. Glatzer. New York,Schocken Books, 1955. 128 p.

Essays on how to study and teach Juda-ism which served as the basis for theformation of the Institute for Adult Jew-ish Education in Frankfort on the Main.

SCHNITZER, JBSHAIA. New hori2ons for thesynagogue; a counseling program for therabbi and the synagogue. With a fore-word by Harry Halpern. New York,Bloch, 1956. xi, 106 p.

Includes case histories.SCHWARTZMAN, SYLVAN DAVID. Reform

Judaism in the making. New York, Unionof American Hebrew Congregations, 1955.xiv, 194 p. (Union of American HebrewCongregations and Central Conference ofAmerican Rabbis. Commission on JewishEducation. Union graded series.)

A popularly written history of themovement intended for young people andadults.

SKOSS, SOLOMON LEON. Saadia Gaon, theearliest Hebrew grammarian. Philadelphia,Dropsie College Press, 1955. viii, 66 p.

Scholarly essays that appeared origi-nally in serial form in the Proceedingsof the American Academy for Jewish Re-search.

VORSPAN, ALBERT, and LIPMAN, EUGENEJ. Justice and Judaism; the work of socialaction. Illus. by Russell Roman. NewYork, Union of American Hebrew Con-gregations, 1956. xiv, 271 p.

The precepts of Judaism applied tocontemporary social problems and the roleof the synagogue in this area.

W I L S O N , EDMUND. The scrolls from theDead Sea. New York, Oxford Univ. Press,1955. vi, 121 p.

Expansion of an essay that first appearedin The New Yorker magazine.

BIBLE AND TALMUDBAMBERGER, BERNARD JACOB. The Bible:

a modern Jewish approach. New York,B'nai B'rith Hillel Foundations, 1955. x,96 p. (Hillel little books)

The significance of the Old Testamentfor the modern world.

BIBLE. O. T. The Holy Scriptures accordingto the Masoretic text; a new translationwith the aid of previous versions and withconstant consultation of Jewish authori-ties. Philadelphia, Jewish Publication So-ciety of America, 1955. ix, 1270 p.

BIBLE. O. T. Pentateuch. The universal Bible,being the Pentateuchal texts at first ad-dressed to all nations (Torat b'ei No'ach)teaching for the sons of Noah. Tr. andnotes by Solomon Schonfeld. Fairlawn,N. J., Essential Books, 1955. 186 p.

CHASE, MARY ELLEN. Life and languagein the Old Testament. New York, Nor-ton, 1955. 201 p.

Explores the ancient Hebrew mind, aswell as imagination and language in theHebrew scriptures.

D E E N , EDITH. All of the women of theBible. New York, Harper, 1955. xxii,410 p.

Concise biographies of the women inboth the Old and the New Testaments.

KASHER, M E N A H E M M. Encyclopedia ofBiblical interpretation: Genesis; v. 2. Tr.under the editorship of Harry Freedman.New York, American Biblical Encyclope-dia Society, 1955. xiv, 272 p.

On the two Sidrahs, Noah and LechLecha (Genesis 6:9-17:27)

KRABLING, EMIL GOTTLIEB HBINRICH. TheOld Testament since the Reformation.New York, Harper, 1955. 320 p.

Attitudes of Christian theologians to-ward the Old Testament from the daysof Luther to the present.

LEWY, IMMANUEL. The growth of the Pen-tateuch; a literary, sociological and bio-graphical approach. Introd. by Robert H.Pfeiffer. New York, Bookman Associates,1955. 288 p.

A study of the authorship of the firstfive books of the Hebrew Bible.

NAPIER, B U N Y A N DAVIE. From faith tofaith; essays on Old Testament literature.New York, Harper, 1955. 223 p.

Selects major literary types and illus-trates each with a section from the OldTestament.

PRITCHARD, JAMES B E N N E T T , ed. AncientNear Eastern texts relating to the oldTestament; trs. and annotators: W. F.Albright [and others] 2d ed., correctedand enl. Princeton, N . J., Princeton Univ.Press, 1955. xxi, 544 p.

REYNOLDS, R U T H SUTTON. The Bible andpeople who lived and wrote it; a layman'sdiscovery of the fascination of the Old Tes-tament and of its influence on the New.New York, Exposition Press, 1955. 231 p.(Banner book)

R U N E S , DAGOBERT DAVID, ed. The wisdomof the Torah. New York, Philosophical Li-brary, 1956. 300 p.

Excerpts from the Hebrew Bible.

AMERICAN JEWISH BIBLIOGRAPHY 467

SAMUBL, MAURICE. Certain people of theBook. New York, Knopf, 1955. 363 p.

A psychological interpretation of thestories of Ahasuerus, Balaam, Rebekah,Naomi, David, Jezebel, and Joseph.

SANDMBL, SAMUEL. A Jewish understandingof the New Testament. Cincinnati, HebrewUnion College Press, 1956. xx, 321 p.(Hebrew Union College—Jewish Instituteof Religion. Alumni publication series)

A scholarly approach to the New Testa-ment intended for Jews.

TRATTNER, ERNEST ROBERT. Understandingthe Talmud. New York, Nelson, 1955.211 p.

Aims to provide a simple concise ex-planation of the origin and developmentof the Talmud.

VELIKOVSKY, IMMANUEL. Earth in upheaval.Garden City, N . Y., Doubleday, 1955.301 p. (Ages in chaos, v. 2 )

Includes material on the Old Testament.

SERMONSThe Rabbinical Council manual of holiday

and Sabbath sermons, 5716-1955. Ber-nard A. Poupko, ed.; Morris A. Landes,Gedalia D. Schwartz, and Philip H. Singer,associate eds. New York, Rabbinical Coun-cil Press, 1955. 394 p.

The fourteenth annual collection of ser-mons by Orthodox rabbis.

RABINOWITZ, LOUIS ISAAC. Sparks from theanvil; sermons for Sabbaths, holy days andfestivals. New York, Bloch, 1955. xxvi,347 p.

CUSTOMS AND CEREMONIESGASTER, THEODOR HERZL. The holy and

the profane; evolution of Jewish folkways.New York, Sloane, 1955. xvi, 256 p.

GLUSTROM, SIMON. When your child asks;a handbook for Jewish parents. New York,Bloch, 1956. x, 164 p.

Provides background material regardingJewish customs and traditions to enableparents to answer questions that have actu-ally been asked by children.

GOODMAN, PHILIP. Rejoice in thy festival;a treasury of wisdom, wit and humor forthe Sabbath and holy Jewish holidays. NewYork, Bloch, 1956. x, 277 p.

Stories, new and old, reflecting the his-torical background, manner of observance,and significance of the holy days.

HAUSDORFF, DAVID MEYER. A book of Jew-ish curiosities. New York, Crown, 1955.xxix, 273 p.

Odd bits of information on a large vari-ety of subjects culled from the Bible, theTalmud, the Mishnah, and other sources.

KATSH, ABRAHAM ISAAC, ed. Bar Mitzvah;illustrated. New York, Shengold, 1955.157 p.

A compilation of writings on the signifi-cance of the event, Jewish holidays, andhighlights from Jewish history.

MARKOWITZ, SIDNEY L. What you shouldknow about Jewish religion, history, ethicsand culture. New York, Citadel Press, 1955.226 p.

Brief accounts, with special chapters onJudaism in the United States and Israel.

MENDES, H. PEREIRA. Bar-Mitzvah for boy-hood, youth and manhood. 3d rev. ed.New York, Bloch, 1956. xxi, 98 p.

Intended to provide the candidate withbackground information.

SILVERMAN, WILLIAM B. The still smallvoice; the story of Jewish ethics; bk. 1.New York, Behrman, 1955. 218 p.

The ethics of Judaism applied to every-day living. Intended primarily for youngpeople.

INTERGROUP RELATIONS ANDCONTEMPORARY PROBLEMS

BARTON, REBECCA CHALMERS. Our humanrights; a study in the art of persuasion.Washington, Public Affairs Press, 1955.vii, 102 p.

An informal presentation of the work ofthe Governor's Commission on HumanRights in Wisconsin.

CLARK, K E N N E T H BANCROFT. Prejudice andyour child. Boston, Beacon Press, 1955.151 p.

Analyzes the problem and suggests aprogram for remedial action.

D E A N , J O H N P., and ROSEN, ALBX. Amanual of intergroup relations; forewordby Charles S. Johnson. Chicago, Univ. ofChicago Press, 1955. xiii, 193 p.

A handbook for group workers.FORSTER, ARNOLD, and EPSTEIN, B E N J A -

M I N R. Cross-currents. Garden City, N . Y.,Doubleday, 1956. 382 p.

An Anti-Defamation League of B'naiB'rith report on anti-Semitic manifestationsin Germany, the Near East, and the UnitedStates.

HERBERG, W I L L . Protestant—Catholic—Jew;an essay in American religious sociology.Garden City, N . Y., Doubleday, 1955.320 p.

Traces the development of the three re-ligions in the United States and discussesthe present importance of religion in thelives of Americans.

HlGHAM, JOHN. Strangers in the land; pat-terns of American nativism, 1860—1925.New Brunswick, N. J., Rutgers Univ. Press,1955. xiv, 431 p.

Studies the factors responsible for the dis-trust of the immigrant that has influencedthe passage of restrictive immigration laws.

HmSH, SELMA G. The fears men live by;foreword by Harry A. Overstreet. NewYork. Harper, 1955. xix, 164 p.


A popular presentation based on the"Studies in Prejudice" series sponsored bythe American Jewish Committee.

LEE, ALFRED MCCLUNG. Fraternities with-out brotherhood; a study of prejudice onthe American campus. Boston, Beacon Press,1955. xii, 159 p.

LESCHNITZER, ADOLF. The magic back-ground of modern anti-Semitism; an analy-sis of the German-Jewish relationship. NewYork, International Universities Press,1956. x, 236 p.

Attempts to show the relationship be-tween the persecution of Jews and the per-secution or witches in various centuries.

LEWIS, ARTHUR H. The Aaronsburg story.New York, Vanguard Press, 1955. 253 p.

Describes the background of the Aarons-burg Assembly, a unique venture in inter-group relations.

NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF SOCIAL WORK.Minority groups: segregation and integra-tion; papers presented at the 82d annualforum. New York, Columbia Univ. Press,1955. 110 p.

OESTERREICHER, JOHN M., ed. The bridge;a yearbook of Judaeo-Christian studies.New York, Pantheon Books, 1955. 349 p.(Seton Hall University. Institute of Judaeo-Christian Studies, v. 1)

The first of a projected series of annualvolumes dealing with various aspects ofCatholic-Jewish relations.

ISRAEL, ZIONISM, AND THEMIDDLE EAST

BARATZ, JOSEPH. A village by the Jordan;the story of Dagania. New York, Roy,1955. vii, 176 p.

Recollections of the "father" of a modelcollective settlement in Galilee.

DAVIS, MOSHE, ed. Israel: its role in civili-zation. New York, Harper, 1956. xvii,338 p. (Jewish Theological Seminary ofAmerica. Seminary Israel Institute)

Lectures delivered at the Seminary IsraelInstitute assembled under the headings:The role of Israel in the modern world;What history teaches; The new state; Amer-ica and Israel.

EBNER, ELIEZER. Elementary education inancient Israel, during the Tannaitic period(10-220 C.E.). New York, Bloch, 1956.128 p.

The period of the first two centuries ofthe common era was selected for study be-cause the author believes that the ground-work for a democratic form of educationwas laid at this time.

FRANK, MOSES ZEBI, ed. Sound the greattrumpet. New York, Whittier Books, 1955.415 p.

Selections from the publications of par-ticipants in the building of Israel from1870 to the present day.

GOITEIN, SOLOMON DOB FRITZ. Jews andArabs; their contacts through the ages. NewYork, Schocken Books, 1955. xiii, 257 p.

Social and cultural relations coveringmore than three thousand years.

HEBREW UNIVERSITY, Jerusalem. Israel andthe United Nations; report of a studygroup. New York, Manhattan Pub. Co.,1956. 322 p. (Carnegie Endowment for In-ternational Peace. National studies on in-ternational organization)

HUTCHISON, E. H. Violent truce; a militaryobserver looks at the Arab-Israeli conflict,1951-1955. New York, Devin-Adair,1956. xxvi, 199 p.

The chairman of the Israel-Jordan MixedArmistice Commission reports critically onIsrael violations of the truce.

KlMCHE, JON and KIMCHE, DAVID. Thesecret roads; the "illegal" migration of apeople, 1938-1948. With an introd. byDavid Ben Gurion. New York, Farrar,Straus and Cudahy, 1955. 223 p.

Tells how thousands of Jews succeededin reaching Palestine in spite of the Brit-ish blockade.

MILLER, IRVING. Israel, the eternal ideal. NewYork, Farrar, Straus, and Cudahy, 1955.xii, 148 p.

Reviews the history and origins of theidea of a Jewish homeland.

PEROWNE, STEWART HENRY. The one re-mains. New York, Dutton, 1955. 192 p.

A portrait of present-day Jerusalem, bya former official of the Palestine govern-ment.

SHUMSKY, ABRAHAM. The clash of culturesin Israel; a problem for education. NewYork, Bureau of Publications, TeachersCollege, Columbia University, 1955. xi,170 p. (Studies in education)

An Israel educator analyzes the conflictbetween the Eastern and Western ethnicgroups in Israel.

SPIRO, MBLFORD E. Kibbutz; venture inUtopia. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard Univ.Press, 1956. xii, 266 p.

An anthropological study, based on first-hand experience, of a collective settlementin Israel.

TAUBER, ESTHER. Molding society to man;Israel's new adventure in cooperation. Pref-ace by Horace M. Kallen. New York, Bloch,1955. 151 p.

The history and organization of the col-lective settlements.

TUCHMAN, BARBARA (WERTHEIM). Bibleand sword; England and Palestine from theBronze age to Balfour. New York, NewYork Univ. Press, 1956. xiv, 268 p.

Told in terms of the outstanding inci-dents and personalities involved in the longhistory of England's interest in the HolyLand.

AMERICAN JEWISH BIBLIOGRAPHY 469WEINGARTEN, MURRAY. Life in a kibbutz.

New York, Reconstructionist Press, 1955.173 p.

An American, now in Israel, discussesthe problems and procedures of living ina collective settlement.

WILSON, EDMUND. Red, black, blond andolive; studies in four civilizations: Zufii,Haiti, Soviet Russia, Israel. New York, Ox-ford Univ. Press, 1956. viii, 500 p.

The chapters on Israel and on the Bookof Genesis appeared originally in The NewYorker.

BELLES-LETTRES AND ARTANGOFF, CHARLES. Something about my

father and other people. New York, Yose-loff, 1956. 366 p.

Thirty-five short stories, most of themdealing with Jewish life in Boston and NewYork City.

ASCH, SHALOM. The prophet; tr. [from theYiddish] by Arthur Saul Super. New York,Putnam, 1955. 343 p.

The fifth and final volume in a series ofBiblical novels, this deals with the secondIsaiah and the Jews who were in exile inBabylon.

DAVIS, SAUL. The adventures of Shlomele;drawings by Forrest Jacobs. New York,Yoseloff, 1956. 282 p.

Boyhood in a Jewish village in theUkraine before World War I.

JEWISH ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES.Jews in the arts and sciences. New York,Herald Square Press, 1955. v, 160 p. (Jubi-lee volume)

Based largely on papers presented be-fore the academy.

KAYSER, STEPHEN S., ed. The Book of Booksin art; a selection of Biblical paintings andsculptures—five centuries of Western civi-lization. New York, Shengold Publishers,1956. 172 p.

Includes an essay entitled: The influenceof the Old Testament in art.

LESSING, GOTTHOLD EPHRAIM. Nathan thewise; tr. into English verse by BayardQuincy Morgan. New York, Ungar, 1955.150 p.

A new edition of a play which first ap-peared during the period of Jewish eman-cipation in Germany.

SCHwARZ, LEO WALDER, ed. Feast of Levi-athan; tales of adventure, faith and lovefrom Jewish literature. New York, Rine-hart, 1956. p i , 365 p.

Fifty stories with American, European,and Israel backgrounds.

SIEGEL, ABRAHAM MORRIS. The sublimesongs of love; a new commentary on theSong of songs, and related essays. NewYork, Exposition Press, 1955. 93 p.

Endeavors to correct some misinterpreta-tions of the Song of songs.

SINGBR, ISAAC BASHEVIS. Satan in Goray [tr.from the Yiddish by Jacob Sloan] NewYork, Noonday Press, 1955. xi, 239 p.

Depicts the disintegration of a seven-teenth-century Polish Jewish town after theapostasy of the false messiah, Sabbatai Zevi.

SUBLETTE, ETHEL RINER. Songs from onehundred Psalms. New York, ExpositionPress, 1955. 160 p.

BIOGRAPHYARKIN, ROSE DEBORAH (Rose Talbot,

pseud.). No greater challenge. New York,Vantage Press, 1955. 167 p.

A Jewish woman's experiences fromchildhood onwards in New York City.

BADT-STRAUSS, BERTHA. White fire; the lifeand works of Jessie Sampter. New York,Reconstructionist Press, 1956. 191 p.

The life of the noted poetess and ardentZionist, born in the United States, who be-came a pioneer in Palestine.

BROWN, JOHN MASON. Through these men;some aspects of our passing history. NewYork, Harper, 1956. ix, 302 p.

Essays on some of the outstanding per-sonalities of our time, including SupremeCourt Justice Felix Frankfurter, WalterLippmann, and J. Robert Oppenheimer.

BYER, ETTA (JOSEPH) (MRS. SAMUEL BYER)(Yecheved, pseud.). Transplanted people;reproductions of oil paintings by SamuelByer. Chicago, The Author, 1955. 231 p.,25—pi. (Lider Organization of ChicagoPublication)

The autobiography of a Jewish womanwho emigrated from Russia, first to Eng-land and then to the United States.

CAHN, WILLIAM. Einstein; a pictorial biog-raphy. New York, Citadel Press, 1955.126 p.

Photographs and brief text on the lategreat physicist.

COHN, ART. The joker is wild; the story ofJoe E. Lewis. New York, Random House,1955. ix, 368 p.

A biography of the night club and tele-vision comedian.

DAICHES, DAVID. TWO worlds; an EdinburghJewish childhood. New York, Harcourt,1956. 192 p.

A rabbi's son recalls his experiences inthe small Jewish community and contactswith the Protestant world.

D'HUMY, FERNAND EMIL. What manner ofman was Moses? New York, Library Pub-lishers, 1955. 301 p.

A biography of the Hebrew lawgiverand leader.

EPSTEIN, SIR JACOB. Epstein, an autobiogra-phy. Rev. ed. New York, Dutton, 1955.294 p.

A revised and extended edition of thenoted sculptor's personal story which ap-


peared originally under the title: Let therebe sculpture.

EWBN, DAVID. A journey to greatness; thelife and music of George Gershwin. Illus.with photographs. New York, Holt, 1956.384 p.

A biography of the late composer ofpopular tunes and symphonic jazz.

GROSSMANN, KURT R. ed., Michael Wurm-brand; the man and his work. With anintrod. by Nahum Goldmann, and sixarticles by his friends. New York, Philo-sophical Library, 1956. 127 p.

Memorial tributes and selections fromthe writings of the European-born journal-ist and Zionist.

HABER, JULIUS. The odyssey of an AmericanZionist; fifty years of Zionist history. In-trod. by Louis Lipsky. New York, TwaynePublishers, 1956. 415 p.

Recollections of some of the major eventsand personalities associated with the move-ment.

HBRNDON, BOOTON. Bergdorf's on the plaza;the story of Bergdorf Goodman and a half-century of American fashion. New York,Knopf, 1956. x, 244 p.

The story of a famous business cateringto women and the individuals who helpedthe founder to make it a success.

HBRZL, THBODOR. The diaries of TheodorHerzl; ed. and tr. [from the German] withan introd. by Marvin Lowenthal. NewYork, Dial Press, 1956. xxviii, 494 p.

Givers the period from June 1895 toMay 16, 1904 in the career of the founderof political Zionism.

JONES, ERNEST. The life and work of Sig-mund Freud; v. 2, Years of maturity, 1901—1919. New York, Basic Books, 1955. xiii,512 p.

The second of three projected volumeson the noted psychoanalyst.

LlTVINOV, MAKSIM. Notes for a journal;introd. by E. H. Carr, and a prefatory noteby Walter Bedell Smith. New York, Mor-row, 1955. 347 p.

The purported journal of the late Sovietleader who was for a time People's Com-missar for Foreign Affairs.

MAGIDOFF, ROBERT. Yehudi Menuhin; thestory of the man and the musician. GardenGry, N. Y., Doubleday, 1955. 319 p.

The personal life and musical career ofthe world-famous violinist.

MILLIN, SARAH GERTRUDE (LIBBSON) (MRS.PHILIP MILLIN,). The measure of my days.New York, Abelard-Schuman, 1955. 394 p.

Recollections of the South African au-thor, dwelling particularly on her reactionsto the recent death of her husband, whowas a judge of the South African SupremeCourt.

MOSLEY, LEONARD OSWALD. Gideon goes towar. New York, Scribner, 1955. 256 p.

A biography of Major-General Orde C.

Wingate, British army officer and ardentZionist, whose great ambition was to lead aJewish army of independence in Palestine.

NATENBERG, MAURICE. The case history ofSigmund Freud; a psycho-biography. Chi-cago, Regent House, 1955. vii, 245 p.

A critical portrait of the noted psycho-analyst.

N O B L E , J O H N WESLEY, and AVERBUCH,BERNARD. Never plead guilty; the story ofJake Ehrlich. New York, Farrar, Straus andCudahy, 1955. 306 p.

The story of the San Francisco trial lawyertold largely through some of the famouscases with which he was associated.

PAUL, LOUIS. Heroes, kings and men. NewYork, Dial Press, 1955. 409 p.

A narrative history of leading figures fromthe Old and New Testaments from the timeof Abraham through the Crucifixion.

POPKIN, ZELDA (FEINBBRG). Open everydoor. New York, Dutton, 1956. 3J9 p.

The writer tells of her life as a journal-ist, in public relations, and as a novelist.

ROSENFIELD, JOE, Jr. The happiest man inthe world. Garden City, N . Y., Doubleday,1955. 292 p.

The frank autobiography of the founder-director of the "Happiness Exchange Foun-dation," which secures funds for needypeople through the medium of radio andtelevision.

SCHBCHTMAN, JOSEPH B. Rebel and states-man: the Vladimir Jabotinsky story; theearly years. New York, Yoseloff, 1956.467 p.

The first of a projected two-volume biog-raphy of the Revisionist Zionist leader.

SCHOENWALD, RICHARD L. Freud; the manand his mind, 1856-1956. New York,Knopf, 1956. 250, v p .

A history of the genesis and develop-ment of Freud's ideas for the lay reader.

SHBEAN, VINCENT. Oscar Hammerstein I; thelife and exploits of an impresario. With apreface by Oscar Hammerstein II. NewYork, Simon and Schuster, 1956. xx, 363 p.

The story of a German-born Jew whowas responsible for bringing music, bothpopular and operatic, to New York audi-ences.

SIMON, SOLOMON. My Jewish roots; tr. fromthe Yiddish by Shlomo Katz. Philadelphia,Jewish Publication Society of America,1956. viii, 274 p.

Recollections of boyhood in a poor littleJewish community in Russia some fiftyyears ago.

SlMONHOFF, HARRY. Jewish notables inAmerica, 1776-1865; links of an endlesschain. Foreword by David de Sola Pool.New York, Greenberg, 1956. xiv, 402 p.

Brief biographical sketches of an out-standing Jew of each year.

SMITH, JULIA FRANCES (MRS. OSCAR A L -BERT VlBLEHR). Aaron Copland; his work

AMERICAN JEWISH BIBLIOGRAPHY 471and contribution to American music. NewYork, Dutton, 1955. 336 p.

A biography of the contemporary com-poser which includes a list of his musicalworks.

SYRKIN, M A W E . Way of valor; a biography ofGolda Myerson. New York, Sharon Books,1955. 309 p.

The story of the young woman fromMilwaukee who became Israel's first minis-ter of labor and is now its minister forforeign affairs.

TUCKER, LILLIAN (MRS. A L V I N R U B I N ) . Ourthird cousin Ceely. New York, VantagePress, 1955. 55 p.

The daughter of immigrant Jewish par-ents writes of family life in Baltimore.

VALLENTIN, A N T O N I N A (MME. JULIBN L U -CHAIRE). Heine; poet in exile. Tr. by Har-rison Brown. Garden City, N. Y., Double-day, 1956. 320 p.

Reissued to commemorate the one-hundredth anniversary of Heine's death.Originally published under the title: Poetin exile (New York, Viking, 1934).

WIENER, NORBERT. I am a mathematician:the later life of a prodigy; an autobio-graphical account of the mature years andcareer, and a continuation of the accountof [the author's] childhood in Ex-prodigy.Garden City, N . Y., Doubleday, 1956.380 p.

Reminiscences of the noted mathematicalscientist.

WISE, STEPHEN SAMUEL. The personal let-ters of Stephen Wise, ed. by Justine WisePolier and James Waterman Wise; with anintrod. by John Haynes Holmes. Boston,Beacon Press, 1956. xii, 289 p.

A chronological arrangement of letterswritten over a period of fifty years by thenoted rabbi and American Zionist leader, tohis wife and children and to John HaynesHolmes, his closest friend.

THE JEW IN RECENT FICTIONBALCHIN, NIGEL. The fall of a sparrow.

New York, Rinehart, 1956. 309 p.The son of a distinguished British sol-

dier is unable to conform to his society.He is loved by a Jewish girl, who succeedsin changing his political orientation.

BLANKFORT, MICHAEL. The strong hand.Boston, Little, 1956. 318 p.

Marriage between an Orthodox rabbi anda noted woman photographer becomes im-possible because no witness can be foundto testify to the death of her first husband.

BROWN, FRIEDA K E N Y O N (F. K. FRANKLIN,pseud.). Road inland. New York, Crowell,1955. 308 p.

The experiences of a nurse serving witha surgical unit in the European theatrefrom the time of the Normandy landinguntil the end of the war. The head sur-geon, a Jew, finally cracks under the strain.

COOPER, BRIAN. Maria. New York. Van-guard Press, 1956. 220 p.

The husband of an English couple dis-covers the reason why his wife who hadformerly been married to a Nazi had helpedto save the lives of several German Jews.

DBLMAR, V I N A (CROTER). Beloved. NewYork, Harcourt, 1956. 382 p.

A historical novel based largely on theprivate life of Judah Benjamin, secretary ofstate in the Confederacy.

DEROPP, ROBERT S. If I forget thee. NewYork, St. Martin's Press, 1956. 345 p.

The son of a Roman senator, in lovewith the daughter of the High Priest Ana-nias, tries to save her when Jerusalem isdestroyed by the Romans.

FBUCHTWANGER, LION. Raquel, the Jewessof Toledo; tr. from the German by ErnstKaiser and Eithne Wilkins. New York,Messner, 1956. 433 p.

A historical novel of the romance be-tween Alfonso VIII, King of Castile andDona Raquel, daughter of the finance min-ister, who became the king's mistress inorder to save the lives of the Jews in Spain.

GILBERT, EDWIN. Native stone. Garden Gty,N. Y., Doubleday, 1956. 469 p.

Follows the fortunes of three architects,one of whom is partly Jewish.

GlLLON, DIANA, and GlLLON, MEIR. Van-quish the angel; a novel. New York, Day,1956. 252 p.

An Israeli marries an Englishwoman,and returns with her to Palestine, wherethey take part in the struggle to establishthe Jewish state.

GOES, ALBRECHT. The burnt offering; tr. byMichael Hamburger. New York, PantheonBooks, 1956. 92 p.

A German woman, proprietor of abutcher shop, attempts to atone for thecrimes committed against the Jews duringthe Nazi regime.

GOLDRING-GODING, HENRY. Out of hell.Boston, Chapman and Grimes, 1955. 149 p.

A fictionalized account of experiences inthe Warsaw ghetto and in a concentrationcamp during the Nazi occupation of Poland.

HAZAZ, HAYTM. Mori Sa'id; tr. from the He-brew by Ben Halpern. New York, Abelard-Schuman, 1956. 340 p. (Ram's horn books)

The principal character is the patriarchand sage of a long-established Yemenitecommunity in Jerusalem.

KARNEY, JACK. Work of darkness; a novel.New York, Putnam, 1956. 279 p.

Two members of a teen-age gang arekilled by members of a rival group. Oneis the son of an Orthodox Jew.

KASSEL, ALFRED. Embarrassed Boris in Ta-hiti. Rindge, N. H., R. R. Smith, 1955.150 p.

A former buttonhole-maker from TheBronx tries unsuccessfully to convert theTahitians to Communism.


KAV1NOKY, BBRNICE. Honey from a darkhive. New York, Rinehart, 1956. 271 p.

The romance between a Jewish girl and aCatholic man in a small Pennsylvania min-ing town is opposed by the parents of thelovers.

LA MURE, PIERRE. Beyond desire; a novelbased on the life of Felix and Cecile Men-delssohn. New York, Random House, 1955.404 p.

Includes an account of the noted com-poser's efforts to secure recognition forBach's music.

MEMMI, ALBERT. The pillar of salt [tr. fromthe French by Edouard Roditi]. New York,Criterion Books, 1955. 342 p.

The son of a Berber mother and a Jewishfather, who has been raised as a Jew, issubjected to pressures both from the Arabcommunity and the French colonials whichlead him to consider abandoning his faith.

MEROCHNIK, M I N N I E . Essence of life. NewYork, Storm Publishers, 1956. 185 p. (Ar-rowhead Press book)

An unhappily married Jewish womanfalls tragically in love with a young maninterested in the development of Israel.

PATAI, IRENE STEINMAN (MRS. RAPHAELPATAI). The valley of God. New York,Random House, 1956. 351 p.

A historical novel dealing with the earlyyears of the prophet Hosea, and his lovefor his wife Gomer.

RICHTER, H A N S WERNER. They fell fromGod's hand; tr. from the German byGeoffrey Sainsbury. New York, Dutton,1956. 346 p.

Tells the stories of ten people living ina displaced persons camp near Nurembergin 1950. One is a young Jew originallyfrom Poland.

SEID, R U T H (JO Sinclair, pseud.). The change-lings. New York, McGraw-Hill, 1955.323 p.

A thirteen-year-old girl reacts differentlyfrom her Jewish family and neighbors whoare opposed to the movement of Negroesinto a neighborhood that had been pre-dominantly Jewish and Italian.

SETTLE, MARY LEE (MRS. DOUGLAS N E W -T O N ) . The kiss of kin. New York, Harper,1956. 184 p.

A Jewish violinist is one of a group ofpeople gathered to hear the reading of awill left by the matriarch of a Southernfamily.

SLAUGHTER, FRANK GILL. The scarlet cord;a novel of the Woman of Jericho. GardenCity, N. Y., Doubleday, 1956. 352 p.

A love story of Rahab, the woman ofJericho, and Joshua, leader of the Israelites.

W E I N R E B , N A T H A N I E L NORSEN. Esther.Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1955.316 p.

A novel based on the life of the Biblicalqueen.

W I D E N , EMIL, and W I D E N , D A N I E L . Jerusa-lem; a novel. New York, Rainbow Press,1955. 272 p.

The action begins with Jerusalem be-sieged by the Romans and concludes withthe downfall of the city.

W I L S O N , DOROTHY (CLARKE). Jezebel. NewYork, McGraw-Hill, 1955. 377 p.

The story of the Phoenician princessmarried to a king of Israel who tried toinduce the Israelites to accept her god.

WILSON, SLOAN. The man in the gray flan-nel suit. New York, Simon and Schuster,1955. 304 p.

The business and home life of a youngsuburbanite. Includes a Jewish judge withwhom the hero has business dealings.

WOUK, HERMAN. Marjorie Morningstar.Garden City, N . Y., Doubleday, 1955.565 p.

Depicts the life of a beautiful girl from amiddle-class Jewish family, whose theatricalaspirations yield to suburban domesticity.

Z E H N F E N N I G , GLADYS. Search for Eden.Minneapolis, Denison, 1955. 282 p.

A novel woven around the Biblical storyof Noah.

ZlNKlN, MENASHE. Through the eye of aneedle (shop sketches); tr. from the Yid-dish by M. Spiegel. New York, Biderman,1955. 191 P-

Brief sketches centering around needle-trade workers.

ZwiSOHN, ROSE R. The promised land. Bos-ton, Meador, 1955. 177 p.

An American Jewish doctor and his wifego to Palestine to help in the establishmentof the State of Israel.

JUVENILEBLOHM, EMILY. Children's favorite Bible

stories. New York, Vantage Press, 1955.52 p.

Stories of David and Goliath, Samson,Noah, Joseph, and Moses told for youngchildren.

DARINGER, H E L E N FERN. The golden thorn;illus. by Kurt Werth. New York, Harcourt,1956. 181 p.

A love story of two young Judeans atthe time of the birth of Christ.

EISENSTEIN, JUDITH K. and PRENSKY,FRIEDA, eds. Songs of childhood. NewYork, Commission on Jewish Education,United Synagogue of America, 1955. 322 p.

A collection of Jewish and Hebrew songsintended for children three to eight yearsof age.

FREEHOF, LILLIAN B . (SIMON) . Stories ofKing Solomon; illus. by Seymour R. Kap-lan. Philadelphia, Jewish Publication Soci-ety of America, 1955. 175 p.

Stories emphasizing the wisdom andmagic in the Solomonic legends.

AMERICAN JEWISH BIBLIOGRAPHY 473HOLLENDBR, BETTY ROSETT. Bible stories

for little children; illus. by William Steinel.New York, Union of American HebrewCongregations, 1955. xi, 70 p. (Union ofAmerican Hebrew Congregations and Cen-tral Conference of American Rabbis. Com-mission on Jewish Education. Union gradedseries)

Intended to be read aloud to the pre-school child or to be read by beginningreaders. Ages 3-8.

MALVERN, GLADYS. Saul's daughter; decora-tions by Vera Bock. New York, Longmans,1956. 241 p.

A retelling of the love story of Michal,daughter of Saul, and King David.

PALAZZO, T O N Y . The story of Noahs Ark;retold and illus. [by the author] GardenGty, N. Y., Garden City Books, 1955.n.p.

For young children.SILVERMAN, ALTHEA OSBER. Behold my

messengers! The lives and teachings of theprophets; illus. by Reuben Leaf. New York,Bloch,1955.ix, 239 p.

The stories of Amos, Hosea, Isaiah,Micah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the secondIsaiah, told for young people.

WELLS, H E L E N FRANCES (WEINSTOCK).Adam Gimbel, pioneer trader. New York,McKay, 1955. 232 p.

The story, for young people, of a GermanJewish immigrant who became a pioneermerchant on the Mississippi frontier duringthe early part of the nineteenth century.

TEXTBOOKSGlTTELSOHN, ROLAND BERTRAM. Little low-

er than the angels; illus. by Jacob Landau.New York, Union of American HebrewCongregations, 1955. xi, 334 p. (Union ofAmerican Hebrew Congregations and Cen-tral Conference of American Rabbis. Uniongraded series)

The tenets of Judaism clarified for youngpeople.

GOLDBERG, DAVID. Meet the prophets; withexplanatory notes and discussion materialby Samuel Halevi Baron. Ed. by LeonardR. Sussman. Student ed. New York, Book-man Associates, 1956. 274 p.

Intended for American Council forJudaism religious schools.

LEWITTES, MORDECAI H. Highlights of Jew-ish history; v. 3: From Daniel to theRambam. Illus. by Charles E. Pont. NewYork, Hebrew Pub. Co., 1955. 303 p.

REFERENCEAMERICAN ACADEMY FOR JEWISH RE-

SEARCH. Proceedings, v. 24, 1955. NewYork, The Academy, 1955. xxx, 170,37 p.

In addition to reports, lists, etc., in-cludes: Some aspects of Karaite-Rabbaniterelations in Byzantium on the eve of theFirst crusade, pt. 1, by Zvi Ankori.—Thetreatment of the Jewish religion in theliterature of the Berlin Haskalah, by IsaacEisenstein-Barzilay.—The Polish politicalemigres and the Jews in 1848, by A. G.Duker.—A tenth century philosophicalcorrespondence, by S. Pines.—The Se-phardic Jews of France during the Revolu-tion of 1789, by Zosa Szajkowski.—Anunknown Hebrew play of the GermanHaskala, by B. D. Weinryb [text in He-brew]

American Jewish year book; v. 57, 1956.Prepared by the American Jewish Com-mittee: Morris Fine, ed.; Jacob Sloan,assoc. ed. New York, American JewishCommittee; Philadelphia, Jewish Publica-tion Society of America, 1956. xi, 688 p.

Besides the usual reference features, in-cludes: Jewish social work in the UnitedStates (1654-1954) .—The American Jew-ish tercentenary, by David Bernstein.

CBNTRAL CONFERENCE OF AMERICANRABBIS. Yearbook, v. 65, 1955. Sixty-sixth annual convention, June 20-23,1955, Asbury Park, N. J. Ed. by SidneyL. Regner. [New York] 1955. xxix, 202 p.

In addition to proceedings, reports, me-morial tributes, membership lists, etc., in-cludes: The relevance of prophetic thoughtfor the American rabbi, by S. H. Blank.—Developments in Reform Judaism, byA. L. Feinberg.—The Jewish communityand its leadership, by Morris Lieberman.

HEBREW U N I O N COLLEGE. Annual; v. 26,1955. Cincinnati, 1955. 570, 74 p.

Contents.—The decalogue of the holi-nesss code, by Julian Morgenstern.—"Doest thou well to be angry?" A studyin self-pity, by S. H. Blank.—Homer andBible, the origin and character of EastMediterranean literature, by C. H. Gor-don.—A mathematical conundrum in theUgaritic Keret poem, by Joshua Finkel.—Philo's place in Judaism; a study of con-ceptions of Abraham in Jewish literature,II, by Samuel Sandmel.—Notes on Gentilecourts in Talmudic Babylonia, by EzraSpicebandler.—The prohibitions againstloans at interest in ancient Hebrew laws,by E. Neufeld.—The Mussaf-Kedushah,by Bruno Italiener.—The unity of God, astudy in Hellenistic and rabbinic theology,by S. S. Cohon.—Isaac Abravenel on theprinciples of faith, by Eugene Mihaly.—Illuminated marriage contracts, with spe-cial reference to the Cincinnati ketubahs,by Franz Landsberger.—New light on thefamily of Felix Mendelssohn, by EricWerner.—The origin of the word "yar-mulke," by W. G. Plaut.—Communal willin Talmudic legislation, by Samuel Atlas[in Hebrew]—Laws dealing with the lenderand the borrower, attributed to ZechariahPugliese, by A. N. Z. Roth [in Hebrew]


Jewish book annual; v. 13, 5715-5716:1955-1956. New York, Jewish BookCouncil of America, 1955. iv, 170 p.

Text in English, Hebrew, and Yiddish.Beside bibliographies, the English sectionincludes: In the realm of beauty: books onJewish art, by Alfred Werner.—TheDropsie College and its contributions toJewish literature, by M. J. Cohen.—Meyer Waxman: an appreciation and bib-liography, by L. C. Mishkin.—HeinrichHeine's homecoming, by Sol Liptzin.

RABBINICAL ASSEMBLY OF AMERICA. Pro-ceedings, v. 19. Fifty-fifth annual conven-tion, May 2-May 5, 1955, Highland Park,111. New York, The Assembly, 1955. 261 p.

In addition to lists, reports, resolutions,etc., the following addressses and papersare included: The status of the RabbinicalAssembly in the Conservative movement,by A. H. Blumenthal.—The role of theRabbinical Assembly, by Simon Green-berg.—An aliyah for women, by A. H.Blumenthal.—Women's place in the riteof the synagogue, by Aaron Tofield.—The present status of Jewish education inthe Conservative movement, by Josiah

Derby.—Rabbis as educational statesmen,by A. E. Millgram.

YIVO annual of Jewish social science, v. 10.New York, YIVO Institute for Jewish Re-search, 1955. 320 p.

A selection of sociological studies mostof which appeared previously in Yiddishin YIVO publications.

MISCELLANEOUSBANKS, FLORENCE ( A I K E N ) . Coins of Bible

days. New York, Macmillan, 1955. xiii,178 p.

An illustrated account of the coins usedby various peoples before and during theperiods of the Old and the New Testa-ments.

BERG, GERTRUDE (EDELSTEIN) (MOLLYGOLDBERG, pseud.), and W A L D O , MYRA.Molly Goldberg cookbook; drawings bySusanne Suba. Garden City, N. Y.,Doubleday, 1955. 320 p.

The well-known radio and televisionpersonality intersperses comment withrecipes and menus.

IVA COHEN

Necrology: United States1

ABT, ISAAC A., pediatrician; b. Wilmington,111., D e c 18, 1867; d. Chicago, 111., Nov.22, 1955; consultant, Michael Reese andChildren's Hospitals, Chicago; pioneer inpediatrics; ed. Yearbook of Pediatrics for20 yrs.; prof, children's diseases, North-western Univ., 1909—39; au. many articleson children's diseases; co-au. System ofPediatrics, 8 vols.

ADLBR, HUGO CHAIM, composer, cantor; b.Antwerp, Belgium, Jan. 17, 1894; d.Worcester, Mass., Dec. 24, 1955; dir. ofmusic Temple Emanuel, Worcester, since1939; tchr. and cantor, Hebrew and music,Haupt-Synagoge, Mannheim, Germany,1922-39; in U.S. since 1939; mem. adv.bd. Sch. of Sacred Music, HUC; comp.liturgical music ind. Avodatb Habonim(1943), Music for the Synagogue (1952),Ma Nomar L'fonecbo (1955).

ADLBR, JULIUS OCHS, journalist, army offi-cer, b. Chattanooga, Tenn., Dec. 3, 1892;d. N . Y. C , Oct. 3, 1955; 1st v.p., gen.mgr., treas.. The New York Times; pres.and pub., The Chattanooga Times, since1935; maj. gen. since 1948, commander77th infantry div. since 1946, U.S. ArmyReserve; in act. service W.W.I., W.W.II;mem. hid. of trustees Nat. Jewish Hosp.,Denver; mem. exec. com. NJWB; trustee,N. Y. C Hebrew Orphan Asylum, 1 9 2 3 -29; rec. many Am. and European militarydecorations.

ANDRON, JACOB L., educator; b. Russia,1876; d. Brooklyn, N .Y . , Jan. 15, 1956;a fdr. Rabbi Jacob Joseph School, N . Y. C ,1899; helped found and direct severalyeshivot and synagogues in N. Y. C. andMiami Beach; a fdr. and pres. Fed. ofYeshivoth and Talmud Torahs; fdr. andpres. Ohavai Zion; a fdr. and sec. Fed. ofAm. Zionists.

BECKELMAN, MOSES W., social service dir.;b. N . Y. C, Aug. 12, 1906; d. N . Y. C ,Dec. 10, 1955; dir.-gen. JDC for overseasoperations since 1951; mng. ed. JewishSocial Service Quarterly, 1936-39; sec. Nat.Conf. of Jewish Social Welfare, 1936-39;dir. JDC program in Baltic states, 1939;chief of mission, UNRRA Refugee Centernear Casablanca, 1944; asst. dir. Inter-governmental Com. on Refugees, 1945;asst. dir. JDC European program, 1946—51; sect. cbmn. Internat. Conf. of SocialWork, 1950; chmn. delegation to Austria

to negotiate compensation claims of Jew-ish war victims, 1954; recipient: LegionD'Honneur (Chevalier), France, 1953.

BETTMAN, M E T A POLLAK, communal leader;b. Cincinnati, Ohio, Apr. 19, 1880; d. St.Louis, Mo., Aug. 18, 1955; chmn. St.Louis Jewish Scholarship Fd. since 1920;former nat. dir. Nat. Council of JewishWomen.

BORCHARDT, FREDERICK W., welfare work-er; b. Berlin, Germany, Sept. 22, 1901; d.N. Y. C , Apr. 15, 1956; v.p. JewishRestitution Successor Orgn. since 1952;mem. bd. United HIAS Service, Am. Fed.of Jews from Central Europe.

BORG, MADELEINE BEER, social welfareworker; b. N . Y. C , July 31, 1878; d.Jan. 9, 1956; act. over 50 yrs. in philan-thropic work; a fdr. Big Sister movement,1912; a fdr., chmn. Jewish Big Sisters; afdr., pres. (1939) N. Y. Fed. of Jewish Phi-lanthropies, chmn. women's div. 1917—45;former pres., chmn., exec. com. Jewish Bd.of Guardians; mem. exec. com. Am. Jew-ish Com.; past v.p.: Nat. Probation andParole Assn., Salvation Army.

CHARNEY (NIGER), SAMUEL, Yiddish au.,ed.; b. Dukor, Russia, June 15, 1883; d.N . Y. C , Dec. 24, 1955; in U.S. since1919; lit. ed. The Day since 1920; ed.:Literarishe Monatscbriften, Vilna, 1908;Yidishe Welt, Vilna, 1913—15; co-ed.Hebrew Almanac Achisefer, 1943; mem.comm. on research, YIVO, since 1951; au.Vegen Yidishe Schreiber, 2 vols. (1913),Mendele Moicher Sforim (1936), /. LPeretz (1952), etal.

CHERNER, JOSEPH, business exec., philan-thropist; b. Kadin, Russia, March 23, 1898;d. Washington, D.C., Apr. 17, 1956; nat.campaign chmn., UjA, 1950—51; mem.nat. bd.: UJA, Palestine Economic Corp.,Am. Financial and Development Corp. forIsrael, Amer. Com. for the Weizmann Inst.of Science, Am. Friends of Heb. Univ.;nat. y. chmn. Albert Einstein Med. Coll.building campaign since 1953; gave hisWashington, D. C. home to State of Israelfor its embassy.

CHIPKIN, ISRAEL SOLOMON, educator; b.Vilna (then Russia), March 31, 1891; d.N. Y. C , Oct. 25, 1955; v.p. charge ofresearch, Jewish Educ. Com. since 1949;educ. dir. 1921-40, assoc. dir. 1940-45,Jewish Educ. Assoc.; lecturer: Jewish

1 Including Jewish residents of the United States who died between July 1, 19SS and June 30,1956.

475


Theol. Sem. 1920-45, Teachers Coll., Co-lumbia Univ. 1933-41; dir. Women'sInst. for Jewish Studies 1934—44; chmn.comm. on educ, ZOA, 1935-40; fdr.,educ. advisor Beth Hayeled Fdn. Sch.,N. Y. C , since 1939; a fdr. (1926 ) , pres.1927-28, Nat. Council for Jewish Educ;pres. Nat. Conf. of Jewish Social Service1941-42; v.p. Rel. Educ. Assoc. 1 9 4 3 -46; fdr., exec. dir. Am. Assoc. for JewishEduc. 1945—49; ed. Jewish Educationsince 1949; mem. ed. bd. The Reconstruc-tionist since 1935; au. Twenty-five Yearsof Jewish Education in America ( 1 9 3 7 ) ,American Jewish Education at the Mid-Century ( 1 9 5 1 ) .

COOK, MORRIS; b. (?), 1882; d. Philadel-phia, Pa., Jan. 22, 1956; a fdr.: MizrachiOrgn. of Am., 1911; a fdr., women's div.,Mizrachi Orgn. of Am., 1925; act. ZOA,JNF.

DBUTSCH, MONROB EMANUBL, educator; b.San Francisco, Calif., Aug. 17, 1897; d.San Francisco, Calif., Oct. 21, 1955; v.p.,provost Univ. of Calif, since 1930; mem.bd. of dir. NCCJ, 1946-48; hon. pres. SanFrancisco chapter, Am. Council for Juda-ism, since 1945; au. Our Legacy of Reli-gious Freedom (1941), The College PromWithin (1952).

DRBCHSLER, DAVID, labor relations atty.; b.1883 (?); d. Brooklyn, N. Y., Aug. 30,1955; counsel N. Y. Clothing Mfrs. Ex-change since 1922; N. Y. State assembly-man 1919; mem. fed. com. to develop fairlabor standards act, 1937; act. N . Y. Fed.of Jewish Philanthropies, UJA.

DUBOV, LEOPOLD, orgn. exec, ed.; b. Minsk,Russia, Apr. 8, 1880; d. N . Y. C , Oct.15, 1955; fdr., exec. v.p. Jewish BrailleInst. of Am. 1931-53; fdr., ed. JewishBraille Review 1931-53; ed.: JewishBraille Library, Braille Musician; au. In-ternational Hebrew Braille Code ( 1 9 3 6 ) ,Hebrew Alphabet for the Yiddish Lan-guage in Braille ( 1945) ; ed. HebrewBraille Bible, 20 vols. ( 1950 ) .

EISENSTEIN, JUDAH DAVID, ed., pub.; b.Mesritz, Poland, Nov. 12, 1854; d. N. Y.C.,May 17, 1956; au., ed., compiler of 70books on Jewish literature, life, religion;ed., pub. Otzar Yisroel, 10 vols. (1913),Otzar Midrashim (1920).

EVANS, ISAAC, bus. exec; b. Minsk, Russia,1884; d. Cleveland, Ohio, April 18, 1956;a fdr. Cleveland Zionist Society; v.p. LeoLevi Memorial Hosp., Hot Springs, Ark.;donated livestock to needy foreign coun-tries, 1945-49.

FINKELSTEIN, NAOMI, vocational guidanceexpert; b. N. Y. C , Nov. 5, 1897; d.N. Y. C , Jan. 22, 1956; pres. Women'sAm. ORT, 1946-50; chmn. bd. Women'sAm. ORT, 1950-52.

FRANKL, OSCAR B E N J A M I N , educator, au.;b. Kremsier, Moravia, Jan. 18, 1881; d.N. Y. C , Dec. 17, 1955; in U.S. since1940; free-lance writer, researcher; broad-caster in Ger., office of research, Columbia

Univ., since 1942; lecturer, prof. Germanicand classic languages, philosophy, at sec-ondary schools, Vienna, Karlsbad, Prague,1904-20; fdr., dir. Urania-Masaryk Peo-ple's Univ., Prague, 1919-38; lecturer,Rand School for Social Science, N . Y. C ,1940—42; au. Theodor Herzl, the Jew andthe Man (1950), and studies of Schiller,Einstein, Masaryk.

FREEDMAN, ZACHARY LEO, labor unionmngr; b. Kaminitz Litovsky, Russia, Dec.5, 1883; d. Bronx, N . Y. Aug. 8, 1955;mngr. Bonnaz Embroideries, Tucking,Pleating, and Allied Crafts Union, Local66, ILGWU, since 1939; v. chmn. JewishLabor Com. since 1933.

FRISHBERG, ISRAEL ZEV, educator; b. Uk-raine, Russia, May 18, 1876; d. Brooklyn,N. Y., Oct. 18, 1955; chief consultant,Mizrachi Nat. Bd. of Educ; prof., peda-gogy: Yeshiva Univ. Teachers Coll., Herz-liah Hebrew Tchrs. Inst. until 1953; a fdr.Hebrew Tchrs. Assoc, Hebrew PrincipalsAssoc; au. many articles and Hebrew text-books.

GOLDMAN, EDWIN FRANKO, composer, con-ductor; b. Louisville, Ky., Jan. 1, 1878; d.N. Y. C , Feb. 21, 1956; org., cond.,N. Y. C. Goldman Band free summer con-certs since 1918; faculty mem. ColumbiaUniv., 1919—26; comp. over 100 marchesand other compositions for bands.

GOLDSCHMIDT, JAKOB, financier, philanthro-pist; b. Eldagsen, Germany, Dec. 31, 1882;d. N . Y. C., Sept. 23, 1955; fdr., patronEncyclopedia Judaica, Germany, 1928; act.in Jewish community in Germany; mem.:Akademie fuer die Wissenschaft des Juden-tums, Berlin; NCCJ.

GORDON, JOSEPH, research specialist; b.Czechoslovakia, 1902; d. N . Y. C , May 9,1956; specialist on Soviet affairs, Am. Jew-ish Com., since 1948; research asst., U.S.Office of European Research, 1941-43;ed., short wave broadcast service, ColumbiaBroadcasting System, 1943—47; researchassoc. Yiddish Scientific Inst. (YIVO),1945—48; contributor to Commentary, TheNew Leader, and other magazines; au. TheSoviet Union: A New Class Society( 1 9 5 0 ) ; co-au. The Jews in the SovietSatellites ( 1 9 5 3 ) .

GOTTESMAN, DAVID SAMUEL, merchant,philanthropist; b. Munkacs, Hungary, May10, 1884; d. N . Y. C , Apr. 21, 1956;act. UJA, ADL, N. Y. Fed. of Jewish Phi-lanthropies; dir. Jewish Educ. Com.; do-nated four of the Dead Sea Scrolls to Israelthrough the Am. Fund for Israel Institu-tions, 1955.

GROSS, NAFTOLI , Yiddish poet, au., journal-ist; b. Kolomea (then Austria), Jan. 1897;d. Bronx, N . Y., Apr. 8, 1956; mem.staff Jewish Daily Forward, since 1943; au.several books of poems and ballads incl.Vayse Rayter (1925), Yidden (1929,1938); au. many Yiddish stories, collectedin Tales ( 1 9 3 4 ) , Folk Tales and Parables(1954); tr. into Yiddish, The Five Megillot,

NECROLOGY: UNITED STATES 477with Commentaries to the Book of Lamen-tations (1936), The Book of Psalms (1948).

JACOBSON, EDWARD, merchant; b. (?), June17, 1891; d. Kansas Gty, Mo., Oct. 25,1955; unofficial liaison between Zionistand B'nai B'rith orgns. and PresidentHarry S. Truman during establishment ofState of Israel; mem. Jewish Fed. andCouncil of Greater Kansas Gty; act. UJA.

K A H N , DOROTHY CAROLINE, social worker,U N official; b. Seattle, Wash., Aug. 15,1893; d. New Hope, Pa., Aug. 26, 1955;chief, social service section, UN, 1951—54;exec dir. Jewish Social Service Bur., Balti-more; exec. dir. Welfare and Health Coun-cil of N . Y. C , 1946-50; UN rep. at 6thInternat. Conf. of Social Work, Madras,Internat. Study Conf. on Child Welfare,Bombay, 1952; U N expert to govt. ofIsrael advising on social welfare admin.,1953; au. Unemployment and Its Treat-ment in the United States (1937).

KAMTNSKY, P A U L , mfr.; b. Slutzik, Russia,Dec. 15, 1890; d. Long Island, N . Y.,Sept. 3, 1955; long act. in ZOA, servingas chmn. nat. finance com. 1946—48, mem.nat. exec. com. 1948-54; pres. N. Y. Met-ropolitan Zionist Fd. 1947—49; act. JewishNat. Fd.

KARPILOV, MIRIAM, Yiddish novelist; b.Dabryo-Misli (near Minsk), Russia, July1888; d. Bridgeport, Conn., May 9, 1956;au. numerous articles, sketches, serializednovels in various N . Y. C. Yiddish news-papers, ind. Yehudis (1911), Di Shturme(1918).

K A U F M A N , CHARLES JEHIEL, phys.; b.Brooklyn, N . Y., Jan. 29, 1897; d. N. Y. C ,June 15, 1956; chief, tuberculosis service,Veteran's Admin. Hosp., Castle Point, N . Y.since 1946; med. dir.. Nat. Jewish Hosp.,Denver, since 1934; former faculty mem.Univ. of Colo., Cornell medical schools;contrib., Heb. Univ. Med. Coll., Jerusalem.

KLEIN, SAMUEL, orgn. exec; b. Hungary,1878; d. N . Y. C , April 2, 1956; exec,dir., Industrial Council of Cloak, Suit, andSkirt Mfrs. since 1924; trustee, RefugeeRelief Fd. of N. Y. coat and suit industry;dir. Educ. Fdn. for the Apparel Trades;act. in fund raising for UJA, N . Y. Fed. ofJewish Philanthropies.

KOHN, AUGUSTA HIRSCH, communal leader;b. 1881 ( ? ) ; d. Los Angeles, Calif., Sept.2, 1955; a fdr. Nat. Women's League ofthe United Synagogue of Am., 1918; act.in Los Angeles Jewish community.

KROLIK, J U L I A N H E N R Y , merchant, com-munal leader; b. Detroit, Mich., Apr. 9,1886; d. Detroit, Mich., Jan. 8, 1956;former sec, mem. bd. CJFWF; formerpres. CJFWF, east central region; formerpres: Jewish Welfare Fed., United JewishCharities, Jewish Social Service Bur.—allDetroit.

KULISCHER, EUGENE M., atty., demographer;b. Kiev, Russia, Sept. 4, 1881; d. Wash-ington, D.C., Apr. 2, 1956; demographer,Library of Congress, since 1949; ed. Rus-

sian Review of Criminal Law and Proce-dure; chief counsel, Russian Ministry ofCommerce and Industry, 1916—17; prof.Inst. of Foreign Economics and Law, Ber-lin State Univ., 1921-34; fellow Nat. Cen-ter of Scientific Research, French Ministryof Educ, 1935—40; expert on population,various fed. govt. bureaus, 1943—48; au.Jewish Migration (1943), Europe on theMove, War and Population Changes 1917—47 (1948).

LANG, LEON S., rabbi; b. Rishon Le Zion,Palestine, May 9, 1898; d. Philadelphia,Pa., April 25, 1956; rabbi Cong. Beth El,Philadelphia, since 1942; pres., Nat. YoungJudaea, 1929-30; pres. Rabbinical Assem-bly of Am., 1940—42; ed. ConservativeJudaism, 1944—52; emissary, U.S. DefenseDept., to Chaplains Corps, Germany andAustria, 1949, Korea, Japan, and PacificIslands, 1953; pres. Bd. of Rabbis, Phila-delphia, since 1952; mem. bd. of over-seers Gratz Coll. since 1952; lecturer Jew-ish Theol. Sem. 1952; au. A Curriculumfor the Congregational School (1950).

LANGSDORF, LOUISE TELLER, communalleader; b. 1886 ( ? ) ; d. Elkins Park, Pa.,Feb. 25, 1956; nat. treas. 1938-41, mem.nat. bd. of dir. 1932-38, Nat. Council, ofJewish Women.

LAZANSKY, EDWARD, jurist, communal leadrer; b. Brooklyn, N . Y., Dec. 9, 1872;. d.Southampton, L. I., Sept. 12, 1955; pre-siding justice, appellate div., N. Y. StateSupreme Court, 1926-43; v.p. 1943—45,former exec, mem., Am. Jewish Com.; afdr. (1914), mem., exec, com., JDC; a fdr.and former chmn. bd. of trustees, Brook-lyn Jewish Hosp.; pres. and dir. BrooklynFed. of Jewish Charities; chmn. bd. of dir.N. Y. Fed. of Jewish Philanthropies.

LEVENTHAL, LOUIS, businessman; b. Russia,1881; d. Cleveland, Ohio, Sept. 16, 1955;mem., bd. of trustees, Telshe YeshivahRabbinical Coll.; act. in Cleveland Jewishcommunity.

LEVINE, J. SIDNEY, any., communal leader;b. 1907 ( ? ) ; d. Brooklyn, N. Y., Dec.22, 1955; N. Y. state assemblyman since1944; mem., exec, com., UJA, N. Y. Fed.of Jewish Philanthropies; active BrooklynJewish community.

LEWISOHN, LUDWIG, writer, educator; b.Berlin, Germany, May 30, 1883; d. Mi-ami Beach, Fla., Dec. 31, 1955; prof.,comparative lit., librarian, Brandeis Univ.,since 1948; prof., German lang. and lit.,Ohio State Univ., 1911-19; assoc. ed.,The Nation, 1920-24; ed., New Pales-tine, 1943-48; au. numerous articles, 31books of criticism, history, fiction, biogra-phy, Jewish affairs ind. Upstream ( 1 9 2 2 ) ,Island Within ( 1 9 2 8 ) , Mid Channel(1929) , Stephen Escott ( 1930) , Expres-sion in America ( 1932) ; tr. many worksfrom German into English, ind. Haupt-mann, Wasserman, Werfel.

LITTON, ABRAHAM C , business exec, wel-fare worker; b. Moscow, Russia, Oct. 4,


1893; d. Paris, France, July 9, 1955; inU.S. since 1939; affil. with ORT as: dir.,World Union, since 1930; org. and pres.,Am. and European Friends, 1940; org.,first Am. trade sch., N. Y. C, 1940,chmn. since 1941; v. p., Am. Fed., since1952; org., v. p., 1925; treas., 1930,French Fed.; org. first sch. in France,1933; org. first DP schools in OswegoCamps, N. Y. (with United Service forNew Americans), 1943; chmn., Am.-European div. UJA, since 1942; mem.,nat. council, JDC, since 1947; mem., bd.of dir., European Friends of HIAS, since1946.

MALKENSON, ARTHUR LYON, pub., b. Vilna(then Russia), Oct. 29, 1881; d. N. Y.C., March 25, 1956; pres., pub., JewishMorning Journal and Daily News, 1939—53; mem., bd. of trustees, Yeshiva Univ.;act. UJA, JDC.

MANHEIMER, JACOB S., atty., communalleader; b. N. Y. C, Nov. 2, 1898; d.N. Y. C, April 24, 1956; a fdr., chmn.bd., Academy for Liberal Judaism, 1955;sent by State Dept. to lecture in WestGermany on Am. religious life, 1955; lec-tured on Jewish hist, at various N. Y. C.

- synagogues; co-au., Condemnation in NewYork (1937).

MARYLES, DAVID, cantor; b. 1915 (? ) ; d.N. Y. C, Aug. 30, 1955; act. AgudathIsrael Youth movement since 1935.

MEYER, ARTHUR S., business exec, labor' mediator; b. N. Y. C, May 24, 1880; d.

Scarsdale, N. Y., Aug. 6, 1955; mem.,1937-50, chmn., 1941-50, N. Y. StateBd. of Mediation; assoc. mem., Nat. WarLabor Bd., 1942—43; chmn., interfacultyseminar on labor, Columbia Univ., 1948-52.

PILPEL, CBCILE MEYBR, child study ex-pert; b. Wissembourg, France, Sept. 2,1877; d. Hartford, Conn., March 7,1956; in parent educ. work with ChildStudy Assn. of Am. since 1912, mem.,bd. of dir., since 1915, dir. study groups,since 1925; ret. 1939.

ROLNICK, JOSBPH, Yiddish poet; b. Zhu-chowitz, Russia (Minsk province), Sept.1879; d. Bronx, N. Y., Aug. 18, 1955;au. several books of Yiddish poems incl.Geklibene Uder (1948), Memoirs (1949).

ROSENBERG, ISRAEL, rabbi; b. Lomza, Po-land, March 1875; d. Brooklyn, N. Y.,Jan. 26, 1956; pres., 1928-30 and since1940, hon. pres., 1930-39, Union ofOrthodox Rabbis of U.S. and Can.; pres.,Ezras Torah Fund for relief of Europeanand Pal. rabbis since 1924; mem., Am.corns., many Israel yeshivot; 1st v.p.,Rabbi Isaac Elchanan Theol. Coll. of Am.(Yeshiva), 1910-12; acting dean, YeshivaUniv., 1923—24; past presiding officer,presidium, Vaad Hatzala; hon. pres.,Yeshiva of Telz; a dir., JDC.

ROSBNBLATT, GERTRUDE GOLDSMITH, com-munal leader; b. N. Y. C, 1891; d.N. Y. C, Oct. 9, 1955; a fdr., Hadassah,

1912; a fdr., Young Judaea, 1909; afdr., Hebrew Speaking Society, N. Y.,1949.

ROSENBLATT, HENRY, Yiddish au., poet; b.Rishosha (Ukraine), Russia. May 15,1878; d. Los Angeles, Calif., May 29,1956; assoc. with: Poale Zion-Labor Zion.Orgn. of Am., Jewish Nat. WorkersAlliance; hon. pres., Calif. YIVO; au.,Hrudes (1930), Adams Kinder (1944),In Shensten Tog fun Harbst (1953) .

ROSENBLATT, SOL, businessman; b. N. Y. C,1904; d. N. Y. C, Dec. 23, 1955; v.p.,Jewish Memorial Hosp.; an. in fund rais-ing for JDA, N. Y. Fed. of Jewish Phi-lanthropies, UJA.

ROSENSTEIN, EMILY M., educator; b. New-ark, N. J., Sept. 12, 1893; d. N. Y. C,Feb. 19, 1956; act. Women's Am. ORTover 25 yrs., past pres., mem., exec. com.and bd. of dir.; mem. bd. of dir., Am.ORT Fed.

RUMSHINSKY, JOSEPH M., Yiddish comp.,cond.; b. Vilna (then Russia), April 9,1881; d. Kew Gardens, N. Y., Feb. 6,1956; modernized Jewish operetta; comp.more than 100 operettas for the Yiddishstage in the U.S. incl. The Rabbi's Mel-ody, The Broken Fiddle; mem., bd. ofdir., Yiddish Theatrical Alliance; formerpres., Soc. of Jewish Comps. and SongWriters.

SACHS, NATHAN S., philanthropist; b. N. Y.C, 1897; d. N. Y. C, May 6, 1956;treas., Jewish Conciliation Bd. of Am.;former chmn., distribution com., N. Y.Fed. of Jewish Philanthropies; hon. chmn.,fund raising for UJA in furniture indus-try; act. ADL, many Jewish charities.

SCHACHNER, NATHAN, writer, atty.; b.N. Y. C , Jan. 16, 1895; d. Bronx, N. Y.,Oct. 2, 1955; dir., pub. relations, Nat.Council of Jewish Women, since 1954;pub. relations and editl. consultant, Am.Jewish Com., 1945-51; fdr. (1930) , andpast pres., Amer. Rocket Soc.: au. nu-merous articles and 12 books of hist, andhist, fiction, incl. By the Dim Lamps(1940), Alexander Hamilton (1946),The Founding Fathers (1954).

SCHLEIFER, LOUIS, realtor, communal leader;b. near Lomzhe, Russia, Jan. 29, 1893;d. Brooklyn, N. Y., Jan. 17, 1956; a fdr.:Bar Ilan Univ., Israel, 1953, Albert Ein-stein Med. Sch., 1955, Chaim BerlinYeshiva; chmn. bd., United LubavitcherYeshivoth; act. Mizrachi Orgn. of Am.,Yeshiva Univ., Mirer Yeshiva.

SCHULMAN, SAMUEL, rabbi; b. Russia, Feb.14, 1864; d. N. Y. C, Nov. 2, 1955;leader in Reform movement; rabbi emeri-tus, Temple Emanu-El, N. Y., since 1934;pres., 1911-13, hon. pres., 1934, CentralConf. of Am. Rabbis; former chmn.,Synagogue Council of Am.; mem., publi-cations com., Jewish Publication Soc. ofAm.; mem., ed. bd., Jewish Classics;mem., council, World Union for Progres-sive Judaism; chmn., gov. bd., HUC

NECROLOGY: UNITED STATES 419Sch. for Teachers; mem., non-Zionistscom., Jewish Agency for Palestine; for-mer v.p., YMHA of New York.

SHATSKY, JACOB, historian, librarian; b.Warsaw, Poland, Aug. 16, 1894; d. N . Y.C , June 13, 1956; librarian, N . Y. StatePsychiatric Inst., since 1930; tchr., Jewishhist., Jewish Teachers' Sem. since 1926;co-ed., In Jewish Bookland since 1948;mem., bd. Jewish Book Council of Am.;mem., research council, YIVO Inst. forJewish Research; co-ed., YIVO Bletersince 1939, YIVO Annual of Jewish So-cial Service; consultant, Am. Jewish Com.1950-51; pres., Yiddish PEN Club; au.several books on Jewish hist., incl. Ge-shicbte fun Yidn in Varshe, 3 vols.( 1 9 4 7 - 5 3 ) , Yidishe Bildungs-Politik inPoyln ( 1 9 4 3 ) .

STLVERSTBIN, M A X , any.; b. N . Y. C , Oct.2, 1879; d. Newark, N . J., Aug. 10,1955; a fdr. ( 1 9 1 8 ) , and mem., gov.council, admin, com., exec, com., Am.Jewish Cong, since 1933; a fdr., mem.,presidium, World Jewish Congress, 1936;grand master, Brith Abraham since 1936.

SOBEL, Louis HARRY, orgn. exec, socialworker; b. Shavel, Lithuania, July 4,1901; d. at sea, U.S.A., Aug. 12, 1955;exec, dir., Jewish Child Care Assn. ofN. Y., since 1947; asst. exec, sec, YM-YWHA, Bronx, N . Y., 1924-34; exec,dir., Jewish Community Centers, Detroit,1934—36; overseas worker, sec, JDC,1942-47; pres., Nat. Conf. of JewishCommunal Service, 1947—48; v.p., Inter-nal. Conf. of Jewish Social Work, 1948-49; chmn., youth reference bd., Hadassah,1949-54; m e m . bd., YIVO, 1949-54;mem., Latin Am. com., Am. Jewish Com.,since 1947; au., Changing Concepts inChild Care ( 1 9 5 4 ) .

SOLOMON, CHARLES, phys.; b. Brooklyn,N. Y., Feb. 2, 1896; d. Brooklyn, N . Y.,Sept. 15, 1955; attending phys., BrooklynJewish Hosp.; au. articles and books ondietetics and drugs, incl. Pharmacology,Materia Medica, and Therapeutics ( 1 9 4 0 ) ,Hospital Formulary.

STERN, K U R T GUENTER, biochemist; b.Tilsit, Germany, Sept. 19, 1904; d. Lon-don, England, Feb. 3, 1956; leading re-searcher in enzyme chemistry; adjunctprof., biochemistry, Polytechnic Inst. ofBrooklyn, N . Y. since 1944; chief bio-chemist, Overly Biochemical ResearchFound., 1942—44; chmn., chemists div.,UJA, 1954; co-au., General Enzyme Chem-istry ( 1 9 3 2 ) , Biological Oxidation (1939).

WAINGER, MORRIS ARTHUR, atty.; b. Vilna(then Russia), Dec. 12, 1895; d. N. Y.C., Jan. 5, 1956; mem., exec. comm. onlaw and social action, Am. Jewish Cong.,since 1945; mem., nat. bd., 1955, sec,mem., bd. of dir., Manhattan Chapter,1954—55, co-founder, sec, lawyers' div.,1954-55; affil. with Am. Friends of theHeb. Univ. in Jerusalem.

WATERMAN, EDMUND, merchant, philan-thropist; b. 1882 ( ? ) ; d. Palm Springs,Calif., Feb. 15, 1956; a fdr. (1941) ,chmn., hon. chmn., JDA; act. ADL since1938, mem., v. chmn., nat. exec, com.,over 12 yrs.; co-chmn., coordinating com.of Am. Jewish Com. and ADL; dir., N. Y.Guild for the Blind; mem., fed. FoodConservation Bd., W.W.I; mem. Bd. ofEconomic Warfare, W.W.II.

WlNKELMAN, NATHANIEL WILLIAM, psy-chiatrist, educator; b. Philadelphia, Pa.,OCT. 28, 1891; d. Philadelphia, Pa., Feb.13, 1956; prof., chmn. of dept., neuro-pathology, Univ. of Pa. Graduate Sch. ofMedicine, since 1927; senior attendingneurologist, Albert Einstein Med. Center,Philadelphia, since 1932; med. dir., 1937-53, v.p., med. affairs since 1953, Phila-delphia Psychiatric Hosp.; consultant psy-chiatrist, Home for Jewish Aged, Phila-delphia, since 1950; Am. rep., Internal.Com. for the Study of the Psychoses, since1952; prof., psychiatry, neurology, Hahne-mann Med. Coll., Temple Univ. Med,Sch.; contrib. over 200 articles to med.journals.

WlSCHNITZBR, MARK, historian, educator;b. Rovno (then Russia), May 10, 1882;d. Tel Aviv, Israel, OCT. 16, 1955; prof.,Jewish hist., Yeshiva Univ. since 1948;prof., Jewish hist., Inst. of Oriental Stud-ies, St. Petersburg, Russ., 1908-13; sec.gen., Hilfsverein der Deutschen Juden,Berlin, 1921-38; ed., Encyclopedia Ju-daica, Berlin, 1924-32; exec, dir., Haff-kine Fdn., Lausanne, 1930—40; researchassoc, JDC, Paris, 1938-40; came to U.S.1941; research assoc, CJFWF, 1941-49;au. numerous articles and books on Jew-ish hist., incl. Die Juden in der Welt(1935), To Dwell in Safety (1949).

YOUNG, BOAS, Jewish actor; b. Nowidwor,Poland, March 1870; d. Miami Beach,Fla., Dec. 1955; helped org. 2nd Ave.theater, N. Y. C.; acted in Russia, Ru-mania, Poland, U.S.A.; wrote and adaptedJewish musicals incl. Di Kumeynishe Cha-

•!• * •» •!• •!• * * » » * » * » * * * » * •!• * * 'V * * *

Albert Einstein

j i HE FAME of Albert Einstein was made up of three strands. There was firstJL the scientific achievement, which was and will remain the inner core of

his reputation. Second was the change in philosophic outlook which hebrought to this century, and which made relativity an everyday word. Andthird was the wide humanity, the sympathy with the best in all men, whichin his later years made his own name more familiar a word even than rela-tivity.

These three strands were not separate in Einstein's mind; the professionalscientist was not insulated from the philosopher, nor the philosopher fromthe man. Einstein was a single personality, who looked with the same directand penetrating vision at science, at the world, and at men, so that every-thing that he did has an unforced unity. If his character and his achievementcan be summed up in one word, the word is "single-minded."

In all that he did, Einstein was a thinker. And he proved in all he didthat the life of the mind does not atrophy the human conscience. He wassomething more than a great man; he was a whole man. His life was as singleas his mind.

Albert Einstein was born into a Jewish family in South Germany on March14, 1879. His father did not do well in business, and tried to do better bymoving first to Switzerland and later to Italy. The boy Albert ran away fromthe German school where he had been left, because he disliked its discipline.Even then he was already much occupied with his own questions about na-ture. In some autobiographical notes that Einstein wrote towards the end ofhis life, he recalls two such boyhood memories. One was his fascination atseeing, when he was only four or five, a compass needle steadily pointingnorth however it was moved about: at that moment, he says, he grasped thatthe laws of nature are universal. The other was his being given a geometrybook when he was about ten, and from it making up for himself a proof ofthe famous theorem of Pythagoras.

The young Einstein went to college in Switzerland, but he was not out-standing there, and he continued to be more absorbed in his own specula-tions than in the official syllabus in physics. He did not get a university postafter he had taken his degree, and instead he had to take a job as a minorofficial in the Swiss patent office. He went on doing his own thinking in theevenings, and he was still working in the Swiss patent office when he pub-lished his first great papers in 1905.

This was the annus mirabilis, the wonderful year in which the young man

° f ^ ^ E i n s t e i n ' s c a r e e r ' see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK,

480

ALBERT EINSTEIN 481

of twenty-six wrote papers which made remarkable advances in three separatebranches of physics. Two of these papers are concerned, in different ways,with the behavior of the world on its smallest scale—a single atom of matter,a single photon of light. It had recently been shown that these tiny events donot behave in the smooth and continuous manner of the larger events withwhich we are familiar in everyday life; and Einstein's papers were among thefirst to elucidate the strange laws of the small scale. Einstein continued to bea pioneer in the understanding of the new laws of the microscopic world forthe next ten years, and this was the work for which he was given the NobelPrize in 1921.

But of course the outstanding paper in 1905 was the third, in which Ein-stein set out the theory of relativity. Here the searching mind could be seenat work, looking simply and directly into our experience of nature, so thatfrom this fundamental examination the bold conclusions flowed of them-selves. The paper became widely known at once, and made Einstein notmerely a scientific but an intellectual leader. He made a deep impression onhis fellow scientists at what have become historic meetings in 1909 and 1911.He held professorships at Prague and then in Switzerland, and by 1914 aspecial post had in effect been created for him as director of the Kaiser Wil-helm Research Institute for Physics in Berlin.

The life of a thinker cannot be separated from his thought, and we shallnot enter the personality of Einstein if we do not take some pains to followthe way in which he thought. We must therefore pause in his biography andlook into his mind as it faced the world of physics at that time.

The world of physics was running fairly well, but there were some excep-tions, small but irritating, which nagged at the peace of mind of morethoughtful scientists. True, the triumphant laws in which Isaac Newton,more than two hundred years before, had given order to nature could still betested, day in and day out, and found right almost everywhere. But only al-most everywhere: there were three exceptions. The planet Mercury was notquite keeping time. The speed of light refused to behave as classical physicsexpected. And the electrons which had been discovered recently seemed tochange their mass as they changed their speed. These could of course betaken as three minor irregularities, and most physicists took them so. Theycould not ignore them, but for the most part they were content to look forsmall ways to tinker with Newton's laws so that they might cover theseexceptions.

The minor adjustments were not getting physics forward, and it is charac-teristic that Einstein never had any truck with them. From the outset helooked for no ingenious gloss on the laws of physics, and for no minute errorof formulation. Instead, he set himself to reach the unwritten assumptions onwhich the laws themselves were built, and it was there that he looked for theflaw in the physics of his day.

Put in scientific terms, these assumptions were that space and time aregiven to us absolutely. They are, as it were, fixed boxes in which the eventsof the world occur, and they are the same for every observer. Put more gen-erally, the assumptions take for granted that there exists a sharp division be-tween the observer and the natural world which he observes. Classical physics


saw nature as a chain or network of events which unrolls itself in imper-turbable sequence, and of which the observer is a witness but not a link.

What Einstein from the outset asked about this majestic view was notwhether it is tenable, in some abstract sense—whether it can be metaphysi-cally defended—but whether it is practical. Does science in fact record im-personal events? Can it separate the fact from the finding, and distill theevent from our observation of it? Once the question is asked, the answer isplain; and the answer is, No. Physics as we actually practice it does not con-sist of events; it consists of observations. And between the event and thosewho observe it there must pass a signal, a ray of light perhaps, a wave or animpulse, which simply cannot be taken out of the observation. Event, signal,and observation: this is the relationship which Einstein recognized as thefundamental unit in physics. Relativity is the understanding of the worldnot as events but as relations.

Something like this had been said by philosophers for some time: that sci-ence must get rid of abstractions and make its system only out of what is infact observed. Einstein himself acknowledged his intellectual debt to otherphilosophers who had looked realistically at the way in which the proceduresof science are carried out. But it is one thing to lay down a philosophic dic-tum about science, and another to persuade the man in the laboratory orwith the slide rule that such speculations really have a bearing on his work.Einstein was the first practising scientist who took this philosophy seriously,as something more than a pious impractical hope. He put it into equations,and within a few years physicists were astonished to find that it explainedthe erratic behavior of Mercury, and predicted the bending of light near thesun. It had linked mass with energy from Einstein's first papers.

There are thus two characteristics to be remarked in Einstein's thought.One is that it always reaches down to fundamentals: it is a searching thought.The other is that it is always looking for relations; it is a unifying thought.This is the rare combination which marks the greatest minds. Lesser minds,when they are searching, usually find differences and not likenesses; andwhen they are unifying minds, they usually cover only the surface of severalsubjects. It is the remarkable achievement of Einstein that, looking always atfundamentals, he discovered new unities between space and time, betweenmass and energy, and between gravity and the behavior of his own space-time.

The last of these unities was put forward by Einstein in the more generaltheory of relativity which he published in 1915. Before this, however, thefirst world war had broken out, and it involved Einstein in a battle withauthority which was characteristic of, and perhaps influenced, his whole life.

When war broke out in 1914, the German government was anxious tomuster intellectual support for its ambition, and it put pressure on its lead-ing men to make a public statement on its behalf. Eighty-three of the leadersin science and the arts were persuaded to sign a manifesto in support of theGerman actions, which was addressed "an die Kulturwelt." The list of thosewho signed makes sad reading; Einstein did not sign. He and three othersissued a countermanifesto against militarism. He was then, as he always was

ALBERT EINSTEIN 485

afterwards, fearless in his love of peace; and then as afterwards, Germanpatriots did not forgive him.

Even as a young man, Einstein had chosen to take Swiss rather than Ger-man nationality when he had the chance, because the regimentation of Ger-many had outraged him. He chose to become a German again after the de-feat and the revolution of 1918 as a gesture of support to the new WeimarRepublic Alas, the Weimar Republic did little to save him from attack, ontwo flanks, when the fame of his work made him a public figure after 1919.

The history of these years is absorbing, and throws its shadow over Ein-stein's career. In 1914, he was outstanding among young scientists, somethingof an innocent and an enfant terrible, and an acknowledged leader. His repu-tation, however, lay only among scientists; no one else had heard of him.

In 1915 he published the general theory of relativity. The fundamentalconcept which he examined here was that of force. He pointed out that wehave no way of telling whether a bullet which flies past the sun is reallydrawn towards it by a force of gravity, or whether the sun distorts the space-time in which it flies. The force of gravity is something that we invent inorder to explain the behavior of things near massive bodies such as the sunand the earth. Einstein was always suspicious of such explanations, and hecould show that physics would be more unified if gravity were replaced by adistortion of space-time.

It is of course an attractive picture to say that a massive body, such as thesun, distorts the space-time in which it lies; it forms, as it were, a hollowround itself, and when a bullet flies past the sun, it slips into this hollow.But if this is to be meaningful, it must be more than a picture. If what itdescribes is truly a distortion of space and time, then everything which crossesthe sun's hollow must be drawn inwards; not only a bullet but a ray of lightas well. This exciting implication can be put to practical test, and Englishscientists (although they were then at war with Germany) at once planned todo so at the next total eclipse, which would occur in the spring of 1919. Theyannounced their findings in November 1919, at one of the most dramaticmeetings ever held at the Royal Society in London. The findings talliedwith Einstein's forecast. Light does bend towards the sun, and by approxi-mately the amount which the general theory of relativity predicted. Einsteinhad made gravitation a behavior of space and time; and space and time, in re-venge, overnight made him a public figure for the world to quarrel over.

On one side, of course, were the rising Nazis. To them, the world repu-tation of a Swiss Jew with pacifist ideas was particularly hateful, and theywere sure that it must be false. At the very time when Einstein was winninga new respect for German science, they maligned him in fantastic ways, andmade scenes whenever he appeared in public. When the city of Berlin pre-sented him with a lakeside house, they made it impossible for him to livethere. Einstein was "un-German"—the phrase has a familiar ring—and every-thing that he did was suspect.

At the same time, there was an equally noisy attack from the nationalistson the other side, across the Rhine. To Frenchmen with bitter memories ofthe long and bloody war, Einstein was a German scientist—a German ofwhom too much fuss was being made. When he went to lecture in Paris in


1922, he had to be hidden from French nationalists for fear that they woulddemonstrate against him. Nevertheless, he gave his lectures; and those whospeak of his visit recall with pleasure that, as always, he brought his violinand played quartets with his fellow scientists.

In the face of these feuds, Einstein received the Nobel Prize for Physics in1921. The cautious awarding committee avoided at least some of the disputesby making no reference to relativity in their citation. About this time, Ein-stein gave a casual press interview in which he said, with his characteristicmixture of foresight and humor, that he could think of two future discov-eries which might threaten mankind with annihilation: the discovery ofatomic energy, and the discovery of how to read other people's thoughts.

Work in Europe became more and more difficult for him, but he would notbe deflected from his outspoken support of the ideals of liberal tolerance.At last, the power of Hitler made life impossible in Germany, and Einsteincrossed the Atlantic to America in 1933. Seven years later, the Germans werein Paris, and the French nationalists who had once reviled him were openlycollaborating with them.

Einstein worked at the Institute for Advanced Study from 1932 almostuntil the day of his death, which occurred on April 18, 1955. His aim waswhat it had always been, to unify the different parts of physics in a singletheory; he published his last Unified Field Theory in 1954. And to the endof his life, his method remained what it had been in his youth: to reachthis unity by examining not the surface but the fundamentals of physicalthought. He remained as simple, as searching, and as modest a worker in•his seventies as he had been in his twenties.

To the world, however, his life in America was dominated by somethingelse than science. He had been a heroic figure since the countermanifestoagainst German imperialism in 1914, and in America he was the symbol andthe champion of international idealism. Everyone wanted his help, and henever stinted it. He took a lead in bringing scientists and other men in needfrom Germany. He was particularly active in helping refugee students and•children. And at all times his greatest anxiety was for oppressed Jews every-where. For them he was willing to do the things which were most difficultfor him: to plead for funds, to auction a manuscript, and once even to playhis violin in public. He constantly worked for the United Jewish Appeal,and thereby did much to make it so important a success.

The approach of the second world war put him to an even more severetest of conscience. Early in 1939, a number of refugee physicists privately dis-cussed with him recent discoveries which made it likely that the energy inthe atom could be released explosively. These discoveries were known inGermany; indeed, some of them had been made there; and Einstein had nowto ask himself what might happen if Hitler had the monopoly of them. Upto this time he had been a pacifist. Now it seemed to him that, like otherdoctrines, pacifism had to be looked at afresh to see whether it fitted thefacts of the world as it then was. On August 2, 1939, Einstein broke with alifetime of pacifist belief as only he could have done. He wrote to tell Presi-dent Franklin D. Roosevelt what his colleagues had told him, and that inhis view it meant that an atomic bomb might be made. And he advised

ALBERT EINSTEIN 485

Roosevelt that, since work on atomic fission was in progress (ironically, at theKaiser Wilhelm Institute) in Berlin, it must be feared that the Germanswould try to make such a bomb. The marvelous youth who at twenty-six hadfirst equated mass with energy now at sixty saw the equation threaten theworld.

Einstein lived his last years quietly in a suburban house in a suburban streetin Princeton. He was saddened by the events in which the last war endedand which followed it. Towards the end of his life he said of his letter toRoosevelt: "Had I known that the Germans would not succeed in producingan atomic bomb, I would not have lifted a finger." Yet he was in no doubtthat, under the looming threat of Nazi tyranny in 1939, he had made theonly choice open to a man of conscience.

He gave his support now specifically to places of learning: the HebrewUniversity of Jerusalem, the Weizmann Institute of Science, the Albert Ein-stein Medical Center in Philadelphia, and the Yeshiva University College ofMedicine. One greater honor he refused. On the death of his fellow scientistChaim Weizmann, the first President of Israel, he refused the Presidency ofIsrael which was offered to him, on the grounds that he had "neither thenatural ability nor the experience to deal with human beings."

Yet he was endlessly good-humored and happy with human beings. He waspatient even with the many strangers who sneaked up to his front porch andhad their wives photograph them as if they were just coming out of the greatman's house. If Einstein had any impatience left, it was to the end, as it hadalways been, impatience with authority and the intolerance that he sawgrowing about him.

Einstein was one of the intellectual heroes of history; and all such heroesare twofold—rebels in their work, and heretics in society. He made all hisbeliefs, even his religious beliefs, for himself; they were not the beliefs ac-cepted by others, yet they share a universal idealism and faith in men. Heprized the integrity of man's personality more highly than man's science. Hesaw deeply into nature, her promise and her threat, but he was not too ab-stracted to remember the fallibility of men. For him the key to the worldlay in the minds of men. He fought for freedom of the mind from hisrebellious schooldays and the manifesto of 1914 to his dying day. His lovefor freedom was passionate, but it was part of a greater passion for all whosuffered. He loved people; he loved his own people.

JACOB BRONOWSKI

*

**

**

CALENDARS

*! I

**

ABRIDGED JEWISH CALENDARS FOR 5717-18 (1956-58)

Holiday

First Day of Rosh ha-Shanah..Second Day of Rosh ha-ShanahFast of GedaliahYom KippurFirst Day of SuccotSecond Day of SuccotHoshana RabbaShemini AtzeretSimhat TorahNew Moon Heshvan, 1st day.. .New Moon Heshvan, 2nd day.. .New Moon Kislev, 1st dayNew Moon Kislev, 2nd dayFirst Day of HanukahNew Moon Tebet, 1st dayNew Moon Tebet, 2nd dayFast of TebetNew Moon ShebatHamisha Asar BeshebatNew Moon Adar, 1st dayNew Moon Adar, 2nd dayNew Moon Adar Sheni, 1st dayNew Moon Adar Sheni, 2nd dayFast of EstherPurimNew Moon NisanFirst Day of PassoverSecond Day of PassoverSeventh Day of PassoverEighth Day of PassoverNew Moon Iyar, 1st dayNew Moon Iyar, 2nd dayLag BaomerNew Moon SivanFirst Day of ShavuothSecond Day of ShavuothNew Moon Tammuz, 1st day.. .New Moon Tammuz, 2nd day...Fast of TammuzNew Moon AbFast of AbNew Moon Ellul, 1st dayNew Moon Ellul, 2nd dayEve of Rosh ha-Shanah

5717 (1956-7)Thurs.Fri.Sun.Sat.Thurs.Fri.Wed.Thurs.Fri.Fri.Sat.Sun.1V1UJ1.

Thurs.Wed.Thurs.Fri.Thurs.Thurs.Fri.Sat.SlinOUU*

TWrvn

Thurs.Sun.Tues.Tues.Wed.Mon.Tues.Wed.Thurs.Sun.Fri.Wed.Thurs.Sat.Sun.Tues.Mon.Tues.Tues.Wed.Wed.

1956, Sept.SeptSept.Sept.Sept.Sept.Sept.Sept.Sept.Oct.O c tNov.X T

AN OV.

Nov.Dec.Dec.Dec.

1957, Jan.Jan.Feb.Feb.Mar.Mar'jyxdi •

Mar.Mar.Apr.Apr.Apr.Apr.Apr.MayMayMayMayJuneJuneJuneJuneJulyJulyAug.Aug.Aug.Sept.

679

152021262728

564t:

2956

143

171234

14172

16172223

12

193156

293016296

272825

5718 (1957-8)

Thurs,Fri.Sun.S a tThurs.Fri.Wed.Thurs.Fri.Fri.Sa tSun.

Wed.Mon.Tues.Thurs.Wed.Wed.Thurs.Fri.

Wed.Thurs.S a tS a tSun.Fri.S a tSun.Mon.Thurs.Tues.Sun.Mon.Wed.Thurs.Sun.Fri.Sun.Sat.Sun.Sun.

1957, Sept.SeptSept.Oct.Oct.O c tOct.Oct.Oct.O c tOct.Nov.

Dec.D e cDec.

1958, Jan.Jan.Feb.Feb.Feb.

Mar.Mar.Mar.Apr.Apr.Apr.Apr.Apr-Apr.MayMayMayMayJuneJuneJulyJulyJulyAug.Aug.Sept.

2627295

1011161718252624

1823242

225

2021

56

2256

11122021

82025261819

61827161714

488

1957, Jan. 3—Feb. 1]

MONTHLY CALENDAR

SHEBAT 30 DAYS

489

[5717

CivilMonth

Jan.

345

6789

101112

13141516171819

20212223242526

2728293031Feb.

1

Week

ThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWTh

F

JewishMonth

Shebat

123

456789

10

11121314151617

18192021222324

2526272829

30

SABBATHS,FESTIVALS, FASTS

New Moon

Hamlsha Asar Beshebat

First Day of New Moon

PENTATEUCHALPORTIONS

.Exodus 10:1-13:16

[BeshallahShabbat Shirah

lExodus 13:17-17:16

/Yithro\Exodus 18:1-20:23

/Mishpatim\Exodua 21:1-24:18

PROPHETICALPORTIONS

Jeremiah 46:13-28

Judges 4:4-5:31Judges 6:1-31

Isaiah 6:1-7:6; 9:5, 6Isaiah 6:1-13

Jeremiah 34:8-22;33:25-26

Italics are forSephardic minhag.


1957, Feb. 2—Mar. 3] ADAR RISHON 30 DAYS [5717

CivilMonth

2

3456789

10111213141516

17181920212223

2425262728

Much

12

3

D»yof theWeek

Sa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWTh

FSa

S

JewishMonth

Ad»rRishon

1

2345678

9101112131415

16171819202122

2324252627

2829

30


Second Day of New Moon

First Day of the New Moon


/Terumah\Exodus 25:1-27:19(Numbers 28:9-15

/Tetsaweh\ Exodus 27:20-30:10

/KiTissah\Exodus 30:11-34:35

/Vayakhelt Exodus 35:1-38:20

Pekude: ShekalimExodus 38:21-endExodus 30:11-16

PROPHETICALPORTIONS

Isaiah 66:1-24

Ezekiel 43:10-27

I Kings 18:1-39/ Kings 18.80-39

I Kings 7:40-50/ Kings 7.1S-86

[II Kings 12:1-17\I Samuel 20:18; 42(II Kings 11:17-11:17


1957, Mar. 4—April 1]

MONTHLY CALENDAR

ADAR SHENI 29 DAYS

491

[5717

CivilMooth

456789

10111213141516

17181920212223

24252627282930

31April

1

ofSeWeek

MTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

S

M

JewishMooth

AdarSheni

123456

789

10111213

14151617181920

21222324252627

28

29


Second Day of the Hew Moon

Fast of Esther*

Purim

PENTATBUCHALPORTIONS

/Vayilra\Leviticui 1:1-5:26

[Tzav: Zachor1 Leviticus 6:1-8:361 Deuteronomy 25:17-

fShemlni: Parah| Leviticus 9:1-11:47[Numbers 19:1-22

fTazria: Hahodesh\ Leviticus 12:1-13:59lEzodus 12:1-20

PROPHETICALPORTIONS

Isaiah 43:21-44:23

I Samuel 15:2-34/ Samuel 16:1-34

Ezeldel 36:16-38Bukiel 36:16-36

Ezelriel 45:16-46:18Etekid 46:18-46:16

* Fast observed previous ThursdayItalics are forSephardic minhag.


1957, April 2—May 1] NISAN 30 DAYS [5717

CivilMonth

April

23456

789

10111213

14151617181920

21222324252627

282930M»y

1

Dayof theWeek

TWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMT

W

JewishMonth

Nisao

12345

6789

101112

13141516171819

20212223242526

272829

30


New Moon

Fast of First-Born

First Day of Passover

Second Day of Passover

Hoi Hamoed

Hoi Hamoed

Hoi Hamoed

Hoi Hamoed

Seventh Day of Passover

Eighth Day of Passover



/Metzora\Leviticus 14:1-13:33

f Ahare Moth•1 Shabbat Haggadol[Leviticus 16:1-18:30

/Exodus 12:21-51[Numbers 28:16-25/Leviticus 22:26-23:44LNumbers 28:16-25

/Exodus 33:12-34:26[Numbers 28:19-25

/Exodus 13:17-15:26INumbers 28:19-25[Deuteronomy 15:19-\ 16:17[Numbers 28:19-25

/Kedoshim\ Leviticus 19:1-20:27

PROPHETICALPORTIONS

II Kings 7:3-20

Malachi 3:4-24

f Joshua 3:5-7; 5:2-6:1; 6:27

[Joshua 6:8-8:1

II Kings 23:1-9; 21-25

Ezekiel 36:37-37:14Ezekiel 37:1-14

II Samuel 22:1-51

Isaiah 10:32-12:6

Amos 9:7-15Ezekiel 80:8-80


1957, May 2—May 30)

MONTHLY CALENDAR

IYAR 29 DAYS

493

[5717

CivilMonth

M»y

234

S6789

1011

12131415161718

19202122232425

2627282930

?srof theWeek

ThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWTh

JewishMonth

Iyar

123

456789

10

11121314151617

18192021222324

2526272829


Second Day of the New Moon

Lag Baomec


JEmor\Leviticus 21:1-24:23

/Behar\ Leviticus 25:1-26:2

fBehukkotal\ Leviticus 26:3-end

(BemidbariNumbera 1:1-4:20

PROPHETICALPORTIONS

Ezeldel 44:15-31

Jeremiah 32:6-27

Jeremiah 16:19-17:14

Hosea 2:1-22

Italics ore forSephardic tninhag.


1957, May 31—June 29] SIVAN 30 DAYS 15717

CirilMonth

May

31Jane

1

2345

678

9101112131415

16171819202122

23242526272829

D»»of theWeek

F

Sa

SMTW

ThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

JewishMonth

Si van

1

2

3456

7g9

10111213141516

17181920212223

24252627282930


New Moon

First Day of Shavuot

Second Day of Shavuot

First Day of the Hew Moon


/Naao(Numbers 4:21-7:89

Exodus 19:1-20:23Numbers 28:26-31Deuteronomy 15:19-

16:17Numbers 28:26-31

/Bebaalot'cha\Numbers 8:1-12:16

fShelah L'cha\Numbers 13:1-15:41

/Koran\Numbers 16:1-18:32

[Hukkat\ Numbers 19:1-22:1Numbers 28:9-15

PROPHETICALPORTIONS

Judges 13:2-25

Ezeldel 1:1-28; 3:12(Habakkulc 3:1-19\Habakkuk t:BOS:19

Zechariah 2:14-4:7

Joshua 2:1-24

I Samuel 11:14-12:22

Isaiah 66:1-24I Samuel 20:18;42


1957, June 30—July 281

MONTHLY CALENDAR

TAMMUZ 29 DAYS

495

[5717

CivilMonth

June

30July

1234

6

789

10111213

14151617181920

21222324252627

28

of theWeek

S

MTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

S

JewishMonth

Tarn.

1

234567

89

1011121314

15161718192021

22232425262728

29



Fast of Tammuz


/Balak\Numbers 22:2-25:9

/Pinhas^Numbers 25:10-30:1

/Mattoth\Numbers 30:2-32:42

/Mase\Numbers 33:l-end

PROPHETICALPORTIONS

Micah 5:6-6:8

I Kings 18:46-19:21

Jeremiah 1:1-2:3

Jeremiah 2:4-28;3:4Jeremiah S:4-£8;4:l-8



1957, July 29—Aug. 27] AB 30 DAYS [5717

CivilMonth

July

293031Aug.

123

456789

10

11121314151617

18192021222324

252627

Dayof theWeek

MTW

ThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMT

JewiahMonth

Ab

123

456

789

10111213

14151617181920

21222324252627

282930

SABBATHS.FESTIVALS, PASTS

New Moon

Fast of Ab



[Devarim{Shabbat Hazon[Deuteronomy 1:1-3:22

fVaethanan1 Shabbat Nahamu1 Deuteronomy 3:23-{ 7:11

fElcev{Deuteronomy 7:12-1 11:25

[Reeh{Deuteronomy 11:26-l 16:17

PROPHETICALPORTIONS

Isaiah 1:1-27

Isaiah 40:1-26

Isaiah 49:14-51:3

Isaiah 54:11-55:5


1957, Aug. 28—Sept. 25]

MONTHLY CALENDAR

ELUL 29 DAYS

497

[5717

CivilMonth

Aug.

28293031

Sept.

1234567

89

1011121314

15161718192021

22232425

Dayof theWeek

wThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTW

JewishMonth

Elul

1234

56789

1011

12131415161718

19202122232425

26272829



[ShofetlmJ Deuteronomy 16:18-1 21:9

(Ki TetzeJ Deuteronomy 21:10-l 25:19

(Ki Tavo{Deuteronomy 26:1-[ 29:8

[NitzavimIVayelech1 Deuteronomy 29:9-( 30:20; 31:1-30

PROPHETICALPORTIONS

Isaiah 51:12-52:12

Isaiah 54:1-10

Isaiah 60:1-22

Isaiah 61:10-63:9



1957, Sept. 26—Oct. 25] TISHRI 30 DAYS 5718

CivilMonth

Sept.

262728

2930Oct.

12345

6789

101112

1314151617

1819

202122232425

Dayof theWeek

ThFSa

SM

TWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWTh

FSa

SMTWThF

JewishMonth

Tishri

123

45

6789

10

11121314151617

1819202122

2324

252627282930

SABBATHS.FESTIVALS, FASTS

First Day ofRosh ha-Shanah

Second Day ofRoah ha-Shanah

Fast of Gedaliah

Tom Klppur

First Day of Succot

Second Day of Succot

Hoi Hamoed

Hoi Hamoed

Hoi Hamoed

Hoi Hamoed

Hoshana Rabba

Shemini Atzeret

Simhat Torah

First Day of New Moon


Genesis 21:1-34Numbers 29:1-6Generis 22:1-24Numbers 29:1-6HaazinuShabbat ShuvabDeuteronomy 32:1-52

Morning: Leviticus16:1-34

Numbers29:7-11

Afternoon: Leviticus18:1-30

/Leviticus 22:26-23:44INumbers 29:12-16/Leviticus 22:26-23:44INumbers 29:12-16(Exodus 33:12-34:26\ Daily portionsI Numbers 29

Deuteronomy 14:22-16:17

Numbers 29:35-30:1Deuteronomy 33:1-

34:12Genesis 1:1-2:3

INumbers 29:35-30:1IBereshit\ Genesis 1:1-6:8

PROPHETICALPORTIONS

I Samuel 1:1-2:10

Jeremiah 31:2-20[Joel 2:15-27KHosea 14:2-10[Micah 7.-18-S0

[Isaiah 57:14-58:14Jonah 1:1-4:11

[Micah 7:18-20

Zechariah 14:1-21

I Kings 8:2-21

Ezelciel 38:18-39:16

I Kings 8:54-66

/Joshua 1:1-18\Joshua 1:1-8(Isaiah 42:5-43:10{Isaiah 4Je.-6-Sl


1957, Oct. 26—Nov. 23]

MONTHLY CALENDAR

HESHVAN 29 DAYS

499

[5718

CivilMonth

Oct.

26

2728293031Nov.

12

3456789

10111213141516

17181920212223

of theWeek

Sa

SMTWTh

FSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

JewishMonth

Heahv.

1

23456

78

9101112131415

16171819202122

23242526272829



-•


[NoahGenesis 6:9-11:32

[Numbers 28:9-15

/LechLechaIGenesis 12:1-17:27

fVayeraIGenesis 18:1-22:24

/Haye SarahIGenesis 23:1-25:18

/ToledothIGenesis 25:19-28:9

PROPHETICALPORTIONS

Isaiah 66:1-24

Isaiah 40:27-41:16

II Kings 4:1-37/ / Kings 4:l-t9

I Kings 1:1-31

I Samuel 20:18-42



1957, Nov. 24—Dec. 23] KISLEV 30 DAYS [5718

CivilMonth

Nov.24252627282930

Dee.

1234567

89

1011121314

15161718192021

2223

Dayof theWeek

sMTWThF

ba

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SM

JewishMonth

Kialev

1234567

89

1011121314

15161718192021

22232425262728

2930


New Moon

Hanukah

Hanukah

Hanukah

Hanukah

HanukahHanukahFirst Day of New Moon


/Vayetze\Genesis 28:10-32:3

/VayishlahIGenesis 32:4-36:43

/Vayeshev\ Genesis 37:1-40:23

/Mikketz\ Genesis 41:1-44:17

PROPHETICALPORTIONS

Hosea 12:13-14:10Hosea 11:7-1S:1£

Hosea 11:7-12:12Obadiah Ul-Sl

Amos 2:6-3:8

Zechariah 2:14-4:7

Italics are forSephardic minhag

MONTHLY CALENDAR

1957, Dec. 24-1958, Jan. 21] TEBET 29 DAYS

501

[5718

CivflMonth

Deo.

2425262728

293031Jan.1958

1234

56789

1011

12131415161718

192021

of theWeek

TWThFSa

SMT

WThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMTWThFSa

SMT

JewishMonth

Tebet

12345

678

9101112

13141516171819

20212223242526

272829


Second Day of New Moon

Hanukah

Fart of Tebet


/VayiggashIGenesis 44:18-47:27

fVayehlIGenesis 47:28-end

fShemoth\Ezodus 1:1-6:1

/Vaera\Exodus 6:2-9:35

PROPHETICALPORTIONS

Ezeldel 37:15-28

I Kings 2:1-12

Isaiah 27:6-28:13;29:22-23

Jeremiah 1:1-1:3

Ezeldel 28:25-29:21


ANNUAL REPORTS

*

' •!• •!• •!• •!• * * •!• 'I' * »X< •!• •!• ' ! • » * •»•»•!. » » » • » » <• •!•» << * » * * •»

American Jewish Committee

OFFICERS *

PresidentIRVING M. ENGEL

Chairman, Executive BoardSIMON H. RIFRIND

Chairman, Administrative BoardRALPH E. SAMUEL

Executive Vice-PresidentJOHN SLAWSON

Honorary PresidentsJACOB BLAUSTEIN

JOSEPH M. PROSKAUER

Honorary Vice-PresidentsHERBERT H. LEHMAN

SAMUEL D. LEIDESDORF

HORACE STERN

Chairman, National Advisory CouncilFRED LAZARUS, JR.

Vice-PresidentsJAMES H. BECKER MILTON W. KINGMAX H. BLOCK SOL SATINSKYLOUIS CAPLAN MRS. CAROLINE K. SIMONHERBERT B, EHRMANN JESSE H. STEINHARTWALTER S. HILBORN ALAN M. STROOCK

SecretaryJULIUS S. LOEWENTHAL

TreasurerMAURICE GLINERT

Associate TreasurerARTHUR D. LEIDESDORF

1 Elected at the 49th Annual Meeting, January 1956.505


OBJECTS OF THE COMMITTEEThe objects of this corporation shall be, to prevent the infrac-

tion of the civil and religious rights of Jews, in any part of theworld; to render all lawful assistance and to take appropriateremedial action in the event of threatened or actual invasion orrestriction of such rights, or of unfavorable discrimination withrespect thereto; to secure for Jews equality of economic, socialand educational opportunity; to alleviate the consequences ofpersecution and to afford relief from calamities affecting Jews,wherever they may occur; and to compass these ends to adminis-ter any relief fund which shall come into its possession or whichmay be received by it, in trust or otherwise, for any of the afore-said objects or for purposes comprehended therein.

—Extract from the Charter


REVIEW AND FORECAST-AJC IN '55 AND '56BY RALPH E. SAMUEL

Chairman, AJC Administrative Board

"P ACH YEAR at this time, we of AJC stand on a hilltop, which is our Annual Meet--*-J ing, to trace the landmarks passed and the new horizons perceived so that wemay check our course and determine our future direction.

I will not attempt, this afternoon, to present a full catalogue of all our many ac-tivities, interesting and impressive as they are. Instead, I shall limit myself to se-lected projects—still covering a wide range—which are most pertinent to the tasksahead, and with which I, as your Administrative Board chairman, have had oc-casion to become personally familiar.

Since this annual review, when reprinted in the Report of the Annual Meetingand the AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, has come to be regarded as the more or lessofficial record of the Committee's activities, I ask your leave to extend my remarksin their published version. For this purpose, I shall draw on certain staff reportsfor essential details. While we all know that every board chairman counts heavilyon this form of staff assistance, I nevertheless wish to enter a modest disclaimer tothe omniscience which the final version of this report may imply.

Since social and political trends do not align themselves with the calendar, it isdifficult to characterize any given year precisely. Yet I might capsulize 1955 by say-ing that it was a year which found AJC trying to fend off disastrous situationsabroad and furthering significant long-range measures at home. These efforts onthe domestic scene, designed to guard the security of Jews by strengthening de-mocracy and human understanding, were pursued at the same time that we con-tinued our counter-action program against overt anti-Semitism.

Anti-Semitic AgitationIn spite of the fact that—partly as a result of our own efforts—overt anti-Semi-

tism is being contained, and is becoming understood by a growing number ofAmericans as evidence either of maladjustment or insecurity, hate peddlers still finda market for their attacks on Jews. In the past year, they continued to infiltrateright-wing political groups and to insinuate anti-Semitism into public debate onsuch issues as the Salk polio vaccine and fluoridation of the water supply.

Moreover, 1955 saw the rise of two new and threatening developments that re-quired—and will continue to require—our attention.

First, Arab propagandists, including diplomatic representatives, openly attackedthe loyalty of American Jews in an effort to undermine and to weaken the friend-ship of Americans for Israel. They endeavored to exploit the religious concern ofmany Americans for the Arab refugees and for the protection of Holy Places byinterlarding their literature and public pronouncements on these subjects withheavy-handed references to the "dual loyalty" of American Jews and to the influ-ence of the alleged "Jewish vote." One can imagine how eagerly professional anti-Semites are taking up these charges.

Second, in some areas of the South where school desegregation problems are gen-erating conflict anti-Negro demagogues have joined forces with professional anti-


Semites, indeed have distributed anti-Semitic literature extensively and in otherways have given these discredited rabble rousers new outlets for their anti-Jewishcanards.

We are alert to these threats, however. Like the forest ranger up in his tower,like the firemen at the station house—instantly prepared to swing into action whenfire breaks out—we, too, are not only watchful, but thoroughly prepared shouldanti-Semitism flare up on the domestic scene as it did to such a worrisome extentin the 1930's.

Long-Range ProgramsBut we have not been content merely to stay on the alert waiting for bigots to

attack. We have continued and extended our long-range activities to destroy theseeds from which anti-Jewish prejudice germinates. Here I would mention fourimportant areas of our program.

First, I should like to report on what we have been able to accomplish in theimprovement of Christian religious teaching materials. Two decades ago, AJChelped to initiate at Drew University a survey of Protestant educational materialsdesigned ultimately to eliminate unfavorable references to Jews. During the pastfew years, this work has been continued on a larger scale and with broader inter-group emphasis at the Yale Divinity School, where it is now receiving foundationfinancial support. The initial report of the study was made to Protestant educa-tors in 1955. We are confident that its effect will be to aid in replacing old big-otries, encrusted hates, and outworn fears with fresh understanding and mutualrespect.

In 1955, this significant work was advanced by the launching, at St. Louis Uni-versity, of a study of references to other groups in Catholic materials. At SouthernMethodist University, a pilot regional study of Protestant materials used in theSouthwest has gotten under way. It is hoped that these efforts will be paralleled bystudies of Jewish religious educational materials. To this end, we have engaged indiscussions with officials of the Dropsie College of Hebrew and Cognate Learningin Philadelphia.

A second long-range area in which we are working is public education. We areconcerned with the soundness of our public schools on two counts: First, our edu-cational standards are perhaps the greatest influence on the quality of Americandemocracy; second, we see the schools as an all-important sphere for developingthe understanding of others and the respect for differences which are fundamentalto national unity. A decade ago, the concept of human relations in public educa-tion was fairly novel; today, we find basic human relations goals set forth as keyobjectives of our educational system in the report of the recent White House Con-ference on Education.

We were closely concerned with this national educational meeting of educatorsand civic leaders. As you know, for the past three years we have participated inthe Round Table of National Organizations on the Public Schools, which meetssemi-annually at Arden House, and are represented on its steering committee. TheArden House group was consulted in the planning of the White House Conference.Many of our chapters—Los Angeles, Miami, New York, Oakland, San Francisco, toname but a few—were represented at the state conferences on education which pre-ceded the national meeting. Dr. John Slawson and Max Bimbaum of our staff, whoofficially represented AJC, chaired discussion tables at the conference, and a num-ber of our members served on the official delegations from their states.

The clarification of school problems and the increased public interest in theseproblems which resulted from the White House Conference and the various state-wide meetings will pay handsome dividends in keeping our schools attuned to thedemands of our growing nation and our expanding democracy.

Social discrimination is a third field where AJC has initiated long-range activity.The Executive Board's decision last May to explore program potentials in this field


was based on the premise that even when overt anti-Semitism is unfashionable,bigotry is perpetuated by social discrimination.

We are not concerned merely with the embarrassment that occasionally resultsfrom the restrictive policies of isolated clubs or resorts. What concerns us is thevery concept that individuals may be accepted or rejected—in any sphere—on thebasis of group affiliation. As long as this prejudicial concept is recognized in socialgroupings, its influence will be felt in other key areas of our daily life—where welive, where our children learn and play and in the professional and commercialareas in which our children may seek their careers. I trust that our discussions—this morning and on Sunday afternoon—will enable us to move forward signifi-cantly in developing an appropriate program to counter this "velvet glove" form ofrejection, which tacitly sets the pattern for other types of discrimination.

As an indication of the hopeful prospects for our efforts in this direction, let meindicate briefly the progress made in recent years in overcoming the discriminatoryadmissions policies of college fraternities. Largely as a result of undergraduate in-sistence, the number of major national fraternities with restrictive membershipclauses in their constitutions has been reduced from twenty-five to seven. Whilethis reform in policy has not always been put into practice, the results are stillheartening. Since 1950, progress in this area has been slowed, but it now appearsto be making renewed headway—due in large measure to the salutary effect of thestudies and educational efforts of the National Committee on Fraternities in Edu-cation. AJC played a helpful role in the founding of this independent organizationof educators and civic leaders.

Closely linked to progress in overcoming social discrimination is the increasedconcern of Jews with self-understanding. It is in this area that AJC is making thefourth of the long-range contributions I mentioned.

Our intensive study of Jewish attitudes in an eastern city we call "Riverton" isyielding new objective insights into the way Jews regard their role in Americanlife, their Christian neighbors and the State of Israel.

This important sociological study has brought out the fact that while AmericanJews are strongly rooted in this country, they are dedicated to perpetuating theiridentity and the identity of their children as Jews. While they have a warm regardfor Israel, they do not desire to settle there. Finally, the study made it crystal-dearthat many are more comfortable with Jews than with Gentiles and fear that Gen-tiles regard them unfavorably. Significantly—and this is encouraging—teen-agers areless troubled in this regard than their parents.

The study also brought to light a number of disconcerting factors. For example,it would appear that concern with the survival of the Jewish community has, insome instances, resulted in unfortunate self-segregating tendencies. I should men-tion, too, that some of the stereotyped views of Gentiles held by many respondentssuggest that in addition to their creditable self-esteem Jews may also, on occasion,exhibit a measure of less admirable chauvinism.

The National Advisory Council of the AJC, under Fred Lazarus, Jr., carefullyreviewed the Riverton Study and made recommendations which were considered bythe Executive Board in October. We are now making plans for confirming studiesto test whether all our findings in Riverton apply to other localities.

The Riverton Study presents a challenge to AJC for this reason: Other soci-ological studies indicate that the public is more receptive now than in many yearsto Jews integrating fully into the total community life—without any sacrifice oftheir cultural heritage. For example, in our most recent national poll, just con-cluded, almost nine out of every ten non-Jews indicated that they would have noobjection to a Jewish family moving next door to them. This contrasts with theseven out of ten who responded favorably as recently as 1950.

But the achievement of equal rights depends on the attitudes of Jews as well asChristians. And it would be tragic irony indeed if the actions and attitudes of Jews,based on a misconception of their environment, were to impede progress towardtheir full participation in every aspect of American life.


Next to be mentioned is a problem that has immediate as well as long-range im-plications—religion in our public schools. In the past year, we published our State-ment of Views on Religion in Public Education, which sought practical ways tosafeguard the principle of separation of church and state without needlessly en-gendering friction between religious groups.

While we seek the harmonious solution of differences as to the role of religion inthe public schools, basic principles cannot be compromised. And here I would liketo quote one of America's outstanding authorities on Christianity, Paul Hutchin-son, former editor of the Christian Century, who, writing in Life magazine re-cently, said:

For (the year) 1400 . . . membership in the church and in the state was regardedas two aspects of the same thing—which was one reason for brutal treatment ofthe Jews. . . . But the United States, from its infancy as a nation, returned tothe conception of the Christian church as it was before Constantine, when menjoined of their own free will and supported it of their own voluntary desires,and the Church, in consequence, was a free institution. Judged by what followed,the American adoption of the principle of church and state separation has beena godsend for the churches, Protestant, Roman Catholic and of every sort.

And to these words of Mr. Hutchinson we can add that the separation of churchand state is certainly a godsend which Jews must be prepared to preserve.

To this end, our chapters have been most vigilant and active. For example, bothour chapters and the Jewish Community Council gave widespread distribution toour Statement of Views in an effort to help counter attempts to introduce releasedtime in a Cleveland suburb. Our Miami chapter publicly and successfully opposed,with other groups, a plan to introduce school credits for outside religious instruc-tion. Our West Coast chapters participated in successful efforts to block proposedprograms for Bible reading in public school classrooms. In New York, our chapterplayed a prominent role in resisting further encroachments of religion into theschools in the guise of teaching "moral and spiritual values."

In these endeavors, both locally and nationally, we have often worked coopera-tively with religious groups of other faiths. At other times, we have been in oppo-sition. Happily, there is an established reservoir—to which we have made a signifi-cant contribution—of good will and understanding, so that divergent views can bediscussed without rancor, whether or not we can reach an accommodation of thevarying positions. To continually improve this atmosphere of mutual respect and tofoster inter-religious cooperation for worthy social goals is the objective of our pro-gram in the inter-religious field.

Let me cite one example of our work in this area to illustrate additional facets ofthis cooperation. You know we were invited to present testimony on the status of re-ligious freedom before Senator Hennings' Subcommittee on Constitutional Libertiesof the Senate Judiciary Committee. While the purpose of this committee's exploration—to strengthen religious freedom—was laudatory, we felt that the political setting ofopen hearings would breed divisiveness and impede the search for solutions tomany problems. Along with Catholic and Protestant spokesmen, we discussed theseviews with the Hennings Committee, which agreed with the wisdom of foregoingopen hearings.

Civil Liberties and Civil RightsOur efforts to defend and enhance American freedom bring us to grips with a

number of problems. Let me touch quickly on two areas where progress may benoted—civil liberties and civil rights—and one where the lack of progress has beenmost discouraging—our national immigration policy.

The climate of civil liberties has changed hearteningly in the past year. Increas-ingly, our countrymen are regaining the perspective which enables them to dis-tinguish between heresy, which is permissible, and conspiracy, which is not. This


improvement reflects a complex of factors. Not the least among these was the in-fluence of individuals and organizations which courageously insisted on speakingout when more timid voices were intimidated into silence. We may be proud thatAJC's voice during this time was not muted. Of our many efforts on this front, Iwill mention but a few important contributions.

Abraham J. Harris, then chairman of our Washington, D.C., chapter, testified onour behalf before the Senate Subcommittee on Reorganization, to urge the estab-lishment of a bipartisan commission on government security. The resolution underconsideration, also supported by many other groups, was subsequently enacted, andthe commission has been appointed. On the invitation of the Hennings Committee,Irving M. Engel submitted our views on the protection of the freedoms of religion,speech, and press.

In 1954, as you know, we published the study, American Security and Freedom,which proposed many reforms to harmonize the maintenance of both liberty andnational security. During the past year, we have seen certain of these recommen-dations achieved—in the form of stricter codes for Congressional investigation com-mittees and in new safeguards in loyalty procedures.

AJC also helped bring together an informal coalition of national organizations,many of which are not normally interested in civil liberties. Through these groups,we helped launch educational programs reaching their vast membership and,through them, the rest of the American people. Our endeavors at the local levelare typified by the work of our Los Angeles and Kansas City chapters in initiatingcoalitions of civic groups to promote educational activities in defense of civil liber-ties. In Miami, our area director served as chief resource person for an award-winning. "Know Your Constitution" TV program. In Los Angeles, we played aleading role in planning a civil liberties workshop for the Jewish CommunityCouncil.

For a heartening picture of civil rights gains, I refer you to AJC's annually pub-lished brochure, The People Take the Lead, which documents the continuing pat-tern of reform throughout the country. The United States Information Service hasplaced copies in all its libraries around the world and is reprinting 5,000 for dis-tribution in England to combat Communist-inspired anti-American propaganda.

To help show Americans how they can work in their communities to extendequal opportunity and defend civil liberties, we prepared and published. You . . .Your Town . . . Your World . . . and Human Rights, a handbook for communityleaders. In advance of publication, we gained the co-sponsorship of a dozen addi-tional organizations—such as the American Friends Service Committee, the ForeignPolicy Association, the United Church Women, and the Women's Division of Chris-tian Service of the Board of Missions of the Methodist Church. This combinedsponsorship not only assured the brochure a wide readership, but gave it theweight of greater authority. Moreover, it also proved that under combined auspices,educational materials can be made self-supporting.

Again, to illustrate our efforts to advance and defend liberty on the local sceneas well as nationally, let me pinpoint a few community activities. In Chicago, twoof our distinguished members, Ely M. Aaron and Henry L. Kohn, were appointedby the mayor to the Community Welfare Committee, which is studying the cir-cumstances responsible for the widely publicized racial disorders at the TrumbullPark Housing Project. Our Chicago chapter also played an outstanding role inconnection with a campaign to discourage hospitals from discriminating on thebasis of race or color in the admission of patients. Our Seattle chapter successfullyopposed the adoption of a State Board Against Discrimination ruling which wouldhave permitted employers to question applicants as to the religious holidays theyobserve. And members of our Washington, D.C., chapter are prominent in a cam-paign to remove the word "white" from the by-laws of the local bar association.

The thread linking many of the foregoing activities—those concerned with thepublic schools, civil liberties, civil rights—is the desire to buttress the forces of de-mocracy which make for the acceptance of difference. These forces are the surest


guardian of the rights of every group and individual. That same reason promptsour interest in the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organiza-tion (UNESCO), and our membership in the United States National Commissionfor UNESCO. When UNESCO was under attack, by the American Legion duringthe past year, we engaged, along with many other organizations, in educational ef-forts to give Americans a truer picture of what that international organizationstood for. Further, at the biennial National Conference of the U. S. NationalCommission, AJC prepared the background paper for a workshop on "The Sci-ence of Human Relations and Its Practices." Dr. Slawson, a member of the Com-mission's Executive Committee, chaired the session.

In the field of immigration, our efforts to help bring about the elimination ofracist concepts in our laws met frustration. Along with other Jewish organizations,we participated in testimony before the Immigration Subcommittee of the SenateJudiciary Committee—at the subcommittee's invitation. And we continued oureducational activities in this area. We helped establish interagency organizationsto bring the immigration problem before the American people. Also, we are aboutto publish The Fence—a booklet which explains as simply as possible the needto revise the McCarran-Walter Act. It will appear under the sponsorship of twelvenational organizations; 60,000 copies have been ordered already.

The administration of the Refugee Relief Act has also caused us concern. Witha number of other organizations, we protested the dismissal of Edward Corsi asAssistant Administrator for the Refugee Relief Program, and also voiced ourdissatisfaction with the small number of refugees being admitted. Since that time,an improvement has been noted in the program, but it is obvious that nowherenear the authorized number of people will have been admitted to this country bythe time the law's expiration date is reached. Yes, the immigration situation, I amsorry to say, remains a major item on our list of unfinished business.

Use of Mass MediaIn pursuit of our many educational goals we place great reliance on the mass media

—magazines, film, radio, and television. Here are a few examples of our use of thesechannels of communication:

In April, we produced our first dramatic TV show—commemorating the 300thanniversary of the first Passover celebration in America. That month we alsoproduced a series of four weekly half-hour radio shows on such aspects of our workas fraternity bias, equal housing opportunities, public education, and human rights.All of these shows were carried on coast-to-coast hook-ups, the time having beencontributed by major networks. They were seen and heard by many millions ofAmericans. The networks' contribution of air time and production costs was valuedat more than a hundred thousand dollars. Even though AJC's expenditure—forscripts and talent—was meager by comparison, these programs exhausted our radioproduction budget for the year, and we were unable to accept the offer of fouradditional radio programs because of our inability to meet our small share of thecosts.

The radio series has been recorded and is now available in an album; a numberof communities are arranging for rebroadcasts on local stations. Recently, one ofthe major networks invited us to submit a plan for a series of panel programs, tobe presented by us, on human relations subjects. We are hopeful that these pro-grams will be on the air in 1956.

During the past year, you probably saw outstanding articles on Judaism and therole of Jews in America—historically and today—in Life, Look, and Reader's Digest.AJC assisted the authors by suggesting themes and helping with research. Our rolein the development of these and other articles illustrates the acceptance of AJCby America's major magazines as an accurate source of ideas and material in areasof our interest.

We are producing a new human relations film for young people, The Princess in


the Tower. In the past year, we succeeded in gaining the co-sponsorship of theBroadcasting and Film Commission of the National Council of Churches, therebyassuring a wide circulation among church groups. You might be interested in somebox-office reports of other AJC films. One of our feature film excerpts, CharleyMartin—American, shown at the Annual Meeting two years ago, is being seen by4,000 to 6,000 San Francisco high school students each month. The Los AngelesBoard of Education reports that Make Way for Youth, which has been a "hit"since we produced it eight years ago, was shown 682 times to a total of 68,000children in the 1954-55 school year.

These are the reports on just two films from two communities. In the field ofmotion pictures, as with radio and TV, we are confronted with virtually limitlessopportunities for effective work of the type described. But our limited financialresources prevent our fuller use of these opportunities.

I would conclude my coverage of the domestic scene by saying a word or twoabout the Tercentenary observance, which, as you know, ended last June. Manyof us think that it was a project not only exciting, but thoroughly significant andhelpful to group relations. AJC, as you know, played an all-important part inbringing the Tercentenary into being, so it is surely appropriate that I tell youwhat I think the commemoration accomplished.

First, I think the Tercentenary observance gave the Gentile a far more accurateimage of the American Jew. And, equally important—perhaps more important—itgave the American Jew a sense of his stature, a measurement of his security, anda feeling of unshakable confidence. Psychologically, it did him a great deal ofgood to learn that he and his forebears have been in this land for three centuriesand have participated in every phase of American life.

Overseas ActivitiesMy report of activities in overseas areas will be scarcely more than an itemization

of some of the problems that have commanded our attention and resources. As inthe past, major items of our program abroad will be covered in part by the Presi-dential Address, and partly at one or more plenary sessions.

As you know, AJC, together with the Alliance Israelite Universelle and the Anglo-Jewish Association, sponsored in London last June what we may well call the Con-ference of Hope. Its purpose was to help Jews in the New World join forces withthose of the Old to recreate a rich, meaningful Jewish life in Europe today. At-tended by more than 100 delegates, representing seventeen communities and or-ganizations in Western Europe and North Africa, the conference succeeded inlaying the groundwork for such a program. AJC now faces the task of helping tomobilize American communal resources for what may be termed a spiritual lend-lease program. From Irving M. Engel, who represented us at the conference alongwith more than a dozen other AJC members, you will hear more about this historicmeeting and its meaning for the future.

Missing from the London Conference were Jews from the Iron Curtain countries.For a time, we had hoped that Russia's increased "amiability," generated as a pre-lude to the Summit Conference in July, might make it opportune for us to contactSoviet officials to seek alleviation of oppressive restrictions on Jews. But the GenevaSpirit faded so quickly that we may question whether it ever had real substance.At our Executive Board meeting in October we proposed a six-point challengeof Russia's adherence to the Geneva Spirit by asking for concrete acts to demon-strate "genuine change of heart" toward civil rights. No change has been noted-other than an ominous recurrence in the Soviet press of attacks on Jews. We mustnot falter in the task of continuing to expose to the world the chasm betweenSoviet propaganda claims of befriending racial and religious minorities and Russia'sactual oppressive practices.

I come now to North Africa, where we have been faced with a procession ofcritical problems throughout the year. The principles for solution first enunciatedby AJC—following an on-the-spot survey late in 1954 by Irving M. Engel, Jacob


Blaustein, and John Slawson—are now widely accepted here and abroad, althoughthese principles, you will recall, were originally subject to considerable attack.

We seek conditions that will give the Jews of Morocco freedom of decision-freedom to remain under circumstances guaranteeing equality, security, and dignity,or freedom to emigrate and to take their property, if emigration is their choice.AJC and UJA are in basic agreement on the validity of these goals.

The situation in Morocco is still in doubt. One cannot say with certainty thatthe security of Jews is assured if they remain. Nor can one say that fleeing thecountry is the single answer to their problem. While French authority is withdraw-ing far more rapidly than had been anticipated, the moderate Arab nationalistswho presently govern in Tunisia and Morocco have assured AJC that they willendeavor to wipe out ancient discriminations against Jews and give them fullequality.

The Middle EastThe Arab-Israel crisis is a subject which, to me, represents far and away our

greatest problem and at the same time our greatest opportunity for usefulness.The past year witnessed a steady deterioration of the situation in the Middle

East. Repeated Arab provocations were followed by highly publicized retaliatoryraids—against Egypt in Gaza, and against Syria near the Sea of Galilee. The John-ston water plan, which we support because of its potential for raising the region'sliving standard, could not come to fruition. There has been no progress in solvingthe vast problem of the Arab refugees.

And, of course, Communist penetration of the Arab world—in the form of armsshipments to Egypt and offers of economic aid—has increased the threat of war andhas transformed the Middle East into a critical cold-war battleground.

These and related problems, affecting all Americans, Gentile and Jew alike, havebeen constantly on the agenda of your Administrative Board. President Engel hasdiscussed these difficulties with the Secretary of State in Washington, and a numberof us, on the "dawn patrol," have had breakfast meetings with Prime MinisterSharett, Ambassador Eban, and other Israel spokesmen.

This entire Middle East question, including its American impact, will be ex-amined at the Sunday morning session. Our President, Irving M. Engel, will un-doubtedly assess its significance at tomorrow night's Annual Dinner. Therefore, Iwill not go into it further, other than to express this entirely personal point ofview.

If peace could be restored fully to the Middle East, the entire region couldachieve a degree of prosperity which would dwarf any gains through conquestand make up for any loss through compromise. Through mutual economic co-operation, Middle East nations could give their people an adequate standard ofliving and overcome dependence on foreign subsidy. Israel offers a nearby marketfor the perishable produce of Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon, for cotton from Egypt,for meat from Iraq. The products of Israel's factories could do much to raise livingstandards in neighboring countries. Projects such as exploiting the mineral wealthof the Dead Sea, harnessing the waters of the Jordan, reclaiming desert waste land,all require Arab-Jewish cooperation to be fully effective. Each of these projectswould contribute immeasurably to the prosperity of the Middle East.

Some may see this proposal, with old enemies working as partners in a jointventure, as visionary. Let me remind you, it has happened successfully in Europe,where the European Coal and Steel Community is thriving. If France, WestGermany, Italy, Belgium, Luxemburg, and the Netherlands could bury the bitter-ness engendered through many decades, surely a similar solution is possible in theMiddle East.

Of course, one must not be starry-eyed about this; economic cooperation in theMiddle East is not going to come into being today or tomorrow. But I think weshould steadily and effectively publicize this concept. It may well be a vital path oflong-term significance.


In other phases of the problem, too, I am convinced, AJC can be helpful. It isbecause I believe this so deeply that I feel the Committee should exert itself tothe fullest to be of service in the Middle East. We are a non-Zionist organization.We have a long record of usefulness and objectivity, a record well known to theState Department and other branches of our Government. Can we do less thanmake the effort?

In Latin America, we have continued to respond to calls from leaders of theJewish community there who want assistance in strengthening their communaland cultural life and in opposing anti-Semitic activities. In Argentina, where thepolitical maelstrom stirred up by the ousting of Peron threatened to harm relationsbetween Catholics and Jews, AJC's representative was instrumental in clearing theair and gaining assurances from highest church officials that the Catholic move-ment of Argentina "would never be permitted to become anti-Semitic."

During the past year we continued to work within the United Nations for theworld-wide furtherance of human rights. As you know, the Consultative Council ofJewish Organizations (CCJO), to which we belong, has official consultative statuswith the United Nations. Of particular importance to our work in the internationalsphere was the U. N. Conference of Nongovernmental Organizations on Discrimina-tion, held in Geneva in April. We were helpful in the shaping of the agenda forthat meeting. We also prepared a document on our techniques for opposingprejudice and discrimination, which was used as the basis for one of the workingpapers of the conference.

AJC's GrowthTo give the full picture of AJC requires reporting not only on our concerns and

accomplishments, but also on our health as an institution. As AJC approaches thehalf-century mark, it is gaining in vigor. Let me cite a few indications of thisstrength:

First, the growth of national program committees—which, reconstituted on anation-wide basis, are meeting here today.

Second, the increased participation of our members in national and local pro-grams—although there is still a great need for more women to become active.

Third, establishment of the National Advisory Council, which gives us a "senate"of senior statesmen for guidance on key problems.

Fourth, the increased service we are able to render to chapters and communities.This has been made possible by the opening of new area offices and by designatingdistinguished leaders in each area to stimulate and coordinate activities of chapterswithin the area.

Fifth, and perhaps most important, the support of dedicated members, who giveAJC their experience, talents, and time; and the continued movement of youngmen and women into posts of chapter leadership and national responsibility.

I conclude by putting on the record what the American Jewish Committee hasmeant for me during the two decades that I have been connected with it—for I dogo all the way back to 1935.

I think of the AJC as a prudent, useful, understanding organization. I considerit thoroughly experienced, well aware of effective techniques, and courageous inthe application of its skills.

I count it a statesmanlike organization—trustworthy and responsible. I have norecollection of the Committee ever reacting hastily or imprudently or ever issuingthoughtless or irresponsible statements. In brief, it is my kind of organization, andI think it commands the respect and the confidence of all thoughtful Americanswho know what it stands for, how thoroughly it can be trusted, and how usefulis its combination of wisdom and skill.

Jewish Publication Society of America

REPORT OF THE SIXTY-EIGHTH YEAR

OFFICERS

(as of July 1, 1956)

PresidentEDWIN WOLF, 2nd

1st Vice PresidentCHIEF JUSTICE HORACE STERN

2nd Vice PresidentSOL SATINSKY

3rd Vice PresidentDR. JACOB R. MARCUS

TreasurerMYER FEINSTEIN

Secretary and Executive SecretaryLESSER ZUSSMAN

Chairman, Publication CommitteeJUDCE LOUIS E. LEVINTHAL

EditorDR. SOLOMON GRAYZEL

Honorary PresidentJ. SOLIS-COHEN, JR.

Honorary Vice Presidents

SAMUEL BRONFMAN MontrealLEE M. FRIEDMAN BostonJAMES MARSHALL New YorkSAMUEL I. ROSENMAN New YorkPHILIP SLOMOVITZ DetroitMICHAEL A. STAVITSKY NewarkLEWIS L. STRAUSS New York

516


Trustees

MAXWELL ABBELL * ChicagoPHILIP W. AMRAM 1 WashingtonHARRY W. BAUMGARTEN » New YorkHERBERT D. COHEN 1 YorkSAMUEL H. DAROFF 3 PhiladelphiaDR. BENJAMIN FINE 8 , New YorkJOSEPH FIRST S PhiladelphiaBERNARD L. FRANKEL 2 PhiladelphiaABRAHAM L. FREEDMAN 1 PhiladelphiaJUDGE BENJAMIN LENCHER 1 PittsburghJUDGE THEODORE LEVIN 1 DetroitCYRUS LEVINTHAL * Los AngelesHOWARD S. LEVY 2 PhiladelphiaPHILIP W. LOWN 1 AuburnMRS. MAX L. MARGOLIS 1 PhiladelphiaJOSEPH MEYERHOFF 1 BaltimoreLouis M. RABINOWITZ * New YorkAARON RICHE 2 Los AngelesFRANK J. RUBENSTEIN 2 BaltimoreBERNARD G. SEGAL 3 PhiladelphiaJEROME J. SHESTACK 1 PhiladelphiaLEONARD N. SIMONS 1 DetroitHARRY STARR 3 New YorkDEWEY D. STONE 3 BrocktonROGER W. STRAUS, JR., 3 New YorkMORTON H. WILNER 1 WashingtonBEN D. ZEVIN 1 Cleveland

Publication Committee

ROBERT D. ABRAHAMS PhiladelphiaREV. DR. BERNARD J. BAMBERGER New YorkDR. SALO W. BARON New YorkREV. DR. SAMUEL BELKIN New YorkDR. JOSHUA BLOCH New YorkREV. DR. MORTIMER J. COHEN PhiladelphiaDR. SAMUEL DININ Los AngelesDR. AZRIEL EISENBERG New YorkRABBI IRA EISENSTEIN ChicagoREV. DR. H. W. ETTELSON MemphisRABBI OSCAR Z. FASMAN ChicagoREV. DR. ABRAHAM J. FELDMAN HartfordREV. DR. LOUIS FINKELSTEIN New YorkBERNARD L. FRANKEL PhiladelphiaREV. DR. SOLOMON B. FREEHOF PittsburghDAVID J. GALTER PhiladelphiaDR. ELI GINZBERC New YorkDR. NAHUM N. GLATZER WalthamREV. DR. NELSON GLUECK CincinnatiDR. JUDAH I. GOLDIN New York.REV. DR. ROBERT GORDIS Rockaway ParkREV. DR. SIMON GREENBERG New YorkDR. ABRAHAM J. HESCHEL New YorkDR. LEO L. HONOR PhiladelphiaDR. OSCAR I. JANOWSKY New YorkDR. LOUIS L. KAPLAN Baltimore

1 Term expires in 1957. * Term expires in 1958. 3 Term expires in 1959.


DR. MORDECAI M. KAPLAN New YorkREV. DR. MAX D. KLEIN PhiladelphiaREV. DR. BERTRAM W. KORN PhiladelphiaRABBI ARTHUR J. LELYVELD New YorkDR. A. LEO LEVIN PhiladelphiaREV. DR. FELIX A. LEVY ChicagoREV. DR. JOSEPH H. LOOKSTEIN New YorkMARVIN LOWENTHAL New YorkDR. JACOB R. MARCUS CincinnatiDR. RALPH MARCUS ChicagoALBERT MORDELL PhiladelphiaREV. DR. JULIAN MORCENSTERN CincinnatiDR. ABRAHAM A. NEUMAN PhiladelphiaDR. HARRY M. ORLINSKY BrooklynDR. KOPPEL S. PINSON New YorkREV. DR. DAVID DE SOLA POOL New YorkDR. JOSEPH REIDER PhiladelphiaDR. ELLIS RIVKIN CincinnatiDR. ABRAM L. SACHAR WalthamDR. SAMUEL SANDMEL CincinnatiHARRY SCHNEIDERMAN New YorkJ. SOLIS-COHEN, JR PhiladelphiaDR. EPHRAIM A. SPEISER PhiladelphiaDR. SHALOM SPIEGEL New YorkHARRY STARR New YorkEDWIN WOLF, 2ND PhiladelphiaDR. HARRY A. WOLFSON Cambridge

THE SIXTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL MEETING

T HE SIXTY-EICHTH annual meeting of The Jewish Publication Society of Americawas held on April 22, 1956, at the Drake Hotel, 15th and Spruce Streets, Phila-

delphia, Pa., in connection with a dinner commencing at seven o'clock in theevening. Edwin Wolf, 2nd, President of the Society, served as chairman, and ChiefJustice Horace Stern, Vice-President of the Society, served as toastmaster.

Dr. Jacob R. Marcus of Cincinnati delivered the invocation.

Report of the Publication CommitteeDr. Solomon Grayzel, Editor of the Society, read the report of the Publication

Committee for Judge Louis E. Levinthal, Chairman, who was attending the WorldZionist Congress in Israel. He reported as follows:

It is with sincere regret that I find it will not be possible for me to attend theannual meeting of the Jewish Publication Society. When the meeting is held inPhiladelphia on April 22nd, I shall, please God, be in Jerusalem. As this will bethe first time in more than a quarter century that I shall not have the privilegeof participating in our annual gatherings, may I take this means of conveying mycordial greetings and of submitting my report as Chairman of the PublicationCommittee to the members and friends of our Society.


During the past year, the Board of Trustees added to the members of the Com-mittee two gentlemen who measure up in every respect to the scholarly reputationand cultural interests of the rest of the Committee. They are Dr. Samuel Dinin,Director of Jewish Education in Los Angeles and member of the Faculty of theUniversity of Judaism, and Professor Oscar Janowsky, of the City College of NewYork.

On the whole the Publication Committee has functioned as usual during thecourse of the past year. I reported at our last annual meeting that fewer manu-scripts have been submitted to us, despite the fact that so many more books ofJewish interest are being published, not only by our Society but by commercialpublishers as well. Although a total of about sixty manuscripts reached the Editor'soffice, hardly more than a dozen were worthy of transmission to the members ofthe Committee for reading and advice. All this is evidence of the fact that menof real literary ability and scholarly knowledge encounter less difficulty thanpreviously in finding a publisher for their work. This is a development we shouldwelcome with genuine satisfaction.

Fortunately, however, there are distinguished authors and scholars who valuehighly the imprint of the JPS on the title pages of their works, and who thereforesubmit their manuscripts to us in preference to prominent commercial publishinghouses that would be proud to publish them. Our policy of co-publication withcommercial publishers has generally proved to be mutually advantageous to ourauthors and to the members of our Society.

I think we are justified in continuing to publish a balanced list of books, notall of them scholarly in character, not all of them popular in their appeal. Noimportant scholarly work should be rejected by us, even if only a minority of ourmembership may find it of interest. There is more than a little truth in this ob-servation by Henry Brooks Adams: "The difference is slight to the influence of anauthor, whether he be read by five hundred readers or by five hundred thousandreaders; if he can select the five hundred, he reaches the five hundred thousand."Our Society's membership, though quantitatively far from what it should be, doesunquestionably include the intellectual and cultural aristocracy of the AmericanJewish community. An author of a truly valuable and important volume ofscholarly merit, published by our Society and read by the rabbis, the teachers andthe cultured and educated laymen who are among our members, will ultimatelyreach and influence the rank and file of American Jewry.

A special effort should be made by our Committee to initiate the publication ofvaluable scholarly works which would probably not be undertaken unless we en-courage, or even commission authors to write them. Furthermore, we should striveto expedite the Committee's decisions concerning manuscripts when submitted.For both purposes it is respectfully recommended that a representative and activesubcommittee of the Publication Committee be empowered to consider scholarlyprojects and manuscripts, in much the same way as our subcommittee on AmericanHistory and Biography has been operating so effectively since the Society receivedthe Jacob R. Schiff Fund. All recommendations of the subcommittee will, of course,be subject to the approval of our entire Committee.

We must also consider the more popular needs of our membership. One areain which the Society has been quite weak, except for the brilliant works of IsraelZangwill, is that of fiction. Fortunately, many novels of Jewish interest have seenthe light of day recently. Some may legitimately question whether there ought tobe specifically Jewish works of fiction. In view of the fact that the Jew in theUnited States plays his role as an integral member of the wider community, worksof fiction which are illustrative of American Jewish life can be made specificallyJewish only by narrowing the area of the characters' activity and thus makingthe story to some extent unreal. Nevertheless, there unquestionably are certaintypes of novels or belles-lettres which we have published and should continue topublish. These are such books as Awakened, by Margaret Abrams, which we pub-lished in 1955; and such translations as Solomon Simon's My Jewish Roots and


Jacob Picard's The Marked One, which are on our list for 1956. (I have had thepleasure of reading My Jewish Roots while on this delightful voyage to Israel onthe S5 Zion, and I was extremely proud to pass the book to a fellow passenger,Professor Alexander Dushkin, of the Hebrew University, who found it as charmingas I did.) I believe we shall do well to concentrate on similar translations from theYiddish, Hebrew or German in the field of fiction.

There is a strong likelihood that our juvenile program will be increased andintensified in the future. During the first half of the life of the Jewish PublicationSociety, it was practically the only Jewish publisher producing juvenile literature.The field has grown tremendously since then and there is a bright prospectthat we shall re-enter it vigorously in the years to come.

In closing, I wish to thank all my co-workers on the Committee, for their dedi-cated service on behalf of the Society. They deserve the gratitude of the AmericanJewish community as a whole. And as our Committee completes the sixty-eighthyear and commences the sixty-ninth of continuous activity, permit me to saluteyou and to admonish myself as well, with the traditional exhortation: Chazak,Chazak, Ve'Nischazek! Be strong, be strong, and let us strengthen one anotherl

Treasurer's ReportMyer Feinstein, Treasurer of the Society, reported as follows:Last year, at this time, I reported to the annual meeting that the year 1954 had

shown a substantial increase in the Society's income from the distribution of booksand Bibles and that our financial position had been improved. It is my pleasureto make a similar report for the year 1955.

In 1954, total income amounted to §282,725.00. For 1955, the total was increasedto $324,008.00. Expenditures showed a corresponding increase. In 1954, theseamounted to $280,033.00. In 1955, the total was $322,993.00. The difference between1955 income and expenditure amounted to $1,015.00, which amount was transferredto the surplus account.

Our total income of $324,008.00 consisted of $40,462.00 from allocations andcontributions, $88,268.00 from sales of Bibles, $95,047.00 from sales of other books,$93,475.00 from membership dues, and $5,756.00 from miscellaneous sources. Totalexpenditures of $322,993.00 consisted of $199,189.00 for costs of book and Bibleproduction, and $123,804.00 for costs of distribution and administration.

May I point out that the Society derived 873 per cent of its 1955 income frommembership dues and the sale of books and Bibles. This is an unusually highproportion for a communal organization to earn by its own efforts. However, theremaining 12.5 per cent received as contributions and allocations is the vital factorwhich keeps the Society alive. Without it, we could not sustain our contribution tothe cultural life of American Jewry. As this portion of our income increases, par-ticularly through inclusion in the campaigns of additional communities, we shallbe able to do even more by completing many important projects which have beendeferred because of a lack of funds.

The Society continues to be troubled by a lack of working capital, but our creditis good and we hope that coming years will permit us to improve this situation.In recent months, we paid off our bank loan. Also, during early 1956, we made thefinal payment on our mortgage, so that our only borrowings at the moment arefrom various funds which were depleted during the past decade. These must berepaid, and I am hopeful that we shall be able to do so within the next few years.

Executive Secretary's Report

Lesser Zussman, Executive Secretary of the Society, reported as follows:At this season of the year, I am reminded of the host who asked his guests at

the Seder whether they had come for the Haggadah or the knaidlach. By the same


token, we can ask ourselves whether we are here tonight to celebrate sixty-eightyears of important history, or the achievements of the year 1955.

Actually, an alert organization must constantly review the past, analyze the pres-ent, and evaluate the future. Since "epilogue is prologue" and since the Jewish Pub-lication Society is now performing a service which is quite different from thatrendered in its earlier days, it is obvious that we have changed with the times.Instead of being concerned with providing good literature in the new language ofthe immigrant, we are today concerned with providing a link in the chain whichanchors the American Jew to his religion.

Today, with such intense competition for leisure-time activity, it is not enoughfor the Society to merely publish good books. We must also promote and mer-chandise our books in competition with less important distractions. This meansthat an ever increasing proportion of our available funds must go into promotionalactivities and improvements in the physical appearance of our books. The editorialquality of our publications has always been high and will never be compromised,so that the difficult problem is that of making this high quality as attractive andwidely known as possible, then getting it into the hands of readers.

It is my privilege to travel across the country and meet many cultured personswho are interested in Jewish books. I meet rabbis who tell me what they want fortheir congregants; teachers who tell me what they want for their students; book-sellers who tell me what people want to give as gifts. Rarely do I meet the gemwho tells me what he wants for himself. Here is the basic problem with whichevery member can help. Talk to your friends about the Society's books. Stimulatethem to read good books of Jewish interest. Encourage everyone to become a mem-ber of the Society and support our efforts.

As you have already heard and will hear further, 1955 was a year of achievementand a year of promise. Let us hope that future years will continue to show asustained improvement in the Society's contribution to the cultural life of AmericanJewry.

In dosing, may I express sincere thanks to the officers and members of the Boardand Publication Committee for their many considerations, and to the members ofour staff for their devotion and interest. Finally, may I express the hope that weall meet again at our seventieth Anniversary dinner in a world at peace.

Report of the Nominating CommitteeThe Nominating Committee takes pleasure in presenting this report.We unanimously recommend the following as officers, honorary officers, and

trustees of the Society—the officers and honorary officers for terms of one year, andtrustees for terms as indicated.

OFFICERS

EDWIN WOLF, 2ND, President (3rd term)CHIEF JUSTICE HORACE STERN, 1st Vice President (45th term)SOL SATINSKY, 2nd Vice President (4th term)DR. JACOB R. MARCUS, 3rd Vice President (3rd term)MYER FEINSTEIN, Treasurer (4th term)LESSER ZUSSMAN, Secretary & Executive Secretary (7th term)JUDGE LOUIS E. LEVINTHAL, Chairman, Publication Committee (13th term)DR. SOLOMON GRAYZEL, Editor (18th term)

HONORARY PRESIDENT

J. SOLIS-COHEN, JR.


HONORARY VICE PRESIDENTS

SAMUEL BRONFMAN, MontrealT FF M. FRIEDMAN, BostonJAMES MARSHALL, New YorkSAMUEL I. ROSENMAN, New YorkPHILIP SLOMOVITZ, DetroitMICHAEL A. STAVITSKY, NewarkLEWIS L. STRAUSS, New York

TRUSTEES

The following trustees have completed their terms of office and are recommendedfor re-election to three-year terms:

HARRY W. BAUMCARTEN, New YorkSAMUEL H. DAROFF, PhiladelphiaBENJAMIN FINE, New YorkJOSEPH FIRST, PhiladelphiaBERNARD G. SEGAL, PhiladelphiaHARRY STARR, New YorkDEWEY D. STONE, BostonROGER W. STRAUS, JR., New York

For election as trustees for a one-year term, we recommend:HERBERT D. COHEN, YorkABRAHAM L. FREEDMAN, PhiladelphiaJEROME J. SHESTACK, PhiladelphiaLEONARD N. SIMONS, DetroitBEN D. ZEVIN, Cleveland

Respectfully submitted,JOSEPH FIRST, ChairmanROBERT D. ABRAHAMSBERNARD L. FRANKELSOL SATINSKYHARRY STARR

The report of the Nominating Committee was approved unanimously.Mr. Edwin Wolf, 2nd, President, submitted his annual report (as printed on

pp. 523-28).Mrs. Harry K. Cohen, co-chairman of the Women's Committee, led an impressive

ceremony during which the Society burned the mortgage previously held on itsbuilding.

Mr. Maxwell Whiteman, assistant to the Director of the American Jewish Ar-chives in Cincinnati, read an interesting paper on "Isaac Leeser—the Moulder ofAmerican Jewish Life" in honor of Leeser's 150th birthday anniversary.

The membership meeting was adjourned at ten o'clock in the evening.Respectfully submitted,

LESSER ZUSSMAN, Secretary


THE ANNUAL REPORT OF THE PRESIDENTFOR THE YEAR 1955

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:

This is the sixty-eighth annual meeting of the Jewish Publication Society. Weare one of the oldest national Jewish organizations still in existence. We havebehind us a rich and varied corporate career, a career which has seen the rise, thechange, and the unfolding of modern American Jewish life. Like a man arrived atthe full development of his maturity, we have knowledge gained through sufferingand confidence based upon success. And, as we face the problems, challenges, anddisappointments of today, we can bring to them a recollection of past difficultiesovercome, of projects planned and realized, of ideals both unfulfilled and attained.

The most critical difficulty of the past five or six years, a financial one, has beenovercome. Symbolically, we shall burn a mortgage tonight. But not only have wepaid off the mortgage on our building on North Fifteenth Street, but we have, inthe past year, paid off a bank loan which carried us through some very tryingweeks and months and years. For the first time in our more recent history we arefree of external debt.

This present sound financial position enables us to devote our energies to some-thing more imaginative and more creative than scrimping to meet bills. As an-nounced at our last meeting, we have begun the most dramatic religio-culturalproject of our generation, a new translation of the Bible from the original Hebrewinto English. The editorial committee under the chairmanship of Dr. Harry Or-linsky has been working hard, and it promises to have Genesis completed for usby the fall. Thereafter the speed of the project should increase, for our editorshave now evolved rules for their scholarly battles; their skirmishes have becomemore orderly; there is much less word-shed.

The few who have so far seen the results of these men's labors are excited by thenumber of corrections they have been able to make, by the clarity with whichformerly difficult and obscure passages and phrases have been reworded, and bytheir preservation of the resonant rhythm of what we were all brought up tocherish as a biblical style. In his recently republished essay "On First ReadingGenesis," Edmund Wilson speaks at length of the difficulties of capturing therhythm, the emphasis, and the humor of the Bible in any language other thanHebrew. And, with a deal of fatherly pride, I should like to give one example of thekind of small but important improvement which will be found in our new trans-lation. In the original there are a great number of plays upon words. The wordEve is a play upon hawah meaning life; there was not much that could be doneabout that beyond a footnote. But, after Eve had given birth to Cain, she said—inour older version—"I have gotten a man with the help of the Lord"; and this tooinvolves word-play, for the Hebrew word translated as "gotten" is kanah, you see,Cain-kanah. When I was reading over the suggested new translation, I felt thatsome English word might be found to retain the wordplay, but I could not thinkof one, and, thinking out loud in the presence of my daughter, I got a quicksuggestion. "Why not 'gain'; Cain-gain." I am pleased to be able to say that whenthis was passed on to the learned scholars, they were delighted. My daughter Ellenwill have made a contribution to a great work. This is only one word, to be sure,and there are countless instances where Dr. Orlinsky and his colleagues have madechanges which are closer to the Hebrew in feeling, more accurate renderings of theliteral meaning of the original, and more easily understandable at the same timeto the modern reader. The new translation will not only meet the needs of the


layman who finds Shakespearean English sometimes unintelligible, but it will beat the same time the most scholarly translation ever made in English.

This is quite a job, and it will take a long time and cost a great deal of moneybefore the completed Bible rolls off the press. We estimate that it will cost upwardsof $150,000, but we feel it is not only the obligation of our generation, but thepride of our generation, to see that it is done. Our 1917 translation was made pos-sible largely through the generosity of one man, Jacob H. Schiff; we believe thatour new translation should be made possible by the American Jewish communityon a broader basis. Consequently, we are seeking pledges from a thousand indivi-duals throughout the country to contribute twenty-five dollars a year for six years,so that it can be said that the new JPS translation was given to the world by thelargest Jewish community in the world.

We went out to Detroit to explain our project and ask that great community forits help. We sought one hundred Bible pledges. Through the dedicated and en-thusiastic leadership of Mr. Leonard N. Simons and Philip Slomovitz, we havealready received one hundred and twenty-seven pledges. From New York, in a verybrief time, we have received fifty-five more. In the coming year we shall extend theeffort to other cities and are sure that they will not fail us. There is no singleproject that should stir the hearts of the People of the Book more deeply than anew Jewish version of that Book.

Now let us look at our accomplishments during 1955 and plans for 1956.

Publication ProgramFor 1955:The first title, published in January, was Jewish Ceremonial Art, edited by

Stephen S. Kayser. A total of 6,003 volumes were printed, of which 5,933 were dis-tributed during the year.

The second title, published in May, was The Third Pillar, by Soma Morgenstern,co-published with Farrar, Straus, and Cudahy. Our printing was 2,945 volumes, ofwhich 2,054 were distributed during the year.

The third title, published in June, was Memoirs of American Jews, Volume I,by Jacob R. Marcus. Of the 3,880 volumes printed, 2,332 were distributed duringthe year.

Volume II of the same work, published in August as the fourth title of the year,was printed in 3,954 volumes, of which 2,191 were distributed during the year.

The fifth title, published in October, was Synagogue Architecture in the UnitedStates, by Rachel Wischnitzer. 3,500 volumes were printed, of which 1,784 weredistributed before the end of the year. (This book received a high award in the1956 Philadelphia Book Show.)

The sixth title, published in December, was Stories of King Solomon, by LillianS. Freehof. 5,000 volumes were printed, of which 2,243 were distributed duringthe month.

The seventh title, published in January, 1956, was God in Search of Man: APhilosophy of Judaism, by Abraham J. Heschel, co-published with Farrar, Strausand Cudahy. Our printing was 5,680 volumes, of which 3,006 were distributed uponpublication.

The eighth title, published in February, 1956, was the AMERICAN JEWISH YEARBOOK, 1956 (Vol. 57), edited by Morris Fine, co-published with the American JewishCommittee. Our printing was 3,250 volumes, of which 2,239 were distributed uponpublication.

The ninth title, published in July, 1956, was Three Years in America, in twovolumes, by Benjamin II, with an introduction by Oscar Handlin. 2,000 sets wereprinted, of which 970 sets were distributed upon publication.

For 1956:Our list for the current year is varied and in it all our members should find

books that they will want to have and to read. Most unusual modesty prevents me


from dilating at length on at least one of the book treasures which the JPS isoffering its members in the coming months. You will notice that an innovation hasbeen introduced; for the first time in its history the President of the Society willmake his debut as one of the Society's authors. Whether this is a good innovationwe shall let critical reviews and sales decide. At any rate, Max Whiteman did afirst-class piece of work, and if any of you felt you have already read The Historyof the Jews of Philadelphia, do not be misled by a briefer, imperfect work bytwo fellows named Wolf and Whiteman which appeared in the Philadelphia JEWISHEXPONENT.

Of the ten titles scheduled for publication, two are in the field of Americana andwill be subventioned by the Jacob R. Schiff Fund for addition to the Jacob R.Schiff Library of Jewish Contributions to American Democracy.

The two titles in the field of Americana are the following:Memoirs of American Jews, Volume III, by Jacob R. Marcus, which completes the

set of autobiographical statements by Jewish men and women who lived duringthe middle period of American Jewish history.

The History of the Jews of Philadelphia, from Colonial Times to the Age ofJackson, by Edwin Wolf, 2nd, in collaboration with Maxwell Whiteman, presents avast mass of historical material—new and old—in a flowing narrative which com-bines human touches with sound history.

In addition, the following eight titles covering many areas of interest are sched-uled for publication during 1956:

The Holy Scriptures According to the Masoretic Text in a new edition includingthe same text as the 1917 translation, but in a new and more attractive format withlarger type and beautiful binding. New material includes notes to indicate thehaftarot.

Legends of the Bible, by Louis Ginzberg, will include in a single volume thetext, somewhat reduced, of the first four volumes of Legends of the Jews, whichranks as the most distinguished work of Jewish scholarship thus far published inthe United States. Simon and Schuster will cooperate with the Society in publishingthis important title.

Hebrew: The Eternal Language, by William Chomsky, will present a non-technical study of the Hebrew language as it has developed through a recordedhistory of almost four thousand years of continuous use.

My Jewish Roots, by Solomon Simon, is a personal narrative of the author'schildhood in a little town in Lithuania during the first decade of this century.

The Marked One and Other Stories, by Jacob Picard, contains twelve short storieswhich describe the folklore and traditions of the Jews who lived in the small townsand villages of Germany during the last centuries. Edited with an introduction byLudwig Lewisohn.

The Silver Fish and Other Stories of Adventure, by Eleazar Freed, will interesteleven and twelve-year-old children. The exciting stories penetrate the surface ofrecorded events in the Jewish past and present.

THE AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1957 (Vol. 58), edited by Morris Fine and co-published with the American Jewish Committee, will contain the feature and refer-ence material which have given distinction to this annual publicatoo for manyyears.

ReprintsDuring the year 1955, we reprinted ten titles as follows: 57,789 volumes of the

Bible, making a total of 638,789 in print; 10,250 volumes of Pathways Through theBible, by Mortimer J. Cohen, making a total of 95,750 in print; 2,000 volumes ofHanukkah: The Feast of Lights, by Emily Solis-Cohen, Jr., making a total of 9,500in print; 4,200 volumes of A History of the Jews, by Solomon Grayzel, making atotal of 33,950 in print; 555 volumes of Judaism and Modern Man, by Will Her-


berg, making a total of 4,296 in print; 1,600 volumes of Legends of the Jews, Vol-ume V, by Louis Ginzberg, making a total of 19,600 in print; 2,000 volumes of Sab-bath: The Day of Delight, by Abraham E. Millgram, making a total of 12,800 inprint; and 4,400 volumes of What the Moon Brought, by Sadie R. Weilerstein, mak-ing a total of 28,100 in print.

Publication DistributionThe year 1955 showed a very encouraging increase in the distribution of Bibles

and other books. The total amounted to 114,064 volumes, of which 37,805 wereselected by members; 72,873 were sold to members and the trade; and 3,386 weredistributed as free books. This compares with a total of 95,316 volumes in 1954, ofwhich 35,134 were selected by members, 56,881 sold, and 3,301 distributed free.

Bible sales showed a substantial increase, with 41,271 sold in 1955, comparedwith 35,421 in 1954 and 26,430 in 1953. Pathways Through the Bible also showed afine increase, with 12,347 sold in 1955, compared with 10,788 in 1954 and 9,606in 1953.

Membership StatisticsOur membership in 1955 showed a significant increase for the first time in sev-

eral years. We enrolled a total of 8,874, as compared with 8,386 in 1954. Of thetotal enrolled, 1,809 were new members and 7,065 were renewals. As to classifica-tion of membership, 4,829 were enrolled at $5.00; 3,119 at $11.25; 455 at $22.50; and471 at J25.00 and over.

It is our hope that this breakthrough of the former static condition of the So-ciety's membership enrollment will continue, and that our membership will growin numbers and strength.

JPS BookmarkThe JPS Bookmark is now in its third year, with four issues in 1955. In this short

period, it has become established as a valuable membership service and has beencommented upon very favorably in letters received from members and libraries. Weshall welcome further comment and constructive criticism from readers of theBookmark in the hope that we can continue to improve this valuable publication.At this point, I should like to extend our appreciation to Mr. Milton Roseman forhis services in helping edit and expedite production of the Bookmark.

Community Welfare Funds

The Society is still a long way from achieving its goal of inclusion in every wel-fare fund and federation in the United States and Canada, but encouraging prog-ress was made in 1955. We are now included in sixty-eight communities which allo-cated $9,575.90, as compared with fifty-three communities which allocated $8,521.50in 1954. We are continuing our efforts in the remaining communities, and hopethat every member will constitute himself "a committee of one" for the purpose ofencouraging his local welfare fund or federation to include the Society in itscampaign.

Necrology

It is my sad duty to report the tragic loss of a number of our valuable co-workersduring the past year. Two members of our Publication Committee, both men ot


outstanding literary and scholarly attainments, passed on to their eternal reward.Mr. Samuel Charney, who wrote under the pen name of Sh. Niger, served as amember of the Publication Committee for a decade. His death is a grievous blowto the world of Jewish letters.

The Rev. Dr. Samuel Schulman joined the Committee in 1905. Moreover, be-tween 1908 and 1916, he was an active member of the Bible Translation Commit-tee. His loyalty to our Society was always exemplary. Even in his extreme old age,he read manuscripts for us and attended meetings of our Committee held inNew York.

Ludwig Lewisohn, gifted author, translator, and critic, although not a memberof our Committee, was a constant supporter and ardent champion of the Society.He was ever ready to cooperate with us, and he never failed to urge AmericanJewry to join our ranks.

Dr. Mark Wischnitzer, author of our volume To Dwell in Safety, which is an au-thoritative presentation of Jewish migration during the past century, departed thislife several months ago.

Sidney Neumann was a member of the Board of Trustees from 1947 to his deathin 1956. A generous friend of many philanthropic institutions, he was also inter-ested in Jewish culture. He subventioned the publication of Pathways Through theBible and remembered the Society in his will.

Zichronom Librachah. The memory of each of these true friends of the JewishPublication Society shall inspire us, their survivors, to give increased devotion tothe cause they so nobly served.

I looked back to the annual report fifty years ago to see how our present situ-ation might appear from that perspective. The Jewish population of the UnitedStates then was not quite a million and a half. There were 4,657 members of theJPS. In 1905 the Society published four books, one merely a pamphlet. My grand-father, then President, announced that the translation of the Bible was under wayand should shortly be finished. He appealed for $50,000 to publish it. Parentheti-cally, he continued to promise the publication of the Bible, and ask for the moneyto do it with, every year as long as he was President, and his successor's reportscarried the same refrain. May I be spared such heartbreaking repetitiveness.

But I found particularly disturbing the report of a Committee, headed by Mr.David Werner Amram, which noted nothing remarkable in the past year, exceptthe loss of 773 members. "This shows," the Committee commented in a spirit ofgloom, "that the Society is essentially unpopular, and in the nature of things mustremain so until a broader interest in Jewish literature is established." "Our So-ciety," the report continued, "is not a corporation for profit. It has always given itsconstituents what it thought they ought to have, and not what they wanted, if, in-deed, it may be said that they ever want anything in the line of goods we purvey."

Perhaps we should echo that statement, but I rather believe it is not true today.I believe that we are publishing what our members want; at least, that is our pur-pose. All of our books, by their varied nature, will not please all our members allof the time, but some of them should please all of them most of the time. Ourgreatest handicap is not that people would not read our books if they bought them,but that the builders of apartment houses in the cities and ranch houses in sub-urbia have kept prices down by not providing any space for books, and hence peo-ple do not buy books because they have no place to put them. My father has sug-gested that we ought to go into the furniture business: first sell bookcases, andthen books to fill them.

I do not think we have to be practical to that extent, but membership, not somuch in terms of dollars, as in terms of people who read Jewish books, is still ourmain problem. Jews throughout the country seem to be more sympathetic to ouraims and our accomplishments—everybody loves us—but the number who join theSociety is pitifully small. Our attitude cannot be that of fifty years ago: Publishgood books and solace yourselves with your own righteousness. We shall continue to


publish good books, and shall try to educate the Jews of this country to want toread them. It is an uphill fight, but it is really what we were founded for, and itmust be our main purpose.

I want to close this report with what strikes me as one of the most obvious dif-ferences between American Jewry and any other Jewry in the history of our peo-ple. The Publication Society just issued a wonderfully warm account of a Jewishchildhood in a village near the Minsk swamps, of the kind of life which is no more.There a little boy, crippled as a child, lived with his shoemaker father, his bakermother, and seven siblings. Since he could move but with difficulty, everything fedhis terrors. The whistlings of a shunting freight engine at dawn, an engine whichhe had never seen, was to him the devil, and he feared it. When the fear becameso overwhelming, he whimpered and his mother came to reassure him. "Ours is aJewish home," she told him, "with mezuzahs on the doors and a full shelf of sa-cred books." How many Jewish homes, giving equal security to children—not per-haps from the devil, but from the terrors of an atomic age—are there in thiscountry?

Respectfully submitted,EDWIN WOLF, 2nd, President

•> •!• >t- <•

Index

Aaron, Ely M., 511Aaron v. Cooper, lOOnAbba Hillel Silver agricultural secondary

school, 388Abbas, Ferhat, 338, 339Abbreviations, list of, 421-22Abdjellil, Omar, 356Aberg, Einar, 363Abraham, Paul, 295Abrahams, Abraham, 245Abrahams, Israel, 17, 367Abrams, Margaret, 519Abt, Isaac A., 475Abu Nuwar, Ali, 396Achdut Ha-avodah Party (Israel), 376,377Achdut Ha-avodah-Poale Zion, U.S. {see

United Labor Zionist Party)Achdut Israel, 415Achenbach, Ernst, 277Acheson v. Bauer, 91Achmatova, Anna, 313Acker, Achille van, 253, 254Ackennann, Anton, 297Actions Committee of the Labor Zionist

Movement in Canada, 442Adams, William F., 97Adams v. LeBlanc, 104nAdat Israel, 415Adenauer, Konrad, 273,274,275,276,277,

280, 298Adeverul, 329Adler, Alexander, 294Adler, H. G., 285, 294Adler, Hermann, 15, 18, 35, 36Adler, Hugo Chaim, 475Adler, Julius Ochs, 475Adler, Nathan Marcus, 10, 34, 35Adler, Yankel, 295Adult Jewish Leadership, 459Advertising Council, 167Agnew, Henry Clay, 133Agron, Gershon, 167Agudah News Reporter, 459Agudas Israel (European Executive), 299Agudas Israel (Great Britain), 240Agudas Israel World Organization, 25,

328, 427Agudat Israel Party (Israel), 376, 390

Agudath Israel of America, 153, 165, 166,176, 427

Agus, Jacob B., 154Aide aux Israelites Victimes de la Guerre,

255, 256, 257L'Aide Israel, 252Aisenstadt, Lew, 370Akers, Anthony, 95, 96Alabama Public Service Commission, 130-

31Albert Einstein College of Medicine, 171,

182, 485Albert Einstein Medical Center (Phila-

delphia), 485Aldrich, Bailey, 88Alexander, H., 392Alexander Kohut Memorial Foundation,

424Algeria, 336-42Allen, George V., 205, 206, 209, 210, 211,

212, 254Allen, Marilyn, 146Allen v. School Board of Charlottesville,

114nAlliance Israelite Universelle, 10, 33, 253,

340, 347, 351, 359, 388, 404, 513Almond v. Day, 113n"Along the Way," 167Alperstein, M., 363Alpha Epsilon Phi, 434Alpha Epsilon Pi, 434Alpha Omega, 434Alsbacher, Leo, 295Alsup v. City of St. Petersburg, 132nAlter, I., 367Ambros, Otto, 281America, 151American Academy for Jewish Research,

181n, 424American Academy for Jewish Research,

Proceedings of, 459American and European Friends of ORT,

426American Association for Jewish Educa-

tion, 170n, 181, 428American Association of English Jewish

Newspapers, 424-25American Bar Association, 84

529

530 INDEX

American Biblical Encyclopedia Society,425

American Civil Liberties Union, 219American Committee for Bar-Ilan Uni-

versity in Israel, 438American Committee for National Sick

Fund of Israel, 438American Committee for the Weizmann

Institute of Science, 179, 179n, 438American Committee of OSE, 426American Conference of Certified Can-

tors, 428American Council for Judaism, 25, 158,

166, 211, 423American Federation for Aid to Polish

Jews, 434American Federation of Jews from Cen-

tral Europe, 434American Federation of Labor-Congress

of Industrial Organizations, 338American Financial and Development

Corporation for Israel, 174American Friends of the Alliance Isra-

elite Universelle, 426American Friends of the Hebrew Univer-

sity in Jerusalem, 179, 179n, 438American Friends of the Middle East,

209,211American Friends Service Committee, 511American Fund for Israel Institutions,

170n, 179, 179n, 438American Fund for Israel Institutions

(Canada), 442American Hebrew, 459American-Israel Economic Horizons, 459AMPAL—American Israel Corporation,

439American Israeli Lighthouse, 438American Israelite, 462American Jewish Archives, 181n, 462American Jewish Committee (AJC), 33,

137, 139, 167, 180, 208, 218, 340, 349,355, 402, 423; annual report, 505-15

AJC National Advisory Council, 509, 515AJC, Statement of Views on Religion in

Public Education, 510American Jewish Congress, 126, 127, 137,

139, 170, 170n, 171, 180, 187n, 208,218, 423

American Jewish Congress, Women's Di-vision, 423

American Jewish Historical Society, 181n,425

American Jewish History Center, 429American Jewish Home, 459American Jewish Institute, 425American Jewish Joint Distribution Com-

mittee, 173, 175, 176, 177, 178, 190n,250, 251, 257, 269, 270, 271, 290, 291,

293, 301, 302, 340, 344, 345, 349, 350,351, 352, 356, 357, 358, 371, 416n, 426

American Jewish Journal, 457American Jewish Outlook, 462American Jewish Periodical Center, 160American Jewish Physicians' Committee,

438American Jewish Press, 462American Jewish Society for Service, 436American Jewish tercentenary, 160American Jewish Times-Outlook, 462American Jewish World, 458American Jewish Year Book, 459American Judaism, 459American Labor ORT, 426American Legion, 163, 512American Medical Center at Denver, 436American Medical Center at Denver, Na-

tional Council of Auxiliaries, 436American Memorial to Six Million Jews

of Europe, 425American Nationalist, 142, 149American ORT Federation, 178, 426American Petroleum Industries Commit-

tee, 148American Physicians Fellowship Com-

mittee of the Israel Medical Asso-ciation, 438-39

American Red Mogen Dovid for Israel,179n, 439

American School of Archaeology (Jeru-salem), 166

American Security and Freedom, 511American Technion Society, 179, 179n,

439American Trade Union Council for

Labor Israel, 208n, 441American Veterans Committee, 208, 219American Zionist, 459American Zionist Committee for Public

Affairs, 208n, 439American Zionist Council, 206, 208, 208n,

211, 439American Zionist Council, Youth Depart-

ment, 439Americans for Progressive Israel, 439Amir, Abdel al-Hakim, 395Les Amis des Enfants, 256Amide Judeo-Chretienne, 249Ami, Raoui, 341Amram, David Werner, 527Amsterdam Synagogue Coundl, 264Andrews, T. Coleman, 146Andron, Jacob L., 475Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry

on Palestine, 25Anglo-Jewish Association, 10, 16, 19, 25,

31, 33, 240, 340, 513Anglo-Jewish Development Corporation,

243

INDEX 531Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition, 17Anglo-Jewish Preachers' Conference, 242Amsfeld, M., 259Die Anklage, 278Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith,

87, 138, 163, 171, 180, 184, 194n, 423Anti-Defamatzye Komitet, 409, 412Anti-Jewish agitation, 141-49Anti-Tuberculosis Committee (Cuba),

415Antokolsky, Pavel G., 314Apfel, Josef, 263Appel, Kenneth E., 161Aptekar, Herbert H., article by, 196-203Arab League (see League of Arab States)Arab Legion, 331, 346, 352, 396Arabian-American Oil Company—

ARAMCO, 219Aramburu, Pedro, 405Arden House Round Table of National

Organizations on the Public Schools,508

Arendt, Hannah, 285Argentina, 405-08Arnold, Robert O., 102Ary, Sylvia, 236Asenbach, W. v., 278Ashkanazy, Maurice, 370Ashkenazic Kehilla (Buenos Aires), 406Asociacion Mutual Israelita Argentina,

407, 408Aspects de la France, 248Association of Jewish Chaplains of the

Armed Forces, 428Association of Jewish Community Rela-

tions Workers, 423Association of Jewish Religious Commu-

nities (Czechoslovakia), 323Association of Synagogues in Great Brit-

ain, 39, 40, 47, 242Association of Yugoslav Jews in the

United States, 434Association pour la Reconstruction des

Institutions et Oeuvres Israelites enFrance-A.R.I.F., 427

Associazione delle Donne Ebree d'ltalia,272

Associazione Nationale degli Agenti diCambio, 267

Aswan Dam, 216, 217, 394Ataturk, Kemal, 332Adas, Moshe, 391Atkins v. Matthews, 113nAtomic Energy Commission, 86Atwell, William H., 112Aufbau-Reconstruction, 459Augustus v. City of Pensacola, 132nAustin Peay State College, 111Australia, 369-73

Australian Federation of Jewish WelfareSocieties, 369

Australian Jewish Welfare Society, 371Austria, 299-303Austri-Dan, Yeshayohu, 412, 413Avery v. Randel, 113nAvigad, Nachman, 391Avigdor, Jacob, 413Avi-Yonah, Michael, 391Avriel, Ehud, 323Azoulay, M., 355

BIRE (see Bulletin d'Information desRefugies Roumains en Europe)

Babel, Isaac, 313Bachad Organization, 439Bacher, Felix, 303Back, S. R., 363Background for Tomorrow, 148Baeck, Leo, 294, 295Baghdad pact, 214, 331, 378, 393, 395,

396Baker, Bertram L., 122Balafrej, Ahmed, 355Balfour Declaration, 19, 33Balkan pact, 331Bank Deutscher Lander, 273Bank Leumi, 384Banker, Abraham, 321Banks v. lizard, 99nBar-Ilan University, 166, 235, 388, 389,

390Bardeche, Maurice, 248Bardo, Treaty of, 342, 344Bargash, 358Baron, Raymond V., 63nBaron de Hirsch Fund, 436Barou, Noah K., 61n, 245Bauer case (see Acheson v. Bauer)Barouch, Andre, 343Baudissin, Count, 276Baum, Gustav, 295Baumkoetter, Heinz, 284Baumvol, Rachel, 313Baxt, Roland, 201nBayar, Celal, 331Bazile, Leon M., 114Bearstead, Viscount, 28Beauharnais, Joseph, 148Beckelman, Moses W., 475Beckerle, Adolph Heinrich, 282Beckett v. School Board of Norfolk, 114nBeddington, Sir Edmund H. L., 244Beekman, Anneke, 255, 256, 262Beel, Louis J. M., 260Be'er, Yitzhak, 391Behind the Plot to Sovietize the South,

143Beilinson Hospital, 391Beirut, Boleslaw, 315

532 INDEX

Bekkai, Si, 353, 354, 355Belgian Independence Association, 253Belgium, 253-59Belinsky, M., 313Bell v. Rippy, 112nBellefaire, 200Bellity, Meyer, 352Belloc, Hilaire, 18Ben Amar, Tahar, 342, 343Ben Chorin, Sholom, 295Ben Gurion, David, 167, 210, 316, 376,

377, 381, 389, 390Ben Israel, Menasseh, 6, 7, 29, 238Ben Salah, Ahmen, 344Ben Uri Art Gallery, 244Ben Yahmed, 346-47Ben Yehuda, Eliezer, 391Ben Youssef, Salah, 343Ben Youssef, Sidi Mohammed, Sultan of

Morocco, 246, 353, 354Benamozegh, Elia, 272Benazareff, Sam, 355, 358Bene Akiba, 341Benedikt, Benjamin, 263Benjelloun, Abdel Kadel, 355Benzaquen, Leon, 353, 355, 356Berber, Friedrich, 281Bergelson, David, 312, 313Berg-Stichting, 265Beria, Lavrentia, 312Berkovitch, Alexander, 236Berlin Free University, 289Berliner, Yitzchok, 413Berlinger, Eliezer, 263Berman, Jacob, 306, 319Bernhard, prince of the Netherlands, 260Bernstein, Edgar, article by, 360-68Bernstein, Mordecai, article by, 405-08Bessis, Albert, 343-44Beta Sigma Rho, 434Beten, Oscar, 327Beth Miklath Lezikno, 265Bettman, Meta Pollak, 475Bey, Joseph Mosseri, 400Bialik Institute, 391Bialistoker Farband, 410Bibliography, American Jewish, 464-74Bit, Milos, 325Bierut, Boleslaw, 318Bigelow, John O., 94Birnbaum, Max, 508Birobidjaner Shtern, 317Bitzaron, 181n, 459Black, Eugene R., 216Black, Hugo L., 90Black Front, 278Black v. Cutter Lab., 90nBlake, Eugene Carson, 151Blank, Theodor, 275, 276Blaustein, Jacob, 513-14

Blue Cross, 183Blumel, Andre, 252B'nai B'rith, 31, 171, 186n, 208n, 211, 219,

436B'nai B'rith (Belgium), 255, 257B'nai B'rith (Cuba), 416B'nai B'rith Hillel Foundations, 181n,

428B'nai B'rith Messenger, 457B'nai B'rith National Youth Service Ap-

peal, 170n, 171, 180, 181, 181n, 184B'nai B'rith Vocational Service Bureau,

181n, 436B'nai B'rith Women's Supreme Council,

436B'nai B'rith Youth Organization, 181n,

428Bnai Zion, 434Bnei Akiva of North America, 439Bnei Akiva Yeshiva (Union of South

Africa), 364Bnos Agudath Israel, 427Board of Deputies of British Jews, 4, 10,

11, 16, 19, 21, 23, 25, 27, 30, 31, 32,33, 34, 35, 40, 50, 54, 56, 59n, 62n,220n, 239, 240, 241, 243

Board of Missions of the MethodistChurch, Women's Division of Chris-tian Service, 511

Board of Supervisors of Louisiana StateUniversity v. Tureaud, 105n

Board of Trustees of N. C. U. v. Frasier,108n

Boards of Jewish Deputies (Australia),370

Boas, Isaac Herbert, 373Boehm, Franz, 285, 288Bohemian persecutions of 1744 45, 9Bokobza, David, 353Bolla, Elmer T., 134Bonds for Israel, 169Bonn treaties, 286Bonnel, John Sutherland, 159Bonsai, Dudley B., 85Booker v. Board of Education of Tennes-

see, 11 InBorchardt, Frederick W., 475Borg, Madeleine Beer, 475Borrough v. Jenkins, V. S. D. C, Eastern

District of Oklahoma, 108nBotbol, Maurice, 357Boudin, Leonard B., 91Boudin v. Dulles, 91nBourguiba, Habib, 246, 338, 343, 344, 346,

347Boyd, Marion S., I l lBradlow, Edna, 367Bradlow, Frank, 367Braeutigam, Otto, 280Brandeis University, 171, 181

Brandeis Youth Foundation, 181n, 428Brandos, Joseph, 259Brandt, Chaim, 296Brasch, Rudolf, 373Bread, Meat and Coal Society, 49Brentano, Heinrich von, 274Brill, Hershl, 312Brisbane Hebrew Congregation, 371Brith Abraham, 434Brith Abraham Foundation, 434Brith Sholom, 434-35British Fund for German Jewry, 22British Union of Fascists, 23, 24, 53 (see

also Union Movement)Britons' Publishing Society, 363Britton, Frank L., 142, 143Brod, Max, 295Brodetsky, Selig, 16Brodie, Israel, 26, 238, 241, 242Bronfman, Allan, 235Bronovskaya, Raya, 313Bronowski, Jacob, article by, 480-85Bronstein, Jasha, 312Brooklyn Jewish Center Review, 459Brooks, et al. v. Moberly Board of Edu-

cation, 107nBrotherhood of Railroad Trainmen, 125Brott, Alexander, 236Brovman, G., 314Browder v. Gayle, 130nBrown, Edmund G., 124Brown, Irving, 338Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka,

96nBrownell, Herbert, Jr., 84, 91, 140Bryan, Albert V., 115Bryan v. Austin, 11 OnBuber, Martin, 289, 295Budapest Board of Rabbis, 308Budapest Rabbinical Seminary, 326Buehler, Ernst Christoph, 279Buffalo Jewish Review, 458Bulganin, Nikolai A., 239, 306, 316Bulletin d'Information des Refugiis

Roumains en Europe, 328n, 330Bulletin du Cercle Juif, 463Bund (see World Coordinating Commit-

tee of the Bund)Bundesverband der Israelitischen Kultus-

gemeinden Oesterreichs, 220n, 301,303

Bundeswehr-Korrespondenz, 280Bundeszentrale fur Heimatdienst, 285Burns, Eedson L. M., 212, 381, 398Busch, Carl, 293Bush v. Orleans Parish School Board, 104,

104nBusiness and Professional ORT, 426

INDEX 533

Butry, Juergen Hahn (see Hahn-Butry,Juergen)

Byroade, Henry A., 211

CCAR (see Central Conference of Ameri-can Rabbis)

CJFWF (see Council of Jewish Federa-tions and Welfare Funds)

CJMCAG (see Conference on JewishMaterial Claims Against Germany)

CYCO (see Central Yiddish Culture Or-ganization)

Cadima, 355, 356Caillet, Francis, 247Cain, Harry P., 87Cain, Julien, 246Cairo Jewish community, 401Caisse Israelite de Demarrage ficono-

mique, 252Caisse Israelite de Relevement £cono-

mique, 345, 347, 350, 351Calendar, abridged, 488Calendar, monthly, 489-501California Jewish Voice, 457Canada, 228-37Canada, Dominion Bureau of Statistics,

228n, 229Canada-Israel Corporation, 235Canada-Israel Securities, 442Canadian Association for Labor Israel,

442Canadian Association of Hebrew Schools

(see Keren Hatarbut)Canadian Citizenship and Immigration

Department, 228nCanadian Congress of Labor (CIO), 231Canadian Exports Credits Insurance Cor-

poration, 235Canadian Friends of the Hebrew Univer-

sity, 235, 442Canadian Jewish Chronicle, 463Canadian Jewish Congress, 228n, 230n,

233, 234, 235, 236, 442-43Canadian Jewish Magazine, 463Canadian Jewish Review, 463Canadian Jewish Weekly, 463Canadian Labor Congress, 231Canadian ORT Federation, 443Canadian Young Judaea, 443Canadian Zionist, 463Canaris, Wilhelm, 284CANPAL-Canadian Israel Trading Co.,

443Canterbury, Archbishop of (see Fisher,

Geoffrey)Cantors Assembly, 428Cape Board of Jewish Education, 364, 365Capua, Giuseppina di, 271Carbuccia, Horace de, 248Carden v. Bland, 137n

534 INDEX

Carleton College, 150Carmichael, Oliver C, 98Carmichael, Omer, 103Carol, King of Rumania, 330Carolina Coach Company, 128Carolina Israelite, 462Carson v. Board of Education of Mc-

Dowell County, 107nCarter, Asa, 111, 143, 144Carter, James D., 144Cartwright, Ebenezer, 6Cartwright, Joanna, 6Carvajal, Antonio Fernandez, 7Casablanca Jewish Community Council,

358Cassa per il Mezzogiorno, 266Cassin, Rene\ 246Catholic Center Party, 276Catholic Church, 307Catholic People's Party, 260Centraale Financierings Actie voor Sociall

Werk in Nederland, 265Central Amusement Co. v. District of Co-

lumbia, 131nCentral Board for Hebrew Education, 62nCentral British Fund for Jewish Relief

and Rehabilitation, 24, 26, 61nCentral Conference of American Rabbis

(CCAR), 153, 154, 161, 428CCAR Journal, 459CCAR Yearbook, 459Central Council for Jewish Religious Ed-

ucation, 46Central Council of Jewish Communities

of Morocco, 357Central Council of the Jewish Congrega-

tions in Finland, 220nCentral Jewish Board of Bombay, 220nCentral of Georgia Railway Company,

125Central of Georgia Railway Co. v. Jones,

125nCentral Sephardic Jewish Community,

435Central Yeshivah Beth Joseph Rabbini-

cal Seminary, 428Central Yiddish Culture Organization,

410, 425La Centrale, 256, 257Centrale Commissie of the Nederlands-

Israelietisch Kerkgenootschap, 261Centre d'£tudes des Problemes Actuels,

249Centre Educatif, 252Centro Israelita de Cuba, 415Cercle Culturel Juif, 258Cerebral Palsy Association, 203Chachmey Lublin Theological Seminary,

182nChamber Theatre, 392

Charik, Yzzy, 312Charles II, King of England, 8Charley Martin—American, 513Charney, Samuel, 475, 527Chenkin, Alvin, article by, 65-82Cherner, Joseph, 475Chesed Shel Ernes, 415Chesterton, G. K., 18Chevra Kadisha (see Asociacion Mutual

Israelita Argentina)Chevrotine, 248Chicago Committee for the Reception of

Nationalist Observers, 146Chicago Jewish Forum, 458Chief rabbinate, Irish Free State, 220nChiel, Arthur A., 237Children and Youth Aliyah Committee

for Great Britain, 51Chipkin, Israel Solomon, 475-76Chmielnicki, Bogdan, 9Chomsky, William, 525Chouraqui, Andr6, 253Christian Democratic Party (Italy), 266Christian Democratic Union (Germany),

276Christian Mobilizers, 146Cicurel, Rene\ 402Cicurel, Salvatore, 401, 402Citizens Councils (see White Citizens

Councils)City of Hope, 180, 436City of Montgomery v. Montgomery City

Lines, Inc., 129nCivil Aeronautics Act, 129Civil Aeronautics Authority, 128Civil liberties, 83-96Civil rights, 96-141Civil Rights Congress, 91Clauberg, Karl, 284Claudius, Michael Mueller (see Mueller-

Claudius, Michael)Clement, Frank, 111Clementis, Vladimir, 306Cleveland Bar Association, 94Clinton (Tenn.) High School, 110Cogley, John, 87Cohen, Abraham, 240Cohen, Mrs. Harry K., 522Cohen, Sir Henry, 244Cohen, Idov, 330Cohen, Iva, bibliography by, 464-74Cohen, Judah Leib, 34Cohen, Lord of Walmer, 54, 55Cohen, Meis, 352Cohen, Mortimer J., 152, 525Cohen, Sir Robert Waley, 20, 21, 24, 88,

62nCole, Kendrick M., 83, 84, 85, 86Cole, Nat, 143Cole v. Young, 83n

INDEX 535Colegio Hebreo Monte Sinai, 411Colegio Hebreo Sefardi, 411Colegio Hebreo Tarbut, 411Colegio Israelita de Mexico, 411Collectieve Israel Actie, 264College of Jewish Studies, 428College of William and Mary, 113Collins, LeRoy, 102Col. David Marcus Memorial Founda-

tion, 425Columbia University, 150Cominfonn (see Communist Information

Bureau)The Coming Red Dictatorship, 149Comit6 Central Israelita del Uruguay,

220nComite de Bienfaisance Israelite de Paris,

249Comite Juif Algerian d'fitudes Sociales,

342Comit£ Representative de la Colectividad

Israelita, 220nComite Unifie Juif d'Aide a Israel, 258Commentary, 459Commin, Pierre, 338Commission on Status of Jewish War Or-

phans in Europe (American section),428

Committee for Jewish Claims on Austria,302, 427

Committee for Security and Justice in theMiddle East, 209

Committee of Canadian Jewish Federa-tions and Welfare Funds, 443

Common Sense, 142, 146, 147, 148, 149Commonweal, 165Communaute Israelite (Brussels), 256, 259Communidade Israelita de Lisboa, 220nCommunist Control Act of 1954, 91Communist Information Bureau, 306Communist Party (Algeria), 338Communist Party (Austria), 299Communist Party (Czechoslovakia), 323Communist Party (Hungary), 308, 327Communist Party (Israel), 381, 387Communist Party (Italy), 266Communist Party (Poland), 319, 320Communist Party (Rumania), 328Communist Party (Soviet Union), 306,

311, 325, 378Communist Party (Tunisia), 343Communist Party (Union of South Af-

rica), 360Communist Party (U.S.), 90, 91, 92, 93,

297, 304Communist Party, Twentieth Congress,

304, 305, 306, 308, 312, 318, 325, 379Communist Party of U.S. v. Subversive

Activities Bd., 91n

Community Welfare Committee (Chi-cago), 511

Les Compagnons des Arts (Tunisia), 353Conference Committee of National Jew-

ish Women's Organizations, 436Conference of Anglo-Jewish Preachers,

241Conference of British Commonwealth

Premiers, 362Conference on Jewish Material Claims

Against Germany, 175, 177, 178, 240,241, 250, 251, 252, 255, 256, 257, 265,269, 270, 271, 286, 288, 291, 292, 302,370,371,427

Conference on Jewish Material ClaimsAgainst Germany, Allocations, 1956,416-17

Conference on Jewish Social Studies,181n, 425

Confino, Albert, 340Congress Bulletin, 463Congress for Jewish Culture, 425Congress of Freedom, 145, 146Congress Weekly, 459Conjoint Committee on Foreign Affairs

(see Joint Foreign Committee)Connecticut Commission on Civil Rights,

119Conseil Central de Communautes Juives

(Greece), 220nConseil des Communautes Israelites de

Tunisie, 220nConseil Representatif des Juifs de France,

249Conseil Representatif Judaisme Tradi-

tionaliste de France, 249Conservative Party (Union of South Af-

rica), 360Consistoire Central des Israelites de

France et d'Algerie, 248, 250, 253Consistoire Central Israelite de Belgique,

254, 258Consistoire Israelite de Luxembourg,

220nConsolidation Loan, 385Constantian v. Anson Board of Educa-

tion, 108nConsultative Council of Jewish Organiza-

tions, 62n, 423, 515Conway, J. Edward, 127Cook, Morris, 476Cooperative Commonwealth Federation,

228Coordinating Board of Jewish Organiza-

tions, 31, 424Coplans, Joseph, 368Corsi, Edward, 512Coudert, Frederick, 95Council News, 459Council of Christians and Jews, 238

536 INDEX

Council of Europe, 299Council of Jewish Federations and Wel-

fare Funds (CJFWF), 65, 168, 170,173, 191n, 194n, 196, 197, 198, 198n,436, 444

CJFWF Committee on National-LocalRelations, 179

Council of Jewish Women (Cuba), 415Council of Mechanics, 6Council of Natal Jewry, 362Council of Religious Cults, 310Council of the Jewish Religious Commu-

nities (Prague), 323Country Communities Fund (Union of

South Africa), 364Country Party (Australia), 369Covert, Clarice B., 89Cremieux Decree, 340Crenshaw, James, 90Crestohl, Leon, 231Croll, David. 231Cromwell, Oliver, 6, 7, 8, 28, 238Crouch bill, 239Cuba, 414-16Cultural and Social Union of Polish Jews,

319, 320Cyperstein, Avigdor, 408Cyrankiewicz, Joseph, 307, 318Czechoslovakia, 322-25

Dahan, Jacques, 357, 358Dahlem, Franz, 297Daily Worker (New York), 87, 96, 305Daleski. Joseph, 366Dam, H. G. van, 290Danglow, Jacob, 244-45Danin, D., 314Daube, David, 294Daudet, Francois, 248DavidoviC, Emil, 323Davidson v. Cope, 11 InDavis, Albert, 144Davis, Arthur, 17Davis, James C, 100Davis v. Si. Louis Housing Authority,

122nDawidowicz, Lucy, article by, 203-19The Day-Jewish Journal, 459Dayton University, 105Dead Sea scrolls, 159, 160, 391, 392Debre, Michel, 246Defender, 149Defense de VOccident, 248Dehler, Thomas, 276Delta Land Company, 400Democratic and Socialist Union of the

Resistance (France), 337Democratic Party (Turkey), 331Democratic Party (U.S.), 211

The Democratic Party, Arch-Foe of Civi-lization, 146

Democratic Party of the Algerian Mani-festo, 338

Democratic Party of the Saar, 274Dennis, Eugene, 305Department for Education of Jewish

Youth, 359Department of Conservation v. Tate,

133nDetroit Housing Authority, 121Detroit Housing Commission, 121Detroit Housing Commission v. Lewis,

121nDetroit Jewish News, 458Deutsch, Ernst, 295Deutsch, Monroe Emanuel, 476Deutsche Block, 278Deutsche Gemeinschaft, 278Deutsche Reichspartei, 276, 277, 278, 279Deutsche Saar, 275Deutsche Soldatenzeitung, 279Deutsche Zukunft, 111Deutsches Kulturwerk Europaeischen

Geistes, 278Development Corporation of America,

174Dewey, Thomas E., 95Dhahran Air Base, 210Dibrova, P. A., 298Dickstein, Moishe, 237Diels, Rudolf, 281Dienst an Israel, 294Dilling, Elizabeth, 145, 149Dimanstein, Semen, 312Dinin, Samuel, 519Disegni, Dario, 270Dobin, Hirsch, 313Doenitz, Karl, 276, 278, 283Doering, Wolfgang, 277Donovan, Bernard, 218Dooley, Joseph B., 113Doppelt, Frederic A., 154Dougherty, John }., 159Douglas, Paul, 219Douglas, William O., 90Dragunsky, David, 310Draznin, 321Drechsler, David, 476Drees, Willem, 260, 262Drew University, 508Dropsie College, 181, 428Dropsie College, Alumni Association, 428Dror, 341Druzjba Narodov, 313Dubb, Louis, 363Dubelman, Abraham J., article by, 414-16Dubov, Leopold, 476Duchowicz, M., 413Duerfeld, Walter, 281

INDEX 537Dulles, John Foster, 165, 203, 204, 205,

206, 207, 209, 210, 211, 213, 215, 216,217, 218, 219, 378

Dultzin, Leon, 412Dunagan, Otis T., 113Dunbar, Duke W., 134Dunn v. Board of Education of Green-

brier County, 116nDunsky, Israel, 366Dunsky, Shimshon, 237Dupont, Leon, 248Dushkin, Alexander, 520

East German Council for Atomic Re-search, 298

East German National Democratic Party,297

East Germany, 296-99Easterman, Alex, 356Eastern Europe, introduction, 304-08Eastland, James O., 84, 87, 95, 140Eastvold, Don, 53, 134Eban, Abba, 205, 206, 207, 209, 210, 211,

212,514fidaireurs Israelites de France, 341£cole Israelite, 256, 258Economic Council Letter, 143, 148Economic Horizons (see American-Israel

Economic Horizons)Edel, Yitzhak, 392Eden, Sir Anthony, 206, 207, 243, 378Edinburgh, Duke of, 238Education Act of 1944, 45Edward I, King of England, 5Edward VII, King of England, 13, 55Edwards, E. L., 144, 145Egypt, 398-403Ehrenburg, Ilya, 304Ehrlich, Ernst Ludwig, 294Ehrlich, H., 368Eichler, Benjamin, 323Einfeld, Billie, article by, 369-73Einstein, Albert, obituary of, 480-85Eisenhower, Dwight D., 146,148,149, 165,

206,207,209,213,215Eisenstein, Judah David, 476Eisner, Pavel, 325Elias, Henry, 255, 256Elizabeth I, Queen of England, 5Elizabeth II, Queen of England, 238Elkan, Benno, 243Elsas, Paul, 295Emergency Campaign for Israel, 410Emergency United Israel Appeal Fund,

235Engel, Irving M., 511, 513, 514England, three centuries of Jewish life in,

1656-1956, 3-63Erasmus, F. C, 366Erhard, Ludwig, 273

Erie Railroad, 126Erik, Max, 312Escuela Israeli ta Yavne, 411Essex County Bar Association, 94Estes, Joe Ewing, 112"Eternal Light," 167, 171, 429Etzel, Richard, 278Euler, August Martin, 277European Payments Union, 273, 288European Statute for the Saar, 274Evans, Isaac, 476Every Friday, 462Executive Council of Australian Jewry,

220n,370,372Ex-Patients' Sanatorium for Tuberculosis

and Chronic Disease, 436Export-Import Bank, 215

Facts and Opinions, 459Fair Accommodation Practices act, 233Fair Employment Practices acts (Canada),

233Family Location Service, 436-37Farband—Labor Zionist Order, 435Farband Newsletter, 459Farben, I. G., Dye Trust, 288FarkaS, Bernat, 323FarkaS, Mihaly, 306, 326Farris, Charles L.. 122el Fassi, Si Allal, 354Fastlicht, Adolfo, 412Father Divine—Fake or Father?, 142Faure, Edgar, 245, 338Fayson v. Beard, 132nFeder, Richard, 323, 325Federal Employees Loyalty-Security Pro-

gram, 83, 92Federal Housing Authority, 119Federal Immunity Law, 89Federal Indemnification Law (1953), 286Federal Office for the Protection of the

Constitution, 278Federal Party, 360Federal Reserve, 148Federated Council of Israel Institutions,

179,179n, 191n,439Federatie van Nederlandse Journalisten,

260Federation de la Jeunesse Juive de Bel-

gique, 258Federation des Soci tes Juives de France,

249Federation of Australian Jewish Societies,

371Federation of German Industry, 273Federation of Jewish Communities in Al-

geria, 340Federation of Jewish Communities in

Yugoslavia, 220nFederation of Jewish Philanthropies of

538 INDEX

New York City, 156, 167, 170n, 185n,187n,200

Federation of Jewish Student Organiza-tions, 428

Federation of Resistance Fighters, 300Federation of Synagogues (Great Britain),

14,21,39Federation of Synagogues of the Trans-

vaal and Free State, 364Federation Sioniste (Belgium), 259Federation Sioniste (France), 252Federation Suisse des Communaut^s Is-

raelites, 220nFederations, welfare funds, community

councils, Canada, 455-56Federations, welfare funds, community

councils, U. S., 444-55Federazione Sionistica Italiana, 272Feeney, Leonard E., 149Feffer, Itzik, 312, 313Fehrenbach, Adolf, 284Feinstein, Myer, 520Feldman, Bercu, 329Feldman, Leibl, 367Felix, Arthur, 245The Fence, 512Ferguson, Jo M., 103Fernwood Park Public Housing project,

120Fez, Treaty of, 353fightum, 146Fine, Morris, 524, 525Finkel, Uri, 313Finkelstein, Naomi, 476Fischer, Hermann, 284Fisher, Geoffrey, 238Fiszgrund, Salo, 321Fitch, Louis, 237Fitzgerald v. Pan American World Air-

ways, 129nFlemming v. South Carolina Electric and

Gas Co., 129nFlick, Friedrich, 281Florczak, Zbigniew, 318Florida ex rel. Hawkins v. Board of Con-

trol, lOlnFoertsch, Hermann, 280Folksztyme, 311, 312, 313, 319, 319nFolsom, James E., 94, 97Fond zur Hilfeleistung an Politisch Ver-

folgte, 303Fonds Social Juif Unifie\ 250, 251, 252,

253Ford Foundation, 250nForeign Policy Association, 511Foroys, 413Forster, Arnold, 87Fortschritt, 277Foundation for the Jewish National

Fund, 439

"The Fourth R," 167Fox, Isaac Solomon, 242Fraenkel, Avraham, 392Fragmentos, 416France, 245-53France-Israel, 252Franco, Francisco, 354Frank, Jerome, 129Frankfurter, Felix, 90, 142, 145Frankl, Oscar Benjamin, 476Franklin, Benjamin, forgery, 248Frasier v. Board of Trustees of N.C.U.,

107nFray Velt, 413Fred Wessels Public Housing Project,

120Free Democratic Party 275, 276, 277Free Democratic Party, Hitler Youth

Leader Circle, 277Free People's Party, 277Free Sons of Israel, 435Free University of Berlin, 294Freed, Eleazar, 525Freedman, Harry, 371Freedman, Maurice, 60n, 63nFreedman, Zachary Leo, 476Freedom Party, 299, 303Freehof, Lillian S., 524Freeland League for Jewish Colonization,

427Freiberger, Herbert, 277Freidkina, R., 317Freie Arbeiter Stimme, 459Der Freiwillige, 279Freud, Sigmund, 244, 295Freylich, Itzhak, 257Fried, Frederic, 347Friedenthal, Ermano, 268Friedenthal, Heinz, 295Frishberg, Israel Zev, 476Front National, 343'Frontiers of Faith," 167Frumkin, Esther, 312Fuchs-Robetin, Franz, 302Fund for the Republic, 84-85, 87, 88Funk, Walter, 283Furrows, 459Furtseva, Yekaterina A., 314

Gaitskell, Hugh, 239Galinski, Heinz, 291, 293Gaster, Theodor H., 160Gaulle, Charles de, 245Gehlen, Reinhard, 280General Assembly of Jewish Communi-

ties, 357General Confederation of Labor (Argen-

tina), 405General Zionist Party (Belgium), 259

INDEX 539General Zionist Party (Israel), 377, 378,

387, 390George, Walter F., 209George III, King of England, 31Georgia State College of Business Admin-

istration, 102Georgia Teacher Retirement Act, 102Georgia Tech, 102, 103Gerber, William E., 100-01German Holy Land Association, 289Germany (see West Germany; East Ger-

many)Gero, Erno, 306, 308, 326Gerstenmaier, Eugen, 282Gestapo Security Service, 281Gestetner, Sigmund, 245Gideon, Sampson, 28Gideons International, 134Gilbert, Arthur, 163, 164Ginzberg, Louis, 525, 526Girard College, 117Girard, Stephen, 117Gittelson, Roland B., 151Givat Hasofer, American Friends of, 439Gladstone, William, 18el Glaoui, Thami, 353Glasgow Beth Din, 241Glazer, Simcha, 416Globke, Hans, 280Glubb, John Bagot, 396Gluckman, Henry, 362Glueck, Nelson, 165, 166, 390Goa, Carlo, 267Goebbels, Josef, 248, 277, 280Goering, Hermann, 280Goethe University, 294Goff, Kenneth, 142, 146Goldberg, Leah, 392Goldberg, S., 363Goldberg, S. P., article by, 168-95Goldberg, Solomon, 373Goldbloom, Maurice J., articles by, 83-96,

336-39Goldfaden, Abraham, 322Goldfinger, Ilya, 321Goldfreund, Ernst, 296Goldman, Arthur, 368Goldman, Edwin Franko, 476Goldmann, Nahum, 240, 383Goldsmid, Sir Isaac Lyon, 13Goldsmid, Sir Osmond d'Avigdor, 21Goldschmidt, Hermann Levin, 294Goldschmidt, Jakob, 476Goldschmidt, Leopold, 290, 295Goldsmid-Montefiore, Claude (see Monte-

fiore, Claude Goldsmid)Goldstein, Harry, 296Golemba, Alexander, 313Gomis, Guy, 338Gompertz, Erich, 295

Gomulka, Vladislav, 307, 315, 318Goodman, Max, 363Gordimer, Nadine, 367Gordon, Janet, 155Gordon, Joseph, 476Gordon, Marina, 313Gordon-Peterson Bill, 155Gorki Literary Institute, 314Gottesman, David Samuel, 476Gottlieb, Wolf, 241Gottschalk, Max, 258Grand Rabbinat de Turquie, 220nGrass Roots, 149Gratz College, 428Gray, Gordon, 208Gray Commission (see Virginia Commis-

sion on Public Education)Grayzel, Solomon, 518, 525Great Britain, 238-45Great Synagogue (Sydney), 370Greenhalgh, John, 8Gressette, L. Marion, 109Gressette Committee, 109Greve, Otto Heinrich, 287Griffin, Marvin, 102Griffith, Danton, 90Gringoire, 248Griswold, Lawrence, 148Grooms, Hobart, 97, 98Grosch, H. E., 232Gross, Naftoli, 476-77Grossmann, Kurt R., 287Group Areas Act, 360Growing Up, 459Grozinger, Alexander, 370Gruenstein, Herbert, 297Gruson, Sidney, 319Guide for Reform Judaism, 154Guitton, Jean, 248Gulf Oil Corporation, 126Guri, Israel, 377Gwinn Amendment, 93

HIAS (see United HIAS Service)Haagsch Dagblad, 260Haaretz, 327, 328Habimah, 392Haboneh, 459Habonim, 439Hadassah Newsletter, 459Hadassah Organization of Canada, 235,

443Hadassah Women's Zionist Organization

of America, 171, 176, 179, 179n, 203,208n, 439

Haddad, Charles, 348Hadj, Messali, 338Hadoar, 459Hadoar Lanoar, 459Hafez, Mustafa, 380

540 INDEX

Hagdud Haivri League, 439Hagerty, James C, 213Hahn-Butry, Juergen, 280Haidamack massacres of 1768, 9Haifa Chemical and Fertilizer Plant, 386Haifa industrial exhibition, 390Haifa Technion, 51, 382, 388, 389Hakim, George, 381Ha-Kol, 353Halberstam, Yekutiel, 167ha-Levi, Judah, 17Halkin, Shmuel, 313Hall, Leonard, 95Hamburger, Adolf, 295Hamilton, John W., 143Hammarskjold, Dag, 212, 213, 381, 396,

397Hamon, Leo, 246Handlin, Oscar, 524Hapoel Hamizrachi of America, 439-40Hapoel Hamizrachi of America, Women's

Organization, 440Hapoel Hamizrachi Party (Israel), 376,

378, 390Hapoel Hamizrachi-Mizrachi Party (Is-

rael), 376Hare, Raymond Arthur, 211Harofe Haivri, 459Harriman, Averell, 122, 141Harris, Abraham J., 511Hart, Aaron, 34Hart, Merwin K., 143, 148Hashomer Hatzair Zionist Youth, 440Hassan, Moulay, 354Hausleiter, August, 278Haussmann, Wolfgang, 287Havaner Lebn, 415Hawkins, Virgil D.( 101Hayat, Isaac, 348Hayes v. Crutcher, 132nHebrew Arts Foundation, 425Hebrew Teachers College, 428Hebrew Teachers Federation, 428Hebrew Teachers Union, 429Hebrew Theological College, 182n, 235,

429Hebrew Theological College, Teachers'

Institute, 429Hebrew Theological College, Yeshiva

Women, 429Hebrew Union College Annual, 462Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute

of Religion (HUC-JIR), 18, 159,160, 161, 165, 166, 182, 182n, 235,429

HUC-JIR, Alumni Association, 429HUC-JIR, Schools of Education and Sa-

cred Music, 429Hebrew University-Hadassah Medical

School, 389

Hebrew University in Jerusalem, 170n,382, 388, 389, 391, 485

Hebrew University in Jerusalem, BritishFriends of, 47, 51, 244

Hebrew Veterans of the War with Spain,435

Hebrew Watchman, 462Hechalutz Organization, 440Hegedus, Andreas, 308, 326Heimatbund, 274, 275Heine, Heinrich, 294, 295Heler, Benjamin, 340Heller, Bynem, 321Hellinger, Martin, 282Hellmer, Arthur, 295Helmer, Oskar, 299Helmuth, Otto, 282Henderson, Loy W., 214Henderson, Wallace D., 124Hendrix, Bill, 144Hennings, Thomas C, Jr., 86Hennings Committee, 511Henrard, Fernande, 256Henrietta Maria, Queen of England, 6Henriques, Sir Basil, 44, 244Henry, Joe W., I l lHerberg, Will, 151, 525, 526Heritage, 457Hernan, Gustavo Ortez, 413Herter, Christian A., 116Hertz, Gustav, 298Hertz, Joseph H., 18, 26, 36Herut Party, 377, 387, 390Herzberg, Abel J., 266Herzl, Theodor, 16, 17Herzliah Hebrew Teachers Institute, 429Heschel, Abraham J., 524Hess, Rudolf, 283Heuss, Theodor, 285, 294, 295Heves, Lajos, 327Heyward v. Housing Authority of Savan-

nah, 120nHigley, Harvey, 93Hilfs Farayn, 412, 413Hilfsgemeinschaft auf Gegenseitigkeit,

279Hill, John Warren, 126, 127Hirsch, Sampson Raphael, 39, 61nHiss, Alger, 95Histadrut Foto-News, 459Histadrut (Great Britain), 243Histadrut (Israel), 377, 378, 382, 388, 389Histadrut (U.S.), 179Histadruth Ivrith of America, 181n, 425Histadruth Ivrith (Union of South Af-

rica), 364, 367Historia Judaica, 459Historical Association of Southern Flor-

ida, 160Hobson v. York Studios, 133n

INDEX 541Hoegen, Peter J., 93Hoffer, Israel, 237Hoffman, Walter B., 132Hoffmann, Johann, 274, 275Hoffstein, David, 312Hofmans, Margaretha, 260Hogg, Astor, 136Holifield v. Paputchis, 133nHollander, David B., 154, 156Hollander, Felix C, 368Holmes v. City of Atlanta, 131n, 132nHoly Day Closing By-Law (Canada), 232Home for Aged and Infirm Hebrews of

New York City, 198Homeowners' Association of the State of

Michigan, 144Hood v. Board of Trustees of Sutnter

County, llOnHoover, Herbert, Jr., 206, 210Hopkins, Garland Evans, 209Hoppe, Paul Werner, 284Horeb, 459Horkheimer, Max, 294Horowitz, Sam, 259Hort, Greta, 325Hotz, Lewis, 367Hoxie School District v. Brewer, 99nHudson, Polly Ann Myers, 97Humphrey, Hubert H., 156, 208Hungary, 325-27Huppenkothen, Walter, 284Hurd, L. V., 366Hurwitch, Szmuel, 321Hurwitz, C, 363Hussein, Ahmed, 212, 217Hussein, King of Jordan, 396Hutchinson, Paul, 510Hyamson, Albert M., 63n, 242Hysmans, Max, 246

Ibguy, M., 355Ikuf Bleter, 329Illinois Commerce Commission, 128Iltis, Rudolf, 325Ilyitchev, Leonid, 312Images et pensees Juives, 353Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952,

140Imperial Chemical Industries, 28In Jewish Bookland, 459In the Common Cause, 459Ind^pendants, 343Independent Offices Bill, 92Indiana Jewish Chronicle, 458Industrialists' Association (Israel), 388Information Juive, 342Informational Media Guaranty Program,

215Inonii, Ismet, 332In re Jeanpierre, Supreme Court, 125n

Institut International des Etudes H6bra-iques, 341

Institute fur Demoskopie, 285Institute for Religious and Social Studies,

429-30Institute of Jewish Studies, 48Intergovernmental Committee for Euro-

pean Migration, 300Interkerkelijk Contact Israel, 264Intermountain Jewish News, 457International Bank for Reconstruction

and Development, 216International Confederation of Free

Trade Unions, 338International Cooperation Administra-

tion, 217The International Jew, 363International Jewish Labor Bund (see

World Coordinating Committee ofthe Bund)

International Monetary Fund, 246International Organization Employees

Loyalty Program, 85International Red Cross, 402International Trade Fair, twenty-fifth,

318Interreligious Newsletter, 459Interstate Commerce Commission, 127,

128Inter-University Jewish Federation of

Great Britain and Ireland, 41Iran, Shah of, 214Iraq,404Isaac Wolfson Foundation, 244Isaacs, Rufus (see Reading, Marquess of)Isbakh, Alexander, 314Isenstadt, Theodore R., 198nIsmay, Lord, 254Israel, 374-92Israel, 272Israel Bond Campaign (Canada), 235Israel Bond Drive (Mexico), 410Israel Bond Drive (U.S.), 173Israel Broadcasting Service, 382Israel Development Bonds, 385Israel Development Issue, 174Israel Digest, 459Israel Economic Horizons (see American-

Israel Economic Horizons)Israel Electric Company, 386Israel Emergency Appeal, 367Israel Historical Society, 391Israel Independence Bond Issue, 174Israel Music Foundation, 440Israel Philharmonic Orchestra, 265Israel Purchasing Mission, 288, 416nIsrael Red Magen David, 412Israel Speaks, 459Israelitische Wochenblatt, Zurich, 322

542 INDEX

Israelitischen Kultusgemeinde Wien, 301,302

Istiqlal (Morocco), 353, 354, 355, 356, 358Italy, 266-72Izvestia, 316

JDC (see American Jewish Joint Distribu-tion Committee)

JWB (see National Jewish Welfare Board)Jackson v. Buchanan, lOOnJackson v. Rawdon, 112nJacob R. Schiff Fund, 160, 519, 525Jacob Sourasky Fund, 413Jacobson, Dan, 367Jacobson, Edward, 477Jacqmotte, Emile, 258Jaffe, J. H., 391

James de Rothschild Fund, 391anner, Barnett, 239

Janowsky, Oscar, 519Jaroshunsky, 319Jassel, Raymond, 236Javits, Jacob K... 95, 208Jay, Cecil Reginald, 90Jay v. Boyd, 90n

ecchinis, Chris, 92efimov, Alexei, 149ehovah's Witnesses, 232ellinek, Gustav, 303endretzki, Hans, 297enner, William, 84, 95essel, Sir George, 54

Jewish Academy of Arts and Sciences,425

Jewish Advocate, 458Jewish Agency for Palestine, 21, 23, 26,

166, 170, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179,190n, 208n, 220n, 242, 250, 255, 261,291, 340, 341, 347, 348, 349, 355, 356,372, 382, 383, 385, 390, 412, 440

Jewish Agricultural Society, 437Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee, 310, 312,

313Jewish Argus, 457Jewish Audio-Visual Review, 459Jewish Board of Deputies (South Africa),

220nJewish Book Annual, 459Jewish Book Council, 425Jewish Book Week (Great Britain), 244Jewish Braille Institute, 437Jewish Braille Review, 460Jewish Bulletin, 458Jewish Chautauqua Society, 181n, 429Jewish Chronicle (London), 11, 28, 41, 51,

63n, 330; Tercentenary Supplement,63n

Jewish Civic Leader, 458Jewish Colonization Association of Can-

ada, 443

Jewish Colonization Association (Tuni-sia), 345, 351

Jewish communal services, 168-95Jewish Community Bulletin, 457Jewish Community Council (Cleveland),

510Jewish Community Council (Los Angeles),

511Jewish Community of the Philippines,

220nJewish Community Services of Long Is-

land, 197,199Jewish Conciliation Board, 437Jewish Criterion, 462Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, 427Jewish Daily Forward, 460Jewish Daily Yiddish Bulletin (see Yidishe

Telegrafin Agentur Tegliche Bulletin)Jewish Digest, 462Jewish Education, 460JEC (Jewish Education Committee) Bul-

letin, 459Jewish Education Newsletter, 460Jewish Examiner, 460Jewish Exponent, 462Jewish Farmer, 460Jewish Fellowship, 25Jewish Floridian, 457Jewish Forum, 460Jewish Frontier, 164, 460Jewish Herald-Voice, 462ewish High School, 263ewish Historical Institute, 322ewish Historical Museum, 262ewish Historical Society of England, 17,

54, 63n, 391Jewish Horizon, 460Jewish Immigrant Aid Services of Can-

ada, 443Jewish Independent, 462Jewish Information Bureau, 425Jewish Labor Committee (JLC), 180,

208n, 239, 424JLC, Women's Division, 424JLC, Workmen's Circle Division, 424JLC Outlook, 460Jewish Labor Committee of Canada, 443Jewish Ledger (Hartford, Conn.), 457Jewish Ledger (New Orleans, La.), 458Jewish Ledger (Rochester, N. Y.), 458Jewish Librarians Association, 425Jewish Life, 460Jewish Life [Orthodox], 460Jewish Ministers' Association (Union of

South Africa), 364Jewish Ministers Cantors Association

(U.S.), 429Jewish Monitor, 457Jewish Museum, 425Jewish Music Council (Montreal), 236

INDEX 543Jewish Music Forum, 425Jewish National Fund, 51,176,179n, 190n,

191n (see also Keren Kayerneth)ewish National Fund (Algeria), 341ewish National Fund (Australia), 372ewish National Fund (Canada), 235, 443ewish National Fund (Israel), 376ewish National Fund (Mexico), 410ewish National Fund (U.S.). 440ewish National Home for Asthmatic

Children at Denver, 437Jewish National Workers' Alliance (see

Farband-Labor Zionist Order)Jewish News, 458Jewish Newsletter, 460Jewish Observer and Middle East Review,

51Jewish Occupational Council, 123, 181,

201,203,437Jewish Outlook (see Mizrachi Outlook)Jewish Parent, 460Jewish Peace Fellowship, 435Jewish People's Council Against Fascism

and Anti-Semitism, 123Jewish Pictorial Leader, 462Jewish Press, 458Jewish Press-Milwauker Wochenblat, 462Jewish Publication Society (JPS), 152,

181n, 425; annual report, 516-28JPS Bookmark, 462, 526Jewish Quarterly Review, 17, 462Jewish Reconstructionist Foundation, 429Jewish Record, 458Jewish Religious Communities in Slova-

kia, Central League of, 323Jewish Religious Union, 18Jewish Restitution Successor Organiza-

tion, 427Jewish Review and Observer, 462Jewish Sabbath Alliance, 429Jewish Secondary Schools Movement, 46Jewish Shopkeepers Association (Am-

sterdam), 262Jewish social service, 196-203Jewish Social Service Quarterly (see Jour-

nal of Jewish Communal Service)Jewish Social Studies, 460Jewish Socialist Verband, 424Jewish Spectator, 460Jewish Standard, 458Jewish Teacher, 460ewish Teachers Seminary, 181, 429ewish Telegraphic Agency (JTA), 462TA Daily News Bulletin, 460TA Weekly News Digest, 460ewish Territorial Organization, 17ewish Theatrical Guild, 435ewish Theological Seminary of America

(JTSA), 42, 155, 159, 161, 166, 167,182,182n, 235,429

JTSA, American Jewish History Center,160

JTSA, Human Brotherhood Center, 161JTSA, Teachers Institute, 150Jewish Times (Baltimore, Md.), 458Jewish Times (Brookline, Mass.), 458Jewish Veteran, 457Jewish Voice, 457Jewish Voice Pictorial, 462Jewish War Veterans, 180, 208, 208n, 424Jewish Way (N.Y.C.), 460Jewish Way—Unzer Weg (Chicago, 111.),

458Jewish Weekly News, 458Jewish World, 460Jews' College, 10, 11, 35, 42,46, 47,48,242Jews' Free School, 45, 46Jews' Hospital and Orphan Asylum, 49Jews' Temporary Shelter, 14Joel, Georg, 277Johnston, Eric, 215, 514Johnston, Olin, 87Joint Defense Appeal, 170n, 180,194n,424Joint Foreign Committee, 10, 16, 19, 22,

31,240Joint National Fund Raising Committee,

233Joint Orthodox Chaplaincy Board, 153Joint Palestine Appeal (Great Britain),

24,50,51,243Joint Public Relations Committee (Can-

ada), 443Jones, Walter B., 98Joods Maatschappelijk Werk, 261Joods Nationaal Fonds (Bureau Neder-

land), 264oodsch Bijzonder Onderwijs, 263oodse Wachter, 263, 264ordan, Rudolf, 282oseph, Sir Keith, 244oseph, Morris, 40

Journal de Commerce, 402Journal of Jewish Communal Service, 460Journal of Semitic Studies, 244Jowell, J., 363Jowett, Benjamin, 18Joyner v. McDowell Board of Education,

107nJudaism, 460Jiidische Demokratische Liste Einigkeit,

301Jiidische Spar-und Kreditgenossenschaft,

302Juliana, Queen of the Netherlands, 260Junger Beobachter, 278Jungschlager, Leon N. H., 259, 260Junior Hadassah, 440

Kadar, Janos, 308Kaganovich, Lazar, 304, 307, 312

544 INDEX

Kalian, Abraham, 313Kahan, Solomon, 413Kahlenberg, Marc, 258Kahn, Auren, 251Kahn, Dorothy Caroline, 477al-Kahyyal, Sheikh Abdullah, 209Kalina, Lea, 313Kalisin, Enrique, 415Kaltenbrunner, Ernst, 280Kamenev, Leo B., 305Kamin, Leon, 88Kaminska, Ida, 321, 322Kaminsky, Paul, 477Kamp, Joseph P., 143Kansas City Jewish Chronicle, 458Kapralik, Charles, 303Karlikow, Abraham, articles by, 245-53,

253-59Karminski, Sir Seymour, 54Karpilov, Miriam, 477Kasper, Frederick J., 110, 111, 149Rasper, John, 144,148Kates, Adolph, 415, 416katona, Joseph, 327Katz, Elias, 323Katz, Moshe, 230n, 236Katzen, Bernard, 215Katzew, Henry, 368Kaufman, Charles Jehiel, 477Kaufmann, J. J., 247Kaufmann, Walter, 294Kaumheimer, Bernard, 368Kavanagh, Thomas M., 131Kayser, Stephen S., 524Kazdan, Chaim S., 413Kefauver, Estes, 208Kehilatanu, 259Kelley bill, 118Kellman, George, article by, 141-49Kelly v. Board of Education of Nashville,

l l lnKennedy, Harold W., 133Kentucky Council of Public Higher Edu-

cation, 104Kentucky National Guard, 103Keren, Moshe, 296Keren Hatarbut, 443Keren Hayesod (Italy), 272Keren Hayesod (Mexico), 412Keren Hayesod (U.S.), 176Keren Hayesod (West Germany), 292,293,

385Keren Hayesod Committee, 24, 61n, 243Keren Kayemeth (Great Britain), 243Keren Kayemeth (Italy), 272Keren Kayemeth (U.S.), 176Keren Kayemeth (West Germany), 292Kertzer, Morris N., 310Kessari, Joseph, 413Kesselring, Albert, 279, 281

Khrushchev, Nikita, 239, 266, 297, 304,305, 307, 312, 315, 317, 379

Kieft, Johan van de, 264Kinder Journal, 460Kinder Zeitung, 460King, Martin Luther, Jr., 130King David Hebrew Day School, 365Kinsella v. Krieger, 89nKipnis, Yitzik, 313Kissman, Joseph, article by, 328-30Kitz, Leonard, 231Klein, Samuel, 477"Know Your Constitution," 511Knowland, William F., 209Knowles, Mary, 87Koehl, Matt, 146Kohn, Augusta Hirsch, 477Kohn, Henry L., 511Kol Haam, 329Komar, Waclaw, 307Kommunist, 304, 313Koniev, Ivan, 298Kosher Food Guide, 460Kostov, Traicho, 306Kowalski, Benjamin, 412Kraemer, Hermann, 303Kraft, Waldemar, 276Kramer, Erich (see Keren, Moshe)Kramer, Meyer, 155Kraus, Arthur J., 92Kraus v. Dulles, 92nKrell, Wilhelm, 303Krolik, Julian Henry, 477Krupp, Alfred, 281Ku Klux Klan, 144, 145Kulbak, Moshe, 312Kulischer, Eugene M., 477Kultur un Dertziung, 460Kupat Holim, 377Kushnirov, Aron, 313Kutcher, James, 92, 93Kutcher v. Gray, 92nKutcher v. Higley, 93nKutcher v. Housing Authority of the City

of Newark, 93nal-Kuwatly, Shukry, 317Kvitko, Leib, 312

Labor in Israel Newsletter, 460Labor Party (Australia), 369Labor Party (Great Britain), 239Labor Party (Netherlands), 260Labor Party (Union of South Africa), 360Labor Zionist Organization, 208n, 440Labovitch, Mark, 245Lacoste, Robert, 246, 336, 337, 339Laghzaoui, Si Mohammed, 356Lamm, Hans, 290Landa, Abram, 369Lang, Leon S., 477

INDEX 545Lange, 277Langendijk van Moorst, Geertruida, 256,

262Langer. William, 219Langsdorf, Louise Teller, 477Large City Budgeting Conference, 178,

180,181Latour, Pierre Boyer de, 343Lattes, Dante, 272Lauterpacht, Hersch, 244Lautz, Ernst, 281Law for Redressing National Socialist In-

justices with Regard to Public Serv-ants (1951), 287-88

Lawson, Edward B., 210, 213Lazansky, Edward, 477Lazarus, Fred, Jr., 509Lazarus, Jacques. 342Lazebnik, Joel, 321Le Ezrath Ha-Yeled, 265League for National Labor in Israel, 440League for Religious Labor in Eretz Is-

rael, 440League for Safeguarding the Fixity of the

Sabbath, 430League of Arab States, 205, 215, 218, 354,

355League of Independents (see Freedom

Party [Austria])League of Nations, 21Lebanon, 404LeBlanc, Fred, 105LeBlanc Publishers, 149LeBlanc v. Lewis, 105nLederle, Arthur F., 121Lefever, Mark E., 117Lefler, 321Lehman, Herbert H., 140, 141, 142, 145,

208, 218, 219Lenin, Vladimir, 305Lenin Testament, 305Lenz, Friedrich, 278Leo Baeck Institute (U.S.), 417n, 425-26Leo N. Levi Memorial Hospital, 171, 180,

437Leschnitzer, Adolf, 294Leskes, Theodore, article by, 96-141Lev,Aryeh, 161, 162Leventhal, Louis, 477, 518Levi, Leo, 272Levi, Renzo, 268Levin, A. Leo, 155Levin, Menachim, 372Levin, Yankel, 312Levine, J. Sidney, 477Levitan, Michael, 312Levitz, Jacob, article by, 408-14Levy, Henry L., article by, 342-53Levy, Rudolf, 295Lewisohn, Ludwig, 477, 527

Ley, Robert, 280Liberal Joodse Gemeente, 262, 263Liberal Party (Australia), 369Liberal Party (Italy), 266Liberal Party (Union of South Africa),

360Les Libertis Francoises, 248Licensed Retail Kosher Meat Traders'

Association, 240Lichtenstein, 321Liebermann, Norbert, 303Ligue Internationale Contre le Racisme

et L'Antisemitisme, 249Lilar, Albert, 254Lindsay, Coleman, 104, 105Linz Jewish Central Committee, 302Lipman, Eugene, 164, 165Lipman, V. D., 63nLipschitz, Joachim, 287Lipshitz, Mendel, 313Literarishe Heftn, 457Literaturnaya Gazeta, 313Little Rock (Ark.) transit lines, 129Litton, Abraham C, 477-78Litvakov, Moshe, 312Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr., 212, 213Loeb Lectures, 294London Beth Din, 238, 244London Board of Jewish Religious Edu-

cation, 38, 46, 242London Congregation of Spanish and

Portuguese Jews, 29London Jewish Board of Guardians, II,

15, 16, 30, 49, 50, 54, 63nLondon Jewish Hospital Medical Society,

241Long, Earl, 94Long Island Jewish Press, 458"Look Up and Live," 167Lopes, Roderigo, 5Lord, Miles, 125Los Angeles College of Jewish Studies

(see Hebrew Union College—JewishInstitute of Religion)

Louis LaMed Literary Foundation, 426Louis M. Rabinowitz Institute for Rab-

binic Research, 430Louisiana State University, 104, 105Louw, Eric, 362Lowenthal, Lotte, articles by, 273-89,

296-99Loyalty-Security program, legislation, 83Lucy, Autherine, 97, 98, 99, 143Lucy et al. v. Adams, 97nLurie, Noah, 313Lyon, Hart, 34Lyon-Caen, 246

Maccabi, 341McCarran, Patrick, 95

546 INDEX

McCarran Internal Security Act, 90, 91McCarran-Walter Immigration and Nat-

uralization Act, 512McCarthy, Joseph R., 84, 87, 88, 95McClellan, John L., 87McCollum v. Board of Education, 134,

134n, 139Macdonald, Ramsay, 23, 24McDonald v. Key, 141nMacdonald White Paper, 23, 24McGinley, Conde, 142, 143, 146, 147, 148,

149McGuire, Carson, 150Machsikei Hadas, 257McKeldin, Theodore R., 141McKinley Park Homes, 119McKinney v. Blankenship, 113nMacmillan, Harold, 205McNeese State College, 104McSzvain v. County Board of Education,

11 OnMcWilliams, Joseph E., 146Madole, James, 146Magen David Adam (Great Britain), 51Magen David Federation (see United

Magen David Organizations)Make Way for Youth, 513Malben, 177Malkenson, Arthur Lyon, 478Malloy, John J., 131Manheimer, Jacob S., 478Mansbach, Asher, 372Mansfield (Tex.) High School, 112Manstein, Erich von, 279, 281Ma6r, Harry, 293Mapai Party (Belgium), 259Mapai Party (Israel), 376, 377Mapam Party, 376, 377, 390Marcus, Jacob R., 160, 518, 524, 525Margolis, Isidor, 157Mark, Ber, 321Markish, Peretz, 312, 313Marks, Sir Simon, 51Marshall, Judge, 137Marshall, Thurgood, 113Martin, Robert, 103Martin v. Board of Education of Mc-

Dowell County, 116nMartin, Wade O., 145Marx, Karl, 293Maryland National Guard, 141Maryles, David, 478Mathi, Maria, 285Mattuck, Israel I., 18, 21Maurer, Emil, 302, 303Mayer, Daniel, 246Mayer, Saly, 269Mayor and City of Baltimore v. Dawson,

132Meinberg, Wilhelm, 277

Meir, Golda, 377Meiss, Leon, 246Meissner, Karl, 278Melchett, Lord, 28Menahem, Elijah, 390Menasseh (see Ben Israel, Menasseh)Menderes, Adnan, 332Mendes-France, Pierre, 245, 246, 247, 248,

336, 337Menorah Association, 181n, 426Menorah Journal, 460Menuhin, Yehudi, 295Menzies, Robert G., 369, 372Merezhin, 312Merker, Paul, 297Mervis, Leonard J., 154Mesivta Yeshiva Rabbi Chaim Berlin

Rabbinical Academy, 430Messow, Kurt, 296Metcalf, George R., 122Mexico, 408-14Meyer, Arthur S., 478Meyner, Robert, 94Michael Weitz Sourasky Children's Home,

412Middle East, 393-404Midstream, 460Mikoyan, Anastas, 307, 312, 316Mikveh Israel Agricultural School,

388Milgrom, Louis, 365Milgrom Report, 365Militant League Against Nazism, 282Miller, A. W., 231Miller, Arthur, 88Miller, Horace Sherman, 148Miller, John E., 99Miller, Ward I., 100Millgram, Abraham E., 526Mine, Hilary, 306Minkoff, Nochum B., 413Mirrer Yeshiva Central Institute, 430Mirski, Michal, 321Misch, Georg, 295Mission Culturelle Franchise, 351Mitas, Leopold, 303Mitterand, Francois, 337Mizrachi Hatzair (U.S.), 440Mizrachi National Education Committee,

157, 182, 430Mizrachi Organization of America, 165,

208n, 389, 440Mizrachi Organization of Canada, 235Mizrachi Organization of Great Britain

and Ireland, 49, 51, 52, 243Mizrachi Outlook, 460Mizrachi Palestine Fund, 176, 440Mizrachi Party (Israel), 376, 378Der Mizrachi Weg, 460

INDEX 547Mizrachi Women's Organization of

America, 179n, 440-41Moar, A., 367Mocatta, Alan A., 242Mocatta, Frederick David, 17Moch, Jules, 246Modiano, Vidal, 249Mokkadem. Sadok, 346, 347, 352Mollet, Guy, 245. 246, 275, 336, 337, 339,

344Molotov, Vyacheslav, 304, 307, 316Monatshefte fur Auswdrtige Politik, 281Mond, Alfred (see Melchett, Lord)Mond, Ludwig, 28Montagu, Lily, 17-18, 44Montagu, Samuel (see Swaythling, Lord)Montecatini Company, 272Montefiore, Claude Goldsmid, 17, 18Montefiore, Sir Moses, 10, 11, 13, 31Montgomery (Ala.) City Lines, 99,129,130Montgomery Improvement Association,

Moore, Ben, 116Moore, George H., 121Moorman v. Morgan, 132nMoorst, Elisabeth van, 262Moran, P., 313Morgen Freiheit, 87, 460Morgenstern, Soma, 524Moriah—National Federation of Yeshiva

Teachers and Principals, 430Morning Freiheit (see Morgen Freiheit)Morocco, 353-59Morris, Hyman, 245Morris, Robert, 197Mosaisk Trossamfund (Denmark), 220nMosaiska Forsamlingen, 220nDet Mosaiske Trossamfund (Norway),

220nMoseley, George Van Horn, 146Mosley, Sir Oswald, 23, 53, 241Moss, Abraham, 243Mt. Scopus College, 370, 371Mouvement Centre le Racisme, et Pour

la Paix, 249Mu Sigma, 435Mueller-Claudius, Michael, 285Muesch, Wilhelm, 283Mullins, Eustace, 144, 148, 278Munich Institute for Contemporary His-

tory, 285Murphree, John A. H., 101Murphy, Edward P., 85Musaf Lahore Hatzair, 460Muslim Brotherhood, 400Musnick, Roland, 252Mutual Security Act (1955), 214, 216, 217Myerson, Golda (see Meir, Golda)

Nagy, Imre, 308, 326

Nahoum, Haim, 401, 402Narovtchatov, Sergei, 313Nasser, Gamal Abdel, 146, 147, 205, 205n,

206, 213, 216, 217, 246, 316, 331, 378.395, 396, 399

Nathan v. Dulles, 91Die Nation, 297Nation Europa, 278Nation Party, 332La Nation Roumaine, 328National Academy for Adult Jewish

Studies, 433National Academy of Religion and Men-

tal Health, 161National Agricultural College, 181, 430National Agricultural College, Alumni

Association, 430National Association for the Advance-

ment of Colored People, 94, 98-99,100, 101, 102, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108,109, 110, 113, 114, 115, 116, 119, 127,144

National Association of Hebrew DaySchool Parent-Teacher Associations,430

National Association of Hillel Directors,430

National Association of Jewish CenterWorkers, 437

National Association of Synagogue Ad-ministrators, 433

National Association of Temple Edu-cators, 432

National Association of Temple Secre-taries, 432

National Beth Din, 155National Commission for Yeshiva Educa-

tion, 157National Committee for Labor Israel,

179, 179n, 441National Committee on Fraternities in

Education, 509National Community Relations Advisory

Council, 123.180,194n, 201, 288n, 424National Conference of Jewish Com-

munal Service, 437National Conference of Synagogue Youth,

157National Conference on Israel and Jewish

Rehabilitation, 233National Conference on Jewish Com-

munal Service, 181, 196National Council for Jewish Education,

430National Council of Beth Jacob Schools,

182, 430National Council of Churches, Broad-

casting and Film Commission, 513National Council of Jewish Prison Chap-

lains, 437

548 INDEX

National Council of Jewish Women(U.S.), 171, 191n, 203, 208n, 252, 437

National Council of Jewish Women ofCanada, 443

National Council of the Churches ofChrist in the U.S.A., 139, 151, 152,153

National Council of the Churches ofChrist in the U.S.A., UniversityChristian Mission, 150

National Council of Young Israel (NCYI),165, 166, 430

NCYI, Armed Forces Bureau, 430NCYI, Employment Bureau, 430-31NCYI, Eretz Israel Division, 431NCYI, Intercollegiate Council, 431NCYI. Women's League, 431NCYI, Youth Department, 431National Council on Jewish Audio-

Visual Materials, 431National Education Association, 218National Federation of Jewish Men's

Clubs, 433National Federation of Temple Brother-

hoods, 432National Federation of Temple Sister-

hoods, 432National Federation of Temple Youth,

432National Guardian, 312National Haym Salomon Memorial Com-

mittee, 426National Health Service, 50National Jewish Committee on Scouting,

437National Jewish Hospital at Denver, 180,

437National Jewish Ledger, 457National Jewish Monthly, 457National Jewish Music Council, 426National Jewish Post (Chicago, 111.), 458National Jewish Post (Indiana), 458National Jewish Post (Kentucky), 458National Jewish Post ("Missouri), 458National Jewish Post (New York City),

460National Jewish Welfare Board (JWB),

161, 162n, 170n, 171, 181, 183, 187n.196, 271, 437

JWB, Armed Services Division, 161JWB Circle, 460JWB, Commission on Jewish Chaplaincy,

161, 162, 437JWB, Women's Organizations' Division,

437-38National Jewish Youth Conference, 438National Labor Relations Act, 126National Liberal Party, 330National Liberation Front, 338National Ministry of Education, 351

National Office of Hungarian Jews, 327National ORT League, 426-27National Party (Union of South Africa),

363National Religious Party (Israel), 378The National Renaissance Bulletin, 147National Renaissance Party, 146, 147, 149National Socialist Party, 280National States Rights Conference, 147National Women's League of the United

Synagogue of America, 431National Young Judaea, 441Nationale Jungendkorps, 303Natolin faction, 307Nature Friends, 83Naude, Tom, 362Naumann, Werner, 277Naye Presse, 314Nazional Jiidische Wahlgemeinschaft,

301Nebraska Department of Public Instruc-

tion, 163Necrology, U.S., 475-79Nederlands-Israelietisch Kerkgenoot-

schap, 266Nederlands Israelietische Gemeente 'S-

Gravenhage, 263Nederlands Israelietische Hoofdsynagoge

Amsterdam, 263Nederlandse Mizrachie, 264Nederlandse Zionistenbond, 263, 264, 266Ne'eman, Y., 392Nehru, Jawaharlal, 395Nenni, Pietro, 266Neo-Destour Party, 343Ner Israel Rabbinical College, 182n, 235,

431Nestadt, Morris S., 363The Netherlands, 259-66Netherlands-Indonesian Union, 259Neturei Karta, 390Neumann, Emil, 323Neumann, Sidney, 527Nevins, Allan, 160New Party Directory, 147New York Association for New Amer-

icans, 175, 176, 178, 187n, 198New York Board of Rabbis, 137, 138, 139,

153, 154, 155, 156, 160, 162, 165, 166,167, 310

New York Board of Regents, 139New York City Bar Association, 84New York City Board of Education, 117,

137New York Civil Liberties Union, 138New York State Catholic Welfare Com-

mittee, 155New York State Commission Against Dis-

crimination, 125, 126, 127

INDEX 549New York State Probation Commission,

127New York State Vocational Rehabilita-

tion Division, 202The New York Times, 87, 96New York University, 150New Yorker Wochenblat, 460Newark Housing Authority, 93Newman, Percy, 245Newton-Thompson, Justice, 361Niess, Adolf, 284Nieuw Israelietisch Weekblad, 263Niger, S. (see Charney, Samuel)Nissim, Paolo, 268Nissim, Yitzhak, 390Der Nistar, 312Nixon, Richard, 95, 146Nj Elet, 326Nobel Prize, 481, 484North Atlantic Treaty Organization, 142,

254, 280, 331, 395North Carolina Supreme Court, 108North Texas State College, 113Nos Petits, 349Notre Dame University, 105Nox-i Mir, 313, 314Nowa Kultura, 318N'shei Agudath Israel, 427Nu, Premier of Burma, 379Nuovo Commento alia Torah, 272Nussbaum, Sara, 295Nussimov, Isaac, 312

ORT (see Organization for Rehabilita-tion Through Training)

OSE (see Oeuvre de Secours aux EnfantsIsraelites)

Oberheuser, Hertha, 282Oberlaender, Theodor, 276, 280Observer, 462Ochab, Edward, 307, 318O'Connor, Timothy, 121OSE (Italy), 271OSE (Mexico), 410, 412OSE (Morocco), 359OSE (Tunisia), 349, 350OSE (U.S.), 178Office for Jewish Population Research,

426Ohel, Milla, 392Ohio Jewish Chronicle, 462Ohrenstein, Ahron, 291Oifn Shvel, 460Oil Workers International Union, 125,

126Oistrakh, David, 295Oklahoma Association of Negro Teach-

ers, 108-09Oklahoma Congress of Colored Parents

and Teachers, 108

Oklahoma Education Association, 109Olicky, Leib, 321Olomeinu-Our World, 460Opinion, 460Oppenheim, Michael, 295Oppenheimer, J. Robert, 86Optimismo Juvenal, 413Or Hamizrach, 460Oren, Mordecai, 323, 377, 379Organization for European Economic Co-

operation, 266Organization for Rehabilitation and

Training (ORT), 171, 251, 256, 270,341, 345, 347, 349, 359, 388 (see alsoBusiness and Professional ORT; Na-tional ORT League; Women's Amer-ican ORT; World ORT Union)

ORT-Tunisia, 351Organizations, National Jewish, in Can-

ada, 442-43Organizations, National Jewish, in U.S.,

423-42Orlinsky, Harry, 523Oron Works, 386Ostertag, Benno, 296Ostro, H., 363Ottolenghi, Giuseppe, 268, 269Our Sunday Visitor, 165Our Voice (New York City) (see Unzer

Stimme)Our Voice (West Palm Beach, Fla.), 457Ozer Hatorah, 359Ozerov, L., 313

Padatzur, Gad, 372Palestine and Zionism, 460Palestine Arab Refugee Institution, 147Palestine Economic Corporation (U.S.),

441Palestine Economic Corporation of Can-

ada, 443Palestine Exploration and Antiquities

Society, 391Palestine Foundation Fund, 441 (see also

Keren Hayesod)Palestine Pioneer Foundation, 441Palestine Symphonic Choir Project, 441Pan American World Airways, 125Parker v. Lester, 85Parkes, James, 59nParks, Rosa, 130Party for Democratic Independence, 353,

354, 355Party of Liberty, 332Pat, Jacob, 413Patriotic Newsletter, 149Patronato, 415, 416Patterson, John, 99Patterson, Robert B., 143Patton, George B., 107

550 INDEX

Pauker, Ana, 297, 328Paul, John, 114Paul, M., 363Pearson, Lester B., 236Pedagogic Reporter, 461Pedagogisher Bulletin, 461PEN Club (West Germany), 283Pennsylvania v. Nelson, 88, 89Pension Fund for Hebrew Teachers, 364Peony Park, 133The People Take the Lead, 511People's College, 367People's Party, 299Percowitch, David, 321Perelman, Chaim, 259Peress, Irving, 86Peretz, Don, article by, 393-404Peron, Juan, 515Periodicals, Jewish, in Canada, 463Periodicals, Jewish, in U.S., 457-62Persow, Samuil, 312P'Eylim-American Yeshiva Student

Union, 431Phi Alpha, 435Phi Epsilon Pi, 435Phi Lambda Kappa, 435Phi Sigma Delta, 435Philadelphia Jewish Times, 462Philipp, Alfred A., 166Philippson, Paul, 256Phillips, Nathan, 231The Philosophy of the Revolution, 147Phoenix Jewish News, 457Pi Tau Pi, 435Picard, Jacob, 520, 525Pierce v. Board of Education of Cabell

County, 116nPierre, Abbe, 249Pilpel, Cecile Meyer, 478Pineau, Christian, 342, 344Pinkhof, Philip, 266Pino, Jakob, 260, 261Pioneer Woman, 461Pioneer Women (Mexico), 410Pioneer Women (U.S.), 171, 179, 179n,441Piperno, Sergio, 268Pirchei Agudath Israel, 427Pivert, Marceau, 314Platner, Isaac, 313Pleasantville (N.Y.) Cottage School, 200Plessy v. Ferguson, 129Pleven, Rene, 337Plugat Aliyah—Hanoar Hatzioni, 441Plummer v. Case, 132nPoale Agudat Israel Party, 376, 390Poale Agudath Israel of America, 176, 441Poale Agudath Israel of America, Ezra-

Irgun Hanoar Hachareidi, 441Poale Agudath Israel of America, League

of Religious Settlements, 441

Poale Agudath Israel of America, Poalim—Women's Division, 441

Poale Zion, 51Poell, Josef, 303The Point, 149Polak, Alfred, 266Poland, 317-22Poliakov, Leon, 280, 285, 295Polianek, Hershl, 313Polish, David, 154Politburo, 307Politi, Elie, 400Population, communities with Jewish

populations of 100 or more, 77-81Population, Jewish, in the United States

by states, absolute and proportion-ate, 82

Population, Jewish, in the United States,1956, 65-82

Population, world Jewish, 220-27Port Security Program, 85Post Office Savings Bank, 384Pougatch, Isaac, 252Poujade, Pierre, 245, 247, 248, 253, 254Powell, Adam Clayton, Jr., 118Powell Amendment, 118Poznan revolt, 318Poznan trials, 305Prace, 323Prager, Norbert, 295Pravda, 316Prensa Israelita, 413President's Committee on Civil Rights,

140President's Committee on Government

Contracts, 122The Princess in the Tower, 512-13Princeton (N.J.) High School, 116Proceedings of the Rabbinical Assembly

of America, 461Professional and Technical Workers

Aliyah, 52Program in Action (see Jewish Education

Newsletter)Progressive Conservative Party, 228Progressive Order of the West, 435Progressive Party, 376, 387Progressive Zionist League—Hashomer

Hatzair, 441Protestant, Catholic, Jew, 151nProtestant Council of the City of New

York, 138, 139Protestants and Other Americans United

for Separation of Church and State,219

Protocols of the Elders of Zion, 142, 149,248, 363

Publication of the American Jewish His-torical Society, 461

Pyle, Howard, 149

INDEX 551Quebec Provincial Act of 1949, 232

Raab, Julius, 299Rabbi Isaac Elchanan Theological Semi-

nary of Yeshiva University, 153Rabbi Judah Leib Zlotnik Seminary,

365Rabbi Kook Institute, 390Rabbinical Alliance, 153, 154, 155, 157,

165, 431Rabbinical Assembly, 153, 154, 155, 157,

161, 431Rabbinical Board of New York, 153Rabbinical College (Italy), 270Rabbinical College of Telshe, 182n, 431Rabbinical Council, 153, 154, 156, 157,

161, 310, 431Rabbinical Council Record, 461Rabbinical School of Algeria, 341Rabinowitch, Isaac, 370Rabinowitz, Louis Isaac, 366, 367Rabinowitz, Louis M., 160Rackman, Emanuel, 154Radical Party, 336, 337Radio Audizioni Italiane, 267Radio Bucharest, 329Radio Budapest, 308Radio Cairo, 346, 352Radio Damascus, 401, 404Radio Munich, 283Raeder, Erich, 276, 281, 283Rafalin, David S., 413Raffalovich, Isaiah, 245Railway Labor Act, 125Raisman, Sir Jeremy, 54Rajk, Laszlo, 306, 307, 325Rakosi, Matyos, 306, 325, 326Ramcke, Hermann Bemhard, 279Rapoport, Meyer, 413Raschick, Herbert, 283Rashi Month, 390La Rassegna d'Israel, 272Rassemblement du Peuple Francais, 245Rowlings v. Butler, 135nRaybum, Sam, 145Rea, Dan ton George, 90Rea v. U. S., 90nReading, Marquess of, 18, 54, 56Reckord, Milton A., 141The Reconstruction^, 151, 461Red Army, 308Red Crescent, 401Red Cross, 412Reed, Stanley F., 90Reed v. Covert, 89nRees, Edward H., 84Reeves, Albert L., 99Refugee Party, 275, 276, 277Refugee Relief Act, 271, 512Refugee Relief Program, 512

Reichmann, Eva, 285Reichsruf, 278Reiner, Markus, 391Reitlinger, Gerald, 285, 295Religion, 150-67Religious Education, 139Republican Party (U. S.), 212Republican People's Party (Turkey), 332Reschke, Hans, 281Research Institute of Religious Jewry,

431Resnick-Martov, Max, 313Reuben, George W., 371Reuther, Walter P., 208Revisionist Party, 259Revista Israelita de Mexico, 413Ribbentrop, Joachim von, 280, 281Richards, James P., 209Richler, Mordecai, 236Richman, Grover, Jr., 89Richter, Hans Werner, 283al-Rifa'i, Samir, 396Ring of National Youth Groups, 278Rivarol, 248Riverton study, 509Robeson, Paul, 91Robeson v. Dulles, 91nRobinson v. Board of Education, 105nRoeder, Guido, 278Rogashover Gaon (see Rosen, Joseph)Roger-Ferdinand, 248Rokossovsky, Konstantin K., 307Rolnick, Joseph, 478Roman Catholic Archdiocese of New

York, 137Roosevelt, Eleanor, 208Roosevelt, Franklin D., 484, 485Rosen, Joseph, 391Rosen, Moses, 328, 329Rosenbaum, Meyer, 415Rosenberg, Alfred, 283Rosenberg, Israel, 478Rosenberg, Louis, article by, 228-37Rosenblatt, Gertrude Goldsmith, 478Rosenblatt, Henry, 478Rosenblatt, Sol, 478Rosenman, Milton, 526Rosenstein, Emily M., 478Roth, Cecil, 7, 60n, 63nRothschild, Edmond de, 388Rothschild, Guy de, 248Rothschild, Lionel de, 12, 59nRothschild, Lord, 12, 13, 16, 20, 38,

59nRountree, William M., 211Rovinah, Hannah, 392Rubinstein, D., 412Rudman, Ray K., 363Rumania, 328-30Rummel, Archbishop Joseph F., 145

552 INDEX

Rumshinsky, Joseph M., 478Russia, 149Rutgers University, 94Rykov, Alexei I., 305

S. Mendelsohn Foundation, 413Saada, Charles, 348Sachs, Alfred, 296Sachs, Bernard, 367Sachs, Fritz, 296Sachs, Nathan S., 478Sack, Eugene J., 155St. Laurent, Louis, 231, 236St. Louis Housing Authority, 122St. Louis University, 105, 508St. Paul Jewish News, 458Salama, Salomon, 400Salaman, Nina, 17Salaman, Redcliffe, 56, 57, 58, 63nSamuel, Herbert (see Samuel, Viscount)Samuel, Marcus (see Bearstead, Viscount)Samuel, Ralph E., 507Samuel, Viscount, 18, 22, 54, 56, 238, 244Sandmel, Samuel, 159Sanitzer, Johann, 303Sapir, Boris, article by, 299-303Saron, Gustav, 367Saskatchewan bill of rights, 233Savan, David, 230n, 236Savary, Alan, 339Scarlett, Frank M., 120Scelba, Mario, 266Schachner, Nathan, 478Schachtman v. Dulles, 91Schaefer, Wilhelm, 284Schaeffer, Fritz, 287Schamisso, Herman, 257Schechter, Solomon, 17, 59nSchechtman, Elihu, 313Schiff, David Tevele, 34, 62nSchiff, Jacob Henry, 59n, 62n, 524Schirach, Baldur von, 283Schleifer, Louis, 478Schlieffer, Solomon, 309, 310Schlueter, Leonhard, 278, 280Schmid, Carlo, 285, 288Schneider, Heinrich, 275Schneier, Samuel, 368Schoeman, Johann, 363Schoenfeld, Herbert S., 296Schokking, Francois M. A., 260, 261Scholem, Gershon G., 294School District of Robinson Township v.

Houghton, 137nSchool Segregation Cases, 113, 114, 129,

131, 132Schroeder, Gerhard, 279Schroeder, Walter, 281Schubert, Wilhelm, 284Schuetz, Waldemar, 278

Schulman, Samuel, 478-79, 527Schuster, Aron, 263Schwaighofer, Hans, 278Schwarze, F., 283Segal, Bernard, 153Segert, Stanislav, 325Segni, Antonio, 266Selig, Martha K., 198nSelig Brodetsky Library, 243Seminaire Israelite, 341Sentinel, 458Separate Representation of Voters Amend-

ment Bill, 361Sephardic Jewish Brotherhood, 435Seven Arts Feature Syndicate, 462Seydewitz, Max, 297, 299Seydoux, Roger, 343Sfard, David, 321Shaban, Abel, 364Shahar, Tovia, 371Shakhne Kaplan Fund, 413Shalom, S., 413Shalthiel, David, 413Shamir, Moshe, 392Shapiro, Leon, articles by, 220-27, 304-08,

309-17, 317-22Sharett, Moshe, 206, 377, 378, 379, 514Shatsky, Jacob, 479Shazar, Zalman, 392Shearer, V. L., 362Shedd v. Board of Education of Logan

County, 116nShedrow, Adolphe, 368Sheehy, Joe W., 113Shelton v. School Board of Hanover

County, 115nShenker, Israel, article by, 259-66Shepilov, Dmitri, 304, 306, 312Shepperd, John B., 113Sheviley Hachinuch, 461Shiloah, Reuven, 210Shivers, Allan, 112Sholem Aleichem Folk Institute, 431Sholom Aleichem, 313, 322, 329Shomrei Hadas, 257Shops (Sunday Trading Reduction) Act

of 1956, 61nShoshkes, Henry, 312Shostakovich, Dmitri, 304Shrock, Abraham T., 366Di Shtime, 413Shveb, Oscar, 409nSichel, Frieda, 367Sicher, Gustav, 322, 323, 325Sidney Liptzen Foundation, 441Sigma Alpha Mu, 435Sigma Delta Tau, 435Silver, Abba Hillel, 206Silverstein, Max, 479

INDEX 553Silverman, R., 363Simon, Sir Leon, 55Simon, Maurice, 245Simon, Max, 284Simon, Solomon, 519, 525Simons, Leonard N., 524Sims, Porter, 135Singer, Simeon, 17Sinsheimer, Hermann, 295Siroky, Viliani, 323Sive, S. L.. 368Slansky, Rudolf, 306, 323Slaton v. City of Chicago, 120nSlaughter of Animals Act of 1933, 61 nSlawson. John, 508, 512, 514Sloan, Jacob, article by, 150-67Slochower, Harry, 90Slochower v. Bd. of Higher Education,

90nSlomovitz, Philip, 524Slonimski, Antoni, 318Smallholders Party, 308Smith, Dorothy Krueger, 89Smith, Gerald L. K., 142, 143, 146, 147,

148Smith Act, 88, 93, 94Smoliar, Hersz, 321Snead, Harold F., 114Snider, Baron D., 369Snider, Leon S., 369Snider, Leopold, 368Sobek, Franz, 303Sobel, Louis Harry, 479Social Democratic Party (Hungary), 308Social Democratic Party (Italy), 266Social Democratic Party (West Germany),

275, 276, 277, 279, 280, 281, 297Social Security Administration, 93Socialist Party (Austria), 299Socialist Party (France), 336, 337Socialist Party (Italy), 266Socialist Unity Party (East Germany),

296, 297, 298Socialist Workers Party, 92Socialisticheski Vestnik, 304, 314Sociedad de Protection a los Immigrantes

Israelitas, 406Society for Biblical Research, 391Society for Jewish Study, 42Society of Friends, 87Society of Friends of the Touro Syna-

gogue, 431Society of the Founders of the Albert

Einstein College of Medicine of Ye-shiva University, 438

Soetendorp, Jacob, 263, 266Solidarite Juive, 257Solis-Cohen, Emily, Jr., 525Solod, Daniel S., 394Solomon, Charles (obit.), 479

Solomon, Charles, article by, 238-45Solzer, Erna, 295Sonnabend, H., 368Sonnenberg, Max, 368Sorge, Gustav, 284Sorsby, Max, 241Sourwine, Julien, 95Soustelle, Jacques, 336South Africa Act, 361South Africa Act Amendment Bill, 361,

362South African Board of Jewish Educa-

tion, 363-64, 365South African Council for Progressive

Jewish Education, 364South African Jewish Board of Deputies,

31, 363, 364, 365, 367The South African Observer. 363South African ORT-OSE, 364, 368South African Union for Progressive Ju-

daism, 366South African Zionist Federation, 364,

366South Australian Board of Jewish Depu-

ties, 370South Carolina General Assembly civil

rights legislation, 109South Carolina State College for Negroes,

109South East Asian Treaty Organization,

393, 395Southeastern Louisiana College, 104Southern Educational Reporting Service,

97Southern Israelite, 458Southern Jewish Weekly, 457-58Southern Manifesto, 118Southern Methodist University, 508Southern School News, 97, 100, 101Southwest Jewish Chronicle, 462Southwestern Jewish Press, 457Southwestern Louisiana Institute, 104Soviet-East German Treaty, 297Soviet Union, 309-17Sowden, Lewis, 367Spaak, Paul-Henri, 254Special Appeal Letter, 148Speer, Albert, 283Der Spiegel, 260Spingarn, Arthur, 142Spivak, Elijah, 312Spring Hill College, 97Sprinzak, Joseph, 383Stafford, Robert T., 131Stahlhelm, 279, 283Stalin, Josef, 266, 297, 305, 312, 314, 317,

323, 328Stanley, Thomas B., 113Stark, Ethel, 236State of Nebraska v. Peony Park, 133n

554 INDEX

State Publishing Agency (Soviet Union),313

State Treaty (Austria), 299Steers, Edwin K., 134Steinberg, Meyer, 244Steiner, Solomon, 323Sterling, Eleonore, 285Stern, Frederick C, 244Stern, Horace, 518Stern, Kurt Guenter, 479Sternberg, Yakov, 313Sternheim, Jo, 266Stevenson, Adlai, 95, 148, 208Stichting Joods Maatschappelijk Werk,

265Stoeckler, Lajos, 327Stoner, James L., 150Strasser, Otto, 278Strauss, J. G. N., 362Strijdom, Johannes Gerhardus, 360, 362,

366Strong, Genesta M., 156Student, Kurt, 279Student Zionist, 461Student Zionist Organization, 441Studies in Bibliography and Booklore,

462Subversive Activities Control Board, 87,

90,91Suendermann, Helmuth, 278Suez Canal, 146, 204, 205n, 217, 239, 243,

246, 316, 393, 394, 395, 397Sukarno, President of Indonesia, 306Super-Calendario, 267Swaythling, Lord, 14Swift, Harris, 366Synagogue Council, 154, 181, 431-32Synagogue Light, 461Synagogue School, 461Synagogue Service, 461Syres v. Oil Workers International Union,

126nSyria, 403-04Szpiro, Nathan, 266

Tabba, Hilda, 164Tabor, Z., 391Tabor Farms, 131Tachkemoni day school, 258Taft-Hartley Act, 88Talladega College, 97Talmon, Yaacov, 392Talpioth, 461Tantzen, Richard, 280Tarlovsky, M., 313Tatarescu, George, 330Tate v. Department of Conservation of

Virginia, 132Tau Epsilon Phi, 435Tau Epsilon Rho, 435

Taylor, Robert L., 110, 111Taylor v. Board of Education of Raleigh

County, 116nTeachers Guild, 138Teachers Union, 138Technion Yearbook, 461Tedeschi, Gaetano, 267Tel Aviv School of Law and Economics,

388Tel Aviv University, 389Tel Hai Fund, 441Temkin, Sefton D., article by, 3-63Templer, Sir Gerald, 396Le Temps de Paris, 248Tennessee Federation for Constitutional

Government, 111Tenney, Jack, 147Tenoudji, E., 253Tension, Terror and Blood in the Holy

Land, 147Texarkana Junior College, 112Texas Jewish Post, 462The Thaw, 304Theodor Herzl Foundation, 432Theological Seminary Yeshivath Chach-

mey Lubin, 432Thompson, Robert, 93Thompson v. School Board of Arlington

County, 114nThomsen, Roszel C, 105Thorbeck, Otto, 284Tikhonov, Nikolai, 313Tito, Josip Broz, 305, 308, 325, 326, 331,

395Toaff, Alfredo, 268, 269, 270, 272Togliatti, Palmieri, 305Toledano, Meyer, 355Tomlinson Report, 361Tompkins, William F., 94Torah Umesorah, 182, 432Torch, 462Torres, Abdelkhalek, 356Toth, Robert W., 89Trades Advisory Council, 33Trades and Labor Congress of Canada

(AFL), 231Transcript, 462Tribuna Israelita, 413Tribuna Ludu, 306Tribune Sioniste, 259Trimble, Thomas C, 99Tripartite Declaration, 204, 206, 207, 210,

243Trobe, Harold, article by, 266-72Trotsky, Leon, 305Truman, Harry S., 95, 146, 208Trumball Park Housing Project, 511Tschakovsky, Alexander, 310Tudor v. Board of Education of Ruther-

ford, 134

INDEX 555Tulsa Jewish Review, 462Tunisia, 342-53Turkey, 331-35Tur-Sinai, Naphtali Herz, 392Tuskegee Institute, 97Tydings, J. Mansir, 164

Ulbricht, Walther, 296, 297Ullmann, Salomon, 258Ullmann, William Ludwig, 89Ullmann v. U.S., 89nUndzer Veg, 461Unger, O., 258Uniform Code of Military Justice, 89, 90Union de Defense des Commercants et

Artisans de France, 247, 248Union des Associations Cultuelles des Is-

raelites de France et d'Algerie, 220nUnion des £tudiants Juifs, 256Union des Travailleurs Artisans et Com-

mergants, 343Union et Fraternity Franchise, 245Union G^n^rale des Travailleurs Tunisi-

ens, 343, 344Union Hebrea Shevet Achim, 414Union Movement, 241 (see also British

Union of Fascists)Union Nationale de L'Agriculture Tu-

nisienne, 343Union Nationale Party, 228Union News Company, 127Union of American Hebrew Congrega-

tions (UAHC), 152, 164, 182, 208n,432

UAHC, Commission on Social Action, 432UAHC-CCAR, Commission of Jewish Ed-

ucation, 432UAHC-CCAR, Commission on Synagogue

Activities, 432Union of Jewish Religious Congregations

of Poland, 321Union of Jewish Students of Algeria, 341Union of Jewish Women, 364Union of Liberal and Progressive Syna-

gogues, 39Union of Orthodox Hebrew Congrega-

tions, 39, 43, 46, 238, 240Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations

(UOJC), 152, 156, 157, 167, 182, 208n,432-33

UOJC, National Conference of SynagogueYouth, 433

UOJC, National Synagogue Youth Com-mission, 157

UOJC, Women's Branch, 157, 433Union of Orthodox Rabbis, 153, 433Union of Russian Jews, 435Union of Sephardic Congregations, 433Union of South Africa, 360-68Union of Soviet Writers, 314

Union Universelle de la Jeunesse Juive,349

Unione della Communita IsraeliticheItaliane. 220n, 267, 268, 269. 270, 272

United Campaign for Israel (Mexico),410

United Campaign for Local and Interna-tional Jewish Organizations (Mex-ico), 410

United Charity Institutions of Jerusalem,441-42

United Church Women, 511United Communal Fund (Union of South

Africa), 364United Front (East Germany), 297United Fund for Jewish Culture, 426United Galician Jews of America, 435United Hebrew Congregation, 414United HIAS Service, 170n, 172, 175, 177,

178, 249, 254, 261, 271, 290, 294, 347,349, 356, 438

United HIAS Service, Women's Division,438

United HIAS Service (Colombia), 220nUnited Hebrew Schools of Cape Town,

365United Hungarian Jews of America, 435United Israel Appeal (Australia), 372United Israel Appeal (Canada), 233, 235United Israel Appeal (U.S.), 174, 175. 176,

442United Jewish Appeal, 65, 168, 169, 170,

170n, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176. 177, 178,179, 187, 187n, 190n, 385, 427, 484,514

United Jewish Appeal (Canada), 233United Jewish Relief Agencies of Canada,

233, 443United Jewish Teachers Seminary, 443United Labor Zionist Party, 442United Lubavitcher Yeshivoth, 182United Magen David Organizations, 435United Nations (UN), 62n, 142, 145, 205,

207, 208, 212, 213, 223, 231, 238, 300,308, 311, 353, 360, 361, 366, 372, 378.380, 385, 393, 395, 397, 398, 515

UN Conference of Nongovernmental Or-ganizations on Discrimination, 515

UN Economic and Social Council (ECO-SOC), 31, 155

UN Educational, Scientific, and CulturalOrganization (UNESCO), 512

UN Emergency Force, 398UN Food and Agriculture Organization,

386UN General Assembly, 216, 397UN High Commissioner for Refugees, 92UN Relief and Works Agency for Pales-

tine Refugees (UNRWA), 216

556 INDEX

UN Security Council, 204, 212, 213, 353,373, 378, 396, 397

UN Truce Supervision Organization, 207,212, 381, 398

United Order True Sisters, 435United Parents Association, 138United Party, 360, 361United Restitution Organization (Aus-

tralia), 372United Rumanian Jews of America, 435United Service for New Americans, 175

(see also United HIAS Service)United Service Organization, 181United States, Israel, and the Middle

East, 203-19U.S. Agriculture Department, 271, 349,

350, 359U.S. Census Bureau, 73, 122U.S. Committee for Sports in Israel, 442U.S. Congress, civil rights legislation,

140U.S. Congress, Government Operations

Committee, 87U.S. Congress, House Post Office and Civil

Service Committee, 84U.S. Congress, House Un-American Ac-

tivities Committee, 87, 88U.S. Congress, Senate Internal Security

Subcommittee, 87, 95U.S. Congress, Senate Judiciary Commit-

tee, Immigration Subcommittee, 512U.S. Congress, Senate Judiciary Commit-

tee, Constitutional Liberties Subcom-mittee, 510

US. Congress, Senate ReorganizationSubcommittee, 511

U.S. Defense Department, 161U.S. ex rel. Toth v. Quarles, 89nU.S. Immigration and Naturalization

Service, 90U.S. Information Service, 511U.S. Justice Department, 99U.S. legislation, vocational rehabilitation,

202U.S. National Commission for UNESCO,

512U.S. Operations Mission, 388U.S. Passport Office, 218U.S. Refugee Relief Act, 249-50U.S. State Department, 91, 92, 205, 206,

207, 209, 211, 212, 214, 216, 217, 218,219, 219n, 394

U.S. Supreme Court, 83, 84, 85, 88, 89, 90,91, 93, 96, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103,104, 105, 107, 108, 109, 112, 113, 114,115, 118, 121, 126, 128, 129, 131, 132,133, 134, 139, 141, 142, 144, 157, 164

U.S. v. Kamin, 88nU.S. v. Minker, 90n

United Synagogue of America, 152, 153,166, 182, 208n, 433 (see also NationalWomen's League of the United Syn-agogue)

United Synagogue of America, Commis-sion on Jewish Education, 433

United Synagogue of America, EducatorsAssembly, 433

United Synagogue of America, YoungPeople's League, 433

United Synagogue of America, Youth, 433United Synagogue (Great Britain), 4, 10,

12, 17, 18, 20, 21, 35, 37, 38, 39, 43,61 n, 240, 242, 244

United Zionists-Revisionists of America,176, 442

Universal Declaration of Human Rights,231

Universidad Nacional Autonomo de Mex-ico, 409, 411-12

Universities Tests Act, 12University of Alabama, 97, 98, 99, 100,

143University of Algiers, 337University of Florida, 101University of Frankfort, 295University of Judaism, 430University of Miami, 160University of Munster, 295University of North Carolina, 107, 108University of Pittsburgh, 102, 105University of Texas, 150University of Virginia, 113Unknown Jewish martyr, monument to,

310Unzer Shtimme—Our Voice, 461Unzer Tsait, 461Upsilon Lambda Phi, 435-36Utah Department of Public Instruction,

164Utiansky, David, 415Uziel, Rabbi, 390

Vaad Hachinuch Harashi, 407Vaad Hakehilot, 406, 408Vaad Hatzala Rehabilitation Committee,

427Valley Jewish News, 457Vanderbilt University Law School, 111Vecht, Philippe, 255Der Veg, 413Venediger, Guenther, 283Verband deutscher Soldaten, 279Verbund van Nederlandse Werkgevers,

261Vereniging Joodse Invalide, 265Vergeles, Aron, 313Versailles Peace Conference, 21V&stnik, 324, 325Veterans Administration, 92, 93

INDEX 557Veterans Preference Act, 83Victims of Denazification, 278de Villiers, Justice, 361Virginia Commission on Public Educa-

tion, 113Virginia General Assembly civil rights

legislation, 115Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 113Virginia Supreme Court of Appeals, 113Virginians on Guard, 149Viterbo, Carlo Alberto, 272Voegelin, Eric, 294La Voix des Communautis, 359Volavkova, Hana, 325Dos Vort, 413

WIFAQ, 358WIZO (see Women's International Zion-

ist Organization)Wade, William J., I l lWadsworth, James J., 216Waffen-SS, 275, 279Waga, Clara, 313Wagner, Robert F., 95, 153, 156, 208Wainger, Morris Arthur, 479Waldman, Morris D., 59nWaley, Arthur David, 244Walker, Doris, 90Walker, E. Ronald, 373Wallace, William R., 108Walter, Francis, 84, 87, 88Warhaftig, Zerach, 389Warren, Earl, 90, 145Warren, George, 300Warsaw Pact, 308Washington, Booker T., 97Wasserstrum, Isaac, 321Waterman, Edmund, 479Waters, Agnes, 149Watkins, Arthur V., 140, 141Watkins, John T., 88Watkins v. U.S., 88nWatts, Rowland, 86Wazyk, Adam, 318Der Wecker, 461Weil, Edmond, 249Weiler, Moses C, 366Weilerstein, Sadie R., 526Weinberger, Rabbi, 321Weiner, Lazar, 236Weinerman, Chana, 313Weinreich, J. M., 368Weinstein, Rachmiel, 312Weis, George, 303Weiss, Frederick C. F., 149Weizmann, Chaim, 23, 52, 61n, 485Weizmann Institute of Science, 391, 485Wellman, Saul, 93

Wenck, Christian, 284Wendroff, Zalman, 313Werdel, Thomas H., 146West European Control Commission, 275West Germany, 273-96Westchester Jewish Tribune, 458Western European Union, 254Western Kentucky State College, 104Western Reserve Historical Society, 160Western Reserve University, 160White, Harry Dexter, 95White, Lincoln, 209White Australia Policy, 369White Circle League, 148White Citizens Councils, 94, 96, 109, 110,

111, 143, 144, 148, 164White House Conference on Education,

117,508White Man Awaken!, 142The White Sentinel, 143Whiteman, Maxwell, 522, 525Whitemore v. Stilwell, 112nWiener, E. E., 258Wikingruf, 279Wilhelm, Kurt, 328William the Conqueror, 5Williams, G. Mennen, 121, 131Williams, Robert H., 146, 149, 363Williams' Intelligence Summary, 146, 363Williamson, Pliny W., 156Willis v. Walker, 104nWilson, Edmund, 159, 523Wilson, Leonard R., 98Winkelman, Nathaniel William, 479Winrod, Gerald, 149Winsen, Justice van, 361Wischnitzer, Mark, 479, 527Wischnitzer, Rachel, 524Wisconsin Jewish Chronicle, 462Wishinowitz, Yerachmiel, 412Witwatersrand Jewish Welfare Council,

367Wohl, Y., 392Wolf, Edwin, 2nd, 518, 522, 525, 528Wolf, Lucien, 21Wolfe, Humbert, 55Wollheim, Norbert, 288Wollweber, Ernst, 297Women's American ORT, 427Women's Army Corps, 128Women's International Zionist Organiza-

tion, 235, 272, 341, 349, 352, 410, 415Women's League for Israel, 179n, 442Women's Mizrachi (Mexico), 410Women's National Democratic Club, 147Wooley v. Superintendent of Schools of

Marion Co., 136nWorkers Defense League, 86Workmen's Circle, 436

558 INDEX

Workmen's Circle, English-Speaking Di-vision, 436

Workmen's Circle, Young Circle League,436

World Bureau for Jewish Education, 425World Confederation of General Zionists,

176, 377, 442World Congress for Jewish Culture, 312,

410World Coordinating Committee of the

Bund, 424World Federation of the Pure White

Race, 148World Federation of Trade Unions, 299World Federation of YMHAs and Jewish

Community Centers, 438World Jewish Congress, 253, 340, 349,

356, 378, 410, 424World Jewish Congress (British Section),

23, 25, 33, 239, 240World Jewish Congress, European Exec-

utive, 245World ORT Union, 178World OSE Council, 364World Over, 461World Peace Council, 299World Sephardi Federation, 417nWorld Sephardi Federation, American

Branch, 436World Sephardi Union, 349World Union for Jewish Education

(American section), 430World Union for Progressive Judaism, 40World Union for Progressive Judaism

(U.S.), 417n, 433World Zionist Congress, 259, 293, 367, 383World Zionist Organization, 21, 50, 52"Dos Wort" Library, 461Wright, J. Skelly, 104Wright, Lloyd, 84Wright, Samson, 245Wulf, Josef, 280, 285, 295

YKUF (see Yiddisher Kultur Farband)Yad Vashem, 302Yadin, Yigael, 391, 392Yale Divinity School, 508Yedies fun Yivo—News of the Yivo, 461Yemen, Crown Prince of, 299Yeshiva College Alumni Association, 434Yeshiva University, 155, 157,159,161,182,

182n, 235, 391, 433-34Yeshiva University, Alumni Wives, 434Yeshiva University, Graduate Division

Alumni, 434Yeshiva University, National Council of

Organizations, 434Yeshiva University, Rabbinic Alumni As-

sociation, 434

Yeshiva University, Synagogue Council,434

Yeshiva University, Teachers InstituteAlumni Association, 434

Yeshiva University, Women's Organiza-tion, 434

Yeshivath Torah Vodaath and MesivtaRabbinical Seminary, 434

Yesode Hatorah Beth Jacob day school,258

Yiddish Buch, 322Yiddish Cultural Federation, 364, 367YIVO Annual of Jewish Social Science,

461YIVO Bleter, 461YIVO Institute for Jewish Research,

181n, 329, 410, 426Yiddishe Kultur, 461Yiddishe Shriften, 322Yiddishe Telegrafen Agentur, Teglicher

Bulletin, 461Dos Yiddishe Vort, 461Yiddisher Kemfer, 461Yiddisher Kultur Farband, 426Yiddisher Kultur Tzenter, 414Yiddisher Zentral-Komitet, 220nYidishe Shprakh, 461Yidisher Folklor, 461Yidisher Sport Tzenter, 410, 413Yidisher Tzentral Komitet, 409, 410, 412You and Judaism, 461You . . . Your Town . . . Your World . . .

and Human Rights, 511Young, Boas, 479Y'oung, Philip, 84Young, Wilbur, 134Young Guard, 461Young Israel Institute for Jewish Studies,

431Young Israel Viewpoint, 461Young Judaea (see National Young

Judaea)Young Judaean, 461Young Men's and Women's ORT (see

Business and Professional ORT)Youngstown Jewish Times, 462Youth Aliyah, 176, 179, 235, 348Youth and Nation (see Young Guard)Youth Bulletin, 461

Zachariach, Szymon, 319Zangen, Wilhelm, 281Zangwill, Israel, 17, 519Zaoui, Andre, article by, 339-42Zaritzky, Joseph, 265Zebulun Israel Seafaring Society, 442Zeirei Agudath Israel, 427-28Zelmanowicz, Ephraim L., 413Zeneiddine, Farid, 147, 205Zenker, Adolf, 276

INDEX 559Zentralrat der Juden In Deutschland,

220n, 284, 290, 291, 292Zentralwohlfahrtsstelle der Juden in

Deutschland, 289, 292, 293Zeta Beta Tau, 436Ziegellaub, Fred, 303Ziesel, Kurt, 295Zinoviev, Gregory, 305Zionist Actions Committee, 366Zionist Archives and Library of the Pal-

estine Foundation Fund, 442Zionist Espionage in Egypt, 147Zionist Federation of Australia and New

Zealand, 372Zionist Federation of Cuba, 415Zionist Federation of Great Britain and

Ireland, 21, 25, 40, 45, 49, 50, 51, 52,242, 243

Zionist Federation of Mexico, 412Zionist Federation of Tunisia, 352Zionist Men's Association, 443

Zionist Organization (Great Britain), 17,20

Zionist Organization of America (ZOA),181, 208, 208n, 442

ZOA Program and Education Bulletin,461

Zionist Organization of Canada, 233, 235,236, 443

Zionist Organization of Germany, 293Zionist Youth Council, 442Zionist Youth Federation, 349Zissu, A. L., 330Znamia, 314Zoglmann, Siegfried, 277Zorach v. Clauson, 134, 134nZorin, Valerian A., 274Zuckerman, Solly, 244Zukunft, 461Zuskin, Benjamin, 312Zussman, Lesser, 520, 522Zvi Kessel Foundation, 413

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