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Agapé Christian Reconciliation Conversations: Exploring the Intersectionsof Culture, Religiousness, and Homosexual Identity in Latino andEuropean AmericansPeter Barbosa a; Hector Torres b; Marc Anthony Silva b; Noshaba Khan b

a California School of Podiatric Medicine at Samuel Merritt College, San Francisco, California, USA b

Children and Adolescent Psychiatry Center, Children's Hospital of Wisconsin/Medical College ofWisconsin, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, USA

Online publication date: 11 January 2010

To cite this Article Barbosa, Peter, Torres, Hector, Silva, Marc Anthony and Khan, Noshaba(2010) 'Agapé ChristianReconciliation Conversations: Exploring the Intersections of Culture, Religiousness, and Homosexual Identity in Latinoand European Americans', Journal of Homosexuality, 57: 1, 98 — 116To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/00918360903445913URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00918360903445913

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Journal of Homosexuality, 57:98–116, 2010Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0091-8369 print/1540-3602 onlineDOI: 10.1080/00918360903445913

WJHM0091-83691540-3602Journal of Homosexuality, Vol. 57, No. 1, November 2009: pp. 0–0Journal of Homosexuality

Agapé Christian Reconciliation Conversations: Exploring the Intersections of Culture,

Religiousness, and Homosexual Identity in Latino and European Americans

AgapéP. Barbosa et al.

PETER BARBOSA, PhDCalifornia School of Podiatric Medicine at Samuel Merritt College,

San Francisco, California, USA

HECTOR TORRES, PsyD, MARC ANTHONY SILVA, MA, and NOSHABA KHAN, MA

Children and Adolescent Psychiatry Center, Children’s Hospital of Wisconsin/Medical College of Wisconsin, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, USA

To understand how homophobia manifests itself through a Latinocultural lens of identity, a program was designed to address theissues connecting homosexual identity, culture, and Christianity.The program included screening of one of two documentary filmsabout lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) identity and family relations.This was followed by group sharing and biblical reflections.Participants (N =122) were asked to complete measures ofhomophobic attitudes and qualitative appraisal of the program.Pearson product moment correlations analyses revealed that age

This work was completed in part through the gracious financial support of grants from:(a) The E. Rhodes & Leona B. Carpenter Foundation, Philadelphia, PA; (b) Horizons Foundation(http://www.horizonsfoundation.org); and (c) David R. Stern Memorial Fund of the AgapeFoundation Fund for Nonviolent Social Change (http://www.agapefdn.org/sec/s-gr/DRSL_h.html). The authors gratefully acknowledge the financial support these foundationsprovided, without which this work would not have been possible. In addition, the authorsexpress gratitude for the contributions to this research by Garrett Lenoir, Dr. Dee Mosbacher,Bert Williams, Bob Offer-Westort, Steve Nava, Angel Jr. Cintrón, Zwazzi Sowo, NaomiProchovnick, The Courage To Love Institute, Rev. Ann B. Day, Rev. Jeannette Zaragoza, Rev.Alfonso Roman, Rev. Jan Griesinger, Dr. Scot Foster, Yerba Buena Restaurant in Condado,Puerto Rico, the Council for Hispanic Ministries of the United Church of Christ(www.ucc.org), and the Board of Directors of Woman Vision and EyeBite Productions(www.EyeBite.com).

Address correspondence to Peter Barbosa, California School of Podiatric Medicine, P.O.Box 14010, San Francisco, CA 94114, USA. E-mail: pbarbosa@samuelmerritt.edu

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and political ideology were related negatively to homophobia.Eighty-five percent found the program to be very useful or usefuland 95% indicated that they would recommend it to others. Thecomplexities of the intersections of Christianity, culture, and attitudestoward homosexuality in an individual’s identity were examined.The data illustrates a positive trend in changing attitudes towardshomosexuality in the Latino Christian community.

KEYWORDS homosexuality, attitudes toward homosexuality,religious beliefs, religious prejudices, Christianity, Hispanics,Latino/Latina culture, De Colores, agape

In the United States, non-Anglo lesbians, gay, and bisexuals (LGBs) exist asminorities within minorities. Many report that intense and often conflictingloyalties to both minority communities cause them to be marginalized ineach. The same phenomenon afflicts religious LGBs, since many churcheshold homophobic beliefs. For non-straight Latinos, both ethnic status andthe powerful influence of religion bear the seeds of homophobia. Littlequantitative or qualitative data exist about this growing population withinthe context of religiosity, cultural identity, and attitudes toward homosexual-ity. The intervention described in this study was designed to understandboth quantitative and qualitative data about this largely ignored population.

KEY CONCEPTS

Homophobia

The term “homophobia” will be used to describe negative attitudes, feelings,and behaviors toward those who identify as LGB. Although the utility of theterm has been criticized (Herek, 2004; MacDonald, 1976; Neisen, 1990), andalthough other terms have been proposed, such as heterosexism, homoneg-ativity, and biphobia, when applied exclusively to bisexuals (e.g., Finnegan& McNally, 2002), the term homophobia has the longest history (e.g., Wienberg,1972), appears consistently in the literature, and is generally understoodwithin academic communities and laypeople. Thus, homophobia will beused to describe negative attitudes toward LGB individuals throughout thisarticle.

Homophobia occurs on micro and macro levels. At the micro level,homophobia manifests in an interpersonal context with those holdinghomophobic attitudes as a belief that LGBs are sinful, bad, evil, or morallycorrupt. These feelings can result in fear, disdain, hatred of LGB people andtheir culture, which can cause verbal, emotional, physical, or sexual abusedirected at LGBs because of their sexual orientation. Homophobia also

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exists at the macro level. Institutionalized homophobia is reflected bycultural views and policies regarding homosexuality. These attitudes denigratenon-heterosexual identities and historically has criminalized same-sex sexualbehavior. While same-sex sexual behavior is no longer legally punishable inmost states, individuals who identify as LGB continue to be denied basicrights and privileges afforded to heterosexuals. For example, only two U.S.states allow marriage between same-sex partners. The prohibition againstmarriage between same-sex couples in most states denies these couplessignificant legal and financial benefits accorded heterosexual married couples,including substantial tax benefits, rights of inheritance, and access to spousalbenefits. Furthermore, many states have a history of hostility toward gayparents (Lambda Legal, 2007), which has caused difficulty in adoptions. Thishas been the case for homosexual Floridians who have tried to adopt childrenbut have been denied due to their sexual orientation (Florida Senate, 2007).Furthermore, LGBs who are open about their sexual orientation are prohibitedfrom serving in the U.S. military; many U.S. states offer no legal protectionfrom discrimination based on sexual orientation.

Religion and Homophobia

During the past few decades, advances have been made in the depathologizingand decriminalization of homosexuality. When the American PsychiatricAssociation (APA) removed the diagnoses of homosexuality from the DSM-II(APA, 1973) and ego-dystonic homosexuality from the DSM-III-R (APA,1987), it helped to bring about a level of awareness and tolerance incommunities regarding homosexuality. Nonetheless many organizedreligions disregard these developments and continue to view homosexualityas sinful, deviant, indecent, and immoral. Organized religions that viewhomosexuality as immoral promote prejudice against LGBs at both institutionaland individual levels within their communities.

Historically, religion has been defined broadly and viewed as adynamic process including both individual and institutional factors (Pargament,1999). According to this definition, religion encompasses one’s personalrelationship with a higher power, shared beliefs, and organized rituals asso-ciated with the practice of that relationship. Some contemporary scholarsconsider religion and spirituality as different concepts with religion referringto extrinsic, organizational, ritualistic, and ideological components, andspirituality referring to intrinsic, personal, and experiential elements of faith(Pargament, 1999). Nonetheless, while some research has examined religionand spirituality as separate constructs, most research examining the intersectionof religion and political attitudes has not considered spirituality as a separatevariable and this article follows suit.

A substantial body of research has linked religious affiliation, beliefs,and practices to homophobia on a personal level. For example, Catholic

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and Protestant college students tend to hold negative attitudes toward gaysand lesbians due in part to their upbringing and value system (Johnson,Brems, & Alford-Keating, 1997; Malcomnson, Christopher, Franzen, &Keyes, 2006; Rowatt et al., 2006; Schwartz & Lindley, 2005). ConservativeProtestants (e.g., Southern Baptists, Pentecostals, Evangelicals) were theleast tolerant of homosexuality when compared to mainstream Protestants(e.g., Episcopalians, Methodists, Presbyterians), Catholics, and other religions(Burdette, Ellison, & Hill, 2005).

Clinical literature has also linked religious beliefs and practices tohomophobia by suggesting that individuals who had strong affiliation totheir religion were more inclined to believe that homosexuality was achoice (rather than biology) and, therefore, displayed more homophobicattitudes (Malcomnson et al., 2006). The belief and practice of biblical literalism,religious fundamentalism, and right-wing authoritarianism were associatedwith hostile and negative attitudes toward homosexuality among Muslims,Hindus, Jews (Hunsberger, 1996), and Christians (Burdette et al, 2005;Rowatt et al., 2006; Schwartz & Lindley, 2005). While intrapersonalhomophobic attitudes have been found in a variety of religions, increasedstrictness and adherence to doctrine appears more significant in theendorsement of homophobia.

Homophobia exists on the institutional level of religion as well. For exam-ple, the Catholic Church espouses respect for the homosexual as an individualwhile at the same time condemns same-gender sexual behavior. The Vaticanconsiders homosexuality “intrinsically immoral and contrary to the natural law”and prohibits those who practice or support homosexuality from attending orteaching in a seminary (Congregation for Catholic Education, 2005). Addi-tionally, the Catholic Church officially opposes same-gender marriages andany legal recognition of same-gender unions (Congregation for the Doctrine ofFaith, 2003). Other Christian denominations espouse similar beliefs.

Religion and Healthy Sexual Identity

Although the negative associations between religion and homosexualityhave been documented, there is a paucity of research on the potential benefitsof religious affiliation among LGBs. Research suggests that internalizedhomophobia is associated with depression, anxiety, low self-esteem, andpoor body image (Igartua, Gill, & Montoro, 2003, Reilly, & Rudd, 2006).However, research on the relationship between religious affiliation andinternalized homophobia has produced mixed findings with regard to mentalhealth concerns among LGBs. Some research suggests that acceptance byone’s faith group is negatively correlated with internalized homophobia(Lease, Horne, & Noffsinger-Frazier, 2005), while other research producedno statistical significant differences between these variables among gay men(Wagner, Serafini, Rabkin, Remien, & Williams, 1994).

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These contradictory findings may be related to differences in the wayreligiosity is used by researchers and experienced by research participants.For example, Tan (2005) reported that higher self-esteem, lesser feelings ofalienation, and acceptance of one’s homosexuality was predicted by “exis-tential well-being (i.e., how one feels about life) but not religious well-being(i.e., how one relates to God). In sum, it appears that intrinsic positiveattitudes toward life and affiliation with religious groups who accept homo-sexuality is associated with less internalized homophobia and more positivepsychological well being for at least some LGBs.

Culture, Religion, and Homophobia Among Latina/os

In the U.S., non-Anglo LGBs are double minorities, that is, ethnic and sexualminorities in a primarily Caucasian, heterosexual society. Their doubleminority status often results in double stigma, which creates multiple layersof oppression and discrimination (Greene, 1994). Many ethnic minoritiesLGBs report intense and often conflicting loyalties among two or moreminority communities because their sexual orientation and physicalattributes causes them to be between to opposing sides of the same coin. Forexample, one’s ethnic minority community may be non-accepting of sexualminorities, while concurrently, one’s sexual minority community may benon-accepting of ethnic minorities (e.g., Morales, 1992). Such marginalizationin each community may lead many LGBs to conceal important aspects oftheir identities in order to survive in each group (Chan, 1992; Greene, 1994).

It is suggested that a powerful form of heterosexist oppression takesplace within Latino culture, leaving many gay and lesbian members feelingpressure to remain closeted in those communities to avoid the ridicule andoutcast status that would result from open acknowledgement of their identity(Espin, 1984). In addition, ethnic minority members commonly reportdiscriminatory treatment in gay and lesbian bars, clubs, and other socialgatherings within the gay and lesbian community (Morales, 1992). Althoughdiscrimination comes from both perspectives for ethnic minority LGBs,these individuals often feel their ethnic communities may serve as importanthavens against racism and provide them with social support. The homophobiain these communities make LGBs more vulnerable and perhaps moreinclined to remain closeted within their ethnic communities and henceinvisible to them (Chan, 1992).

For these individuals, it is imperative to form a strong sense of individualidentity and self-consciousness to survive amid the different sources ofdiscrimination. There have been theories and studies on the most effectiveways for this to be attained. The minority identity development model forethnic minorities captures the fluidity of the process and describes itsphases in a clear and concise way (Atkinson, Morten, & Sue, 1979). Cass(1979) developed a similar theoretical model in reference to homosexual

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identity formation. Cass’s model proposes six stages of development thatindividuals move through in order to acquire a fully integrated identity as agay or lesbian person (Espin, 1993). While the two models are not identical,they describe a similar process that must be undertaken by people whomust embrace negative or stigmatized identities. The main issue at stakewith these models is finding a way for ethnic minority LGBs to form a positive,integrated identity. As discussed below, they face many pressures and issuesin reconciling their place in the world.

These psychosocial pressures and obstacles to identity developmentlikely stem in part from traditions and generations of beliefs about homo-sexuality. Because of this, homosexuality may become a token of the“acculturation wars” between the generations (Gonzalez & Espin, 1996).The values of familism (i.e., strong kinship ties), religion, and machismo(i.e., conformity to traditional male gender roles) may serve as a way offending off assimilation, and some parents may view “gayness” as a productof the erosion of traditional Old World values and a move toward thedominant culture (Tremble, Schneider, & Appathurai, 1989). Motivated bythis viewpoint, parents and elder generations will often dictate and emphasizethe importance of family and tradition in everyday life.

The family plays a critical role in Latina/o culture, and familism standsas the one core cultural value that transcends all others (Marin, 1989). ForLatina/os, the family serves as a protective structure—a buffer against thesocioeconomic and political pressure of immigration, acculturation, and racism.Thus, for Latina/o LGBs, identification with the LGB community may be acostly move away from family and the underpinnings of economic, political,cultural, and religious identity (Almaguer, 1993).

The Catholic Church, a significant influence on Latin culture, supportstraditional family dynamics and condemns homosexuality while promotingsexuality in the service of procreation (Tori, 1989). For many LGB Latina/os,the prohibitions of the church are a source of alienation. Catholic popeshave actively condemned homosexuality, and because a pope is consideredinfallible and in communication with God, his condemnation brings guiltand anxiety to many Catholic LGB people (Caraballo-Dieguez, 1989).

Another obstacle gay Latina/os face is the cultural perspective on sexualroles. For many Latino men, homosexuality is structured by sexual aimrather than sexual object choice and depends heavily on gender role(Almaguer, 1993). The passive role is more strongly denigrated withinLatino/a culture, rather than the same-gender nature of the encounter. Insimpler terms, stigma accrues from the display of feminine attributes andnot as much from the male /male engaging in homosexual sex (Lancaster,1988). This is because machismo is highly valued and respected withinLatina/o culture. Machismo refers to a code of virility and masculine conductthat prizes honor, respect, and dignity, as well as aggressiveness, invulnera-bility, and sexual prowess (Staples & Mirande, 1980).

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Considering the myriad sources of culturally ingrained heterosexistnotions that Latina/os have to deal with, it is logical that LGB Latina/os facesocial discrimination from multiple directions. Social discrimination has anegative impact on levels of social support and self-esteem. Not surprisingly,psychological symptoms of distress are more prevalent among those whoare both socially isolated and harboring a low sense of self-worth (Diaz,Ayala, Bein, Henne, & Marin 2001).

PURPOSE OF STUDY

This study was primarily designed as an intervention to start a dialogue withemphasis on issues related to homosexuality from a Latino Christian culturalperspective. Given the homophobic attitudes among many religiously affiliatedheterosexuals, particularly Christian groups, and because of the negativepsychological consequences from double stigma among Latina/o LGBs, thecurrent study was undertaken. Research has traditionally focused on Anglocommunities of faith that have held either extremely conservative or liberalreligious beliefs. Lesser attention has been given to moderate communitiesof faith with regard to attitudes toward homosexuality and, as it relates toreligious communities of color, research is scant.

In many communities of color, faith exploration and faith commitmentsare integrated into one’s overall sense of identity and concurrently definecritical aspects of the entire cultural expression. The controversial issue ofidentifying as or responding to a homosexual in the community is directlyrelated to the implications of religiosity for identity construction. Thiscontroversy seems to be even stronger among communities of color wherereligiosity and culture are so intimately related.

In order to address personal and cultural roots of homophobia withinreligious communities, individuals participated in the Agapé ChristianReconciliation Conversation Program (Agapé Program), a program designedto address homophobia while respecting and affirming theological andcultural concerns. The program was intended as a tool for social activismand transformation.

METHODS

Participants

The target populations were faith communities and communities of color,with primary emphasis on Latina/o communities of Christian faith. Partici-pants were recruited via direct solicitation to members of the Council ofHispanic Ministries (CHM) and the Council on Racial and Ethnic Ministries(COREM) of the United Church of Christ (UCC). Various other religious and

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nonreligious groups were also invited to participate, as listed below (seeProcedures section). Recruitment took place starting in the fall of 2004 andcontinued through December 2006.

Measures

DEMOGRAPHICS FORMS

Participants completed a researcher-authored demographic form that askedparticipants to disclose sociodemographic variables such as age, gender,sexual orientation, religious affiliation, and political ideology.

HOMOSEXUALITY ATTITUDES SCALE-SHORT FORM

Participants completed the Homosexuality Attitudes Scale-Short Form(HAS-SF), a modified version of the original Homosexuality Attitudes Scale(HAS; Kite & Deaux, 1986). The instrument assesses people’s stereotypes,misconceptions, and anxieties about homosexuals. The short formcontains 10 items. Responses are coded on a 5-point scale ranging fromstrongly agree (1) to strongly disagree (5). The measure employs a one-dimensional factor and yields a global homophobia score with low scoresrepresenting more favorable attitudes toward homosexuals and highscores representing less favorable attitudes. According to Kite and Deaux,the original scale has excellent internal consistency (a >.92), and goodtest–retest reliability (r =.71). Regarding convergent validity, the scalecorrelates positively (r = .50) with the Feminis Scale (FEM) (Smith, Ferree,& Miller, 1975), a measure of attitudes toward feminism, as well as theAttitude Toward Women Scale (Spence & Helmreich, 1978). The HAS wascorrelated less with the agency/communion scales of the PersonalAttributes Questionnaire (Spence, Helmreich, & Stapp, 1974) and wasunrelated to the male and female scales of the Bem Sex Role Inventory(Bem, 1974), the Self-Monitoring Scale (Snyder, 1974), the Marlowe-CrownSocial Desirability Scale (Crowne & Marlowe, 1960), and the RosenbergSelf-Esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965).

APPRAISAL OF PROGRAM FORM

Participants completed an Appraisal of Program form, which was designedto obtain quantitative and qualitative data regarding their impressions andopinions about the intervention. For quantitative portions of the survey,participants were asked to rate on a numeric scale questions such as “Didyou benefit from this workshop?” and “Would you recommend the work-shop to others?” For the qualitative portion, participants were asked, in anopen-ended format, questions such as “What was your favorite part of this

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event?” and “How would you change this presentation?” Qualitative answerswere examined for common themes.

Procedures

The study was approved by the Board of Directors (the Institutional ReviewBoard equivalent) of EyeBite Productions, the nonprofit organization primarilysponsoring the Agapé Program (www.EyeBite.org). Recruitment occurredduring the fall of 2004, and participation in the Agapé Program took placefrom January 2005 through December 2006.

In 2005, Agapé Program presentations were conducted in Puerto Rico,including groups of the Puerto Rican Episcopal Church and the MetropolitanCommunity Church. In the United States, presentations were conductedduring the General Synod of the UCC, the COREM Convocation 2005, theNational Gathering of the Coalition for LGBT Concerns of the UCC, and twoseparate yearly gatherings of the National Association of Catholic DiocesanLesbian and Gay Ministries. Additionally, two presentations were conductedin nonreligious settings. These gatherings included the San Francisco chapterof the Parents, Families and Friends of Lesbians and Gays (PFLAG) and LaRaza Cultural Days, a program sponsored jointly by the local chapter of theLatino Sigma Lambda Beta International fraternity and the Chicana/o Latina/o Community Office of the University of California Davis Cross-CulturalCenter.

The basic format of the Agapé Program is a 1.5-hour workshop basedon a flexible script. In religious settings, the workshop featured a discussionof biblical readings concerning inclusiveness, the search for wisdom andunderstanding, and the all-inclusive love as described by Paul (biblical NewTestament author) using the Greek word agapé. In addition, two interna-tionally screened award-winning documentary films were shown and dis-cussed as part of the Agapé Program. Each film was approximately 30minutes in length and directly addressed LGB identity and family relationissues through a particular cultural lens. The documentary Straight from theHeart (Woman Vision, 1993) was presented to primarily Anglo-Europeanswhile De Colores (EyeBite Productions, 2001) was chosen for primarily Latina/o groups (see Appendix A). These films have been effective in reachingaudiences on a visceral level. For many participants, these films empowerthe viewers to consider their fears as applied to LGB individuals and drawthe viewers away from generalizations, abstractions, and stereotypes aboutLGB people.

The Agapé Program included an introduction, video screening, discus-sion, and completion of measures. On religious settings, the introductionincludes a prayer and biblical reflection. The biblical reflections includedpassages from John 4, Matthew 22, and John 13, which address the themesof the Samaritan Woman and Jesus Story, wisdom and discernment, and the

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Greatest Commandment, respectively. The introduction and biblical reflec-tions were followed by the video screening (Straight from the Heart or DeColores). After watching the video, participants were given the opportunityto discuss their thoughts and feelings, first in pairs and later with the entiregroup.

After approximately 20 minutes of discussion, participants are leadthrough an activity called “Look for browns, remember reds . . .” As part ofthe activity, the facilitator asks participants to look around the room andnotice everything in the room that is brown. Then participants are asked toclose their eyes and with their eyes still closed name (to themselves) every-thing in the room that is red, then blue, then yellow. The participants thenare asked to open their eyes and notice if they have missed any of the itemsin the room that were red, blue, or yellow. The activity is then discussedand as part of the discussion the facilitator states:

You’ve heard the saying, “what you see is what you get?” What we focusin on is what we see, what we experience, and what we get. So, whenyou looked around the room, focusing only on brown, you tend to missall the other colors. It did not mean they weren’t here—you just didn’tsee them. So, sometimes when we focus in only on one specific aspectabout other people, then that is all we end up seeing and experiencing,even though everything else is still there—we are just not seeing it. Weall have filters that we look at other people through. What we can do isbecome aware of what our focus is, where we are putting our attention,and what experience it is giving us.

At the end, the facilitator reviews previous discussions and asks partici-pants to share their thoughts on the following questions: “What parts of thevideo touched you the most and why?” “Who did you identify the most with?”and “What lessons can be shared with your church, family, friends or commu-nity?” Finally, participants are asked to complete the evaluation measures.

RESULTS

Sample Characteristics

The sample included 122 participants. The sample was rather evenlydistributed between females (53%) and males (47%). Less than 1% identi-fied as transgender. Thirty-three percent (33%) were between the ages 18and 25; 7% were between 26 and 35; 21% were between 36 and 45; 19%were between 46 and 55; 10% were between 56 and 65; and 12% were 66or above. Participants were predominantly Hispanic (50%), followed byWhite (43%), multiracial (4%), Asian (3%), and Native American (1%).Participants were mostly heterosexual (55%), followed by gay (25%),

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lesbian (11%), bisexual (6%), and queer (3%). Participants classified theirpolitical ideology as liberal (60%), moderate (31%), or conservative (9%).Participants identified their religious affiliation as Christian (84%), other(7%), none (6%), Jewish (2%), or Muslim (<1%).

Homophobia

Pearson product moment correlations were conducted on variables of interest(see Appendix B). Data analysis revealed that age (r = –.27; p = .002) andpolitical ideology (r = –.32; p < .001) were negatively associated withhomophobia. However, the trend was statistically significant for femalesonly (age r = –.35; p = .005; political ideology r = –.49; p < .001). Homopho-bia was also negatively correlated with political ideology (r = –.33; p = .017)among White participants, but not among minority participants. Finally,homophobia was negatively associated with age (p =.001) and politicalideology (p = .040) among straight identified participants, but not amonggays, lesbians, bisexuals, or queers.

Additional analysis of the data by subcategories shows significant negativecorrelation between homophobia and political ideology among the followinggroups: Hispanic female participants (N = 27; p = .026); straight female partic-ipants (N = 44; p < .001); straight Hispanic participants (N = 26; p < .001);straight White female participants (N = 17; p = .048); non-straight Hispanicmale participants (N = 18; p = .017); and non-straight Hispanic female partici-pants (N = 22; p = .001). Furthermore, a significant negative correlation wasfound between homophobia and age (N = 44; p = .010) among straight femaleparticipants.

Participant’s Appraisal of the Program Results

In terms of participants’ perceptions of the effectiveness of the workshop, 85%of the participants responded that they found the workshop to be very usefulor useful. Furthermore, 95% of the participants indicated that they would rec-ommend a similar presentation to others. The response to the qualitative ques-tions of this instrument revealed trends that most of the participants shared. Ofparticular interest were the consistent responses for the need to have moredialogue. Some of the other steady positive responses were (a) the enjoymentof the documentary film as the tool to begin the conversation; (b) the culturalfocus of the dialogue; and (c) the effectiveness of the “Look for browns,remember reds…” exercise. Many responses from the participants were relatedto the issue of identity and its intersection with religion, culture, and homosex-uality. Examples of written responses include the following:

Favorite part: The cultural focus—how people can be of their culturesand gay—not separate identities.

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I felt affirmation of the way I look at the world.

One of the things I think is pertinent is that there is a difference in familiesculturally. Perhaps an additional issue is that some cultures don’t valuefamily as much and don’t care to work toward acceptance and love.

The clergy helped to weave these stories with scripture that to each ofus proclaiming the new covenant of Christ’s message to love as Godloves all of us—unconditionally.

Have a bit more theology.

Examples of written comments translated from original Spanish responsesinclude:

It served to create more consciousness within myself about how difficultit is for this group to be who they are.

It helped to make us aware of many of our realities.

The film made me see the importance in Latino families about that theyshould bring unconditionally to sons and daughters who are gay. Itmade us think and auto-evaluate to become good allies.

It made me reflect about how much I still have to go to become a true ally.

The documentary is very pertinent to our cultural reality and it includesa variety of Latino voices. It presents the LGBT situation in a real wayand with hope.

DISCUSSION

Many mainstream Christian denominations are facing a serious struggle onhow to best approach the treatment of openly self-identified homosexualcongregants. Some denominations are facing the possibility of division, andsome local congregations have disaffiliated (or been forcibly removed) fromnational denominations that disagree with their theological approach on theissue. When Latina/os face the same concerns, the layers of complexityappear more complicated, as cultural elements add an additional level ofintricacy regarding gay, lesbian, and bisexual congregants.

Latinos comprise about 14% of the U.S. population and are the fastestgrowing minority group. Furthermore, many reports indicate that Latina/osself-identify as Christians more than other groups living in this country.

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Even those who are not actively involved in the practice of Christianity liveunder the influence that Catholicism has had on so many elements of theculture. Traditional elements of Catholicism such as machismo and familyvalues are prominent in today’s Latina/o culture. These elements can createserious conflicts in their relation to identity development and societal atti-tudes towards homosexuality. Very little quantitative or qualitative data existabout this Latino growing population as far as the intersection of religiosity,cultural identity, and attitudes towards homosexuality. The interventiondescribed in this study was designed to understand both quantitative andqualitative data about this largely ignored population.

The study population consisted of 50% Latina/os, which was the primarytarget audience; 43% self-identified as European American/White. About athird of the participants were between the ages of 15 and 25 years old. Overhalf of the participants (55%) self-identified as straight/heterosexual and theirpolitical ideology was distributed as 9% conservative, 31% moderate and 60%liberal. The great majority of the participants (84%) identified as Christians.

Pearson product correlation analysis revealed that age (p = .002) andpolitical ideology (p = .001) were related negatively to homophobia. In otherwords, homophobia was lower among individuals who were either youngeror who described themselves as liberals. When taking into considerationgender, the analysis of the data showed that homophobia was negatively cor-related with age (r = –27; p = .005) and political ideology (r = –.32; p < .001)among female participants, but not among male participants. Consequently,among female participants higher rates of homophobia was associated withbeing older or conservative, but the same was not true among male partici-pants. These findings could be surprising and intriguing at first glance. How-ever, based on these results it could be hypothesized that machismo in theLatino cultures is a principle that is traditionally ingrained and imbedded bythe female anchor of the family structure. In other words, it is the motherwho teaches the male son not to cry, not to do female chores, not to act likea woman, among other traditional traits of machismo. It could be hypothe-sized that the deep roots of machismo are passed on to the new generationsby the teachings of the female mother figure, which carries the core valuesof cultural principles. If this theory is correct, our findings correlating higherhomophobia associated with being older or conservative females and notmales, would provide some explanation for the discrepancy based on gender.Possibly, as the mother feels the duty of passing on the traditions and moralprinciples of society (which, for most, would include machismo principles),Latina females feel a pressure to teach and educate their children on whatthey have learned from the previous generations.

Furthermore, analysis by race and ethnicity indicated that homopho-bia was negatively correlated to political ideology (r = –.33; p = .017)among White participants, but not among participants of other races orethnicity (r = –.21; p > .05).

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When taking into consideration sexual orientation, analysis of the datademonstrated that for straight participants, age (p=.001) and political ideology(p =.040) were negatively correlated with homophobia, whereas such asso-ciation was not significant among gay, lesbians, bisexuals, and queers.Therefore, even though age and political ideology are associated withhomophobia among straight participants, such factors were not associatedwith homophobia among non-straight participants. In other words, non-straightparticipants were less homophobic regardless of age or political ideology.

When the data is analyzed under specific subcategories includingsexual orientation, race, and gender, an interesting picture develops. Listedin order of significance based on Pearson product correlations, the followingwere significantly negatively correlated to homophobia: liberal politicalideology among straight Latina/o participants (N = 26; p = .001); liberal polit-ical ideology among straight female participants (N = 44; p = .001); liberalpolitical ideology among straight Latina female participants (N = 22; p =.001);age among straight female participants (N = 44; p = .010); liberal politicalideology among non-straight Latino male participants (N = 18; p = .017);and liberal political ideology among straight White female participants(N = 17; p =.048). The data demonstrates that among the variables ana-lyzed, liberal political ideology is the most common factor negatively corre-lated to homophobia. In other words, considering oneself as a liberal is thestrongest predictor for a lower score on the homophobia scale.

The most revealing aspects of the complexity of the intersection ofreligiosity, Latino culture, and homosexuality were shown in the qualitativedata obtained from the participant’s appraisal of the program instrument.Religiosity plays a central role in identity; in the Latino community this roleis predominantly based on the Christian religion. It is the opinion of theauthors that within a Christian context, Catholicism seems to play an evenmore critical role, as it significantly influences culture, even for non-religiousindividuals. The elements of Catholicism and machismo, separately and/ortogether, mold the identity of Latinos to a critical level, especially when itrelates to individual attitudes towards homosexuality. Discussions andgroup sharing following the program clearly showed the layers of complexityindividuals experience in their identity when it comes to the intersections ofChristian principles, culture, and attitudes toward homosexuality. Commentssuch as, “Favorite part: The cultural focus—how people can be of theircultures and gay—not separate identities” show how the dual identity ofhomosexual and Latino can be experienced together, even though many inthe community see them as separate.

When a participant expresses, “It helped to make us aware of many ofour realities,” the implication stands that awareness of the intersection ofhomosexual identity and culture is often lacking. The same can be saidabout the statement, “It made me reflect about how much I still have to goto become a true ally.”

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In general, the comments (both written and oral) and discussion followingthe Agapé Program delineated the various layers of the struggle in forming iden-tity from realities that have been perceived as conflicted. The historically strongstands against homosexuality from Christian churches as well as the many prin-ciples underlining machismo have guided many into an identity of homopho-bia. As the community experiences a new way of Christianity, some of theseprinciples are challenged, and the religious foundation of identity could beplaced into question. The dialogues started by this program provided muchinformation about how religiosity and culture play a complex role in identityformation and attitudes towards homosexuality in the Latino community.

SUMMARY

The primary goal of the intervention was to start a dialogue among partici-pants with an emphasis on issues related to homosexuality from a LatinoChristian cultural perspective. The showing of a documentary film wasselected as a tool for opening up feelings, emotions, and thoughts that someparticipants may have otherwise had difficulty sharing. The dialogue that fol-lowed the majority of the presentations as well as the comments collected inthe appraisal of program form showed that this goal was attained and that thiscommunity is in critical need of commencing and/or continuing this dialogue.The fact that 85% of the participants responded that they found the workshopto be very useful or useful and that 95% of the participants indicated that theywould recommend a similar presentation to others is consistent with the analysisthat this type of dialogue is needed in this community.

Traditionally, Latina/os have been perceived as uniquely homophobic,with the stereotype of machismo commonly cited as one of the key cultural ele-ments. The strong roots of Catholicism and Christianity in general in the identitydevelopment as a Latina/o also play a significant role in adult attitudes towardhomosexuality. The responses from participants indicate that many in the com-munity are prepared to commence a dialogue that can break down some ofthese homophobic foundations, even if such a dialogue is challenging.

In conclusion, religious and cultural factors that drive individualstoward homophobic behavior do not need to be perceived as static; thisprogram provides a possible tool for commencing dialogues that couldlead to change. Understanding the uniqueness of the Latino communitywill allow for a more efficient and culturally appropriate means for reachinga target audience and for effective interventions. The convergence ofreligious beliefs with the cultural realities and practices characteristic of thiscommunity represent an area of much needed research and intervention.Further studies of the Latino community that describe qualitative aspects ofhow religiosity plays a central role in both identity and homophobictendencies are of critical need.

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able from Woman Vision, c/o Transit Media Communications, P.O. Box 1084,Harriman, NY 10926)

APPENDIX A: DESCRIPTION OF FILMS

De Colores

De Colores (EyeBite Productions, 2001) is a bilingual, 28-minute documentaryabout how Latina/o families are replacing the deep roots of homophobiawith the even deeper roots of love and tolerance. Through moving personalstories, one learns about how Latina/o families are breaking cultural barriersand how love always prevails.

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Straight from the Heart

Straight from the Heart (Woman Vision, 1993) explores parents’ journeys toa new understanding of their lesbian and gay children by presenting simplestories about real people: a police chief who talks about how proud he is ofhis lesbian daughter; a Mormon couple whose son is believed to be the firstgay man in Idaho to have died from AIDS; and a Black woman and her twolesbian daughters who had been accused of “catching” their lesbianismfrom White people. This video portrays prejudice against gays and lesbiansas a form of bigotry inseparable from other manifestations of prejudice,particularly racism.

APPENDIX B: TABLE OF CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS

TABLE Pearson product moment correlations of homophobia with ageand political ideology

Age p n Political ideology p n

Total –0.27* 0.002 122 –0.32** <.001 115Gender

Male –0.25 0.059 57 0.02 0.916 53Female 0.35* 0.005 64 –0.49** <.001 61

RaceWhite –0.07 0.648 52 –0.33* 0.017 51Nonwhite –0.16 0.185 69 –0.21 0.105 63

* p ≤ .05.** p ≤ .001.

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