Alone at Night: A Feminist Ecological Model of Community Violence

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2006 1: 207Feminist CriminologyEmily Meyer and Lori A. Post

Alone at Night : A Feminist Ecological Model of Community Violence

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Authors’ Note: We would like to thank the Michigan Department of Community Health for their supportand funding of the Domestic Elder Abuse Project and Janet Bokemeier, professor of sociology atMichigan State University, for her insight and assistance.

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Alone at NightA Feminist Ecological Model ofCommunity ViolenceEmily MeyerLori A. PostMichigan State University

Fear of violence appears to be widespread among women, and many feminist scholarsattribute such fear to gender inequality at a societal level. The present article uses qual-itative interviews with 32 women older than the age of 50 to determine the context inwhich women perceive violence in their neighborhoods and communities and how theirpresent experience with fear and violence differs from childhood experience. Theauthors also assess the various mechanisms women employ to keep themselves safefrom harm and how daily routines are altered to avoid violence. Using feminist theoryas a foundation for analysis, an ecological system of violence is constructed, whichincorporates the individual, neighborhood, and societal environments.

Keywords: community violence; fear of violence; older women; feminist theory of fear

Fear of crime is an experience many people have at some point in their lives,regardless of their gender. However, women tend to be more fearful because of

an increased likelihood of experiencing sexual assault, domestic violence, and otherrelated crimes. They often feel more vulnerable to aggression than men do and tendto be apprehensive of situations in which their vulnerability is exacerbated orexploited (Killias & Clerici, 2000). Women also face more severe consequences asa result of victimization as they are more likely to experience psychological andphysical distress, including posttraumatic stress disorder (White & Kowalski, 1998).

During the past 20 years, prevalence statistics and rates of violence against womenhave been well documented. Koss (1993) found that 20% of women will be raped intheir lifetime, and from 50% to 90% of those rapes are not reported (Gise & Paddison,1988). It is estimated that from 1 million to 4 million women are physically, sexually,or emotionally victimized by their partner every year, with 31% reporting some formof abuse during their lifetime (Nelson, Nygren, & Qazi, 2004). Post, Mezey, Maxwell,and Wibert (2002) calculated that the cost of sexual violence against women in thestate of Michigan alone is more than US$6.5 billion per year, with both tangible and



208 Feminist Criminology

intangible costs associated with the crimes (e.g., loss of income, medical bills, mentalhealth needs). These findings indicate the importance of understanding the impact ofviolence against women, as well as developing appropriate responses for women whohave been sexually victimized. Addressing the issue of female victimization is an effortthat spans public health, economic, criminal justice, and family studies fields.

This article focuses specifically on violence against older women, as there is littleinformation available on perceptions of violence in their lives. Knowing the specificnumbers, such as prevalence of rape, does not tell us how fear affects women’s lives.This article qualitatively assesses the fear reactions of older women to communityviolence and how fear influences their daily lives. We also attempt to illuminate olderwomen’s experiences, as little is currently known about how gender inequality and itsresulting fear affect this specific group. Research on elder abuse and spousal abuseamong older couples (see Harris, 1996) is expanding; however, the dominant litera-ture on violence against elders still takes a gender-neutral approach and tends to focuson caregiver (e.g., St. James, 2001) and institutional issues (Shaw, 1998). The quali-tative methods employed in this study give researchers the ability to enter into thelives of older women to assess their personal experiences of fear of violence. Thelarger body of literature on violence against women, specifically domestic violenceand sexual assault, tends to narrowly focus on single women with younger childrenor college-age women (e.g., DeVoe & Smith, 2002; Levendosky, Lynch, & Graham-Bermann, 2000), not those women whose children are grown and who have perhapsentered grandparenthood. Although theoretical models of elder abuse have begun toincorporate domestic violence theory, no empirical or qualitative work has been doneto date (Bergeron, 2001). Violence researchers must document older women’s expe-riences in the literature if an ecological, contextual understanding of violence againstall women is to be achieved. This particular article attempts to fill in the gaps throughassessing the answers to the following questions: How does fear of violence affect thelives of older women? Why does this fear exist among women? and finally, Whatmeasures do older women take to prevent harm?

Theoretical Foundation—Feminist Theory

Because the major focus of analysis is on older women’s fear of violence, twofeminist theories must first be presented to establish sufficient context. First, theo-ries of gender inequality and equality as causes of rape are briefly discussed. Second,we present theories on women’s fear of crime. To fully assess the current researchquestions, the societal structures that contribute to violence against women and fearreactions associated with perceived fear should be examined.

Does Gender Inequality or Equality Cause Rape?The main premise of this article is that older women fear rape and other acts

of violence to which they feel vulnerable. However, it is important to note that there



Meyer, Post / Alone at Night 209

are conflicting theories within the literature as to whether it is women’s subordinatestatus (inequality) or increasing social equality that causes rape. Although the femi-nist theory of inequality tends to dominate the literature, it is important to note someof the refined theories that exist to establish that feminist theory is not uniformamong all scholars.

A prominent perspective in feminist theory that emerged in the 1970s and 1980s isthat violence against women is a result of gender inequality at a societal level (Bograd,1988; Brownmiller, 1975). Feminists have argued that women experience a higherthreat of violence because of this inherent inequality (Brownmiller, 1975; Dobash &Dobash, 1979; Hester, Kelly, & Radford, 1996; Yllo & Bograd, 1988; Yodanis, 2004).The theory notes that the more unequal women are in a society, the more likely menare to be violent toward them (Yodanis, 2004). Inequality has been defined in the lit-erature as occupying a status in which the structural context and roles are disparate formen and women (Ridgeway & Smith-Lovin, 1999). Imbalances in power, approval ofviolence in general, childhood experiences of violence, and drug and alcohol abusehave all been found to be associated with violence against women (Jasinski &Williams, 1998), and these are more likely to flourish in male-dominated cultures.

Some do not perceive the relationship between inequality and rape as straightfor-ward, and many theorists believe that as women grow to be more independent of men,hostility and rape as an expression of that hostility can increase. Early empirical studiesfind both negative and positive relationships between gender equality and rape (Baron &Straus 1984, 1987, 1989; Ellis & Beattie, 1983), with the positive relationship referredto as the backlash hypothesis (Whaley, 2001). Increased gender equality was found tobe especially pertinent in the short term, as women’s roles were growing and expand-ing (Russell, 1975). Some scholars in the 1970s and 1980s concluded that the feministantirape campaigns contributed to increased sexual violence (Williams & Holmes,1981). An important caveat provided by Austin and Kim (2000) is that often it isthe researcher/theorists’ orientations that frame their interpretation of the rape-equalityrelationship, which remained a context for exploring the current qualitative data.

Whaley (2001) recently attempted to fuse the competing hypotheses into a com-plex, refined theory of gender inequality and rape. She stated that there is a short-term, positive statistical relationship between gender equality and violence againstwomen; however, ultimately there is a long-term ameliorative effect. Initially, aswomen’s status increases, men attempt to protect their masculinity through reassert-ing it, and some researchers have found that this is often achieved through sexualassault (e.g., Schwartz & DeKeseredy, 1997). However, as changes in social struc-ture, institutions, families, and dyads occur, discourse regarding men’s and women’sroles and rights also evolves, and rape and violence against women decrease(Whaley, 2001). This fusion allows researchers to develop a contextual understand-ing of the problem through observing fear reactions that result from the structuraltension between gender equality and inequality. The family, community, and greatercultural environments can all be incorporated into the analysis.



Although theorists and researchers have yet to reach a consensus on whethergender equality or inequality causes rape, it is the fear of being raped that is the mainpremise of the article. Stated earlier, men may use rape and other forms of violenceas a way of responding to social change in women’s roles and status, so fear of rapebecomes a distinct phenomenon that is often unrelated to actual rape statistics. Thefollowing section discusses existing theories regarding fear of rape as a furtherextension to the gender equality/inequality debate. Themes discussed in later sec-tions incorporate these two constructs.

Feminist Theory of FearA branch of feminist theory that specifically focuses on women’s fear provides

useful insights into the reasons why women are more likely to restrict behaviorsbecause of perceived threat of violence in their communities. Theorists have foundthat men tend to use women’s fear to control behavior, to confine, to prevent partici-pation in various activities, and to maintain control of social institutions (Brownmiller,1975; Riger & Gordon, 1981; Stanko, 1990, 1995). U.S. society represents whatsome would call a fear-victimization paradox, in that men are more likely to bevictims of crime, yet women are more likely to fear the potential encounter (Pain,1997). Ferraro (1996) referred to this phenomenon as the shadow theory of victim-ization because women’s fear is primarily one of sexual violence, a crime for whichwomen feel more vulnerable. Other authors have speculated that women’s generalfear of crime stems from the experience of intimate violence (Culbertson, Vik, &Kooiman, 2001), whereas still others argue that it is a result of perceived vulnera-bility; if women feel they are unlikely to escape a potential attack, they will in turnbe more fearful (Killias & Clerici, 2000; Smith & Torstensson, 1997). Alvi,Schwartz, DeKeseredy, and Maume (2001) noted that fear is frequently tied to socialsettings and one’s immediate surroundings, such as one’s neighborhood or commu-nity context. In essence, the creation of a culture of fear in which women are uncom-fortable in their daily surroundings secures men’s power and status over women(Brownmiller, 1975; Riger & Gordon, 1981; Stanko, 1990, 1995).

When studying fear of violence among women, it is necessary for researchers tounderstand how women adjust their lives to avoid potential victimization; and theimplications of these alterations are on not only an individual level but a familial andcommunity level as well. The use of semistructured interviews has many benefits forqualitative researchers (see Devault, 1999; Mason, 2002a, 2002b) who seek such dataand allows for the creation of a social context in which the respondent makes senseof her or his social world. The present article uses qualitative interviews with olderwomen to gain perspective on their sense of safety in the community, what they do todecrease risk of victimization, and their perception of how violence in society haschanged since their childhood. The ultimate goal is to build on prior statistics andstudies regarding female victims of crime (e.g., 1 in 4 women are raped in their life-time, 1 in 3 are abused during their lifetime), achieving a contextual understanding of




older women’s fear of crime and violence. It is not enough to know that it happens;rather, researchers must take that extra step to understand how women alter their rou-tines to avoid a violent encounter. The following section includes a brief review ofstudies that have looked at women’s fear of crime and how fear has affected theirdaily lives, using a variety of methods. In addition, we briefly present studies on thefear of crime and its association with age to illuminate the possible differences andsimilarities older people have in general when it comes to fear of violence. The liter-ature will serve as a context for understanding the current analysis.

Empirical Literature

Women’s Fear of ViolencePrevious research on women’s fear of violence encompasses many disciplines

and methodologies. Some authors have found that fear varies with environment(Keane, 1998), ethnicity (Joseph, 1997), location (Kelly & DeKeseredy, 1994), priorvictimization (Denkers & Winkel, 1998), and income (Rountree 1998), amongothers. A recent study by Hughes, Marshall, and Sherrill (2003) seeks to identify thevarious dimensions in which college women perceive safety threats from the stand-point of being fearful or confident and then attempts to cluster them conceptually todevelop a self-defense curriculum. The major categories of perceived threat includefear of rape, death, stalking, and exposure to obscenities. It is interesting that manywomen in the sample had perceptions of fear that were incongruent with their actualrisk of victimization. For example, some women perceived very little threat in cer-tain dangerous circumstances (e.g., verbal abuse or being intoxicated aroundstrangers), whereas seeing or hearing someone outside their house evoked a highersense of threat and fear. This finding is intriguing in that it points out how manywomen live their lives with the stereotypical fear that a stranger is waiting behind abush to attack them. This study provides researchers with further insight as to whatwomen may or may not perceive as a threat in their community.

Although Hughes et al. (2003) used quantitative methods to assess women’sresponse to fear and violence, Wolfer (1999) focused on the role that memory playsin women’s perceptions of chronic community violence through qualitative retro-spective one-time and weekly interviews. Wolfer noted that most research in the arealooks primarily at children and how crime affects their lives, so her research focuseson the effect of time on adult women’s memories and how the passage of time canlead to underestimates of one’s experience with violence. At issue in this article isthe notion that traumatic memories are susceptible to loss because of psychologicaldistress and avoidance. Because of this, traumatic memories are increasingly lostwith the passage of time, possibly leading to an underreporting of community vio-lence. At the time of the study’s publication, no empirical test had been developed toaddress the possible incongruence in reporting.





Wolfer (1999) conducted semistructured interviews with 25 women from HenryHorner Homes, a section of the Chicago public housing system, and found that one-time interviews underestimated the level of violence experienced by women in danger-ous communities and that in-depth, repeated interviewing allowed for a more detailedassessment of their struggles. Through data analysis, she also found that women aremore likely to report frequent acts of violence if interviewed weekly because the inci-dents are still fresh in their memory. The findings from Wolfer’s study suggest thatresearchers should use frequent qualitative interviews as a means to understand com-munity violence. Her study also suggests that methods designed to effectively capturelong-term violence should be developed because it is not always feasible to conductmultiple interviews. Practitioners can also benefit from incorporating frequent verbalinteractions into advocacy programs. The study demonstrates the nuanced, detailedinformation one can achieve through qualitative methods. If nothing else, interviewingvictims can serve as a concurrent validity check for more structured instruments.

Yodanis (2004) used data from the International Crime Victims Survey and UNstatistics to apply the feminist theory of inequality to sexual violence. Her sampleconsisted of data from 27 countries in Europe and North America, allowing for across-national test of the relationship between sexual violence and women’s fear.Statistical methods were used to assess women’s fear relative to men’s through thecalculation of an odds ratio.

Ultimately, Yodanis (2004) confirmed her hypothesis that the status of women isrelated to the prevalence of sexual violence against women, in that as occupationaland educational status increases, rates of sexual violence decrease. She also foundthat as sexual violence increases, women are more fearful compared to men. Thisrelationship does not hold with physical violence, however. Yodanis’s findings aresignificant in that they highlight the notion that “a structure of gender inequality isassociated with a culture of violence against women” (p. 670). She also concludedthat sexual violence is related to a culture of women’s fear. Although her study wasstrictly quantitative in nature, her results build on the earlier discussion of genderequality/inequality and rape. Yodanis ultimately upheld the inequality hypothesisbecause she found that the more structural equality women attain, the less frequentare the occurrences of sexual violence.

Fear of Violence and the ElderlyA primary research question this study attempts to answer is what ways older

women experience and perceive violence in their communities. In the criminologi-cal literature, a significant amount of research on what causes older people to fearviolence exists, although conclusions are often varied and contradictory. A briefreview of studies conducted during the past 10 years is summarized to establish acontext within which our qualitative analysis can be understood. Older women arethe focus of the current piece, so we also discuss research on how their experiencemay be different than that of men’s.




Three themes found in the literature as to the causes of fear of violence among theelderly are mental health issues, social support, and neighborhood effects. After ana-lyzing the Quebec Longitudinal Study on Aging, Beaulieu, Leclerc, and Dube (2003)found that older individuals expressing fear of crime had higher psychological distressscores on depression, anxiety, and cognition. In an exploratory study in a rural area ofOhio, Shields, King, and Fulks (2002) concluded that to cope with fear of violence,elderly individuals relied on strong informal supports as well as some formal supports,although these were not readily available in their region. Neighborhood effects were notan issue in this analysis; however, Thompson and Krause (1998) discovered through anecological model that social support as well as neighborhood conditions played a rolein perceived fear of crime. Elderly people who live in run-down or unsafe neighbor-hoods tend to have lower social support than those who live in well-maintained areas.The authors found that these effects are even stronger when the older adult lives alone.This finding is consistent with the results of the study by Alvi et al. (2001) discussedearlier. Among Black elderly individuals, personal vulnerability was found to be thegreatest determinant of fear of crime, whereas environmental factors had little impact.The authors found that fear of crime caused older Black adults to limit their activitiesand that men tended to fear violence more than women (Joseph, 1997).

Joseph’s (1997) finding could appear counterintuitive to some researchers. Forinstance, it was stated earlier in the theoretical discussion that women perceivedthemselves to be more vulnerable than men (Killias & Clerici, 2000), which does notfall in line with Joseph’s finding. In fact, contradictory studies have also been pub-lished in the literature that state that older women, although less likely to becomevictims of crime, fear violence more than men. In one such example, Smith andTorstensson (1997) attempted to resolve the paradox by assessing (a) whether hid-den victimization exists, (b) if women have a greater propensity to recall earlier lifeexperiences, (c) if women tend to generalize fear from one context to another, or(d) if women are just more vulnerable than men, who often discount their own fear.Smith and Torstensson ultimately found that it is the perceived personal vulnerabil-ity, or ecological vulnerability, that predicted fear of crime among women. Becauseof this, women changed their behaviors by limiting activities. Men, on the otherhand, frequently discounted risk and fear. Smith and Torstensson recommended fur-ther research on women’s perceived personal vulnerability on risk perceptions andfear of crime, which is the focus of the current article.

Method

Data

Data for the present analysis were collected during the Domestic Elder AbuseResearch project, a 3-year study executed by a Michigan State University research




team. Although the study was conducted during a 3-year period, interview data werecollected from June 1, 1997, to August 15, 1997. Semistructured interviews wereused to look at violence in the lives of older women through life narratives and per-sonal reflections (see Mason, 2002b, for methodological guidelines). Topics includedthe occurrence of domestic violence among older women, experiences of early adult-hood domestic violence, potential caretaking responsibilities, respondents’ percep-tions of community safety, and child abuse. Interviews with women who agreed toparticipate in the study were arranged by the breast and cervical cancer staff at aMichigan county health department during the scheduling of a regular clinic appoint-ment. The research study was explained, and women were invited to participate.Women were interviewed in a private office following the introduction and preregis-tration. A total of 32 women participated in the qualitative portion of the study,achieving a 100% participation rate.

The Sample

It is necessary to briefly present specific characteristics of the 32 women who par-ticipated in the Domestic Elder Abuse Research study because they do not representthe general population often captured in strictly quantitative studies. A high per-centage of women in our sample had some history of interpersonal or familial vio-lence, as can be seen in Table 1. The sample was purposive in that we were interestedin gleaning the unique experiences of older women who had struggled with violenceacross the lifespan and how their age and personal histories might account for vary-ing defensive behaviors in the community setting. One of the core strengths of thisparticular sample is its validity. Interviews with these women were rich, descriptive,and provided insight into the lives of lower income women (interviews werearranged at the local free medical clinic) with a history of violence.

Interview Procedures

After an explanation of the study, each respondent reviewed the consent form andasked investigators initial questions. The survey instrument was a semistructuredinterview guide developed by the research team. The interview was tape-recordedwith the respondent’s consent, and it began with a general comment on social atten-tion to violence (“In general, how has violence touched your life?”). The respon-dents were then asked to share general perceptions of violence in their communityor neighborhood, including particular things they might do to protect or defendthemselves in the community. Next, the interviewer advanced to more detailed ques-tions about violence in the family, beginning with childhood and progressingthrough participants’ experiences as older adults. Specifically, respondents wereasked if (a) they had experienced physical harm in their home or family as a child,(b) they had experienced violence in their adult relationships, and (c) they had ever




cared for an older relative or friend suffering from an illness or disabling condition.Once the above topics were explored, the researcher then asked the respondent forany final comments about violence in general, as well as what they thought shouldbe done to address the problem. As is often the case with semistructured interview-ing, the final question was designed to be broad and conclusive, prompting thewomen to share any final thoughts on how the experience of violence or threat ofviolence and harm have changed their lives. Once the interview ended, study partic-ipants were given a copy of the consent form and addresses of the Michigan StateUniversity research team. In addition, each participant was provided with an exhaus-tive list of health, financial, public assistance, and violence prevention services andresources. The investigator also spent time between each interview debriefing (i.e.,recording reflective insights on the interview, general descriptions of women, over-all tone, and responses). The interviews and debriefing comments were transcribed,and all 32 interviews were read and analyzed by an independent coder trained incomputer-assisted qualitative data analysis.

Table 1Characteristics of Respondents’ Relationship to Violence (N == 32)

Number Percentage

Respondents’ childhood 11 34.4experience with violence

Physical 9 28.1Sexual 7 21.9Emotional 1 3.1

Respondents’ experience 20 62.5of woman abuse


Respondents’ relatives and/or 11 34.4friends’ childhood experiencewith violence


Respondents’ relatives and/or 9 28.1friends’ IPV experience


Note: IPV = interpersonal violence.




Data Analysis

Interview transcripts were coded for women’s fear of potential violence in theircommunity, and analysis highlighted three of the seven major interview questions.Respondents’ discussion of their general perceptions of violence, how violence hasaffected their lives, what they do to protect themselves from harm, and how the expe-rience or threat of violence had changed their lives was the focus of this study. Otherissues, such as adult domestic violence and child abuse, were salient topics for thepresent analysis but were used primarily as contextual background information inrelation to their experiences of fear and community violence. Because qualitativemeans were used to analyze the data (see Mason, 2002a; Miles & Huberman, 1994),the major goal was to identify themes and trends throughout the analysis that wouldhelp to better understand the effect of fear of violence on women’s daily routines andlifestyles. We were specifically interested in how perceived threat of harm affectedolder women’s sense of safety and security.

Data analysis for the present article was conducted using the qualitative dataanalysis software package NVivo 2.0. After importing the 32 transcripts, data werecoded holistically so that an initial interpretation and foundation of understandingcould be achieved. As analysis progressed, the researcher formed hierarchical cod-ing structures regarding older women’s experience with community violence. A fulldisplay of codes can be found in Figures 1 and 2.

Results

Three major codes or “trees” were developed throughout the present analysis. Thefirst major code, Generational Differences in Perception of Community Violence,captures the context in which older women perceive and interact with the communityor neighborhood around them. Many women in the sample reflected on how societyhas changed since childhood, specifically, that the fear of threat or violence they cur-rently perceive was not experienced earlier in life. They also remarked on the differ-ences between their generation and that of their children; this issue is also included inour discussion. Subsumed beneath the initial code is Insights/Violence Changes Life,in which women in the sample provided a vast array of reflective comments on howcommunity and intimate partner violence has changed the ways that they view andlive their lives. The reader may refer back to Table 1 to see respondents’ histories withviolence as a context for understanding insights discussed in this category. Eachrespondent reflected extensively on how community violence has affected her life,her family’s well-being, and even society itself, regardless of an abusive history.

The second major code that evolved from the data concerns the practical side offeeling safe in the community. Safe Places alludes to specific areas in their neigh-borhood in which women believe they are at a low risk of harm. A general trend




emerged in certain places respondents perceived as safe, and this trend is discussedin greater detail below. Out at Night focuses specifically on the reflections womenhad about walking alone or being out at night and the reactive and preventivemeasures they take to protect themselves. Finally, we looked at the avoidance andprotective measures women implement to feel safe. Sometimes it was merelya heightened consciousness, whereas in other cases it was a deliberate action takento avoid victimization. Often these avoidant or defensive behaviors were a result ofage and perceived vulnerability. A detailed presentation of findings is provided in thefollowing subsections.

GenerationalDifferences

Insights

Police and Court Decisions

Societal Implications

Figure 1Flow Chart of Hierarchical Code, “Generational Differences”

Coping WithVulnerable Feelings

Avoid GoingOut at Night

Avoidance

Issues ofVulnerability

Home Outside Home

Church Work Neighborhood

Safe Places

Figure 2Flow Chart of Hierarchical Code, “Safe Places”




Generational Differences

A theme that emerged early in the analysis was the perception that neighborhoodsare currently more violent than those from the respondents’ childhood. Overall,women felt that with the passage of time, violence has increased and that they aremore apt to experience some form of assault because of the lack of regard for othersby today’s youth. One woman remarked that “people would just soon shoot you ordo something else nowadays, I mean.” Another reflected, “You know, and I’m morefearful of people. And I don’t know if that’s natural as you become older or what itis, but it is like, you know, you learn like you don’t trust people.” Another womanremarked that people used to be more concerned about others when she wasyounger; they cared and did not have “that attitude.” These comments were in starkcontrast to how they perceived safety in the community when they were children.There were comments such as “when I was younger I didn’t mind, I walked in thetown, I lived here and stuff, but then it was much safer I think, than it is now days.”Another commented, “But I can remember when I was young too, walking alone atnight. I didn’t really like it, but it’s something that I wouldn’t even do today, whichI did.” There was a subtle fear of gang- and drug-related violence, a concern the sam-ple associated with modern youth groups.

Another interesting trend that evolved in the interviews was the perceived differ-ence between older women’s and younger women’s behaviors. Several respondentsnoted that their daughters engaged in activities that they would never consider par-ticipating in, such as going out late, coming home late, frequenting bars, or going outalone. One woman said, “I have a daughter that comes and goes all the time at nightand so it doesn’t limit her.” Respondents did not always directly state that thesebehavioral differences were a result of age, but generally speaking, women olderthan 50 years acknowledged limiting their activities: “As I’ve gotten older I’vebecome more aware, become more conscious of, you know, my surroundings.”

Insights/Violence Changes Life

The interviewer encouraged each respondent in the sample to openly reflect onthe issue of violence against women and how one might potentially alleviate thethreat of harm against females of all ages. The answers were varied and often tookon multiple, complex directions, but they ultimately came down to common beliefsand insights about why women continue to be victims of violence in the UnitedStates. Some also speculated on how their particular history of violence may haveaffected their lives and responses to aggressive behavior.

Police and Court ResponsesLooking at community-level implications of violence against women, respondents

often reflected on the inherent bias of the judicial system when it comes to protectingfemales from harm. Frustrated reactions such as “I think violence against women is




looked at differently than violence against men” permeated the analysis. Somewomen felt that their lives were not as valuable as a man’s, noting that when a localjudge was murdered, “her life wasn’t worth that much in our court system, and hereshe was a judge.” Still others felt that even before entering the court system, policeresponse was inadequate and offered little protection:

I think if, if a woman is stalked or anything like that, that, uh, or if there’s some manthat’s stalking her or wants to kill her or whatever that he’s going to do it because thepolice won’t protect you.

To conclude, one woman provided this sobering insight:

I don’t think that unless violence has touched your life that you really understand orcomprehend it and then once you become vulnerable and. . . . The court system hasreally woke me up to how women are treated in our society.

Societal ImplicationsA noteworthy theme captured in analysis is that respondents felt that in general,

women of all ages are not safe and that unless society makes some major changes,they are going to continually find themselves as victims of domestic violence, rape,and other crimes. One woman remarked, “I think there’s much more violence outthere that, uh, you know, I don’t think any woman is safe alone at night.” Anothersaid that unless a woman is able to carry a weapon with her or take a self-defenseclass, she will not be safe from harm. Violence against women was viewed as amoral deterioration, so a large number of women’s coping strategies were religiousin nature as they often found themselves praying to find answers and survive. Whentalking about violence against children, one respondent noted, “I just pray that he’llput his angels around and guard ’em and protect ’em because there’s, that’s the onlyanswer as far as I’m concerned.” As a final thought on the issue of violence againstwomen, a respondent noted that little has changed as far as women are treated andthat in essence, women still have a long way to go:

I think it’s not only national-wide. I think it’s world-wide. I think that it has to do a lotwith our culturation and it’s been accepted for eons of generations. So I think it’s justa continuation. However, I think that the various women’s groups in society and vari-ous organizations are making it more or less they brought it out of the closet, you know,brought it to the public’s eye and but I don’t think that it’s probably any more prevalentthan it has ever been.

Safe Places

In addition to deeper insights and thoughts regarding community violence, respon-dents were asked how they practically coped with the threat of harm in their neigh-borhoods and towns. When asked where they felt most safe, women overwhelmingly




responded that it was their home or place of residence. They knew they could easilylock their doors and keep the outside world away from them if they stayed in theirhouse. Unfortunately, those who felt less secure or had been violated in the pastthrough break-ins or attempted break-ins were less optimistic about their level ofsafety. One woman said, “Um, there are times, I mean I could be home alone at nightand not particularly feel safe, not because I think something’s going to happen, butit’s just the possibility that it could.” Some women mentioned that they felt safe intheir neighborhoods or at work; however, these responses were not as common as thehome. One respondent mentioned more than one area in which she felt safe—anuncommon finding in the data. She said, “I feel safe at work, I feel safe at just aboutany place where there’s, um, a lot of people.”

Out After DarkThe most common phrase mentioned in every interview had to do with being “out

after dark.” All 32 women in the sample mentioned some sort of fear that was asso-ciated with going out at night, especially if they were alone. One woman said, “Idon’t go out late at night when it’s dark or anything unless somebody is with me. Idon’t feel our malls or grocery stores are that safe at night.” Another individual saidthat she does not feel safe on

any of the streets after say, 11 o’clock probably, you know, but that’s not restricted toa specific location. I just think a female should feel unsafe anywhere, any location after,you know, there’s not a lot of traffic on the streets.

The women worried that potential perpetrators could be lurking in the darkness, andif something happened to them, no one would notice.

Nighttime brings with it barriers to activity. Many women would not go out unlessit was absolutely necessary, noting that “after dark, I choose, I mean I prefer not to goout.” This decision affects their lives, and many may not engage in necessary tasksbecause of the fear of victimization. Several women reflected on the tension they feltwhen they had to work at night. Most could not afford to lose their jobs, so they wentagainst their instincts to maintain employment. “But, like if there is times when Imight have to walk to go to work and I was always watching over my shoulders andwatching the shadows.”

Avoidance and Protecting Oneself—Issues of VulnerabilityThe preceding discussion highlights the fears women have when venturing out of

their safe places, specifically, going somewhere alone and at night. However, thefinal theme discussed encompasses the multiple activities women engage in to avoidharm and remain safe. It was not clear through analysis whether these actions weretaken because of age or gender, and some respondents attributed it to either. It isimportant to note, therefore, that both younger and older women could employ thesebehaviors and that those interviewed merely represent a snapshot of women’s fears.




Many women in the sample stated that they would not venture out to parking lots(including mall or grocery store lots) or garages if they were alone. These areas wereperceived as risky places because potential attackers could easily hide. One womansaid she would not go to a parking ramp at all, regardless of whether it was day ornight. Another noted, “I won’t even go to the grocery store to this day by myself.” Ifwomen must enter a parking structure, they are usually hyperaware of their sur-roundings. “Like um, for example, when I walk in the parking lot to my car, I alwayswatch around me, you know for other people.” An overwhelming number of womenalso said they will not go to bars; one respondent noted, “I don’t like to be aroundbars. I don’t like to be around drinking.”

Locking one’s doors was the response given most frequently. Nearly every womanin the sample said she keeps her doors locked at all times in both her home and vehi-cle. One respondent reflected, “I keep my doors locked when I’m at home; I keep themlocked when I drive. I do carry pepper spray.” Another sadly admitted, “My doors arealways locked. And I don’t like that. It’s like if you feel like you have to contain your-self somewhere to protect yourself and that’s not right.” Other tactics used to protectthe respondents from harm included leaving lights on at night, keeping a radio on allday even when not at home, and networking with friends and neighbors so that some-one knows where they are at all times. For instance, one woman said,

But I make sure that I call ahead, you know, like if I’m going to a friend’s house orsomething like that or if I’m going to be longer, I call my husband and tell him, youknow, that ah, that I’ll be late, ’cause that way he doesn’t have to worry about me.

Regardless of the chosen method of protection, women in the sample were highlyconscious of how to stay away from danger. As discussed briefly in the sectionregarding generational differences in perception of community violence, some ofthese feelings of angst and resulting defensive behaviors may be attributed to ageand perceived vulnerability, whereas others may possibly result from an extensivehistory of violence. Although women use defensive tactics regardless of age, thesewomen are more fearful now of potential violence than when they were younger.

Discussion

Through in-depth interviews with older women about their perception of andexposure to community violence, a holistic interpretation of how aggression affectstheir daily lives was achieved. Respondents reflected on not only the practicalaspects of avoiding victimization but also how a particular threat affected their rou-tines, especially as an aging individual. Many women truly felt that communities andneighborhoods have changed since their childhoods and that walking the streets atnight is not something a person should do if they are (a) alone and (b) a woman.



Some believed that these feelings were purely a result of age, but the data over-whelmingly indicate that current fears and reservations are a result of the inherentvulnerability that arises from being a victimized female. This finding has been rein-forced in the literature discussed earlier, which indicates that perceived vulnerabilityis a predictor of fear of violence, especially when looking at women’s experiences(Killias & Clerici, 2000; Smith & Torstensson, 1997). However, based on the resultsof our qualitative analyses, we acknowledge the inherent difficulty in detangling ageand gender. Consistent with the segment of feminist theory that states that violenceagainst women is a result of gender inequality at the societal level, one can seethrough the analysis that women’s disparate status at both the community (court andpolice responses) and the societal levels increases their fear of victimization andabuse (Bograd, 1988). Throughout the data analysis, it became apparent after manyiterations that older women feel more vulnerable than younger women, and this canbe attributed to perceived lower status and increased vulnerability (older individualsare often implicitly described as such). Reflecting back on her discussion of differ-ences between her behavior and her daughter’s, one respondent specifically notedthat there are activities she will not engage in because of the increased fear of vic-timization. In addition, a major theme of the interviews was society’s impact on per-ceived fear of violence. These findings alone should serve to enhance the currentliterature. Even as women achieve greater equality in American society, and ifWhaley’s (2001) fusion theory holds after further study, there is still an overall per-ception of disparate treatment in our study. The sample, composed of women fromlower socioeconomic groups, felt that there was a long way to go when it comes toequality. Because this group does not represent the general population, further inves-tigation is needed.

As alluded to in the above paragraph, the feminist theory of fear was also rein-forced in the present study in that every woman in our sample restricted her behaviorin some way to avoid violence. As Pain (1997) noted, although women are less likelyto become victims of crime in the United States, they are still more fearful than men.Respondents in our study stated that they avoid going to parking lots or structures lateat night, bars, and other “high-risk” areas to keep themselves from harm. It appearsthat the pervasive myth of the stranger rapist hiding in the bushes is alive and well inour sample. Some feminists would of course argue that because women continue tolive in a patriarchal society, this fear will not end anytime soon. This assumption isillustrated by a desperate remark given by one of our respondents at the conclusion ofthe interview: “I just don’t think that it, that it can be, be stopped.”

When providing their insights to researchers, respondents focused predominantlyon the current injustices women experience in the legal system and society as a whole,illuminating the theoretical notion that women continue to lead an oppressed, fearfulexistence. Many of the changes they considered necessary to the system were sub-stantial, requiring macro-level alterations. The recommendations for ending violenceagainst women heard throughout our sample is reminiscent of White and Kowalski’s




(1998) integrative model of violence against women because the respondentsconcluded that change needed to come from different systems (culture, society, thecommunity). The authors’ model acknowledges the historical and cultural factorsinvolved in male violence against women while also taking a multitude of other eco-logical factors into account, such as social network, dyadic relationships, and interper-sonal and psychological factors. The model is a complex, metatheoretical depiction ofmale-driven violence that describes the magnitude of the problem. Women in our sam-ple felt that as a culture, much had changed since their childhood at a sociocultural andcommunity level; however, a large part of their perception was altered by intimatefactors such as those listed above. Their own histories and personal relationshipsplayed a tremendous role in how they perceived violence in the community.

Future Research

It is our recommendation that future research continue to investigate older women’sperceived vulnerability to community violence. The participants in our sample wereable to speak to the changes society has made and how their perceptions differ fromboth their childhood and a younger generation of women. Qualitative methods using afeminist perspective are an excellent tool for further study of these issues; the feministtheory of gender inequality, for example, guided our research questions to look at olderwomen’s sense of vulnerability as it relates to perceived fear. Smith and Torstensson(1997) recommended in their article that further research must be conducted on olderwomen’s perceptions and fear of violence, which was accomplished in this piece whilealso highlighting the nuanced details of women’s lives.

We also encourage further scholarship on disentangling gender and age as it per-tains to violence against women. The current study has begun the process of deter-mining how age (status) and being a woman in U.S. society affects vulnerability andperceived fear, and it is our goal that this piece informs future research endeavors,whether qualitative or quantitative. As mentioned in the beginning of the article, quan-titative studies can chart only the surface patterns and prevalence rates of rape (howmuch women fear it, how often they go out, etc.), whereas qualitative research can helpresearchers understand how older women decide the amount of danger they are in andwhat steps they should take to prevent rape and other forms of violence. Our article isto be considered a starting point for continued investigation into this area.

Limitations

There are several limitations to this research. First, the interviews were conductedat only one point in time; thus, although data discussed in the present article are richand meaningful, it is important to mention that using only one interview regarding a





complete life history can be problematic (see Wolfer, 1999). As time passes and com-munities evolve, respondents’perception of that community within the context of poten-tial violence might change as well. It would be useful to conduct a replication study toassess if women’s perceptions of community have changed with time and if so, why.

Next, the women in our sample experienced a disproportionate amount of violencerelative to the general population. Table 1 shows the sample’s history of violence andclearly illustrates that a large percentage of women in our study experienced someform of abuse. Although qualitative samples are rarely random and representative ofsome larger population, generally speaking, they do often get at a broad spectrum ofexperiences. If women in our sample were not abused as children, most encounteredsome sort of violence in adulthood. Even those who reported no history of abusegenerally knew someone who had been hurt. Because of this particular group’s ver-sion of social reality, results should be interpreted with caution, as they may notapply to women without such violent backgrounds. However, we are still confidentthat the data presented in this article are useful in gaining insight into women’s fearof community violence. Many women live their lives and grow old in high-risk envi-ronments, often with a history of abuse. This study provides a useful insight into theeffects of type of community/individual on women’s fears for their safety.

Conclusion

Throughout this article, we have attempted to reconstruct the social realities inwhich older women may live. Semistructured interviews were completed to get atrespondents’ experience of violence across a lifetime, but for the present analysis, wespecifically looked at perceived fear of violence in respondents’ communities. Itbecame apparent as themes and trends emerged from the interviews that there are bothpractical and insightful sides to beliefs about violence; the women provided multipleexamples of what they do to remain safe, but they also speculated on the greater cul-tural implications of violence against women and how it may ultimately be stopped.

The current literature on older women’s fear of violence is lacking when it comes tothe use of qualitative methods to give voice to their experiences. Studies, suchas Wolfer’s (1999), exist that examine fear of violence. However, little is known aboutolder women. Generally, findings from studies on the responses of older peopleheld in the present analysis, reinforcing the need to take this examination further. Theselection of research described earlier (on both women’s and older people’s fear of vio-lence) documents mental health, social support, neighborhood context, and vulnerabil-ity as having an impact, and emergent themes from our study support these conclusions.If a woman does not feel alienated and has friends she can call or involved neighbors,fear of violence does not appear as devastating. This finding reiterates the importanceof incorporating both individual-level and community-level contexts (as recommendedby White & Kowalski, 1998) into any analysis that highlights experience of community




violence. Ecological vulnerability, a term presented by Smith and Torstensson (1997),was a major theme of our study. Although many women in the sample had histories ofviolence, it was the global sense of vulnerability that contributed most greatly to theirfear. Finally, all of the insights shared by respondents were sufficiently framed by fem-inist theory. Women overwhelming felt as if a discrepancy in equality existed at a soci-etal level, although they were not always able to articulate the reason why. As noted inthe section on future research, further study is needed in this area.

Overall, women did not feel safe anywhere outside of their homes. This findinghas multiple implications for law enforcement officials, policy makers, and socialservice professionals. If women hesitate to leave their home for fear of violentencounters, then they are at a disadvantage when it comes to work and other socialopportunities. Using feminist perspectives that highlight fear, as well as possibleimbalances in equality, may enhance researchers’ understanding of community vio-lence. Most women in our sample commented on the apparent inequities in thesystem and stated that these issues will not go away unless something is done tochange negative attitudes toward women.

Throughout the present analysis, the researchers sought to achieve a cohesive pic-ture of fear among older women. Results should be used as a starting point for futureresearch endeavors, as many more questions need to be asked and answered. Furtherstudy on the unique experiences of older individuals, the feminist theory of fear, andequality versus inequality all deserve consideration as well, because it is onlythrough our understanding of why women are victimized and how older womeninternalize threat of harm (e.g., sexual assault, domestic violence, victimization ingeneral) that we can move forward with programming and policy that create a safeenvironment in which women do not have to live in fear.

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Emily Meyer is a PhD student in the Department of Telecommunication, Information Studies, and Mediaat Michigan State University. Her primary research interest is family violence, specifically, the decision-making process a woman goes through when leaving an abuser. She is also interested in developing com-prehensive community services for survivors of violence through enhanced communication technology.

Lori A. Post is assistant professor in the Department of Telecommunication, Information Studies, and Mediaat Michigan State University. She is also the assistant dean for research at the College of CommunicationArts & Sciences. Her research interests are violence against women and violence prevention from a publichealth perspective.



Alone at Night: A Feminist Ecological Model of Community Violence

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