"Am I a Malaysian or a Chinese?"
Transcript of "Am I a Malaysian or a Chinese?"
“BEING A CHINESE DOES’NT MAKE ME LESS MALAYSIAN!”: MALAYSIANCHINESE YOUTHS AND IDENTITY AT THE CROSSROAD.
Abstract :
Advertising as a form of mediated communication plays an important role in diffusing brand imageriesin the global landscapes. Related to consumption, it also plays a central role in providing symbolicmeanings and values for the creation and maintenance of the consumer’s personal and social world. This study aims to explore the interaction of advertisements among Malaysian Chinese youths. How hasthe advertising messages consumed is a source of personal and social symbolic meanings that leads tothe construction of identities? This study goes beyond youths’ interaction with traditional advertisingmedia as it also covers new advertising channels that youths today are more familiar with. Finally, it isalso an attempt to look at the fluid unpredictability of identity construction at the crossroads ofglobalization, tradition and cultural values, modernity and their ethnicity.
Keywords: Advertising, consumption, symbolic meanings,globalization, cultural values, identity.
PRESENTER: NG CHEE HUAT (UNIVERSITI KEBANGSAAN MALAYSIA)
PRESENTED AT SEARCH 2013, TAYLOR’S UNIVERSITY, MALAYSIA
1.0 INTRODUCTION
The purpose of this paper is to discuss how advertising plays an
important role in providing symbolic meanings and values for the
creation and maintenance of personal and social world of the
Malaysian Chinese youths. It cannot be denied that advertising,
as a form of mediated communication is an integral part of
culture and a primary vehicle for cultural globalization.
Advertising, being pervasive is a powerful tool in contributing
to identities construction through the ideologies embedded.
In the words of Gillian Dyer (1982, 185), advertising helps
us make sense of things and it validates consumer commodities and
consumer lifestyle by associating goods with personal and social
meanings and those aspirations and needs which are not fulfilled
in real life. And Dyer believes that consuming commodities will
give consumers their identities. The role played by consumption
in identity formation has been argued by several social theorists
(Featherstone, 1987; Storey, 2003). The argument could have been
dangling around the question whether it is media consumption
(Bly, 1996; Kellner, 1995; Kroker and Cook, 1988; Willis, 1990)
or material consumption (Thompson, 1995; Dittmar, 1992) that
brings about identity formation.
The key problem statement of this study is how Malaysian
Chinese youths interact with advertisements and how this
contribute to the construction of their identity? Judging from
this statement, it is only right for the writer to not only take
mediated communication like advertising into consideration but
contemplation should also be exerted on the consumption of goods
or at least the aspiration to own or consume these.
This is along the thoughts of Thompson (1990) who says that
the symbolic resources available to the individual for the
construction of the self can be distinguished as being either
lived (practical activities and face-to-face encounters) or
mediated (through mass media) experiences.
To what extent is this true among the young Chinese
Malaysians? As young Malaysian Chinese go about their daily
activities, whether they are merely students or workers, they are
bombarded with advertising messages in myriad of form from myriad
of media; newspapers, radio, television, billboards, taxi tops,
bus backs, social media, search engines and et cetera. Do they
bother to notice these advertisements? And how has these
advertisements affected them?
1.1 ADVERTISING, CONSUMPTION AND IDENTITY FORMATION
The development of mass media has created huge opportunities as
well as challenges for policy planners in developing countries.
On one hand, there are unlimited opportunities to create and
disseminate ideas on issues relating to development
communications. From another perspective, there are worries about
possible damaging impact of television contents, particularly
from advertisements (Srikandath, 1991). Advertising has been
incriminated of giving false hopes to the many rural folks with
portrayal of better urban lifestyle (Vilanilam, 1989; Jhally,
2009). In the same vein advertising has also been accused of
offering dreamlike promises that leaves one hungry for more
(Kilbourne, 1999).
Dyer (1982, 2) reminds us not to lose sight of their
(advertisements) ideological function, which is linked to their
economic function, nor of the real messages that lie behind their
superficial gloss. She adds that advertising has been involved
in the manipulation of social values and attitudes which
supersedes the communication of essential information about
goods and services (Ibid).
In this respect, advertising has joined other institutions
to determine the values and standards of the society. In the not
distant past, a variety of institutions helped in the
transmission of cultural values within a society. Traditionally,
these have been the family, universities, judicial courts, or
even art and religion. Jhally (2003), in one of his critical
writings on the role of the advertising industry, says that the
influence of these institutions waned in the transition to the
industrial society and after that to the consumer society.
Advertising helps to affect a “transfer of values” by
establishing a nexus between what a culture views as “desirable
states of being” and “some particular products”. In the words of
Williamson (1978), they (advertisements) form a vast
superstructure with an apparently autonomous existence and
immense influence. Advertising is a conduit through which meaning
constantly flows from the culturally constituted world to
consumer goods (McCracken, 1986).
Critics of advertising in its current state argue that
advertisements create false wants rather than fulfilling actual
needs and invigorate the production and consumption of things
that are “incompatible with the fulfillment of genuine and urgent
human needs” (Dyer, 1982 p. 3). Advertisements suggest that the
primary goal in one’s life is the private acquisition and this
being the only avenue to social success and happiness.
According to McCracken (1986), cultural meaning is usually
drawn from a culturally constituted world and transferred to a
consumer good. Subsequently the meaning is derived from the
object and transferred to a consumer.
Props are often used in advertisements because of their inherent
symbolic values. These props stand for what is desired; wealth,
love, power, luxury, security. A Lexus used as a prop in an
advertisement signifies success, power and wealth. Even simple
objects like books, when accompanied by bowls of flowers,
symbolize sound educational taste, while eye-glasses are meant to
suggest intelligence. The significance of this is that products
or the consumption of these products carry and communicate
cultural meaning (Douglas & Isherwood, 1978).
Events and trends in the 1960s taught advertisers that
youth played a key role in stirring cultural dynamics. Youth are
seen as an important target market because they were thought to
be forming brand preferences, had increased amounts of disposable
incomes and influence over the families spending and were more
willing to experiment with new consumer goods and electronics
(Leiss et al., 205, p. 319). Harnessing the “cool” concept
became a pre-occupation of many businesses during this period
(Ibid).
The ubiquitous presence of branding and advertising brings
up the question of how does it shape culture and identity?
According to Cayla and Eckhardt (2008), brands are constantly
helping to create new identities and social positions for
consumers. Consumers using a particular brand are connected
through the consumption of the said brand. Brands allow people to
feel connected to others outside their environment, each being a
member of the so-called “global village” introduced to us by
McLuhan (1964).
There is a growing acceptance among scholars that
meanings interpreted by the consumer may be varied and diverse.
Furthermore, there is a line of thought that the consumer is
active and participating (O’Donohoe, 1994; Mick and Buhl, 1992;
Livingstone, 1995; Anderson and Meyer, 1988). According to
Anderson and Meyer (1988), the meaning of a particular
advertisement is not given within the advertisement itself or
delivered in the communication process, but is rather constructed
within it. Thus lived experience with a brand, through purchase
and usage over the life-cycle, will tend to dominate the mediated
experience of advertising, and both forms of experience will be
validated through social interaction especially for brands with
social-symbolic positioning (Elliot and Wattanasuwan, 1999).
Thompson’s (1990) discursive elaboration involves the social
consumption of advertising meanings as they are described,
discussed, argued about, laughed at. Willis (1990) notes that
young people are increasingly involved with advertisements and
proposes that part of this increased of interest in advertising
originates from the ability of advertisers to utilize the latest
fashions in order to make advertisements aesthetically pleasing
as a product independent of the advertised item. He also
describes young people deriving ‘symbolic pleasure’ from the
advertisements.
Therefore brands can be used as resources for the symbolic
construction of the self. This can aid in establishing and
communicate cultural categories such as social status, gender,
age, and values such as family, tradition and authenticity
(McCracken, 1993).
1.2 LITERATURE REVIEW: ADVERTISING, VALUES & IDENTITIES
There have been numerous discussions on the international
presence of the advertising and media industries. Among the
critics include the subject of the local being canopies by the
global commercial agenda (Turow & McAllister, 2009).
Advertisements produced are often seen as representing the
interests that may influence local cultural values. Many
academics have written about the challenges involving issues in
the global era relating to marketing communications. These
literatures not only questioned the influence of Western images
of other cultures, especially in developing countries, but also
its influence on certain groups of people including women, youths
and those of different socioeconomic status.
A point to note is that most of the past studies encountered
were textual studies and used the content analysis method. Not
many of them were done in the qualitative tradition.
Srikandath (1991) investigates the types of cultural values
channeled through television. Using a modified version of
Pollay’s coding frame, he analyzed a sample of Indian television
commercials to determine the types of cultural values often
portrayed in these commercials. His research showed that Indian
commercials portrays values such as high technology,
modernization and consumerism. This is accordant with the
transformation that India was going through at the time the
research was conducted which involved changes in the social
infrastructure and industrialization.
Wright’s (2001) research informs us about the relationship
between culture and transnational flow for commodities and media.
Specifically, this issue was investigated by looking at the
relationship between advertising and cultural identities in
India. The research question asks how advertising redefines,
replaces, and strengthens the categories of culture related to
identities in India and how these changes crosses with the
traditional understanding regarding self including caste,
religion, ethnic, gender and nationalism in a way that inflects
meanings and relevance.
Maitrayee Chaudhari (2009) gives us a detailed analysis on
Indian print advertisements. The advertisements were used as a
lens to view the current trajectory of public discourse in India.
Chaudhari’s research focus was on the changes in gender narrative
along the globalization wave hitting the Indian shores. Using
textual analysis on English language newspaper and magazine
advertisements she made a comparison between the role of male and
female as represented in advertisements in the present time and
the years before liberalization. According to Chaudhari, the
advertisements represented success, pleasure and individual
identities more than traditional values.
The study by McIntyre & Wei (1998) shows that in the years
following the liberalization of advertisement broadcast in China,
‘information seeking’ was the most frequent used value in
advertisements. Following that, advertisements using the
utilitarian appeal as well as values like ‘comfort’,
‘economical’, ‘quality’, or ‘effectiveness’ eventually reduced in
frequency in terms of usage. Conversely, advertisements
featuring Western values like ‘individualism’, ‘modernization’
and sexual attraction increased in frequency.
Tsao’s (1994) study on cultural values in Taiwanese
advertisements spanning from 1981 to 1990 shows a big difference
in the portrayal of culture between the two epochs. During this
span of years, Tsao observes an increase in perception concerning
the importance of time, fashion, symbols and “hard-sell” appeals
and were heavily used in advertisements during 1981-85 and 1986-
90. Tsao opines that this is consistent with the speed of social
and economic changes sweeping Taiwan during these two periods.
In the same vein, Wong (2000) studied the differences in
values portrayed in Hong Kong TV commercials for two financial
institutions from the years 1970s and 1980s. Her study shows
there was a reconfiguration of Chinese traditional values with
values such as capitalism and consumerism. Wong’s textual
analysis shows that banking advertisements in Hong Kong have
trajected from the usage of traditional values to Western values
besides showing the emerging of a consumer society where
traditional values like frugality and assiduousness have been
replaced, or combined with materialistic values like instant
gratification.
In a comparative study between China and Hong Kong from 1983
to 1998, Kara Chan and Hong Cheng (2002) show that five cultural
values dominated the Chinese television; family, tradition,
technology, modernization and collectivism. The five values that
dominated the Hong Kong television scene was quality,
effectiveness, economy, fun and modernization. The Hong Kong
advertisements featured more Western values, whilst Chinese
advertisements featured more Eastern values.
Li (2006) informs us that advertising not only reflects the
needs in a society, but help in the formation of values,
priorities, attitude and consumer behavior. For Li, studies on
advertisements in China gives us a detailed understanding of
issues concerning transformation relating to economy and social.
The question is: how is global formed within the local and how is
local formed within the global? Through in-depth interviews,
analysis of advertising campaigns and observation of secondary
data, Li concluded that the local and global often clashes among
each other. Chinese advertisements are showing the desire to
follow the ways and practices of foreign advertising and at the
same time produce ideas that are uniquely Chinese. Conversely,
transnational agencies are practicing both cultural hegemony as
well as cultural amalgamation through localization and through
the promotion of the professionalism in advertising, scientific
management, rationality, and systematic advertising practices.
From the angle of brand strategy, transnational companies balance
their works by relating these works to Chinese styles. Local
agencies are beginning to feature nationalistic and
transnationalism.
Zhang, Song and Carver (2008) conducted a study to examine
commercials featuring older adult(s) to uncover dominant value
themes. Content analysis method employed in this study reveals
that three dominant value themes (health/life, product
effectiveness, and family) appear more frequently in the Chinese
television commercials featuring older adults. Results also
indicate that the value of health/life was presented frequently
in commercials for medicine and food/health supplements and that
the family value appear frequently in food/drink commercials.
This study shows the lack of importance place on modern values in
these commercials and as expected, emphasizes the importance of
health. In other words, current television commercials featuring
older characters do not reflect the coexistence of traditional
and modern values in Chinese society. It seems that older adults
are suitably used to promote certain traditional values relating
to health and family.
1.3 OBJECTIVE OF RESEARCH
This study is focused on how Malaysian Chinese youths interact
with advertisements. With attention on the negotiations of youths
towards values represented in advertisements, this research tries
to give a more nuanced understanding of communication discourse
among Malaysian Chinese youths and the construction of fluid and
unidirectional identities (Drzewiecka & Halualani 2002, p. 341)
through the reading of advertising texts. Referring to cohorts
within the Generation X grouping Leiss et al. (2005, p. 481-482),
say, “through our analysis of marketing communication messages
aimed at Gen X, we can use advertising as the interpretive key
that helps us explore the complexities of both youthful culture
and contemporary marketing’s efforts in responding to its
complexities.”
This study is aim:
1. to understand how Chinese youths in Malaysia interact,
understand and interpret advertisements;
2. to understand how advertisements provide symbolic meanings
and values for the creation and maintenance of the
respondents’ personal and social world;
3. to determine the importance and role of cultural values,
particularly traditional values in the daily life of ethnic
Chinese youths in Malaysia.
1.4 THE MALAYSIAN CHINESE YOUTHS IN MALAYSIA – CULTURE &
WORLDVIEW
The population of Chinese ethnics in Malaysia is estimated to be
6,517.4 million or 22.2% of Malaysia’s population (Jabatan
Perangkaan Malaysia). It can be estimated that close to 2
million of the Chinese population are aged between 15 years old
to 30 years old. The Chinese are the second largest ethnic group
in the country.
The Chinese in Malaysia are divided into fangyanqun, or
dialect groups. The Chinese in Malaysia converse with each other
using various dialects including Hokkien, Cantonese, Hakka and
Teochew. According to Tan (2000), the Chinese in Malaysia also
identify themselves as Teng-lang (Hokkien), Tong-yan (Cantonese),
and others which sounds similar to Tangren (Tang people) in
Mandarin.
Mandarin is now an important language among the Chinese in
Malaysia. As a matter of fact, many of the young Chinese
Malaysians today are not fluent in their own dialect. Mandarin
seems to be a more popular conversational language among young
Chinese Malaysians.
In the aspect of religiosity, most of the Chinese in
Malaysia are adherents of the Chinese Traditional Religion (Tan,
2000). However, there are also sizeable numbers of Chinese in
Malaysia who are adherents of other major religions. The
religious worldview of the Chinese are that of non-exclusivity
and it is not difficult for the Chinese to accept the teachings
of other religions which are not defined according to the ethnic
line.
What is needed to be emphasize here is that while
ethnic Chinese are adherents of a wide variety of religion,
Confucianism as a philosophy has a deep impact on their culture
and therefore on their daily life.
The Chinese civilization system, generally known as
Confucianism, consists of a set of social and moral values which
has until now determine the family patterns, social
relationships, attitude towards the country, and educational
practices. Redding (1992, p.2) in his review of the uniqueness of
Confucianism, especially those that are related to the family,
says that Confucian values are the important principle written in
the mind of most oversea Chinese (Redding 1992, p.2).
Wang & Lin (2009) recognizes the cultural value systems as a
powerful force that shapes consumers’ motivations, lifestyles,
and product choices. “In the consumption domain, values influence
behavioural and consumption decisions that fulfil consumers’
need” (Ibid, p. 399).
1.5 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
A series of focus group discussions were conducted among Chinese
Malaysian youths between ages 18 to 25 years old. Informants
selected for this purpose were derived from a variety of
education, economic and family background. Members from two of
the groups were working adults while the members of the other two
groups were from two private universities.
The researcher deliberately selected a mixture of informants
who had Chinese education and those who never went to a Chinese
school. The intent was to understand if there is a difference
between members from these two groups with regards to how they
view advertisements, materialism and globalizing factors.
Data from the focus groups were manually transcripted and
analyzed.
The findings from this study are part of a broader
exploratory study conducted by the writer for his doctorate
research. In this paper the writer covers youths’ aspirations in
life, their media exposure as well as how globalization has
affected them.
1.6 FINDINGS
1.6.1 BEING A CHINESE
A majority of the informants mentioned that they are proud to be
a Chinese. Being able to speak Mandarin or dialects is also
something to be proud of. Some of the informants mentioned that
their present cultural identity is not something that they will
discard. Informants believe the Chinese have a rich historical
and cultural heritage. For example, the Chinese language is an
important global language and China is a powerful nation.
“…Chinese is my identity, my culture and my history” (SL)
“… you know who you are, you are able to speak Chinese and
dialects, and also understanding the family history and adapt the
culture” (LEG)
“Being a Chinese is important…therefore I speak Chinese more”
(IC)
1.6.2 CHINESE EDUCATION
Having identified themselves as Chinese, informants also spoke
about the importance of Chinese education in order to succeed not
merely in this country but in other parts of the world.
“I will send my children to Chinese school because China is
growing from strength to strength” (VYC)
“My children will at least study six years in a Chinese school”
(KMK)
1.6.3 BEING A MALAYSIAN AS WELL
To the informants, being a Chinese may not necessarily mean they
are less “Malaysian” or losing their Chinese identity. As a
matter of fact, a number of informants voiced their pride of
being a Malaysian.
“… this (being called Malaysian) is just a term and I don’t think
that the word, “Malaysian” will cause me to lose my Chinese
identity. But the truth is, I am really a Malaysian” (LCL)
“It is OK as it also a real fact” (DPS)
“I’m OK if people address me as Malaysian even without Chinese,
because I think it can reduce the racist problem in Malaysia”
(LEG)
1.6.4 CHINESE ETHICS, VALUES AND RELIGION
Informants unanimously agreed on the importance of Chinese ethics
and values. They are able to identify the importance of cultural
values and ethics in their life.
“It can guide us in our life” (BT)
“Values like filial piety are important. We need to take care of
our aged parents” (VY)
“Loving parents is unconditional. It is wrong to say we need to
earn it” (AW)
“We apply Confucian ethics in our life without being conscious of
it, just like we apply Rukunegara” (EY)
In the area of religion, a majority of the informants
recognized the importance of a religious affiliation. However, a
number of them claimed they are not an active adherent . To these
people, religious rituals are left to the older members of the
family (parents or grand parents).
“I am a Buddhist but not a practicing one. I don’t have a strong
belief compared to my old folks because I do not have the time”
(SL)
“I am Buddhist but I don’t pray at home. I don’t have very
strong belief in it compared with the elders because everyone is
given the freedom to choose their belief. I may not necessary
follow the values and ways but I will respect them” (LEG)
“I am not that religious but I do pray at home and go to the
temples to pray with family and friends” (LJY)
1.6.5 ADVERTISING AND MEDIA CONSUMPTION
Most of the informants like many youths today used very little of
the mainstream media but would spend several hours a day using
the online media. There were mixed reactions by the informants on
the question of how they respond to advertisements in the online
media. While some were enthusiastic about advertisements they saw
online, there were others who were not. But generally, informants
informed that when an advertising message is interesting, it will
get them interested and they will read further to seek more
information about the product advertised.
“I go to this Taobao (淘淘淘 is a Chinese online shopping website) whenI want to buy certain things. Like this bag” (KMK)
“I search for information when I am really interested with certain
products (LJY)
“I will see if anything is interesting. If not just delete” (EY)
“Never notice except ads on the Internet” (BT)
“If the information is relevant, I will search” (DPS)
Though the informants are either undergraduates or young working
adults, they are well-informed of brands available in the market. To
these young people, good and well-known brands are associated with
good quality and reputation.
“Yes, reputation of brand is important” (IC)
“To me, Nike is important to me” (AW)
“I have been going to Fitness First for a few years and I don’t plan
to change” (VY)
When informants were asked which three brands they would like to be
associated with, among the responses gathered were,
“Nissan and Sony. I can’t think of another one” (IC)
“Apple, Cotton On and H&M” (SML)
“Bentley and Hermes (VYC)
“Ipad and MacBook” (EY)
1.6.6 BEING MATERIALISTIC
Some of the informants unashamely claimed themselves to be
materialistic.
“For technology products, I would say, “Yes, I am materialistic” (WL)
“… as long it is branded stuff” (KS)
“I am 50 per cent materialistic. I don’t care about the brand of bags,
clothes, shoes, perfume, accessories and et cetera but it is different
case with technology products like phones, computers and cameras”
(LCL)
“I want to look good as it will help improve my self-image” (SL)
“If I like something, I will go all out to get it … I will save enough
to get it” (IC)
“Yes, to a certain degree I am materialistic. I have tried Mango,
Vincci, Cotton On and others. But, I will not buy those luxury brands
like LV, Burberry, Longchamp and others” (LJY)
1.6.7 YOUTHS AND GLOBALIZATION
When asked whether globalization has affected them and the way they
live,
“I think globalization has influenced me as a Chinese, my world view
and my identity” (KS)
“I do not dye my hair but I wear T-shirts and pants. Maybe this is
part of Western culture” (LCL)
“I dyed my hair recently. It is a trend among young people and it was
a Western influence. We like to try different things for ourselves”
(LEG)
“Globalization has influenced me to view identity from another angle.
But I will still stick to my Chinese identity” (LJY)
1.7 DISCUSSION
Meanings are dynamic and exist as a result of the interaction
between the message and the receiver. According to Moran (2003),
audience’s perception is influenced by the social environment or
culture and whatsoever happens while the audience is watching the
programme. While the title of their research is “the export of
meaning”. Leibes and Katz (1993) are of the opinion that meanings
are not exported from Western television programmes, but are
produced by different sectors within the audience’s culture
related to existing cultural attitudes and political perception.
In other words, two persons exposed to the same advertisement at
the same time and at the same place may interpret the
advertisement differently subject to their own cultural
background. Grixti (2006) opines that socio-economic and
educational backgrounds play a significant role in how people
perceive and relate to local and foreign media products.
With commodification widely spread, the world is now seen
as a “gigantic shopping mall” and people’s lifestyle is being
changed by its process. We see from this study the role of media
and specifically mediated communication akin to advertising
playing an important role in the life of young Chinese
Malaysians. Because of this, youths today are often thought of as
having exceptional opportunities that allows them to create their
own identities, where in the words of Stuart Hall (1997, p. 51),
“which is always in process, always constituted within, not
outside, representation.”
We examined how global media have affected these youths. The
commercial media system is the necessary transmission belt for
businesses to market their products to every corner of the world.
These developments have given the leading world communication
companies “the unrivalled capacity to shape the symbolic
environment which we all inhabit (Murdoch 1996, p. 92) or
according to Meyrowitz (1985), culture-levellers that blurs
traditional social relations. In the words of Grixti (2006, p.
106),
“Such patterns of influence are often argued to be the most
pronounced among the young, and they are said to be
particularly noticeable in young people’s styles of dress, modes
of speech and in the types of films, TV programmes, video games
and music…”
The youths who participated in this study admitted that
globalization did made impressions on them, especially on their
world views of things and events happening around them. They are
also followers of world’s latest fashion trends and styles. For
example, dying their hair to another colour from black appears to
be a Western trend to them. The same is with the launch of new
gadgets like mobile phones as well as being well-informed about
the private lives of Western celebrities.
Material things appear to be the aspirations of these
youths. They could name luxury accessories, electronic gadgets,
expensive cars and holidays to far away destinations as something
they would love to have.
Despite all these globalizing influences, the cultural
upbringing in these young people appear to be restraining them
from being totally swallowed up to the extend they have totally
forgotten their cultural roots.
According to Rita Sim (2011), Chinese education is one of
the three important pillars that plays an important part in the
solitary and resilience of the Chinese educated Malaysian
Chinese. Lee Hock Guan (2012) goes further by stating that the
centrality of education to the Chinese is a stepping stone to
socio-economic success and a means to transmit and preserve their
language and culture. The Chinese language is seen as an identity
marker for many Malaysian Chinese today. It was former Health
Minister, Chua Jui Meng who attributed the high enrolment in
mother-language primary schools to the wish of the Chinese
community “to re-emphasise their own identity through their own
language and culture” in the face of “a hardening Malay position
in the formulation of a national culture policy based on Malay
culture.” (Ye 2003, p. 65-66).
However, from this study, we can conclude that there has not
being any difference between the aspirations and consumption
behaviour among those who had their education in Chinese and
those who did not. They share more or less the same aspirations
and ambitions in life. For example, when it comes to social
travelling, only one prefers to visit China while the rest would
choose destinations like United States, Australia, Korea and the
European continent. One would wonder where these youths would
have got the idea of traveling to these places that their parents
would not have even dreamed of. Informants talked about TV
serials (example, the Korean “Winter Sonata” did a lot to promote
tourism in Korea) and documentaries they watched that kinder
their desire to visit these places.
When it comes to aspirations in life, they voiced out for a
better and richer future, and recognition from others for their
own achievements. The attitude of being filial to their parents
is strong among these youths. They acknowledge the sacrifices
made by their parents and would want to repay their parents when
they are able. This shows the root of Confucianism is still
strong in these young people despite the post-modernist world
view of living for oneself as the ultimate importance in life.
Perhaps these words from Confucius often remind them to be
filial,
“ The Master said, “At home, a young man should be filial to
his parents. Away from home, he should be respectful to his
elders. He should be cautious and be true to his words. He
should love his fellowmen and befriend the humane…” (Analects
1.6),
In the words of Grixti (2006, p. 108), “…local cultures are
not so much being replaced by global media culture as being
inflected by it through coexisting with it.” While acknowledging
that advertising has kindled their materialistic nature , the
informants also implied that the “Chinese factor” in them is
still strong. Socio-political developments over the past few
decades since the May 13 riots, among which were the New Economic
Policy, the concept of Ketuanan Melayu and possible implementation
of Hudud in the future has all contributed to the strengthening
of cultural identity among the young Malaysian Chinese, evidence
seen in the increase of enrolment in national-type Chinese
primary schools, the increase of readership in Chinese language
print and online media as well as interest in Mandarin as a
conversational language among young Malaysian Chinese is on the
rise.
1.8 CONCLUSION
A study on youth has important implications for media and
cultural studies Material goods clearly play an important role in
everyday social life of youths. Goods like mobile phones, the
books they read and the cars they drive serve both functional and
pragmatic purposes, but they also form an intricate system of
material symbolism. This exploratory study shows that Malaysian
Chinese youths though being constantly bombarded by commercial
messages in various forms are still holding on to many values
which have been taught to them since young from family as well as
the education system. From this study, it also shows that family,
religion and language play a big part in preserving one’s
identity.
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