A STUDY ON TRADITIONAL WATER

MANAGEMENT AMONG THE TRIBES OF

BASTAR REGION

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment for the award of the degree of Doctor of

Philosophy (Ph.D) in Anthropology, in accordance with the provisions of IGNTU

Ph.D Regulations 2016

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

IN

ANTHROPOLOGY

BY

BINDU SAHU

Under Supervision of

Dr. D.V. Prasad

DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY &

SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY

FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

INDIRA GANDHI NATIONAL TRIBAL UNIVERSITY

AMARKANTAK, M.P – 484887

INDIA

January 2020

A STUDY ON TRADITIONAL WATER

MANAGEMENT AMONG THE TRIBES OF

BASTAR REGION

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment for the award of the degree of Doctor of

Philosophy (Ph.D) in Anthropology, in accordance with the provisions of IGNTU

Ph.D Regulations 2016

BINDU SAHU

Under Supervision of

Dr. D.V. Prasad Assistant Professor

DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY & SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY

FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

INDIRA GANDHI NATIONAL TRIBAL UNIVERSITY

AMARKANTAK (M.P.) 484887

Enrollment No:2014902001 Year of Submission: 2020

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I, Shri/Km/Smt. Bindu Sahu D/O of Smt. Kunti Sahu hereby certify that the

research work embodied in this Ph.D thesis entitled A Study on Traditional Water

Management among the Tribes of Bastar Region is my own original work carried

out by me under the supervision of Dr. D.V. Prasad for a period of 16.10.2014 to

January 2020 in the Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology at Indira

Gandhi National Tribal University, Amarkantak and Thus matter embodies in this

Ph.D thesis has not been submitted to any other University/Institution for the award

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in his/her declaration is correct to the best of my/our knowledge.

Dr. D.V. Prasad Prof. Soubhagya Ranjan Padhi

Thesis Supervisor Head of the Department

Department of Sociology & SA Department of Sociology & SA

IGNTU, Amarkantak IGNTU, Amarkantak

M.P.484 887 M.P.484 887

Prof. Rakesh Singh

Dean

Faculty of Social Sciences

Indira Gandhi National Tribal University

Amarkantak, M.P

484887

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1

Chapter-1

Introduction

Water is an important natural resource for livelihoods of the millions of rural and tribal

people and it is lifeline to all organisms including human as well as cattle, poultry, agriculture,

etc. Due to its significance, people developed a symbiotic relationship with water resources by

venerating rivers and other water bodies in the form of gods and goddesses such as Ganga,

Yamuna, Narmada, and Tapati, etc. It is a fact that major portion of earth’s surface i.e., two-third

was covered by water and only one-third surface with land mass. Of which, 97.2 percent of water

exists in the form of salty water in the oceans where as 2.2 percent of water is frozen at the North

and South Poles in the form of snow. Remaining one percent of water is recycled in nature which

is in the form of fresh water and distributed unevenly.

Of the available water resources, India utilizes only 28 percent of rain water and the

remaining 72 percent flows away in rivers and oceans. India's 17% of agriculture is being

irrigated through surface stored water in ponds and tanks. In India, nearly about 5 million small

ponds and 50 million large ponds are existing. The net irrigated area through ponds is more in

Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, Chhattisgarh, and South-East Rajasthan. In these states, farmers stop

the flow of water during rainy season by making earthen bunds and the fields are irrigated with

the water available in these ponds. (Mamoria and Sharma 2002). Similarly, in Chhattisgarh state

the nistari lands are converted into ponds and rivers. The village where there was no river, one

can find a pond, and the majority of irrigation was undertaken with water available in those

ponds. Thus, rain water is preserved and channelled to irrigate the agricultural fields since

generations in India.

In India, there are copious traditional water management methods are existing since ages.

The indigenous water harvesting structures such as dug wells, temple ponds, tanks, canals etc,

ensures the continuous water supply for cultivation, livestock rearing, tree plantation etc. The

groundwater level of the wells of the villages is being increased by culture specific water

conservation methods. Thus indigenously built wells and tanks by our fore fathers are still

catering the needs of present generation. The mini water set up at Kanakpur in the block

Jagadalpur and Upanpal is an example such ancient indigenous water technology. In Assam, the

2

hilly place is not suitable for water storage and hence people resorted to terrace cultivation.

Further, the people of this region made their home in lower part of hill by digging ponds. This

type of pond is also used for bathing, washing clothes and utensils, and to rear the fish. The

reason behind this type of pond is to conserve the water which is flowing from the upper portion

of the hill to slopes. Thus, in hilly areas most of the ponds are located at lower part of the hill

(Kalit, et. al 2004).

Water is not only vital resource for human survival but also chief source for economic

development. It is directly connected to human health as pollution of drinking water cause

waterborne diseases like diarrhea, dysentery, cholera, jaundice etc. Polluted water is harmful not

only to human beings but also for animals and plants. Industrial pollution is major concern for

pollution of ponds, lakes, streams, rivers and marine water bodies like seas, oceans, and estuaries

etc. (Suresh, 2007).

The significance of water is mentioned in Vedas and other religious documents and

clearly stated its ecological, biological, geographical, social, economic, physical, religious,

political and cultural values. Due to its significace, water is venerated as varun dev as well as one

important force of pancha bhutas. Hence, water management was given priority by the rulers

since ancient, medival, and modern times in India as it is important for the sustainable

development of the country.

It is a fact that this natural resource scarcely available on the earth’s surface. Hence, it is

subjected to optimum utilization and conservation for future generations. As such, water

management emerged as an enquiry in the social and natural sciences. Social scientists are

concerned with issues relating to conservation of wastage of rain water, renovation of

sedimented tanks, and other depleting ground water resources. Prior to understand this discourse,

it is essential to know the history of water management in pre and post independent India.

Historical Transect

India had a chequered history of human intervention in water resource management since

generations. The significance of water in socio-cultural, economic, and ritual life is demonstrated

in ancient texts, puranas, inscriptions, folklore, local traditions, and so on. In Ramayana, the

Kosala kingdom was praised as adevamatrka means it not solely depended on rainfall but on

3

alternative arrangements for water to its peasants in cultivation of crops. In the Sabhaparva of

the Mahabharata, Narada suggests the Yudhisthira for arrangement of tanks and lakes through-

out the country for the purpose of agriculture in proper distance. Even from the story of Aruni

(Adiparva, 3) who had to lie down at the breach of dyke to prevent excessive flow of water and

thus he controlled the water for utilization. Furthermore, the quenching of arrow bed lying

Bhishma’s thirst by Arjuna by piercing underground and making the spring water with skill of

archery is an example of ingenious management of underground water.

In Later Vedic Period, neolithic revolution brought major change in utilization of surface

water. It gets reflected in the water management strategies of the Mauryan empire. Further,

Kautilya says that at the time of formation of new villages, the king is expected to construct

reservoirs i.e., sethu with continuous water supply from rivers. He also mentions that who has

constructed new work of irrigation gets five years tax exemption. There exist many rules for

protection of irrigation works and impose fines for different types of offences regarding

irrigation. He orders the appointment of certain officials as nadipala (who used to keep the rivers

improved), sitadhyaksha who had given the responsibility of controlling the state-owned

irrigation works such as tanks, lakes and rivers.

Interpretation of the Bhagiratha story also reveals that east flowing Ganges to the

southwards by traditional engineering skills and thereby making the norther region fertile. In

Rajatarangini of Kalhana (1148 A.D.), there is a reference about the scanty rainfall as well as the

excess floods which destroyed the villages. Mention of many lakes such as Mahapadma, Wullar,

and Dal was also found which shows the ingenious water management methods in ancient India.

There is a evidence of vessels of dinaras in the river Vitasta to empty the excess flood. After

constructing the stone-embankments, the king keeps rolling boulders to open the dam in case of

excess floods. Whenever he learnt the breaches of inundation during the disastrous flood, he

constructed the channels for Vitasta. Thus, he brought the water of Mahapadma lake under

control and built dykes by which water levels were checked.

In Rigveda, one can find the reference to Kulya-canals such as man made nallahs to

supply the river water to agricultural fields for irrigation purpose. In Mahabharata and

Mahabhasya of Patanjali also reference of the Kulya is found (150 B.C). The tanks and wells are

4

the chief source of minor irrigation in ancient times were found reference in Sankhayana,

Asvalayana, and Paraskara of Grhyaparisistas including their construction procedure.

The Jain texts such as Krsiparasara and Brhatsamhita records some predictive signs of

immediate rainfall, such as rising of ants from their holes with eggs, the birds bathing with dust

etc. Further, the textual evidence reveals that state had extended its support in creating massive

water harvesting structures for their people. The regional kings also helped in construction of

water tanks with the help of villagers and indigenous technology. Ahar and pynes of south Bihar

are the examples of such water structures created by local chiefs. But, later on these resources are

poorly managed with the vested interests of local zamindars. A paradigm shift was occurred in

major irrigation system during British period. They played a catalytic role in creation of massive

canals for irrigation purpose in north and south India. Further, they also revived many tanks by

creation of public works department as its significance can be seen now a days also. Initially

people thought that the expenditure was borne by the government under public exchequer but in

due course, it is heavily taxed from the farmers. Instead of reviving traditional water harvesting

structures, the British government resorted to building big dams with public fund for generating

revenue. For rational supply of river water to the agricultural fields, they developed a

proportional system of water distribution pattern of the canals. The reasons behind this canal

irrigation are low operational costs and generation of high revenue and arrest of socio-political

unrest in the form of famine and droughts. They also promoted science and technology to extract

as much as renenue from the people. Besides, they also laid more emphasis on well construction

by giving tax exemptions as they thought that it is wise to use ground water for irrigation. These

measures opened up vast unproductive land into agriculture by tapping river waters through

canal system.

In Post-Independent Era

The British policy of canal irrigation was followed even after Independence in India. To

meet the increasing demands of the growing population, big dams were thought appropriate and

hence given major thrust since second five-year plan. They are also known as ‘temples of modern

India’. But, the vested interests of bureacrats, engineers, and contractors have caused damage to

the quality of the programmes at planning, design, and implementation levels in the five- year

plans. The rigid bureaucratic structures were later replaced by rational water management

5

principles. This was acknowledged by second irrigation commission report in 1970s and

admitted that the lack of farmers awareness is the major problem and hence government thought

it is essential to educate the farmers for effective management of water and other common

property resources. As a result, community-based water management was initiated with aid of

external funding agencies. Since 1990 onwards participatory water management came into

existence all over India and the communities are taken up the responsibility of managing

common water resources. Later on, every village has started forming water user associations to

equitable access of water resources and thus controlled the over exploitation. With these

measures net irrigated and cultivable land was increased in India. Later on, it is found very

difficult to obtain collective action. In 2001, new guidelines were introduced by engaging state-

NGO (Non-Governmental Organization) partnership and introduced project implementing

agency.

Groundwater Management

In 1960s, new technology of pumping water from the underground was introduced. As a

result, large quantities of water were excavated by digging borewells for agricultural purposes

specially to raise high-yielding varieties. The green revolution was possible with this technology

which in turn played a significant role in transformation of production in agriculture. North-

western part of India begins to exploit the shallow aquifers through tube-wells by the individual

farmers. This technology was more popular in drought prone areas like hard rock areas and water

scarce areas. Institutional support is made possible by different organization in the form of

subsidy for digging borewells. But in due course, it benefited the rich farmers in the form of

canal and dam technology.

But the spread of private shallow tube-wells in eastern plains were unreliable due to

unequal and fragmented land holdings. It is a great setback to the promotion of tube-well

technology in India. To counter this problem, government started the public tube-well project

which supplies water for irrigation at heavily subsidized rates.

Thus, water management methods in post Independent period changed the colonial

legacy of revenue generation to green revolution. Unlike monopolistic control, so many

fragmented institutional arrangements for water resource management has come into existence at

state and central level.

6

Policies and Legislative Measures

Indian government realize the significance of water policy keeping in view of improving

the quality of water by eliminating the pollution and contamination of ground and surface water,

recycling and reuse of water, to fulfill the demands of generation of hydro power, commerce and

trade, irrigation, safe drinking water, issues of social equity and justice etc. Keeping in view of

the significance of water in economic development, planners realized the requirement of a

national policy on water since it is a precious and dwindling resource. With the increasing

demands of growing population, first national water policy was formulated in 1987 to address

the issues like creation of information system on existing water resources and its planning for

maximizing the usage, maintenance and modernization of structures, creation of organizational

arrangements at nation and state level, regulation of ground water resources, water allocation

priorities like drinking water, irrigation, etc. The policy made efforts to involve farmers at

various levels i.e., distribution, collection, and access of water resources. It also stressed the need

for conservation of water through education, incentives and disincentives. Further this policy

also ensures that

• Provision of water resources to scarcity areas based on priority.

• Project planning for multiple uses such as irrigation, fishing, industries, etc.

• Maintenance, modernization, and safety structures through proper organizational

arrangements.

• Regulation of ground water exploitation for sustainable development.

• Participation of farmers and voluntary agencies in water distribution and collection of

water rates.

• Promoting conservation of water through education, regulation, incentives, and

disincentives.

• Minimizing the flood control and prevention of soil erosion through cost-effective

measures.

• Application of science and technology for active and cost-effective water management.

7

Based on 1993 actual rainfall, water resources ministry had revised certain guidelines of

1987 national water policy and the modified one is formulated for the wider interest of the

people of India.

However, this policy was replaced with the new national water policy in 2002 realizing

its inadequacies and recognized water as a part of ecological system. It was adopted by National

Water Resource Council. It reemphasized the sustainable planning, development, and

management in the government policies. It also suggested for re-orientation of existing

institutional arrangements including river basin organizations. The participatory approach to

water resource management along with private sector also emphasized in this policy. It also

talked about using of remote sense technology in development of water resources through

research. Resettlement and rehabilitation of communities affected by water projects of Narmada

and Sardar Sarovar is the key addition in this policy. It predicts the long-term plan of inter-

linking the rivers of south and north to alleviate the problems of flood and drought.

These national policies gave rise to several concerns like scarcity of water to the

increasing population, mismanagement, lack of proper governance, over exploitation,

environmentally unsustainable water resource projects, inter and intra state water disputes and so

on. Keeping in view of this, once again the national water policy was revised which is known as

2012 national water policy with an objective to provide clean water for drinking and adequate

resources for irrigation. This policy gave away the priority areas and made water budgeting and

auditing is mandatory on the part of state governments. Further, it made initiative to enhance

hydro-power generation, control of natural calamities, floods, resettlement and rehabilitation. To

execute this, government has motivated the stake holders through the provision of cash

incentives and penalties to reduce pollution and wastage. Thus, its main emphasis focussed on

privatization of water delivery services to prevent its pilferage.

The major reform in water management is formulation of national framework law

rendering powers to both centre and state and the local governing bodies in water governance.

This policy recognized groundwater as precious common property for the benefit of future

generations. Further, use of water is regulated to ensure equitable distribution of ground water to

all the citizens. Special emphasis was made on adaptation to climate distress through resilient

technological options, soil and moisture conservation through percolation tanks, acquifers, wells,

8

reserviours at low laying areas, drip irrigation, etc. It suggested for scientific assessment of water

in various basins of the country once in five years and conservation of rainwater through

indigenous as well as modern methods of water storage. Water auditing and pricing is strictly

followed for optimum utilization of water and reward system is continued to give importance. It

also insists on legal powers of water user associations (WUA) to collect and maintain water

distribution unbiasedly. These associations not only engaged in conservation of water bodies in

their vicinity, but also engaged in building the infrastructure through community participation.

Strict regulation of encroachments and diversion of water bodies continued as they pose serious

threat to water contamination and exploitation. To manage floods and droughts, preparedness is

expanded extensively by using technical data and forecasting. It also encourages institutional

frameworks such as arrangement of water tribunals and national body to oversee its

implementation.

Conceptual and Theoretical Framework

The concept of water has inter-disciplinary roots and it become popular during late

nineteenth century. Due to its vitality, water is studied by many scholars from diverse

perspectives. Since anthropology deals with issues relating to human beings, it also studying the

water issue in holistic perspective as it is directly or indirectly influencing the human beings.

Since from the advent of civilization, people rely on water resources to fulfil their day to day

needs. Water is also part of ecology and environment; it is essential to mention its relation and

interaction with society and culture.

Ecological anthropology is a sub-branch of anthropology aims to study the interaction

between culture and environment including land, water and forests. In every society, economic

production not only involves the exploitation of environment, but includes interaction between

population dynamics, social organization, culture, and religious aspects. The development of

ecological anthropology can be classified into three stages such as cultural ecology, neo-

evolutionism as well as neo-functionalism, and finally processual ecological anthropology.

Originally, Ecological anthropology emerged from the Bosian school of historical

particularism. American Anthropologists like Franz Boas examined the culture change through

9

diffusion and independent invention which is popular as historical particularism. In reaction to

determinism and possibilism, a new approach known as cultural ecology was proposed by Julian

Steward that focus on the study of interrelation between certain features of environment and

culture possessed by the different kinds of people living in a particular environment. He focussed

on technology, economic arrangements, social organization, and demography to explain the

impact of culture on ecology and vice versa. Through this approach, he demonstrated that

environment influence only certain aspects of culture which he termed as culture core and other

elements of culture is subject to the autonomous process of culture history. He was particularly

interested in finding the uniformities between cultures that recur in historically distinct areas as a

result of similar environmental features. On contrary to this, Leslie White argued that instead of

environment, it is energy that play a pre-dominant role in culture change.

The neo-evolutionists and neo-functionlists argues that certain aspects of culture acts as

functional adaptations which permit the population to utilize their environments in judicious

way. To prove this fact, they rely on reproduction and survival mechanism of different

organizms in utilizing the natural resources. When ever population increases pressure on the

available resources, it brought change in the existing patterns of resource management. Then

system automatically develops homeostatic equilibrium to maintain balance of population with

nature. Whenever, pig number is exceeding the human population, it causes damage to the

plantation in Nicobar Islands. To tide over the situation, Nicobarese resorted for ritual killing of

pigs in massive way by inviting relatives from other islands. Apart from this cultural mechanism,

other factors such as presence of outsiders, political rivals, trade, etc., also influence the

adaptation of the community. Sometimes, population pressure may also result in innovations by

which production is increased to meet the increasing demands.

The processual ecological anthropology emphasised on the importance of diachronic

studies to examine the mechanisms of change. It is mainly focussed to describe current

developments in the field of ecological anthropology. They are mainly

• Examination of relationship between demographic variables and production systems

• Response of population to environmental stress

10

• Development and consolidation of adaptation strategies

The studies of processual ecological anthropology critically examined the changes in

individual and group activities in relation to resources and focus on mechanisms by which

behaviour and external constraints influence each other. It indicates the integration of decision-

making models in ecological anthropology. Though they examine the interaction of population

and environments, they did not treat later as passive background.

The actor-based model is an outcome of processual ecological anthropology applied to

wide range of social organizations and found that change is an outcome of individual decisions

in economic, political, and social processes. Fredrick Barth attempts to explain political

organization among Pathans as a structure which had emerged from many individual decisions

made by influential actors operating under different restrictions. These models were criticised for

blindly accepting the individual decisions that are detrimental to equitable patterns of resource

distribution. Thus, all these approaches examine the interaction of populations with

environments with its limitations.

The debates regarding nature and culture relationship are dynamic and has been

continuing since decades in anthropology. All these debates originated mainly from two views

such as determinism and possibilism. The former emphasized that environment determine the

cultural aspects of that particular society and the culture determines the environment in later

case. The adherents of determinism firmly believe that physical environment especially climate

and terrain was the active force in shaping the cultures i.e., similar physical environments were

likely to produce similar cultures.

Fredric Ratzel (1909) was the first person to study the interaction between man and his

surroundings in his anthropo-geography concept and supported the environmental determinism.

Later on, Russel Smith (1925) used environmental determinism as guiding principle in his study

on the geography of north America wherein he asserted that natural resources, climate, and

accessibility are the core of which industry, trade, religion and even civilization are made.

Ellsworth Huntington (1915) argued that climatic conditions were the dominant forces in

11

development of great civilizations all over the world. Further, the studies undertaken by Mason

(1896), Evans-Pritchard (1940) and Fredrik Barth (1956) are illustrating the deterministic point

of view. Their studies emphasised on the role of ecological factors in shaping the culture, social

structure, and facilitate the interaction with one another. The ethnographic account of the Nuer

reveals that water scarcity forced the community to resort pastoral economy and compel them to

move during drought periods. Fredrik Barth used ecological niche concept in utilization of

particular resource base in harmonious way by different ethnic groups in North-West Pakistan.

He proposed that the limit of ecological requirements of particular area constitutes the effective

check on the population expansion. These studies resolved that distribution of ethnic groups are

subjected to the respective ecological set up.

But the critics of determinism reveal that historical and cultural forces are best explained

by cultural forms and patterns. Herskovits demonstrated that similar cultures exist in diverse

environments and the dissimilar cultures exist in a given environment. His study on Eskimo and

the tribes of Siberian and Arctic revealed that they had different cultural adaptations in similar

environmental conditions. Thus, another school of thought which highlighted that environment

has limiting factor to the development of cultural characteristics. It is known as Possibilism.

Clark Wissler (1926) and Kroeber (1939) were the pioneers of this view who disproved the

deterministic notions and sought explanation for cultural differences in particular history of the

people. Richard Lee’s (1969) work on Kungs of Kalahari Desert proved how the harsh

environmental conditions are being overcome with efficient systems of production through

culture even in periods of severe drought. Movement of bands to use water holes and other

resources are being facilitated by kin ties and co-operation. The works of Clifford Geertz (1963),

Robert Netting (1968), and Edgerton (1971) supported this view. However, the work of Darryl

Forde (1963) was critical of large-scale culture area studies of possibilists. In due course,

possibilists could not provide any stronger explanation for cultural diversity. The experimental

studies of Sahlins (1964), Honingman (1976), and Anderson (1974) tried to bridge the gap

between these two approaches through adaptation perspective and argued that society has to cope

up with cultural as well as natural influences.

12

Cultural ecology is a synthesizing approach in the history of ecological anthropology

which is propounded by Julian Steward. As per this approach, the relation between society and

culture is mutual and developed certain mechanisms to utilize the environment and its resources.

Thus, it examines the different cultural features that are closely related to sustenance and

economic arrangements which Steward calls as culture core. In continuation of this approach,

Steward developed the concept of multi-linear evolution to explain the development of culture at

various stages. It not only increased culture complexity but also emergence of successive levels

of socio-cultural integration.

June Helm (1962) relates the ecology with functionalism where he conceived ecology as

organization of functions that meant to fulfil the needs of human beings. In this direction, the

functional ecologists made micro level studies on the functions of communities with social

organization, location, and demographic structures.

Bates (1953) natural history approach view that anthropological interest in describing the

whole system logically leads to an interest in the habitat within which system operates. Thus,

natural history and holism are traditional approaches in anthropology lends respectability to

ecological analysis.

The human ecology approach of Duncan and Schnore (1959) reveals the nature of

ecological links to formal organizations, technology and economy. His theory embraces

population, environment, technology and organization that stressed on the adaptation capacity of

organization to the changing climatic situations. The ecological approach is synonymously used

as systems approach in anthropology and its utility is expressed in terms of solving the glitches

of resource management. It deals with society more realistically than other approaches by

emphasizing environment as a system in which humans play diverse roles through institutional

framework. Further, ecological approach forces the people to consider the concept of space as a

critical variable in social systems. It avoids both reductionistic and mystical explanation of social

and cultural forms. This approach views social organization as the collective adaptation of a

population to its environment.

13

The Marxian anthropologist stressed on material and technological factors than the social

organization, rituals and belief systems to understand the relationship between man and culture.

It outrightly rejected the cultural adaptation. Keesing (1981) supported this view with illustration

from Solomon islands where practice of infanticide as a means of controlling the population size

to the limited resources. If culture is really adaptive to the environmental conditions, they would

have to stop the practice to recover the balance, but they continued the practice because their

customs required it.

Of these, ecosystem approach is important approach in ecological studies to search for

alternative to the above-mentioned approaches. It provided a conceptual framework for studying

the human population as parts of ecosystems and it focus on the wide range of human responses

to environmental problems. The case studies undertaken by Bates (1953), Clarke (1976),

Nietschman (1973), and Little (1976) have contributed a lot to this approach. These studies

highlighted the internal operation through self regulation to maintain the balance through the

exchange of matter and energy. These studies concluded that eco-system maintain balance with

populations and carrying capacity of the environment. But often changes in population structure

wrought change in carrying capacity of the environment through migration, decreasing infant

mortality rate, etc.

The above approaches are considered appropriate in providing adequate analysis of

people’s worldview to understand the network of human-nature relationship. To counter this,

recently a new branch of anthropology known as new ethnography emerged to study the

ecological relationship from the participant’s point of view. It is also known as ethno-ecology.

Using this approach, scholars tried to construct the folk classifications of nature with the

assumption that these classifications are clues to the way people have managed the natural

resources and coped with problems relating to its management.

Thus, ecologically oriented research got momentum in anthropology with the above-

mentioned approaches and formulated the above theoretical contribution from the western

scholar’s point of view. It is only after the independence, the ecological studies got momentum

in Indian context with the publication of L.P. Vidyarthi’s (1963) man-nature spirit complex

14

among Maler community which experimented the Julian Steward’s cultural ecology approach to

analyse man-nature interaction in tribal societies. In his study, Vidyarthi highlighted that Maler

life was affected by nature in many respects. While pinpointing the significance of nature,

Vidyarthi asserts that Maler culture is nurtured in the lap of nature and hence their social

relations have been arranged in such a way to exploit the natural resources amicably and the

anxiety of survival is expressed through elaborate ceremonialism, rites and rituals. Vidyarthi’s

theoretical framework was applied in the study of tribal communities in India by Das Gupta

(1980) on Ho tribe; Morab’s (1980) study on the Soliga; Ramesh Chandra’s (1980) work on

Kinner; Prakash Reddy (1982) work on Nicobarese, Mann’s (1988) work on Ladakhi, and so on.

These orientations benefitted immensely in understanding the significance of culture in

ecological maintenance and formulating Indian models and approaches towards man-nature

relationship. Natural resource management thus become a method of enquiry to manage the

preceious resources in prudent manner through culture specific regulations. It is perceived as one

of the apt strategies to manage the common property resources like water through its

conservation. The contemporary debate on natural resource management was initiated by Garret

Hardin’s (1968) who revealed that common resources are subjected to over exploitation and no

one can take responsibility of its preservation for future generations. To overcome this tragedy,

he suggested for state management in lieu of local communities. To counter this approach, Olson

(1965), Runge (1981), and Wade (1987) have stressed on the collective action and cooperation as

a means of effective management of common property resources. Further, Ostrom (1987) and

Berkes (1989) pointed out that the simple societies have created institutions and rules to limit

such over exploitation. With this inspiration, scholars from anthropology and other disciplines

believed that problems of over exploitation is closely related with population growth,

industrialization, and expansion of markets, but not the simple societies. It gets reflected in the

utilization of water resources through indigenous institutions, norms, customs and traditions in

India since generations to till date. The below mentioned literature reveals the role of traditional

institutions, values, customs and other aspects in successful management of water resources

since generations.

15

Review of Literature

In connection with traditional water management in Kumaon region, Rawat and Shah

(2009) highlighted the traditional systems of water harvesting through guls (irrigation), naulas

(sub-terrain springs), dharas (water fountain), lakes, chuptaula (water holes for cattle), khal

(depressions in mountain), simar or gazer (marshy tract of agricultural field) and garatas (water

mills). The terrace cultivation is made possible by diverting water from nearby rivers or streams

which is locally popular as guls. Whereas the mountain crests are providing drinking water

sources in the form of dharas. All these water sources are traditionally managed by local

communities since ancient times to even till today as they considered to be sacred. It is

demonstrated through solemnization of nuptial bonds in presence of a water body. The custom of

tying a nupital bond by Kumaon bride to water pitcher in absence of bridegroom. Thus, customs

and traditions relating to water led to conservation and recognition of common rights. Further,

they tried to argue that deforestation and urbanization have had impact on these water bodies.

Based on their observations, they suggested for integrated water management approach for

conservation of water resources with stringent rules.

Chakrabarti and others (1998) highlighted the cultural method of water conservation at

Pushkarini temple in Rajasthan and Gujarat. In the temple premises, the pond is made in

rectangular shape with well-designed steps in all four sides. After bathing in this pond, the

people worship the god. Near this temple, they built a well. The water of this well is cleaned by

using modern techniques, and its water is used for drinking purpose.

Bala Ramulu (2003) attempted to study the impact of water resource management

reforms on the people of Andhra Pradesh through the analysis of various institutional

mechanisms such as Water User Associations (WUA), Watershed Development (WD), Neeru-

Meeru (NM), Water Conservation Mission (WCM), Micro-Irrigation System (MIS), etc. These

reforms are oriented to bring change in the structure and procedure of organizations, attitudes,

and behaviours in order to promote organizational effectiveness. Analysis of the results reveals

that these reforms brought improvement in irrigation through enhancing the capacity of the

canals taking interest of the tail end farmers. Astonishingly, the successes are confined to

specific areas and rich farmers. It has very nominal impact on the drought prone areas and poor

farmers. Thus, the issues such as vested interests of rich farmers, neglect of old tanks, corruption,

16

low people’s participation, etc., have collectively contributed to the failure of these institutional

reforms.

Dandawate and others (2006) mentioned the water storage structures at temple complexes

in Maharashtra during medieval times popularly known as Kunda (tank, well, and step well)

which is built during reign of Chalukyas of Badami. They are now locally known as Pushkarini.

Sunanda and Krishna’s (2006) study highlighted the cultural significance of traditional water

harvesting structures such as pukhariyan (ponds), talab (tanks), bandhies (bunded fields),

baories (wells with steps) and wells constructed by medieval rulers in Bundelkhand region. The

maintenance and operation of these structures were assigned to people but in due course it was

usurped from the hands of the villagers and handed over to government departments. For illegal

cultivation in tank submergence area, cultivators empty the tank before the rabi crop where as it

is in the interest of dheemar fishing community, the tank remains filled as long as possible. But

over exploitation of underground water and destruction of water re-charging system of tanks

aggravate the water problem. Thus, this study proved that tanks at temples are natural centers for

social interaction and needed to preserve with community participation.

Patil (2006) attempted to focus on phad system (traditional water harvesting structure) of

western Maharashtra in utilizing the river water for agricultural uses through the construction of

bandharas (weirs). It is observed that the maintenance and repairs of bandhara structure is

undertaken by the government whereas the canal system is maintained by the irrigators

themselves. All the irrigators formed a water user committee and its office bearers are elected to

manage the water for irrigation. In case of scarcity of water, it is rationed by extending the

irrigation interval to maintain equity among all the members. The community participation is the

result of common concern i.e., management of water for agriculture. But with the government

intervention in the form of storage reservoirs affected the post-monsoon flows downstream

where bandharas are built. This type of interventions poses threat to the traditional system of

water management.

Vyas (2011) argued that even water scarcity regions of Jalore in Rajasthan managing the

water resources through plenty of indigenous water harvesting structures like bardi, tankas,

khadin, johad, kunds, beris, baories, vavs, and jhalaras. The excess flood water were converted

into these traditional structures and managed. While building the forts, the water factor was taken

17

into consideration as one of the fort walls has its water supply from the nearby water fall. His

study focussed on the traditional management of water, awareness and water harvesting

techniques of the people of Jalore region with case study of baories (stepped wells). The baori of

Chandinath temple of Bhinmal was believed to be constructed by Jagararaja who accidentally

found the medicinal property of the water pond and got himself cured from a peculiar skin

disease. The water is quite deep and changes color with the movement of the sun. In case gold or

brass utensils are washed with its water, they change color because of the chemical properties.

Local people say that baori has never dried up as it is fed by a near by lake called Kudaliya to

the step well. It is situated on the trade route between Delhi to Kandla via Jodhpur and the

caravans of the traders used to stop and take rest by feeding water to its cattle. But now a days,

so many such type of baories are buried and remain not in use. If cleaned and conserve water

properly, it fulfills the needs of the increasing population.

Hindst (2011) study mentioned that construction of ponds was done for many purposes

like aqua-culture, plants, animals, and bathing in the villages. The slope location is selected for

the construction of pond, and its water is transported to other place by motors. Ponds provide

protection to environment and rain water is collected and used to recharge underground water. If

preventive measures are not taken to protect these ponds, the future generation face water

shortage. He concluded that changing patterns of using farms and agricultural lands are the main

reason of drying ponds.

Deepa Joshi (2011) while reviewing the role of gender and caste identities through case

studies from Kumaon criticized the traditional environmental theory. Initially, the nallahs were

built by dalits and artisans but these were consecrated and cleansed later on by caste Hindus and

attributed the concept of purity and pollution touch. Women and dalits were cyclically impure

were denied access to these revered water resources. This type of discrimination to access water

bodies has persisted in Chuni and its neighboring villages of Kumoan which is legitimized

through religion and culture. In these villages, Scheduled Castes were minorities and could not

challenge this social inequality. Though constitution ensures the equality and hence policies were

framed to resolve the disparity of caste and gender while implementation. The funds allotted to

dalits were diverted to meet the needs of dominant castes. The case studies of chuni, mala, and

others demonstrated how the higher caste women obstructing the participation of dalit women

18

thus enhancing the competition between dalit and other communities. Though reforms were

mentioned in policies but in implementation it is failing in true representation of women and

dalits in water management.

Sebastian and Azeez (2014) highlighted the bio-diversity conservation aspect of

MGNREGA along with the creation of durable assets towards conservation of water resources.

The significance of individual and institutional efforts in creation of water harvesting structures,

soil and moisture conservation, renovation of old structures, and so on are catalytic in bio-

diversity conservation. A study made by Indian Institute of Science in four districts of selected

states namely Medak (Andhra Pradesh), Chitradurga (Karnataka), Dhar (Madhya Pradesh), and

Bhilwara (Rajasthan) shown that environmental benefits were driven by various programmes

under the MGNERGA.

Abhijit Guha (2015) highlighted the indigenous rain water harvesting methods through

narratives from Alwar district of Rajasthan and Paschim Midnapur district of West Bengal. The

comparison of these two case studies reveals the divergence between government action and

grass root activism. The former one is based on participatory approach with the help of villagers

whereas the later efforts are state oriented efforts of rainwater harvesting executed from the top

and not from the bottom.

Mahendra Dev (2016) examined the water management strategies of the union

government for drought mitigation, soil and moisture management, and climate-resilience in

India. The review has pointed out that the inefficacy or overuse of water and sustainability as

government heavily subsidized both canal water rates and power tariff for drawing ground water.

Though government raised plan expenditure on irrigation, they could find difficult in collection

of water charges from farmers. He stressed that the institutional mechanisms such as

participatory irrigation management and water user associations are key to improve efficiency of

canal irrigation systems. But, the vested interests of the actors ruined the spirit of community

management as they turn into contractors. To overcome this problem, his study suggested

awareness building on long-term basis and promoting participatory monitoring and evaluation.

To enhance water user efficiency, adoption of drip irrigation, ponds, rural electrification,

reducing capital costs, restructuring subsidy programmes are imminent to mitigate the adverse

19

effects of drought. To counter the climate resilience, he stressed for diversified cropping systems

citing examples of paani panchayats of M.S. Swaminathan Research Foundation.

In a study, Gopal and Marothia (2016) showed how the traditional tanks, village ponds,

and farm ponds are providing practical solutions to ensure water and food security in drought-

prone area of Bundelkhand. The study also observed the economic and environment viability of

large-scale projects which in turn causing enormous environmental damage. Instead of large-

scale projects, they suggested for traditional tanks, farm ponds with suitable examples i.e.,

johads (storage tanks) in Alwar, farm ponds and renovated tanks in Dewas, Apna talab in

Chhattisgarh etc. For proper water management, they suggested for promoting farm ponds and

village tanks through Community-Based Organizations such as panchayats and Non-

Governmental Organizations. Even the restored waterbodies and other common property

resources can be better managed by ensuring property rights or tenure security.

Jayanta Bandyopadhyay (2016) in his study argues for creation of new institutional

structures for water security, water governance, storage and promoting innovations in water

technologies based on interdisciplinary knowledge and for resolution of water conflicts at

different levels in India. It requires fundamental changes in the property rights and

responsibilities of citizen supported participatory regulatory institution.

Rawat and Shah (2009) reveal the tradition of water conservation in different ways by the

Kumaon community in the Himalaya. Depending on their needs, they conserve the rain water in

rivers, streams and lakes. Bastar state has a smaller number of water ponds. But there are some

waste lands that are converted into ponds.

Thakur’s study (1908) on the famous and biggest pond of Bastar which is named as

Samundra is the ritualistic symbolism found in folklore of the tribes of South Jagadalpur region.

It is also known as Gangamunda talab where in the month of shravan, the bhojli (fair) is

celebrated. Except this, the people of Bastar District makes ponds in middle of farm or one

corner of the field to collect rain water. This is called as Manda or Munda. Its number is highest

and now these water sources are immensely contributing the livelihoods of the local people

(Thakur,1908).

20

Vikram’s study on tanks irrigation in Jagadalpur such as a pond of Dalpat Sagar,

Paralcoat Jalasai (Dam) located at Pakhanjur Tehsil reveal that after the construction of these

ponds, the cultivable land in its catchment was enhanced (Vikram Usendi, 2011).

It is universally recognized that forest is a dire necessity for human beings to prevent soil

erosion, floods, drought and thus helpful in conservation of water (Thakur, 1994). Indian village

worked as a democratic state and they were taking important part to solve their problems. The

Kings were felt that it is crucial for the health of the people that they should work on lands. So,

they made new land, pond, well, nahar and tried to develop the production of crops, by which

the tax was collected. They gave religious important to the irrigation. When the British came to

the country, there were lacks of canal system at local level and the developed water irrigation by

giving importance to tradition and custom to save the water. Thus, water was attributed to

different social, religious and individual use. (Agrawal and Narayan, 1998).

Yadav and Mishra (2004) argued that utilization of land depends on the availability of

water and the scarcity of water led to droughts in many regions. The necessity of water

management is recognized by most people in such regions. One should not conclude from this

that water resource management is only a concern in dry areas. It is a part of any society that it

may be taken for granted, it is always a matter of academic concern.

In Chhattisgarh, the diversity shown in water collection centers and rivers flow is affected

the water flow and management. For this reason, the natural source of water is managed through

well, bamchi and pond as traditional source (Parihar, 2012).

Tribals for centuries lived in isolation and had limited contact with other societies. This

helped them to preserve their social customs, tradition and beliefs to a large extent (Sharma,

1999). There are two concepts involved in customary law. The concept of being normal and the

concept of being reasonable. Every society and culture has its own way of defining normality,

even while reason suggests that one cannot always draw a distinction between right and wrong

(Patnaik, 2011).

Though Chhattisgarh is a fertile ground for paddy cultivation, in the agricultural map of

India this portion of is generally shown as the area under shifting cultivation. This is largely due

to the agricultural practice of tribes like Baiga, Kodaku, Korwa and Nagesia who even in the

21

recent past used to do swidden cultivation. Today, a large section of these people follows up that

method of cultivation when such opportunities are available. However, taking all the tribes and

castes together, subsistence agriculture is the economic way of life of the people of Chhattisgarh

(Danda, 1991).

It was found impossible to handlift water to arable lands in the hills since crops grown by

shifting cultivation depend on seasonal rain. In due course of time, these lands are converted into

permanent cultivable crops. Water storage is undertaken either by individuals or by groups

depending on the labour requirements of a particular task. Village elders and householders can

jointly be given the responsibility for the selection of the site and the construction of these ponds

or structures, since cooperation has always been a hallmark of the Juang way of life (Nayak, et.

al 1993).

Ecologist of late, have come out with studies on the remarkable system of resource

management by many traditional societies. Such societies existed in different countries, regions

or culture. Sen (1992) argued that sacred groves are one of the finest examples of traditional

conservation practices. They have also formed centres of cultural and religious life for people

over period of time. These types of sacred groves are known as sarna in Sarguja district where

every village has a specially earmarked grove where both plant and animals are revered and

protected.

Bansil (2004) documented the green system in India through which water is supplied to

drought areas for sustaining the food security. He found that developing countries like India need

to work on sustainable ways to manage their natural resources. Moreover, there is widespread

pollution and resultant degradation of water resources. Green systems believe in optimum

utlization of water resources with a sustainable management approach. Green systems in India

has worked towards alleviating the water problems in various sectors, in the form of integrated

environmental management that truly assists the beneficiaries on the path of sustainability.

Green systems have undertaken water resource management projects throughout the country.

One of them was being implemented in a rocky and water deficient area of Chhattisgarh region.

Greens provided solutions for harvesting and managing water resources to the tune of 11 lakh

meters per year.

22

Vaidyanathan (2013) argued that community managed water works are not a new

phenomenon rather it is relatively old. Maintenance and regulation of water by user communities

with varying degree of effectiveness is common in rural areas and ability to adapt to societal and

technological changes. Arrangements for water allocation and shortage within a season seem to

work reasonably well though they are not free from conflict. This is facilitated by the fact that

ayacuts and that operations are closely monitored by users. But given the conditions of water

supply and the quality of the distribution networks, the ability to regulate water to maintain an

optimal soil moisture regime is even more limited than with large systems.

The state of resources in this forest region was lucidly best discussed by Paul (2008) in

terms of what has happened to the different kinds of water resources. The primary water

resources of the village are the nallahs, the secondary ones are raulies and gadheras and the

tertiary resource is the Gangas. Traditionally, the villagers utilized nallahs for drinking water

and raulies and gadheras for minor irrigation. The Ganga river was used for daily requirements

sinces ages by the villagers who lived along the valley. Two villages at the headwater zone of

Bijapur and Ghaglori was sanctified the main water source that supplied irrigation water in order

to meet the drinking water needs of Dwarahat town.

Besides administration, local and civil society took initiatives toward the mobilization of

people for rainwater harvesting, watershed development and restoration of defunct waters bodies

such as tanks, johads, ahars and pyres. The importance of such intiatives now recognized even in

official documents. Dutt and Wasson (2008) argues that wide consensus is a strong push towards

community moblilization. According to Bilas (1988) the main objectives of water resource

planning to make the most effective use of the available water resources to meet the short and

long-term needs of the area. The most appropriate geographical unit for water resource planning

is usually the river basin which includes stream flow and ground water. Water for irrigation in

the villages comes from two general sources the stream water collected in dam provided by

canals and ground water pumped through tube-wells, pumping sets and wells, while the surface

water is mainly developed in Chakia and Chandauli Tehsils and the ground water sources are

most developed in Gyanpur and Varanasi Tehsils due to topography and geological structure.

Canals are important because they affected comparatively a very large areas and utilized to a

maximum possible extent the available surface water. The power tube-wells are the latest

23

addition to the irrigation system. Due to their varying capacity and size, tube-wells are easy to

manage even by small farmers supplemented by government initiative, especially in the form of

loans. Open wells have been the most important source of water supply in the district, but with

the introduction of canals and tube-wells their importance is gradually declining and the

proportion of land irrigated by them is decreasing.

Mosse (2003) revealed that the relationship between water and society is not simple. It is

proved in social theories of civilization and state, community and collective action, and common

property. Besides its socio-cultural significance, water was legitimized by the medieval kings

through planned water flows, dams, and landscapes which testimony their rule into the science of

hydrology. In ancient India, there was a variety of community managed irrigation systems. The

Artha Shastra of the Mauryan Period refers to check dam built for agriculture in Gujarat, which

were renovated under king Ashoka in the 3rd Century B. C. Some hillside check dam in Western

India have remained under local management till the present times. These ancient water

harvesting structures were adopted in Western India for present agriculture too.

These studies prove that water harvesting structures are wonderful facility for collecting

and storing the run-off rain water for agriculture, animal husbandry, drinking, and fulfilling the

needs of the household needs. These structures are possible with traditional knowledge as well as

the community participation. These structures were conceived as common property resources in

the form of tanks at temples, ponds, and small dams and started preserving through collective

action.

This age-old resource management, conservation and restoration are outcome of the

ecological principles discussed in the above theoretical perspectives. Management of water is

interrelated with society and culture along with ecology that affects the quality of life for both

present as well as future generations. Thus, water management has become a scientific discipline

which led to formulation new strategies for utilization as well as for conservation. It specifically

focuses on a scientific and technical understanding of natural resources and the life supporting

capacity of those resources. Further, an integrated approach was the need of the hour for

recognizing the social, cultural, economic and political aspects of water management. Recently

community based natural resource management approach emerged by combining conservation

24

objectives with the generation of economic benefits for rural communities. It is a process of

managing natural resources in a systematic way, which includes multiple aspects of natural

resource use that meet production goal of producers and other direct users as well as goal of the

wider community.

The above-mentioned empirical studies reveal that the significance of traditional

knowledge, technology and people participation in management and conservation of water

resources. The studies also proved that natural resources like land, water, and forest cannot be

managed and preserved without involving people especially rural and tribal communities who

have copious knowledge of water management since generations. Thus, people-centric

development has been gaining popularity in recent years keeping in view of its cost

effectiveness, sustainability, and environmental conservation. The grass root level people’s

perception was acknowledged in government of India plan document 1992-97 that

developmental activities undertaken with people’s active participation have greater chance of

success. Role of the government is framed to facilitate the people’s involvement in

developmental activities by creating the right type of institutional infrastructure in rural areas.

Earlier pressure on land and water was not so much hence nobody thought of

management of water resources. But with the population explosion, urbanization,

industrialization, deforestation, and so on affected the proper utilization of water resources.

There is a dire need for the water resources management to meet the basic requirement of people

on equitable basis without causing environmental damage.

Statement of the Problem

Water is an invaluable gift of nature to the living human beings, flora, and fauna without

which existence of life is unthinkable. It is a well-known fact that though water covers 70 % of

earth’s surface, usable water proportion is much lesser. As such, water management has become

important to the overall development of a country. In India, water resource management are

vitally important to millions of rural and tribal populations to obtain subsistence and livelihoods.

But due to green house effect, deforestation, urbanization, and so on have had impact on

water resources. Constant tree felling along the bank’s rivers reduced the availability of water

25

resources as trees are natural aquifers of water bodies. Majority of the farmers depend on natural

and man-made water structures for cultivation of crops to meet the requirements of increasing

population. In the isolated tribal areas in India, agriculture is still rain fed. Hence, they developed

a body of traditional knowledge in conservation of such precious water resources in the form of

bunding, manual check dams, talabs, etc.

But the intense deforestation and uncertain climatic conditions led to frequent droughts in

many parts of tribal regions. As a result, people are resorted to migration and other wage labour

works in the surrounding places, and transforming their economy. As a result, traditional

knowledge of water conservation and management is endangering especially among the younger

generations.

To address this problem, the present study made an attempt to document the traditional

methods of water management of the Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria communities of Bastar

region. These traditional methods of water management are still continued in Bastar and they are

conserved through elaborate rituals associated with water resources. Hence, an effort is made to

understand the local water management practices of tribal communities of Bastar region in the

present study. To achieve this, the following objectives were framed to understand the intricacies

of water management in a holistic anthropological perspective.

Objectives

1. To document the ethnographic profile of the Dhurwa and the Bison Horn Maria including

their socio-economic, cultural, political and religion aspects to understand their dynamics

in water management.

2. To find out the traditional water resource management of the Dhurwa and Bison Horn

Maria communities to understand their sustainable resource utilization practices.

3. To understand the belief systems of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria with regard to

conservation and management of water resources.

26

4. To uncover the socio-cultural dynamics of water conservation and management among

Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria.

5. To understand the developmental interventions in optimum utilization of scarce water

resources among Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria.

Besides these objectives, the proposed study also raired the below mentioned research

questions to find out the intricacies resource management methods of the study groups since

generations.

Research Questions

• How the tribes of Bastar overcome the problem of water scarcity in harnessing their

livelihoods.

• How they conserve and preserve the natural resources especially water resources for

future generations.

• What are belief systems associated with availability of underground water resources

among Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria.

• Whether the elaborate ceremonialism of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria useful in

conservation of water resources.

• Whether developmental interventions really fruitful in the context of traditional water

resource management.

Research Methodology

In Anthropology, micro level studies are utmost important to understand the socio-

cultural dimension of sustainable water management. As such, this model is being used in quite

number of studies relating to documentation of human culture, religion, art and rituals, laws and

folk tales. Keeping in view of this, the present study attempted to study two tribal villages

intensively. For holistic understanding of the resource management, the present study felt that

both primary and secondary data are appropriate. As such, an anthropological fieldwork was

conducted during 2018-19 in different phases covering almost all the seasons like rainy, winter

and summer.

27

Study Area and People

The present study is confined to Bastar region of Chhattisgarh state. The geo-

morphological condition of the region is covered with rich flora and fauna and the ecological

niche provides food, shelter, fuel, medicine etc., to the inhabiting population. Bastar is

considered as one of the largest districts in India with an area of 39,114 square kilometres. The

tribal population of Bastar region is 86,648 (according to census of India, 2011) i.e. 66.31 %.

Major Scheduled Tribes residing in Bastar region are Abujhmaria, Muria, Bison Horn Maria,

Dorla, Bhatra, Halba, Gadaba and Dhurwa etc.

For the present study, the Dhurwa dominated village i.e., Chhindawada in Darbha Block

and Bison Horn Maria dominated Bade Kilepal III village in Bastanar Block of Bastar district in

Chhattisgarh were selected. The Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria are the two tribes covered under

the study for comparison and cross-cultural analysis. Out of the eight tribes, Bison Horn Maria

residing in remote high land forest tracts and the Dhurwa are residing in plain forest areas.

The study is basically a micro level one and depended on primary data to large extent.

Besides observation, case study, key informant interviews were used for collection ethnographic

information. Further, documentation was done visually through photography and voice recorder

for cross verification of the data.

To fulfill the objective, both qualitative and quantitative data was used for the present

study. A door to door household survey was conducted in study villages by using census

schedules. For secondary data, the researcher relied on the official records of revenue

department, forest department, published and unpublished reports, census records, and other

documents from time to time to get an overview of the present status of water resource

management. For collection of primary data, the researcher relied on the following methods to a

large extent.

Observation

During research, physical verification is important to get an idea about the particular

place, area or water resource. To acquaint with the natural resources of the study village, the

researcher took a transact walk initially along with key informants and made social mapping of

28

the available natural resources including water, land and forest. It is used to get an understanding

of geographical distribution of dwelling as well as location of other natural resources.

Participation in their day to day events like marriage ceremony, Bastar Dussehra, Goncha

festival, Jalni mata festival, Beej putani festival, etc., at different levels of the fieldwork reveal

the network of inner aspects of social organization with water resources. As a part of this,

researcher accompanied the villagers to interior places where ceremonial events are taking place

and won the confidence of the villagers. It facilitated the researcher to get access with villagers

individually who are less interested in open discussion and collected the data. While roaming in

the village, several activities of water utilization, ritual usage of water, pacification ceremony for

rain, etc., are observed and analyzed in detail with probing. Simultaneously, informal discussions

were made with the study groups who involved directly or indirectly in the utilization of water

resources. Discussion with elderly people revealed their experiences of crisis management.

Interview

This method is mainly used for collection of primary data from the selected individuals

who possess copious knowledge of water resources and its management. Both individual and

group interviews were conducted as and when required in the field. The people who feel shame

are interviewed personally and the same data is cross checked in group interviews. The

researcher interviewed mata pujari (priest), mati pujari (mud priest), gayta (assistant of priest),

mukhiya (village headman), sirha (magico-religious practitioner), athpaharia (temple servant),

patel (accomplice of priest), kotwar (messenger man of village), manjhi (clan headman), chalki

(assistant of manjhi), and other villagers. These people had traditional knowledge about the

conservation of water resources through rites and rituals. In-depth interviews on key issues

relating to water management reveals the cultural dynamics that are playing an important role in

sustainable utilization of water resources.

Schedule

For collection of demographic details of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria, the researcher

used household census as well as resource schedules during the fieldwork. Through this method,

the information relating to name, age, sex, clan, place of birth, educational status, marital status,

clan, occupation, income and expenditure, etc., was collected by visiting door to door. Thus, the

29

collected data was entered into computer excel programme and analyzed them by using

statistical programmes in detail. The qualitative data collected through observation, case study,

and key informant interviews were supported by the quantitative data collected through this

schedule.

Case Study

Various ingenious traditional water management techniques and methods were gathered

through in-depth case studies. It is administered on a single person, group, incident, or cultural

event and provided insights into the traditional methods of resource use. Further, the life of

Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria was revolved around the spirits and deities. By offering sacrifice,

they used to pacify the deities. Thus, inbuilt religious conservation philosophy was unearthed

through collection of case studies of the villagers who possess water bodies such as jua, talab,

dabri, kuwa, nalkoop, stop dam etc.

Key Informants

For collection of primary data, in depth interview with key informants such as manjhis,

chalkis, mukhiyas, sirhas also taken from study villages. Focus group discussion (FGD) were

also undertaken during the fieldwork besides implementation of schedule to know the views and

perceptions of the villagers.

Data Processing and Analysis

Since the present study is qualitative in nature, after completing the collection of data

from primary as well as from secondary sources, the data scoring, coding, editing was done by

using simple methods such as Microsoft excel, word, office, etc. While interpreting the data, the

doubts regarding factual information is cross checked by revisiting the field area from time to

time.

Chapterization

The data thus collected through primary and secondary sources are organized into six

chapters. At the outset, an introductory note on water management in India and its historical

background is mentioned for conceptual understanding of systematic use of water resources

30

since ages with traditional knowledge. Besides this, an exhaustive review of literature on water

resource management in India and abroad has also been attempted to identify the state of water

management and to delineate the scope and purpose of the study.

Ethnographic description of the study area and people has been documented in the second

chapter. It includes the salient features of Chhattisgarh as well as Bastar district in which the

study area falls are discussed with resource mapping and statistical details. The ethnographic

information of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria consists of social organization, family, marriage,

economy, political organization and religious beliefs are described vividly as they have relation

with conservation and efficient management of water resources.

Traditional methods of water management were the focal point in third chapter which

highlighted the traditional as well as current methods of water management in the study area.

This chapter is attempted to analyze the continuation of traditional water bodies and native

method of utilization to understand the local management skills and the role of traditional

knowledge in harnessing the water resources.

Belief systems associated with water resources, folklore, myths and legends are discussed

thoroughly in fourth chapter. As a part of this, taboos and restrictions relating to water resources

of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria are also mentioned in detail.

Fifth chapter tries to understand the nexus of socio-cultural practices in conservation and

utilization of water resources, rituals and belief systems associated with various water resources,

role of water in life cycle and annual rituals, etc. It provided elaborate account of the Dhurwa

and Bison Horn Maria rites and rituals, social and religious practices in manging the water

resources for equitable distribution.

The impact of external interventions and implementation of developmental programmes

on water management are dealt in sixth chapter. Further, an attempt is also made to understand

the role of government in creation of sustainable livelihoods through generation of permanent

assets such as ponds, tanks, and other irrigation sources in the study villages.

31

The concluding chapter thoroughly discusses the findings and made few suggestions for

formulation a policy in conservation and management of water sources as it is essential for the

survival of tribal communities under the study.

Limitations of the Study

Due to remote location and lack of proper conveyance facilities, the fieldwork got

affected and took lot of time to complete the data collection. During rainy season, it becomes

very difficult to venture into forest and villages for the data collection. The gender aspect of

researcher made it difficult to access certain areas like slaughtering platform inside the sanctum

sanctorum of different deities. This problem is overcome with the help of interpreter and key

informants such as school teachers and anganwadi workers who contributed immensely for the

successful completion of the fieldwork as they were catalytic in overcome the problem of

vernacular language. Being a female researcher, first community member is not willing to talk

freely and denied even the accommodation. To overcome this, the researcher made frequent

visits from Jagadalpur to convince the local people on regular basis. After through persuasion to

the community elder manjhi, pujari, sarpanch, secretary, anganwadi workers and finally the

villagers, agreed to provide accommodation in the village. By seeing the sincere efforts of the

researcher and her continuous field engagements slowly people started realizing the significance

of research and everyone started requesting the researcher to stay in their respected villages and

giving information where ever the events relating to water is taking place.

32

Chapter-2

Study Area and People

The livelihoods of the tribal communities are mainly depended on the utilization of water

resources through their traditional knowledge. Of the available resources, water is most

important one for the production be it agriculture, animal husbandry, horticulture, etc. Due to its

significance, a symbiotic relationship is developed by tribes between them and natural

surroundings since generations. As such, there exists interrelationship between the socio-cultural

aspects with natural resources, surrounding environment and ecology, its geographical

conditions, infrastructure facilities, etc. In order to get the holistic understanding this relationship

an attempt is made to discuss the socio-economic, political, and religious life of the Dhurwa and

Bison Horn Maria along with their ecological set up. It is so that due to change of ecological

niche, the tribal livelihoods are changing as per the biological and social requirement. As a

result, the social life of these communities also having impact with the changing ecology. To

understand this man-nature relationship, the Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria settlements of

Chhindawada and Bade Kilepal Gram Panchayats of Bastar District, Chhattisgarh were selected.

In the present chapter, social as well as physical description of the study villages is attempted to

provide an overview of the relationship between the dependent communities with the

surrounding ecology and topography. Prior to understand the socio-economic profile of the study

area, it is pertinent to understand the ecological set up along with the general characteristics of

Bastar District, which falls under the purview of Chhattisgarh State.

Chhattisgarh is one of the tribal dominant states in India which is carved out from the

present Madhya Pradesh in 2000 with an area of 1,35,194 square kilometers. The location of

Chhattisgarh state falls on 17° 46' to 24° 05' in the northern longitude and 80° 15' to 84° 20' in

the eastern latitude. It consists of 44 % of forest coverage which accounts for 12% of the total

forest coverage of India. Initially, it was created with 16 districts of Madhya Pradesh and now it

consists of 27 districts in three regions. The northern region is covered with hills of Satpura

Range. The Central region in which the Mahanadi and its tributaries drain and develop the

alluvial plains and south are the plateaus of Bastar. The Mahanadi is life line of Chhattisgarh.

The Mahanadi and its all tributaries and sub tributaries have developed the great alluvial plain of

33

the Mahanadi, which is 322 kilometers long and 80 kilometers wide. The great plain of

Mahanadi is fertile and favorable for paddy cultivation.

The Vedas and Puranas did not mention the name of Chhattisgarh. The Ramayana

mentions this area as Dandakaranya and Cunnigham called this area as Kosala and Dakshin

Kosala. The Mahanadi Valley covers a greater part of Chhattisgarh plain. The complete

Chhattisgarh is divided into two physiographic units i.e. plains and hills. The rivers have taken

birth form the hills and after flowing over different kinds of landforms developed water bodies in

which early man performed verities of activities. The main inhabitants of the Chhattisgarh are

tribal communities among which the Gond tribes dominate the area. Due to this, Allchins (1968)

have termed the Chhattisgarh area as Gond Kingdom. The Chhattisgarh region proved to be very

rich right from lower paleolithic period as they are situated near the main river Mahanadi.

(Pandey, 2016)

As per the existing popular folk legends, during the time of Jarasandha’s rule, 36 leather

working families migrated to the present Chhattisgarh and established permanent settlements in

this area. Due to this reason, this place is referred as Chhattisgarh. Another explanation on

contrary reveals that existence of 36 forts in the region brought the present name Chhattisgarh.

But the later explanation seems to be incorrect as thirty-six forts (garh) were not found in this

region. As per the version of historians, Chhattisgarh is the corrupted form of Chedisgarh or the

capital of the Chedis (Kalchuri dynasty) kingdom.

In 10th century A.D., Rajputs ruled this region from Tripuri near Jabalpur, with the

patranage from the kingdom of Chedis. The desendants of this royal family settled at Tuman

including the famous Kalingraja. His grandson Ratanraja who constructed the Ratanpur fort

which continued to be the capital of Chhattisgarh for long period. In due course of history, this

royal family was known as Haihaya dynasty. They ruled this region continuously six centuries

upto 14th century and later on this dynasty was splits into two parts. The elder wife’s desendants

continued at Ratanpur, while the younger wife’s descendants formed a semi-independent state at

Raipur. It is followed by Chalukya dynasty who established the rule in Bastar. At the end of 16th

century, it acknowledged the suzerainty of the Mughals. The Marathas attached Chhattisgarh in

1741 and destroyed the Haihaya power. There was a large-scale loot and plunder by the

Marathas led to misrule. But, it was the Gond who resisted and challenged the advances of the

34

Maratha in this region (Captain Blunt, 1975). This misrule allowed the pindaris to attack and

plunder the region in the beginning of the nineteenth century. In 1818, the Chhattisgarh came

under British rule where a deputy commissioner was appointed to look after the administration of

Chhattisgarh. The British policies of administration and revenue also had negative impact on the

life of the people of Chhattisgarh. Further extension of the British was resisted strongly in Bastar

by the tribes of Halba which resulted in a powerful rebellion which lasted nearly five years

(1774-1779). It is the first documented rebellion against the British in Bastar. Even during first

war of Independence during 1857, Chhattisgarh has played a vital role in the form of Sonakhan

army which is headed by Vir Narain Singh. British crushed the rebellion of Narain Singh and he

became the first martyr from Chhattisgarh. After British, it is combined with Madhya Pradesh as

a part of consolidation of different princely kingdoms into union of states.

In post-Independence, the demand for a separate statehood of Chhattisgarh was came into

existence during 1920s and many more movements were undertaken at different levels

highlighting the Chhattisgarh culture, identity and backwardness. In 1954, State Reorganization

Commission was not accepted the demand for separate statehood. The movement got momentum

in 1990s with the active support of Chhattisgarh Rajya Nirman Manch headed by Chandulal

Chandrakar. As a result, in 1998, a separate bill for creation of new state with the 16 districts of

Madhya Pradesh was kept in Madhya Pradesh state assembly which was ratified at the same

time. The President of India gave his consent to Madhya Pradesh Reorganization Act 2000 and

set the first day of November 2000 as the creation of new state

According to 2011 census, the population of Chhattisgarh state comes to 2,55,45,198.

There are 12,832,895 (50.2 percent) males and 12,712,303 (49.7 percent) females. As per

Ministry of Tribal Affairs, altogether 42 tribal communities and five particularly vulnerable

tribal communities are inhabiting the state. They are mainly Agaria, Andh, Bhaina, Bhumia,

Bhatra, Bhil, Bhilala, Bhunjia, Biyar, Binjhwar, Dhanwar, Gadaba, Gond, Halba, Kamar, Korku,

Khairwar, Kharia, Kondh, Khond, Kodaku, Majhi, Majhwar, Munda, Nageshiya, Oraon,

Pardhan, Parja, etc. Even after bifurcation from the Madhya Pradesh, the state continued to be

the home many indigenous communities and rich natural resources. Chhattisgarh has a

population density of 154 persons per square kilometer. It is sharing boundaries with Bihar,

35

Jharkhand and Uttar Pradesh in north, Andhra Pradesh in South, Orissa in the east and Madhya

Pradesh in the west (Map 2.1).

The state has majority of tribal population accounting for 43.4% of the total state

population. The sex ratio of the state is 991 per 1000 males. The literacy rate is 70.28% against

the national average of 74.04 percent. In terms of the concentration of tribal population, the state

having 6.62 million (30.6%) against the all India Scheduled Tribe population i.e., 84.33 millions

in the country. Population of Scheduled Tribes resides 57.36 percent in Bastar district, 53.66

percent in Sarguja district, 47.70 percent in Raigad district, 25.16 percent in Rajnandgaon

district, 23.03 percent in Bilaspur district, 18.27 percent in Raipur district and 13.56 percent

Scheduled Tribes residing in Durg district. Thus, it is evident that the highest percentage of the

Scheduled Tribes resides in Bastar, whereas Durg represents the lowest proportion of Scheduled

Tribes. The state has forest coverage of 46% in the total geographical area of the state. The state

is covered with rich natural mineral resources like iron, coal, bauxite, tin, and dolmite.

Chhattisgarh is center of attraction for major waterfalls and water resources such as Chitrakot,

Teerathgarh, Satdhara, Mahadev Dhumat Falls, Kangerdhara, Charre-Murrey Waterfall,

Malajkundam, Gupteshwar, Khusel Waterfall, Malhe Indul, Pulpad Indul, Milkulwada, Ranidah,

Rajpuri Falls, Damera Falls, Mendari Ghumar, Tamla Ghumar, Kendai Falls, Chitradhara,

Devadhara falls, Amrildhara, Chenda Falls, Rakasganda Falls, Sahadevmura Falls, Surajdhara,

Taat Water etc. Due to forest coverage, Bastar receives highest rainfall and amenable for

agriculture.

Chhattisgarh was broadly divided into three geo-climatic zones i.e., the central, southern

and northern comprises of 18 districts. The central region covering the districts like Raipur,

Bilaspur, Janjgir-Champa, Kabirdham, Rajnandgaon, Durg, Dhamtari, and Mahasamund. The

northern region covers Korea, Surguja, Jashpur, Raigarh, and Korba that are hilly and covered

with dense forests. Many of primitive tribes including Pahari Korwa and Pando also inhabit this

region. Majority of the population depend on agriculture and few on forests for livelihood. There

are coal mines in Surguja and Korea districts. The southern region is rich in forest coverage and

abode of major tribal communities. The districts in this region are Kanker, Bastar, and

Dantewada. The famous Bailadila mines are found in Dantewada district. The state consists 146

36

development blocks, of which 85 are Tribal Development Blocks (TDB). These Tribal

Development Blocks constitute the Tribal Sub-Plan (TSP) of the state. The state has seven

districts in full and six districts partially Scheduled Areas. The state has 19 Integrated Tribal

Development Projects (ITDP) in 13 districts. Altogether 9 Modified Area Development Agency

(MADA) pockets in 7 districts are covered for all round development of dispersed tribes who

residing outside the Tribal Sub-Plan area. Of these, Bastar is one such important district located

in central plains of the state where the study area falls under its purview.

Bastar is a district of Chhattisgarh which is predominantly occupied by tribal

communities like Dhurwa, Bison Horn Maria, Halba, Bhatra, Gadba, Dorla, Abujhamaria, Muria

(Map 2.2). Despite of their linguistic and physical similarity, the tribes of Bastar possess unique

socio-cultural identity. They are surviving on the natural resources of Dandakaranya.

Agriculture is the main stay of the majority of the tribes whereas some are expertize in dokra art,

basketry, terracotta figurines, etc. They also collect minor forest produce as an alternative

livelihood. Major crops such as paddy, maize, wheat, corn, til, urad etc. In every year, they

organize various festivals associated with water, according to the period, month and time.

Bastar inherits its name from the former Bastar state which inturn derived from the name

of the village i.e., Bastar. The generic name of the village is considered to have come from

‘Bansatari’ (shade of bamboo) given by its founder Annama Dev, a Kakatiya king because he

used to spend most of the time in the bamboo grooves. According to another version, the word

‘Vastra’ (new cloth) refers to a legend in which first chief offer a piece of cloth to the tutelary

diety of the ruling royal family.

Bastar is mentioned as Dandakaranya in puranas as it is identified as place of exile to

Lord Rama during his fourteen years of banishment which is known as Kosala kingdom in

Mahabharata. Around 450 A.D. Bastar state was under the control of Nala king, Bhavadatta

Varman who have invaded the neighbouring Vakataka kingdom during the reign of its king

Narendrasena during 440-460 A.D.

The official state of Bastar was first established in 1324 A.D. when Annama Dev of

Kakatiya rulers left Warangal and came to this region to establish his kingdom with the blessing

37

of the powerful goddess Danteshwari. The famous temple of Danteshwari is testimony to this

and even till date the deity is appeased by the royal family during Bastar Dussehra.

Annama Dev ruled Bastar till 1369 followed by his descendants Hamir Dev (1369-1410),

Bhaitai Dev (1410-1468), Purushottam Dev (1468-1534) and Pratap Raja Dev (1602-1625). A

descendant of the younger brother of Pratap Raja Dev became the king in 1709 who had two

wives. First wife is a Baghela Princess, who had a son known as Dakhin Singh, secondly a

Chandela princess who has two sons, Dalapati Dev and Pratap. A feud for the throne occurred

soon after the demise of Rajapala Dev in 1721. The elder queen ousted other claimants and

placed her brother on the throne of the Bastar.

Dalapati Dev took refuge in the neighbouring kingdom of Jeypore and finally regained

his throne a decade later in 1731. Then the capital which is located at Bastar was shifted to

Jagadalpur where Bastar royal palace was built by Dalapati Dev. During 15th century, Bastar was

divided into two kingdoms, one based in Kanker and the other one at Jagadalpur. The present

Halba tribe claims descent from the military class of these kingdoms.

Until the rise of the Marathas in the 18th century, the state was remained fairly

independent. In 1861, Bastar became a part of the newly formed central provinces and after years

of feud over the Kotapad region, it was given to the neighbouring Jeypore state in 1863 on

condition of the payment of tribute of Rs. 3,000. A great adivasi rebellion was took place during

the tenure of Daryav Singh which was suppressed down. In 1876, Muria tribes rose again in

revolt but the Marathas controlled the situation. Thus, from Annama Dev to Praveer Chandra

Bhanj Dev, 19 geneologies of Kakatiya Chalukya dynasty ruled Bastar.

During Chalukya rule, the capital of Bastar keep on changing from Barasur, Dantewada,

Kurushpal, Rajpur, Bare Dongar, Chitapur, Rajnagar and to Jagadalpur which served as the

capital at different points of time. Bhanj Dev (1929-1966) the twentieth and last king of Bastar

ascended the throne in 1936. Later on, it is acceded to Indian government in 1948 during

political integration of India. After linguistic reorganization of states, the state of Madhya

Pradesh was reconstituted on 1st November 1956. In 1998, Bastar district was divided into

Kanker and Dantewada.

38

According to the 2011 census, the total population of Bastar is 14,13,199 of which men

represents 6,98,487 (49.4 percent) and the women represents 7,14,712 (50.5 percent). Women

population is higher than male population. Of the total population, 70% belongs to tribal

population. Rural villages are predominant with more than 90% population.

Table 2.1: Administrative Details of Bastar

Sl.No. Particulars Total

01 Tehsils 12

02 Community

Development Blocks

12

03 Towns 06

04 Villages 1150

05 Population 14,13,199

Table 2.2: Sex Ratio of the Chhattisgarh and Bastar

Year Chhattisgarh Bastar District

2011 Rural Urban Total Rural Urban Total

1001 956 991 1031 978 1023

Though it is dominated by tribal population, in recent past, both Hindi and non-Hindi

people from south and north are migrated to this place and settled. Besides, large number of

refugees from erstwhile east Pakistan also resettled in Bastar.

Indravati, a major river flows through this district provides water resources to north and

south villages. It is originated in the hills of Orissa and flows across Bastar’s western boundary

into Chanda district of Maharastra. After this, it also conjoins with the Godavari at middle

reaches. Two other important rivers such as Mahanadi in north flowing to Bay of Bengal and the

Sabari flowing to the South Godavari river of Andhra Pradesh also drains Bastar. Indravati river

is a symbol of faith and devotion for the Bastar people. Jagdalpur is situated on the mouth of this

river, which is considered as the main center of cultural heritage and handicrafts.

The northern region of Bastar is cold in comparison to southern region which is hot.

Due to this reason, forest is found more in the northern region. Whereas in the southern region of

Bastar, sagon trees are found more. Southern region of Bastar is dry, as such there is enough

water in the northern region. Along with it, the temperature in Bastar in May goes to 41.9

39

centigrade, while the remaining days the temperature is around 20 centigrade. In winter, the

temperature goes up to 14.3 centigrade. In Bastar, dry humidity and moist weather are found. In

Bastar, the rainfall is generally from the southwest and north eastern monsoon. The most part of

the region receive monsoon during June to October. The winter season which runs from

November to March which is mainly dry and temperate. The average rainfall is approximately

1340.9 mm. A large part of Bastar is covered by tropical moist, a deciduous forest consists of

variety of species such as teak, sal, and laurel and major portions are covered with bamboo.

Bastar is rich in mineral resources such as iron. Raoghat in north Bastar and Bailadilla

in the south are famous for iron mining. For this reason, a rail line has been constructed to

connect the mines with the port of Visakhapatnam. In Bastar, road networks are also limited due

to dense forest. There is only one highway running from north to south approximately 180 miles

which connects Jagadalpur with capital Raipur city. Further, in east-west direction another

highway run from north Bastar to Narayanpur. Frequency of travel is minimum and principle

means of travel is by foot over jungle paths. Due to this reason, administrative intervention is

less in tribal areas. Majority of the tribal settlements are interiorly that barely had road

connectivity.

For administrative convenience, Bastar is divided into eight tehsils. They are mainly

Bhanupratapur, Kanker, Narayanpur, and Kondagaon in north; Bijapur, Dantewada, and Konta in

south; Jagadalpur extends from central to eastern part.

Generically, the tribal people of Bastar are known as Gonds or Koitur. According to

Furer Haimendorf (1979) the Gonds of Bastar are only a few of the many Gond groups that

populate the areas covered by present day Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh. Many of the tribes

speak dialects that are barely but intelligible. Hinduised Gonds now speaking local dialects of

Hindi, Chhattisgarhi, Telugu and Marathi. Further variety of subsistence activities from hunting,

gathering, shifting cultivation to the sedentary plough cultivation are noticed.

40

The Study Area

For the present study, the Dhurwa dominated Chhindawada in Darbha Block and the

Bison Horn Maria dominated Bade Kilepal in Bastanar Block of Bastar district, Chhattisgarh

were selected and studied intensively from anthropological perspective (Map 2.3 and 2.4).

Table 2.3: Population Details of Study Blocks, 2011

Sl.No. Name of the Tehsil No. of living

villages

Male

population

Female

population

Total

population

01 Bastanar 44 23,704 25,630 49,334

02 Darbha 68 38,971 38,971 79,360

Chhindawada is one such village which is dominated by Dhurwa situated at a distance

of 40 kilometres in the Southern direction of Jagdalpur. They used to live in small small hamlets

known as paras. In Darbha Block, Dhurwa inhabit in many villages such as Mamadpal,

Chandragiri, Bispur, Kelaur, Katekalyan, Teerathgarh, Kamanar, Neganar, Chhindpal,

Maulipadar, Kesapur, Chhindabahar, Tapawada, Karkapal, Kotlipal, Saautana, Ukanar,

Okawada, Koleng, Chingur, Darbha, Dilimili, Chitapur etc. The purpose of selection of

Chhinadwada village is that highest number of Dhurwa population surrounded by forest and

mountains.

Chhindawada mainly consists of 16 paras such as Mundapara, Junapara, Rampal,

Kawaras, Padarpara, Mendabhata, Gonchapara, Peramaras, Kokarras, Litipal, Koynapara,

Manjhigudapara, Uparras, Dhurraas, Jamgudapara and Dhapnipara. In addition to the Dhurwa

tribe, other communities such as Maria, Mahara, Brahman, Dhakad, Kalar, Sundi and Lohar

caste also residing in this area since long.

Table 2.4: Hamlet wise Demography Details of Chhindawada, 2019

Sl.

No

Hamlet Household Male % Female % Total %

1 Kawaras 130 312 15.68 338 15.96 650 15.83

2 Mundapara 62 132 6.63 155 7.32 287 6.98

3 Padarpara 39 93 4.67 107 5.05 200 4.87

41

4 Manjhigudapara 28 68 3.41 61 2.88 129 3.14

5 Litipal 20 43 2.16 45 2.12 88 2.14

6 Dhapnipara 23 67 3.36 64 3.02 131 3.19

7 Mendabhata 60 152 7.64 166 7.84 318 7.74

8 Gonchapara 35 104 5.22 110 5.19 214 5.21

9 Permaras 63 155 7.79 158 7.46 313 7.62

10 Kokarras 63 151 7.59 155 7.32 306 7.45

11 Jamguda 30 71 3.56 70 3.30 141 3.43

12 Rampal 85 167 8.39 197 9.30 364 8.86

13 Dhurras 59 150 7.54 162 7.65 312 7.59

14 Junapara 73 127 6.38 138 6.51 265 6.45

15 Uparras 43 116 5.83 105 4.95 221 5.38

16 Koyanapara 34 81 4.07 86 4.06 167 4.06

Total 847 1989 99.92 2117 99.93 4106 99.94

Total area of Chhindawada is 3,006.6 hectares consists of agricultural crop land,

forests, banjar, and grazing, etc. The below mentioned table provide the details of both

government and non-governmental land details of Chhindawada villages.

Table 2.5: Geographical Area of Chhindwada Village

Sl.No. Non-Government

Land

1691.655

Hectares

Government Land 1315.018

Hectares

1. Non workable

land

30.680 Forest 74.130

2. Arable land 43.770 Non-functional land 43.610

3. Crop land 1400.660 Non-possessed land 236.600

4. Bifocal land 103.600 Pasture area 169.520

5. - - Agricultural land 774.558

6. - - Crop land 16.600

7. Other 112.945 - -

According to the 2019 household census, the total population of Chhindawada village

comes to 4,106. In which, male population was 1,989 (48.44 percent) and the female population

was 2,117 (51.55 percent). From this census, it is known that the number of women are out

42

numbering the men. Majority of the population of the study village Chhindawada belongs to

Dhurwa (3,144) followed by Mahara, Maria, Rout, Brahmin, Kalar, Sundi, Kumhar, Dhakad,

Halba, and Lohar. Except Mahara, other community members are very less. The population

details of the Dhurwa tribe are mentioned below to understand the demography of the study

village.

Table 2.6: Community wise Demographic Details of Chhindawada, 2019

Sl.

No.

Category Househ

old

Male % Female % Total

Popn.

%

1 Dhurwa 639 1,541 49.01 1603 59.98 3,144 76.57

2 Mahara 129 266 47.24 297 52.75 563 13.71

3 Maria 29 73 48.66 77 51.33 150 3.65

4 Rout 11 23 43.39 30 56.60 53 1.29

5 Brahmin 01 05 41.66 07 58.33 12 0.29

6 Kalar 07 13 41.93 18 58.06 31 0.75

7 Sundi 12 26 40.62 38 59.37 64 1.55

8 Kumhar 01 01 33.33 02 66.66 03 0.07

9 Dhakad 13 32 49.23 33 50.76 65 1.58

10 Halba 01 02 50.00 02 50.00 04 0.09

11 Lohar 04 07 41.17 10 58.82 17 0.41

Total 847 1,989 48.44 2,117 51.55 4,106 99.96

Whereas Bison Horn Maria is largely found in Bastanar Block such as Burgum,

Sangvel, Mutanpal, Lalaguda, Turangur, Jamgaon, Birgali, Bagmundi Paneda, Kandoli,

Vahanpur, Bastanar, Bade Kilepal, Kodenar, Tirathum, Silakjhodi, Chhote Kilepal, Goriyapal,

Kumarsadra, Sadra Bodenar, Palanar, Irpa, Bade Bodenar, Bade Kaklur, Kapanar etc. The Bade

Kilepal village of Bastanar block is having more Maria population and it is having large

geographical area. Therefore, this area has been divided into three Panchayats, such as Bade

Kilepal Panchayat-I, Bade Kilepal Panchayat-II and Bade Kilepal Panchayat-III (Map 2.5 and

2.6). For the present study, third panchayat of Bade Kilepal was selected. The total population of

the Bade Kilepal III is 2,884 consisting 1,355 (46.98 percent) male and 1,529 (53.01 percent)

female. The community wise details of the study village are mentioned below.

Table 2.7: Hamlet wise Demography Details of Bade Kilepal III, 2019

Sl.

No

Hamlet Household Male % Female % Total %

1 Vetipara I 64 164 12.10 184 12.03 348 12.06

43

2 Vetipara II

(Gunjepara)

69 165 12.17 177 11.57 342 11.87

3 Vetipara III 73 186 13.72 206 13.47 392 13.59

4 Sodhipara 16 46 3.39 48 3.13 94 3.25

5 Pedapara 89 203 14.98 228 14.91 431 14.94

6 Dulapara 42 109 8.04 138 9.02 247 8.56

7 Ganjopara 89 232 17.12 290 18.96 522 18.09

8 Bandipara 52 137 10.11 140 9.15 277 9.60

9 Manjhipara 47 113 8.33 118 7.71 231 8.00

Total 541 1355 99.96 1529 99.95 2884 99.94

Table 2.8: Community wise Demographic Details of Bade Kilepal III, 2019

Sl.

No.

Category House

hold

Male % Female % Total

Popn.

%

1 Bison Horn

Maria

504 1,276 47.62 1,403 52.37 2,679 92.89

2 Rout 12 21 30.00 49 70.00 70 2.42

3 Mahara 12 30 41.09 43 58.90 73 2.53

4 Dhakad 09 23 45.09 28 54.90 51 1.76

5 Halba 04 05 45.45 06 54.54 11 0.38

Total 541 1,355 46.98 1,529 53.01 2,884 99.98

Total population of Bade Kilepal III comes to 2,884 representing 1,355 male and 1,529

females. Of which, Bison Horn Maria population is predominant as it represents 92.89

percentage followed by Rout (2.42 %), Mahara (2.53 %), Dhakad (1.76%), Halba (0.38%). The

Bison Horn Maria male represents 47.62 percent and female 48.64 percent followed by Rout

male represent 0.72% and female 1.69%, Mahara male 1.04% and female 1.49%, Dhakad male

0.79% and female 0.97% and Halba male 0.17% and female is 0.20%.

The study village is situated at a distance of 55 kilometers from the southern direction

of Jagdalpur. It is a forest and mountainous area. The geographical area of this village has been

found to be 5944.75 hectare. Out of this, forest area covers 86.09 hectares, pastoral area covers

497.00 hectare and agricultural area is 5361.66 hectares.

44

Table 2.9: Geographical Description of the Bade Kilepal Village

Sl.No. Name of area Hectare

1 Forest 86.09

2 Grassland 497.00

3 Agriculture 5361.66

Total 5944.75

This tribe is mainly dependent on nature and surviving on the residing forests and hills.

They obtain various types of roots and tubers, wild vegetable leaves, bamboo, wood, fruits,

flowers, animal-birds, and other wild game in forest. Due to its significance, Bison Horn Maria

organize different festivals of nature based on different resources, dates and months from time to

time to keep nature safe and protected. They do have faith and belief in natural deities and

supernatural powers.

Social Composition in Study Area

The agricultural castes like Halba, Kalar, Rout, Mahara, Dhakad, and Brahmin are

residing very close to their settlements and resort to agriculture and wage labour. The study

villages are located in a radius of twenty to twenty-five kilometers in different directions. The

study area comes under the purview of 5th Schedule and their households are scattered inside the

forest and can be reached on footpaths only. Jagadalpur is the nearby town having fifty five

kilometers distance whereas Raipur state capital is having more than three hundred kilometers.

Chhindawada is a major gram panchayat having 16 paras such as Mundapara,

Gonchapara, Mendabhata, Kawaras, Junapara, Rampal, Padarpara, Kokarras, Litipal,

Koyanapara, Manjhigudapara, Permaras, Dhurras, Jamgudapara, Dhapnipara, and Uparras. Of

which Dhurras, Majhigudapara, Uparras, Jamguda, Litipal, Dhapnipara consists of exclusive

Dhurwa population whereas other paras consists of heterogeneous population representing

Maria, Kalar, Sundi, Lohar, Mahara, Dhakad, Rout, and Brahmin, etc. It is having nearly 40

kilometers distance from Jagadalpur town.

Bade Kilepal III is a major panchayat in Bastanar block. It consists of nine paras namely

Vetipara one, Vetipara two (Gunjepara), Vetipara three, Sodhipara, Pedapara, Dulapara,

Ganjopara, Bandipara, Manjhipara. Out of these paras, Vetipara two (Gunjepara), Sodhipara,

45

Manjhipara, Dulapara are having exclusive Bison Horn Maria population and the remaining are

having few households of Halba, Dhakad, Rout, Mahara are also inhabiting since long. It is also

having nearly 55 kilometers distance from Jagadalpur town.

Dhurwa Tribe

Dhurwa tribe is a sub-branch of Gond which is popular as parja in Bastar region of

Chhattisgarh. Generally, Dhurwa means, the people who carry burdens. It is believed that since

ancient times, Dhurwa move from one place to another to work with kings to carry ghee, milk,

curd and honey by kawad (sling). Apart from this, they also carry women’s sedan from one place

to another. From this reason, they considered themselves as parja of kings, because they always

worked as a servant of the king. It is believed that the king brought the ancestors of Dhurwa tribe

from Orissa and settled in Bastar. They speak parji besides chhattisgarhi and Hindi. Their

physical features having black skin, flat nose, thick lip, strong body and simple stature. They are

very emotional and have the tendency to react to small issues. They are primarily residing in the

mountain and forest from the beginning and depend on nature, natural objects and forests.

Because of which they consider themselves associated with superhuman and depend on

supernatural powers to protect their own culture.

Bison Horn Maria

It is also an offshoot of Gond and were also known as Dandami Maria. Dandami means a

stick as they were living in the forest to protect themselves from the wild animals, they used to

carry stick and axe. Due to this belief, they always carry a stick and axe with them because the

stick works as a companion to them. So that they always feel protective. They call themselves by

saying koitor. Here koitor means the native of forest. Their body is tight with dark complexion,

thick lips and normal height. They use headgear made of wild buffalo’s horns (gaursing).

Grigson mentioned that earlier Maria used to wear wild buffalo’s horn crown and decorate with

cowries. Besides this, they shoulder mandar, a musical instrument and dance along with mandar.

Every lady dancer wears the crown made of cowries and cocks feather. They also use the gujadi

(musical instrument) made of iron. This identity named this tribe as Bison Horn Maria.

46

Language

There are eight tribes residing in Bastar, namely Halba, Bhatra, Gadba, Dorla, Bison

Horn Maria, Abujhmaria, Dhurwa and Muria. Of which, five tribes come under the subgroup of

the Gond, like Muria, Abujhmaria, Bison Horn Maria, Dorla, Dhurwa etc. Since from the

beginning, Gond has been living in different areas of Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and

Chhattisgarh State, and their main language is gondi. It is believed that earlier gondi dialect was

spoken in the entire district, which is similar to Dravidian family and considered to be quite

different from Aryan language. Apart from this, other major language of Bastar is halbi. It is a

mixture of marathi, oriya and chhattisgarhi. But, in the study area, the main dialect of Dhurwa

tribe is dhurwi and gondi was the chief dialect of the Bison Horn Maria. But in Dhurwa's

language, a mixture of gondi is also found. Further, both tribes are well conversant with the halbi

language. With the contact of outsiders, they are also influenced with Hindi.

Dwelling Pattern

Ole is the vernacular name of dwelling house of Dhurwa that are constructed one after

the other in parallel way. The structure of their house is triangular and consists usually two to

three rooms in it. They are mainly kholi (kitchen), second kholi (a partition meant for

worshipping kuldevi and paddy store room) where the entry of unmarried girls is restricted, and

the third one is the dining cum sleeping room. Pittar mata known as goddess of paddy resides in

kholi. The symbol of pittar mata is a handi (earthen pot), whom they address the deity as pittar

kundari. Dhurwa believed that this deity protects the harvest. It is believed that the unmarried

daughters of the house will go to another house after marriage and hence their entry is restricted.

They usually construct thatched house with clay soil, bamboo and wood. They use local

wood varieties of sagon, saaja, mahua, tamarind, mango, beeja for house construction. Further,

some houses use flatten stones as tiles for the roofs of the houses. Around the house, they make

fencing with bamboo. They cultivate various types of vegetables and trees such as tamarind,

mango, mahuwa, papaya, bamboo, sulfi for their daily necessities inside their kitchen garden.

47

Plate 2.1: Dwelling Pattern of Dhurwa

They take lot of care in building the kutcha house in such a way to accommodate their

livestock in a separate arrangement within its precincts. Each structure is known with different

names like korguda made with split bamboos for cocks, dadda guda for pigs, osar chaakultol for

cows, chirkul chaakultol for buffaloes, meva guda for goats, aaswa guda for ducks, baada

chaakultol for oxen. Sometimes, even the stone encircle is also used to accommodate pigs. Prior

to construct a house, it is mandatory to offer sacrifice along with the worship of their gods and

goddesses. In which the village's mata pujari, mati pujari, head of village and head of the house

plays an important role.

The dwelling pattern of Bison Horn Maria is known as lona and they construct their

houses one after another that are far away from each other. In similar to Dhurwa, they also

construct their houses in triangle way. In this type, two to three rooms are seen in which one is

meant for randha kholi (kitchen), another is for worshipping and grain storage and the third one

is kudma (living room). Further, they have a parchhi or beeda (guest house) near their home,

where guests and relatives used to stay.

48

Plate 2.2: House Structure of Bison Horn Maria

The portition of kuldevi and the grain storage are separate or remains together in some

houses in such a fashion that on one side kuldevi and on the other side paddy storage is kept.

Maria also believes that haanal mata (goddess of paddy) used to reside in that paddy storage.

The symbol of this goddess is a handi (pot), whom they address the deity as haanal kunda.

Access to unmarried women in this room is prohibited; it is only married women who are

entitled to enter in the grain storage room. They make compound wall with soil mixture and keep

flat stones in such a way to avoid soaking of compound wall in rainy season. Sometimes, it is

made with besharam lata, a kind of flowering vine plant used for making boundary.

They construct their house with mud, bamboo and wood. To make their house strong,

they use wood of sagon, mango, tamarind, and mahua trees. To safeguard in rainy season, they

use stone walls or besharam lata as fencing to their backyard. In backyard of each house, there

exists a badi (kitchen garden). In which, they plant many varieties of vegetables and fruit bearing

trees such as mango, mahuwa, papita, bamboo, tamarind, etc. In similar to Dhurwa, they also

make a korguda (indigenous poultry farm), kotkotaav (cowshed), mekakotaam (goat shed),

padumgudda (pig sty), barrekotaav (buffalo shed), kondakotaav (oxe shed) and aasaguda (duck

sty). While making livestock pens, they offer worship to jalni mata with the assistance of mata

pujari, mati pujari, headmen of village and the household. In consultation with mati pujari, they

decide the time and date for puja before making their house.

49

Social Organization

According to their folklore, Dhurwa originated from a divine couple who are actually

brother and sister. When the earth was submerged, a brother and sister are alive in a tumba

(gourd). They were informed by the god that they should mate each other for the creation of the

universe. Since then, cross-cousin marriage has become a tradition among Dhurwa of the study

area.

Generally, two types of families are found among Dhurwa, such as nuclear and joint. The

rule of patrilineal lineage and patrilocal families are more. In this structure, the identity of the

members are based on the male line, and the residence pattern is generally patriarchal. All these

group of families combindly form the clan. Every clan has its own totem and they do not harm

the clan animal or plant, because they are considered as their ancestors. The people belonging to

the same clan are considered as consanguines and therefore marriages among their children are

restricted. The major clans of Dhurwa are worshipped in the form of tigers (bagh), snakes (nag)

and tortoise (kachchhim) they were divided into sub-clans.

Table 2.10: Major Clans of Dhurwa in Chhindawada

Sl.No. Clan Surname Sub-Clan

1 Tiger Baghel Jungli, Pahari, Samtali Bagh

2 Snake Nag Vasut, Shesh, Kala, Dudh, Sukul Nag

3 Tortoise Kashyap Pahari, Pani, Khuta, Kachchhim

In similar to Dhurwa, Bison Horn Maria do possess nuclear and joint families. According

to their folklore, they are also a progeny of a brother and sister. The origin folk tale of Bison

Horn Maria is similar to Dhurwa with slight variations. It is said that when whole earth was

under water, then inside a tent two kawasi brother and sister was sitting. When they come outside

after water level recedes, there was nothing left around. To create nature, they married each other

and just after marriage the female gave birth to twelve sons and twelve daughters who got

married again to each other. Like wise their descendants were created. From that time to till date,

it is a customary to marry between mammere-fufeer (cross-cousin).

50

The family rule is patrilineal and patriarchal. They have different clans that are identified

in the form totems such as turtle (kachchhim), wild buffalo (van bhais), buffalo (bhais), goat

(bakri), tiger (bagh) etc. Some of the popular clans identified by Maria are given below to

understand the social organization and its relation with natural fauna.

Table 2.11: Dhurwa Clan Totems associated with Surnames

Sl. No. Surname Clan

1 Kawasi Tortoise

2 Muchaki Tortoise

3 Padami Tortoise

4 Venjami Tortoise

5 Vedta Tortoise

6 Markam Buffalo

7 Poyam Buffalo

8 Podiyam Wild Buffalo

9 Kurram Wild Buffalo

10 Kartam Wild Buffalo

11 Veko Wild Buffalo

12 Kunjam Wild Buffalo

13 Vetti Wild Buffalo

14 Kuhram Wild Buffalo

15 Mandavi Goat

16 Badse Goat

17 Sodhi Tiger

The clan has a significant place in the Bison Horn Maria since it is practiced from

generations. Therefore, they never harm their clan totem and protect them. It is believed that two

people of the same clan are called by their grandfather. Marriage among two similar clans are

considered taboo. Clan play an important role as preference is given to cross-cousin marriage. It

is known as guda among Bison Horn Maria.

Economic Organization

Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria depend on agriculture for subsistence. The main crops

they raise are paddy (Ozyza Sativa), wheat (Tritikum Aesticum), maize (Zea Mays), kodo

(Paspalum), kutki (Ponicum Maxicum) and mandiya (Elveine). Agriculture is mostly based on

rain. Animal husbandry is the secondary occupation wherein they rear buffaloes, goat, pig,

51

poultry etc. They use poultry and pigs to sacrifice the deities and thus obtain protein through

consumption of sacrificial meat. Cattle is invariably used in agriculture to till the land. Wild

animals and fishes are hunted with bow and arrow. They worship Bharwa Dokra and Kuldevi

before hunting the animals on the occassion of soil festival. After celebration of this festival,

they hunt wild game such as deer, birds (lava, pandaki, kumut), jungli bhais (forest buffalo),

bear, rabbit, etc, and catch fish in nallah, waterfalls and ponds. Besides, they also engaged in

basketry and bamboo craft. They make different varieties of bamboo artifacts such as gaapa

(baskets), tudhi (fishing implements), dholagi (paddy pots), dandar (fish trap), supa (winnowing

fan), broom, sickle, gadri (knives), jadali (Fish drying material), tati (mats), sohli (filtering

basket), dhakri (luggage basket), fanda (bird trap), bela (beverage extraction), flute, pelna

(swing), bhichhana (fan) and so on.

Art and Craft

According to their folklore, it is said that during the holocaust, the earth was

completely submerged under water. Then there were two brothers and sisters staying in a tumba

(gourd). When the level of water came down, they stopped at one place. Then both brother and

sister came out and both of them saw that the earth has become completely deserted, and

everything has ended. Then both of them started thinking what would happen to them now. Then

goddess Danteshwari from devlok sent Bharwa Dokra and provided rice and paddy as food to

them. On the second day, both of them threw paddy out into the ground. A few days later, the

paddy gradually sprouted and started growing. Then the brother and sister married each other.

After a few days, the woman became pregnant. Then, the paddy started coming out, and the

paddy flour began to ripe. Then, Danteshwari mata again sent Bharwa Dokra to devlok to cut the

paddy in the earth. Bharwa Dokra after paddy cutting went back to devlok. After that both of

them started thinking how to keep paddy, and how to separate grass. Both of them went to the

forest one day thinking, they got three bamboo. Both started thinking that which of these three

bamboos cut. Then, suddenly a bamboo jerked, which is known as dongar baas (Bamboo). They

consider it as the most sacred bamboo. Then, he bitten the bamboo and took it to home. First of

all, he started making gaapa (basket) from the bamboo to store the paddy. But that gaapa was

full after a few days. Again, both of them went together in the forest, and found five bamboo

52

plants. They cut the bamboo and made dholgi (paddy storage bin) for paddy storage. Since then

Dhurwa bamboo art and crafts became their traditional occupation.

Plate 2.3: Bamboo Craftwork in the Study Villages

The above folklore reveals that bamboo art and craft had an important role in Dhurwa

socio-economic and religious life. According to them, two types of bamboo are found, such as a

thin and stout bamboo. They soak the bamboo after cutting it with kadri (knife) and dry it in hot

sun. After drying the bamboo, it is cut into thin slices and again soak in water for two to three

hours, and keep it on guruvadiyan (bamboo supporting instrument).

These bamboo splits are used to make household articles such as basket, tati (mat),

sohli (bag filter), dhakari (luggage bag), koraguda (poultry), bow and arrow, supa (garnet),

chhirnikadi (musical instrument), jadaali (fish drying material) and gari (fish picking

equipment), etc. Further, the stout bamboo is also used to make fencing around the houses. Apart

from this, they also prepare agricultural implements such as rapa (shovel or favda), hasia

(sickle), gadari (big knife) etc. The skill of basketry is transmitted to their descendents from one

generation to another orally.

Musical Instruments

Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria use different varieties of musical instruments such as

dholak, jalajal, girigicha, gupur verot (flute), and manjeer jhanda, etc. The bansuri (flute) play

53

an important role in all the cultural events which is made with dongar baas. The dholak is made

by badai (carpenter) with sargi wood, goat skin, siyyadi rope. Ghadwa community made jalajal

with brass by adding so many ghungharu. Lohar community made musical instrument with iron.

It is known as girgicha. Dhurwa make gupur verot and manjeer jhanda. Further, they also make

headgear with peacock feathers. During ceremonial occasions, men play musical instruments and

women dance to the tunes while moving front and back of their menfolk.

Plate 2.4: Musical Instruments of Dhurwa

The folk dance of Bison Horn Maria is an important one in the entire Bastar. They use

mainly two musical instruments i.e., dhol or maandar and gujadi. For this dance, both men and

women divide into two groups wherein each male dancer play the maandar and female dancer

the gujadi while dancing. Unlike dhol, it is made with beeja or sargi wood, wild buffalo skin and

siyyadi rope. Wearing of Bison Horn headgear is the chief attraction of this type of Maria dance.

The headgear is made with the horns of Bison, kowdiya (cowries), feathers of cock and peacock

bhimud bird feathers. While doing this dance, men wear a necklace made with coins in their neck

and paidi or ghungharu to their legs. Whereas women hold lohe ki chhadi (gujadi) in their right

hand while dancing. Besides, they also wear necklace made with coins in neck, bahata in upper

arms, khadu in hands, khilwa in ears, phuli in nose, and payal in ankles. The horn of the Bison is

made in such a way like musical instrument. Maria dance is mandatory in marriage ceremony,

mela, madai, and Bastar Dussehra, etc.

54

Plate 2.5: Musical Instruments of Bison Horn Maria

Further, they also depend on Mahara baja which is being played by Mahara caste

musicians. It is mandatory to use Mahara baja in all the religious events, jatras, madai, etc.

Besides this, other musical instruments such as nagaara, tudbudi and mohari are also used.

Tudbudi is a small kind of dholak and use sticks of sargi to play it as it give good sound while

beating. Without playing these instruments no religious activity completed among themselves.

Political Organization

Since ancient times, each community has its own traditional panchayat in which they

follow their own customary laws. They impose fines or penalties on violating the customary

rules. In the same way, Dhurwa tribe resolve disputes at a chabutara (meeting place) in the

village, which is known as tanaguri in local parlance. In which, village headmen, mata pujari,

mati pujari, sirha (native medicine-men), kotwar (messenger), patel (accomplice of priest) and

athpaharia (temple servant) play an important role in dispute resolution. Apart from dispute

resolution, they also organize festivals and jatras every year through collective consensus.

55

Plate 2.6: Traditional Council Meetings at Chabutara

In similar to Dhurwa, customary law plays an important role in Bison Horn Maria too.

In this traditional panchayat, the village headmen, maajhi, chalki, mata pujari, mati pujari,

sirha, kotwar, and patel assemble at chabutara which is known as madda and engaged in dispute

resolution on issues like water, temple, farm, forest, fighting and quarrel etc.

Religious Organization

Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria possess beliefs in supernatural powers. Their chief deities

are Bharwa Dokra and Bhandarin Dokri. The former is known as god of soil and the latter is

known as goddess of crops. Bharwa Dokra is worshiped by mati pujari (clay priest) on the day

of aama (mango) festival every year. Whereas, Bhandarin Dokri is known as a symbol of good

harvest. Jatra is organized for the good crop and the prosperity of the village every year in May

at gudi. They celebrate amus, naya khani, diyari and amanuva as their major festivals on

different months and dates.

Apart from this, other deities such as pardesin mata, hinglajin mata, tiranta mata,

kankalin mata, and water goddess known as jalni mata or saat bahini mata or gangadai mata

and forest deities sonkuvar and vankuvar are also worshipped from time to time. During amus,

nayakhani, diyari and amanuva, they worship clan deities to protect their farm and house, bring

happiness and prosperity. Every year, they offer worship to water goddess by all the villages for

the safety to cross the river, good rain and so on. Similarly, every year the sonkuvar god is

56

worshiped to protect cattle wanders in the forest whereas vankuvar god is worshiped for attaining

good prey in forest.

Every year, Bison Horn Maria worship peen dev (hidma dokra) and sinhadevdi mata.

They believe that by doing this, fertility of soil enhances and ensures good harvest. Besides this,

they also worship kuldevi such as banjarinmata, aamamudin, kutulnaarin, lohajarin mata,

singhbahini mata, hanal kunda mata, Jalnin mata, and nakodo natolin taling mata etc. They are

worshipped every year during the festival of amus, nayakhani, and amanuva in field as well as at

house.

Life Cycle Rituals

Like other tribes, Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria do observe rites de passage which is

being practiced traditionally from one generation to another. Each community has its own life

cycle rituals and slightly vary from each other. The following life cycle rituals related to birth,

marriage and death of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria are described to understand the role of

water in social life.

Nangartoli and Nelavator (Child Birth)

The local term for childbirth is known as nangartoli. Child birth is considered as impure

activity and hence observe different types of prescriptions before and after the child birth. The

pregnant women are supposed to undergo certain prohibitions in terms of food and secluded

during child birth. She is confined to a separate room and after purification ceremony only, she is

allowed to roam freely in the living room.

The pregnant woman is assisted by the suin dokri (elderly woman) for safe delivery of

the child. For expecting women, a kholi (an isolated room) is given separately to avoid pollution

of childbirth. It is known as paayalin dera, and where she is given a kundari (large earthen pot)

to clean herself daily. A pit is dug out in kholi for pregnant woman. It is called saarbodra in their

language. In this, the pregnant woman puts the water in the pit after bathing, and the left-over

food and cover with the dona pattal (leaf plates). It is believed that it is done to protect the

pregnant woman from the attack of evil-eye. This process continues since from childbirth to

cutting of baby's umbilical cord. When the baby's navel fall, then woman puts the baby's navel

57

into the pit, and then cover the pit with soil. This is done to avoid the effect of black magic on

the child. Then, she washes her clothes with water and ashes in the earthen pot. They believe that

it completely eliminates birth related pollution.

Bison Horn Maria refer child birth as nelavator (Childbirth). Among them, the

pregnant woman is assisted in birth by dai (elderly woman) of the village. When the delivery

date approaches, the pregnant woman is given a separate room in the house. There she is

supposed to speak in her own language nelato kholi. They believe that by doing so the pregnant

woman is protected from the evil eye. Similar to Dhurwa women, when a Maria woman gets

pregnant, she is also given a large handi. It is used for disposal of waste water and it is continued

till the baby's navel is disposed. The placenta is disposed by the head of the house in a dug-out at

the back of their house and covers it with the soil. They believe that it protects the children from

the attack of black magic. They also wash the cloth with water and ashes.

Medichagga aalkurana and Jatakinadaer (Purification after Birth)

Dhurwa prepare a ritualized water which is known as medichagga aalkurana for the

house purification. After child birth, the head of the house brings water from jua in a kaasla

(mug) and mixes with the tamarind and mango bark. Thus, prepared water is sprinkled all over

the house. After this, they give a mat made with bamboo to the woman, and allowed her to eat

rice, papaya, baasta, chapada and various types of green vegetables to give strength to them.

Whereas child birth is known as jatakinadaer among Bison Horn Maria. After the

child's navel cord is buried in the ground, the house is purified by the head of the house. In this

process, the village priest and sirha play the main role. They prepare kasapaani with a bark of

mango and mahuwa with the water brought from sua. Thus, ritualized water is sprinkled inside

and around the house with the leaves of mango, jamun and grass (dub).

Kavarchandana and Neeidevna (Naming Ceremony)

Dhurwa call naming as kavarchandana in their dialect. It is also known as chhathi in

Hindi. In case a boy is delivered, then he was named after nine days, if the girl is born, she would

be named in seven days. But ceremony was celebrated after two years or whenever they gather

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resources for the ceremony. In these, the head of the house invites his relatives a week before the

ceremony. After the invitation, the sister's brother and the father sister's husband bring chhinduk

(bangle) made of iron to the child. It is worn to new born child to protect from the evil eye.

Along with this, the relatives bring the rice beer, sulfi and mahua liquor. Then all relatives put

one drop mahua on sargi leaf which is tasted to the new born and gives their blessing. The

remaining mahuwa is given to the child's mother to drink. On the same day, the head of the

house feed the elderly woman dai with a sumptious feast. After that, the head of the family gives

farewell with kitchen accessories, saris and money to dai. They believe that after doing this

customary practice, chhoot (birth pollution) is removed. On this day naming ceremony is

performed.

It is simliar in case of Bison Horn Maria as naming was given after nine days to a boy

and it was seven days for a girl. To celebrate this, the head of the house send invitation to all

their close relatives for the auspicious day. First invitation goes to priest of their own village

followed by their close relatives. On first day of chhathi, the priest takes the name of kuldevi and

puts oil and turmeric on the head of the child, and he wishes for the good life of the child and

seek the blessings from the goddess. In front of the invitees, mama (maternal uncle) offers a

black bangle to the girl child and the black thread for the boy to protect them from the attack of

black magic and evil eye. On this day, the mundan is also performed by maternal uncle. Thus,

removed first hair is taken by the child's maternal uncle to dispose in the nearby drain. It is

customary to carry the rice beer and mahuwa mand by the relatives to offer to the concerned

family which in turn distributed among the guests. During this event, the relatives entertain or

mesmerizes the child with the leaves of mahuwa or sargi. Soon after this, the head of the house

receives gifts in the form of kitchen utensils, sarees, roasters, mahuwa mand and money.

Churcha and Pendul (Marriage)

At first instance of marriage proposal, the relatives of the boy i.e., mukhiya, mama,

chacha, two other elder relatives visit the girls house for negotiation. They carry three to five

paiyali (each paiyali consists of 2 kilograms) rice in a gaapa (bamboo basket), two bottles of

mahuwa mand. Likewise, they visit three times to the girl’s house for finalization of the marriage

proposal. The betrothal is known as mahala which is held three times i.e. mahala karia, sangai

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mahala and mangani mahala. The elder person or mukhiya who initiate the proposal is called as

wadi pittar or siyan. Prior to their journey, they drop five to seven drops of mahuwa mand in

front of the gudi and pray the mauli mata for a good mannered buvari (bride) who can do

domestic work perfectly. When they reach the girl’s house, they offer johar (salute or wish) to

girl’s relatives and inform about their visit. In case the marriage proposal is agreed to a girl, then

she touches the mahuwa bottle in front of all the relatives. Otherwise, she stays back in her room.

After completion of negotiation, the relatives of both sides consume mahuwa in a sargi or

mahuwa leaf. After the confirmation of relationship, boy’s relatives return to their village. It is a

rule of Dhurwa to go for sagai in the month of karthik (October-November) on Wednesday.

During magh month especially on Monday, the boy’s parents along with their relatives

visit the girl’s house. They carry one small basket full of rice (five paiyali), two pots of landa,

five bottles of mahuwa and lai as a part of offering to deity to the girl's house. It is known as

sagai mahala.

After this, final visit is made by boy’s side relatives which is known as mangni mahala to

fix the marriage date. This is considered to be the largest mahala. All the members of family

visits to the girl's house. During this occassion, on the name of girl, they give two paiyali rice

and on the name of boy they give three paiyali rice and one bottle mahuwa. It is considered

auspicious to marry in the month of pusa on Monday. After third mahala, they start the marriage

works.

The process of churcha (marriage) runs for three days. On the first day, every member of

family, both men and women of village, mati pujari visit forest by carrying small handi full of

mahuwa mand and axe. It is a custom to bring mahuwa and sargi wood from the forest for

making maando (mandap). The members drop three to seven drops of mahuwa near the plant of

mahuwa and sargi. After that they do fera (pradikshana) for seven times around the plant. Then

they cut the wood of mahuwa and sargi. But bhabhi (brother’s wife) brought neloki (semar)

plant. They tie the plant seven times from the thread and cover the plant with white cloth and

bring home, and the plant is buried in a mandap or badi (garden). In this, the plant is considered

to be the symbol of daand dev.

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Thus, collected plant is dibbled in their badi (garden) as it is believed to enhance the

reproductive capacity of the couple. Thereafter, they bring water from the jua by tying the small

handi as cover with the sargi leaf. It is kept on the goddess room. On this day, the boy’s family

apply turmeric and oil on boy’s body and goes to take the girl. After that, they put turmeric and

jada oil (made of arandi trees’s seed) on girl’s body and let her to take bath. After this, they put

tika on both boy and girl and then take the girl to her in - laws house. After that, it is a custom to

smeat turmeric mix oil to the couples together. It is known as jodi tel. Then the bride and groom

is taken to the garden where they had planted the semar plant and offer puja by mati pujari by

keeping the jua (aquifers) water at the place. It is known as neer chaprana. The details of neer

chaprana is discussed at length in the forth coming chapters.

After this, it is customary to dine bride and groom combindly. Then, they observe a

betrothal ring ceremony in which groom offer ring to the bride and enter in the house. In both the

houses, they drop mahuwa mand and do the puja. Then they put tika on both bride and groom

forehead in the mandap.

Marriage is refereed as pendul by Bison Horn Maria. They also follow the tradition of

going three times to the bride’s residence before marriage. They take bamboo made basket full of

rice, one tumba sulfi and mahuwa mand. After this, efforts are made to complete other rites of

marriage.

At first instance, Bison Horn Maria follow the tradition of seeking the name of sister's

elder daughter for the first time by the head of the house for her son from ancient times which is

known as guda (parallel-cousin marriage). Badi faida (lineage priest) officiates the guda

marriage between cousins. First, the boy’s relatives such as badi faida, lona vadde (head of the

house) and other relatives carry mahuwa mand in handi to the girl’s house. Apart from this, they

also carry in a sudool gulla (small basket) two paiyali rice and two to three bottles of sulfi sap. It

is known as uskal. Before departure to uskal, the mother priest of the village worships the gram

devi (village deity) with sindhur, rice and mahuwa, for the success of the marriage proposal.

After that, lona vadde worships kuldevi with sindhur, rice, hajari flowers and incense. After this

ritual process only, all the elders go for the first uskal. As soon as they reach the girl's house,

both the parties greet each other with the word johar. Then boy's father reveals the purpose of

their visit and requests her daughter for his son. In case they agree, the marriage process is

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proceeding further otherwise they have to come back. If both parties agree for the proposal, both

sides consume til seeds in the leaves of mahuwa tree. The first uskal is considered to be

auspicious on the Sunday or Wednesday in the month of January.

In the second sagai mahala, the date for the marriage of the boy and girl was

confirmed. Badi faida, lona vadde (family priest) and other relatives went to the house of the

bride to fix a day in the month of February. They carry a gulla (big basket) with rice, paddy, two

bottles of mahuwa, a tumba sulfi to the girl’s residence which is known as mathakal.

After fixing a auspecious day in the month of March, the boy would go to the girl's

house with a basketful of rice, paddy, two bottles of sulfi, mahuwa mand, and a potful of landa.

It is known as largest mahala in which they decide the date of marriage of the boy and girl. After

deciding the date of marriage, mahuwa mand is distributed to all the present relatives in the

leaves of sargi or mahuwa. It is known as kabood mahala after this all the members of the boy’s

side return to their respective villages.

The process of marriage is organized for three days. In the first day, the head of the

house offer worship to kuldevi with sindhur, rice, coconut, mahuwa mand, incense sticks and

turmeric. They believe that the kurram surname individual is considered very auspicious in such

worship. Along with the kurram, another person from poyam clan assist in marriage ritual.

Because the kurram person has been selected by the king for this work. The Bison Horn Maria

consider the sargi tree as boy and the mahuwa tree as girl symbolically. Therefore, during the

marriage, the kurram person goes to the forest to bring sargi and poyam to bring the mahuwa

wooden logs to arrange the dangaal (marriage pandal). To fetch the wood, they carry water and a

tangiya (an axe) to the forest. After reaching the earmarked trees, the kurram clan person spray

water on the sargi and mahuwa in the jungle three times and request the deity for cutting the

branches of the tree for marriage. Then, he takes the tangiya (axe) from the dangaal to the house

and takes it home. By smearing them with the water wooden logs, they tied up with the rope of

the siyyadi tree in manda (mandap). For bathing of the groom, he is asked to sit in a big

container to offer turmeric oil. In the event of marriage, all the people come together with a

paiyali of rice, a bottle of mahuwa, and a tumba sulfi.

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On the second day, the peka (boy) and peek (girl) goes on to the procession. They carry

a basketful of rice, five to six bottles of mahuwa mand, two tumba sulfi, a black pig, a goat, a

cock, and a potful landa, and a sundamani pata (sari) for the girl's mother. While reaching, the

girl's relatives welcomes the guests by washing their feet. Then bride and groom are asked to sit

together in the vessel and pour turmeric water on them. Then, they apply turmeric mix oil

together and take them to different rooms after bathing. Thereafter, both are given tikan in the

vessel itself. After the program of tikan and banquet, the boys (the head and the other members)

take the groom back with him to the village.

On third day, the bride goes to the in-law’s house with the headmen of the house, other

family members and the people of her own village. Then groom greets the bride's side relatives

with a welcome drink. There once again they perform the program of tilak of bride and groom

from both sides. On this day, they feed their relatives and villagers with pork, meat, and chicken

along with drinks of sulfi, landa, and mahuwa. Among them, they had a belief that the giving a

calf as a wedding gift to the girl's family brings fortune in their married life.

Few cases of polygyny were also found among the Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria to

look after the members of the joint family. Intra clan marriages are strictly prohibited as they

considered as brothers and sisters. Generally, they resorted to four ways of acquiring mates in the

study area such as arranged, love, widow and polygyny marriages. Whereas Bison Horn Maria

resorted to six ways of acquiring mates such as arranged, love, widow, elopment, trail, and

capture, etc.

Love Marriage

In case boy and girl like each other but their elder not agree, then they elope and marry.

After some time of the marriage, they are allowed to reunion with the community through the

elders of village panchayat. The head of the household invite mati pujari, naik, paik, mukhia and

other relatives and organize a sabha. After their approval, mati pujari, naik, paik pour turmeric

water over the couple and allowed them to participate in bhandar kholi held at pittar mata by

Dhurwa and haanal mata by Bison Horn Maria. It is a custom among the people of study area

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that only married couple are allowed to enter bhandar kholi at the temple. After completion of

this procedure, their parents accept their marriage and take them to their respective homes.

Widow Marriage

Widow remarriage is observed among the Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria soon after the

death of her husband. For this, mati pujari, naik, paika, mukhiya and other relatives met in the

respective house where the husband demised. First marriage proposal was kept infront of the

elders by the concerned male member who wanted to marry. In case the approval is agreed by

all, the mati pujari bring water from sulel or dongapaani jua, nallah or sua and pour over the

prospective couple. Then the groom wear bangles to bride as a symbol of marriage. But, it is

taboo for the widow remarried women to participate at bhandar kholi on par with other couples.

Later on, all the invited relatives and village elders were given a feast to mark the occassion.

Marriage by Capture

It is popular among Bison Horn Maria only. In case, boy likes a girl, he proceeds to girl’s

house and offer mahuwa and sulfi to the would be in-laws and impress them though girl is not

interested. Later on, she was kidnapped with the help of his friends during weekly market or

jatra or madai. In such cases, parents of the boy restrict the entry such couple to bhandar kholi.

It is a custom among the Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria that newly married couple are supposed

to spend one night at bhandar kholi. But the captured couple are not allowed to this sacred place.

In case, girl parents are not impressed, they impose fine to accept such marriage in the form of a

cow, an oxen, a goat, he-cocks, sulfi, landa and mahuwa. Besides this, he has to pay a fine upto

ten to twenty thousand rupees.

Marriage by Elopment

Among Bison Horn Maria, this type of elopment cases are recognised after a community

feast. Soon after the marriage, the groom take the bride to his parents house at first. If they agree,

they pour turmeric water and allow them to enter the house. However, the groom need to pay

fine to the girl’s parents in the form of a goat, a pig, twenty to thirty thousand money as

compensation. There after, they fix a date for official marriage and perform the act through their

tradition.

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Marriage by Intrusion

A peculiar marriage by intrusion is found among the Bison Horn Maria. Where girl like a

boy used to assist him in all aspects including his domestic work. In case, the boy is not willing

to marry, then the girl enter the haanal kunda mata or bhandar kholi with mahuwa mand and

sulfi forcefully. If she succeed in such act, she is accepted as bride and taken to their home by in-

laws. Later on, the boy has no other option except to marry her.

In some other cases, if a unmarried person died, he is laid at angan (open place in the

house). In case any girl do somersaults in four directions of the deadbody, then the concerned

household accept her as bride or daughter-in-law.

Sewa Bhent (Bride Price)

It is known as kharcha in Dhurwa and karsa among the Bison Horn Maria. It is given by

groom’s family to the bride’s family prior to or at the time of marriage. As the concerned house

loosing a helping hand in the domestic chores, agriculture, livestock rearing; it is given as

temporary relief in terms of paddy, mahuwa, cow, oxen, goats, pigs, ducks, hen and he cocks to

the girl’s father. Further, it is customary to offer a sari to girl’s mother by the groom which is

weaven by Mahara caste. This custom is known as sundarmani pata. The bride price is more

among the Bison Horn Maria when compared to Dhurwa as they used to offer two pigs, two

goats, twenty seven paiyali of paddy, two calves, landa made with three handi chaval (sixty

paiyali rice), one basketful of sargi leaves, a bunch of dongar bamboo silka (fibre), one dona red

chilli, one cup salt, one cup tamarind, one cup hirva and a dona tamarind or chaapda chatney,

etc. They also offer a sari made by mahara as a part of kharcha.

Upahaar (Marriage Gift)

Parents of a prospective bride used to give gifts in the form of new cloth, ornaments,

cosmetics, etc. It is known as tikuraan by Dhurwa and parre by Bison Horn Maria. Further, they

also provide rice in bamboo made baskets, dal, cooking vessels to be used in her in-laws home.

The ornaments made with brass or aluminium such as chipmala (neck ornament), paiyadi

(anklet), khadu (bangles), khilwa (ear rings), baahata (armlet), etc. are also offered as a part of

marriage gift. They also give cash to her as tikaan. Whereas Bison Horn Maria give a sari,

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bangles, rice, goat, pig, cock, mahuwa, landa, hirva, and cash to her as a part of marriage gift to

her daughter. But now a days, parents are purchasing consumable goods in haat baazar and

giving to their daughters as a part of marriage gifts.

Chaayend and Doltor (Death)

In case of natural death among Dhurwa, they take their dead body on bendri bamboo, and

if the pregnant women die, they take the dead body on kanta bamboo. They bury the dead body

in the ground, but now a days they are burning it. But it is customary to bury the pregnant

women's dead body otherwise, they believe that, she will become witch. As such, they bury the

dead body after crossing the pond or river, so that she cannot cross the river. If any person dies

with an accident or due to some illness, their body is burnt on fire. In case any child dies their

dead body is buried under the ground. After disposal of the dead, all the relatives, villagers

including family members take bath in the river and then enter the house of the deceased person.

Later on, purification of the house takes place by applying tora oil (made from mahuwa seeds).

The ashes of the dead are immersed in the river after three days. No fixed day is observed

for funeral rite as it is observed on third, fifth, seventh, fifteen days, or a month or after a year.

Dhurwa now a days construct math (cemetry) for the dead. It is made for the math siyan (old

person) who is known as sirha. It is made up with mud or cement by the masons two days after

the natural death. It is believed that until the person is alive, he needs a house to live, similarly

math is required after the person's death, where for his soul take abode. The math is made at the

same place where the body is buried or put on fire. The mason is given money, new cloths, one

paiyali rice, one handi landa, 2 to 3 bottles of mahuwa mand, one hen and mat made up of

bamboo. After that they perform funeral rites known as nahni or deenkriya. On this day, they

give chivda, lai (murra) and jaggary water which is known as panapaani to the relatives. They

think that by giving pana water to the relatives they could purify their house. Then they feed all

the relatives with the landa and bid them farewell.

Bison Horn Maria refer death as doltor. If a person or a pregnant woman dies, the head

of the house convey the news to all the relatives traditionally in such a way that a special drum

beat is beaten at the deceased house, which is known as a marni dhol. The drum was played by

the mama (sister’s brother), jija (sister’s husband), bhatija (brother’s son) and saala (brother-in-

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law). Soon after this, they make a coffin with the stout bamboo and use siyadi rope to tie the

dead person to the coffin. Thus, prepared coffin is placed at the house for a while where the

unmarried girls flogged three times over the deceased. The girl begins to reverse the head of the

deceased from the feet three times. It is done to express the feelings that the girl likes a member

of the deceased's family, and wants to be the daughter-in-law of the deceased's house. The girl

acts in a manner to give indications to the deceased's relatives. Then the coffin is taken to

crematorium which is generally located at ghats to burn the deceased. It is believed that if a

pregnant woman dies, then she becomes chudel (witch) after death. That is why they have the

tradition of carrying a pregnant woman across the river for cremation as they believed that by

doing so its soul does not cross the river. In the crematorium, before laying the dead body, they

keep a white sheet on the pyre and lay the dead body. After that, a new vessel is donated by

touching it to the deceased. Then, they burn the dead body. By doing so they believed that the

deceased has gone into the world of souls. In case of burial, they keep one mahuwa liquor bottle

under the corpse believing that it is useful in otherworld.

After disposal of the dead, they smear tora oil to all the relatives and villagers. Then

everyone is offered mahuwa in the leaves of sargi. After this, the priest and sirha of the village

brings water, the bark of the mango and mahuwa tree. They purify the house by sprinkling the

water mixed with mango and jamun leaves. After that, a feast is offered after 3, 7 or 11 days to

commemorate the dead. Thereafter, they have a practice of keeping memorial pillars in the

memory of the deceased before the kriyakram.

Maria Khamba (Memorial Pillar)

Since ancient times, it is customary to build a memorial pillar in commemoration of

dead by the Bison Horn Maria. It is known as Maria khamba. Prior to augment this pillar, a

program is organized for two days continuously by the concerned family members. Maria

considered that unless the dead pillar of the deceased is erected, the burial of the deceased is not

completed. Therefore, before carrying out the work, first they collect the bones of the deceased

from the shamshan ghat. Thereafter, they erect a memorial with stone, timber and cement. After

erecting it, they decorate it with painting traditional colors like black (powdered coal), red (red

soil), green (green leaves), white (lime soil) and the leaves of chind trees in the form brush. The

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painting generally portrays the actions of the dead person. They also reveal their social status

such as mata pujari, mati pujari, sirha, siyan etc. On this occasion, village's mother priest offer

worship to the spirits for the appeasement of their soul so that it cannot harm to the villagers. For

this, mati pujari offer sacrifice of pigs, goats and fowls to the spirits. During this process, there is

a practice of spirit possession over sirha, who in trance tries to solve problems of the village and

health through conventional knowledge. He also tries to diagnose various types of diseases by

herbs. Further, the siyan does all the work and provide support to accomplish this task. Thus, all

the important persons of the concerned village play a vital role in erection of memorial pillar.

Different types of memorial pillars are observed in the study area that are made in respect of

their contribution. At the mata pujari's pillar, they mention the name, village, date of birth and

death, and make designs of devgudi, totem symbol, cow-bull, fair and jatra, on the pillar of the

elderly (siyan) person. It is believed that if a person dies from an accident, suicide or murder,

then a picture of a car, tree or tangiya is made on his pillar. The pillar of sirha represents the

mahuwa tree, because in her life it plays an important role from birth to death.

Plate 2.7: Memorial Pillars in the Study Area

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In similar to the Hindu tradition of sprinkling Gangajal, the mahuwa mand is sprinkled

on the memorial while worshipping to their ancestors. On sirha’s pillars, they keep the lahanga

choli (traditional dress), mukut (silver crown), baahata (arm band), trishul (trident) and manjur

mudha (peacock feather). Over the pillar of mati pujari and head of the village, they make

temple dome shape which is known as math. While the mati pujari's math is painted with the

worshipping and offering sacrifices to the idol of goddess. Among them, the task of carving the

dead pillar is done by the mason. The main purpose of constructing the memorial pillar is that

dead person needs a shelter to reside in another world. After construction, a ceremony is

organized at the site. On this day, all the relatives of the deceased bring rice, mahuwa, sulfi,

landa and fowls with them and consumed there itself.

Plate 2.8: Traditional Memorial Pillars

Math (Cemetery)

Math is a kind of cemetery constructed in memory of important persons among Dhurwa

i.e. siyan and sirha. Traditionally, the kutcha math is made by bhancha (sister’s son) just two

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days prior to kriyakram (funeral ritual). The stones, soil, water and other tools are provided by

the head of the concerned family. In traditional math, bhancha first erect two big stones on two

sides of the grave and these stones are used as stilt and made dome over it with soil pastry. In

lieu of his service, they provide a pot of landa, a new white cloth, one paiyali rice, two to three

bottles mahuwa, a hen, and a mat. But, now a days, the task was given to mestri with honorarium

of Rs. 1200/- to Rs.1500/- along with the above-mentioned items such as a paiyali rice, one pot

full of landa, two or three bottles of mahuwa mand, a bamboo made chatai (mat), one black hen,

etc. Mason cook the rice and chicken on the bank of a pond and consume landa and mahuwa

along with his assistants. Only new cloth and mat is taken to their homes. The main objective of

this math is to provide shelter in otherworld after death. Otherwise, the soul is roaming around

the house. It is constructed at marghat (the place where the person concerned is buried) after

taken out the bones of the dead.

Plate 2.9: A Cement Math

Annual Rituals

Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria, perform certain rituals annually associated with kuldevi

such as pardesin mata, hinglagin mata, tiranta mata and kankalin mata. The head of the house

plays an important role in completion of annual rituals. Based on their traditional annual

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calendar, they observe different festivals in different months and dates to appease their deities

who ensure prosperous living against the natural calamities.

Bhadarin Dokri Jatra

Bhandarin dokri is considered as their chief deity who protects their fields as well as

village. To ensure the better yield, Dhurwa observe jatra on the first Sunday of May every year.

It is celebrated for three days continuously. The details of the Bhandarin dokri worship are

mentioned in detail in the forth coming chapters highlighting the socio-cultural dynamics in the

man nature relationship.

Amus (Kunnel Tiyaar)

This festival is also known as haryali which is organized in the month of saavan

(August) on Monday. Amus festival is observed for the well - being of cattle in the village. On

this day, the priest or head of the house or family priest offer worship to their kuldevi with

sindhur (vermilion), rice, hazari flowers, an egg and mahuwa liquor. On this auspecious

occasion, member of Rout family prepares a medicine known as rasana which is feeded to the

cattle in the village for their good health. By doing this once in a year, their cattle do not get sick

and maintain good health through out the year. With slight variation, Bison Horn Maria perform

Amus where tendu plant is dibbled and tied bhelwa leaves at their houses. They fed rasana with

khichadi to their cattle on this occassion.

Nayakhani (Koltel Tiyaar)

This festival is organized in the month of bhado (September) on Monday. On this day,

the head of the household brings new paddy crop from the field and offer worship with sindhur,

rice, hazari flowers, egg and mahuwa mand. After that, new paddy straws are kept in the new

handi locally called chivda (chaangul). Then son's wife breaks the chivda and the family priest

mixes chivda with jaggary in the kansa (bronze) plate, and distributes it to all the members of the

house in the form of prasad in gudai leaf. After consumption of the offerings, they throw the leaf

on the house roof. Thus, they propitiate their goddess to make their harvest good.

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Diyari (Dilvel Tiyaar)

This festival is organized in the month of magh (February) on Friday. On this day, the

head of the house or the family priest offers worship to their house goddess with sindhur, flower,

rice, egg and mahuwa liquid. This festival is mainly celebrated to ward off evil-eye for houses

and cattle. On this occassion, they make a geta (a sacred rope) which is tied to the cattle as well

as doors.

Amanuva (Medi Tiyar)

The festival is celebrated in the month of baishakh (May) on Sunday. On this day, the

village priest (mati pujari) goes to eastern side of his farm and offers worship to mati dev known

as Bharva dokra. In this worship, the priest sacrifices a chiyan (chick) at the field to enhance the

productivity of the soil. On this occassion, group hunting is undertaken to offer the hunted

animal to their kuldevi.

Major Festivals of Bastar

Bastar is a famous cultural heritage centre in Chhattisgarh. Every year, two chief

festivals are celebrated with great pomp i.e., Bastar Goncha and Dussehra. They are celebrated

irrespective of caste, creed, race, language, and religion. These festivals are considered as

symbol of unity in Bastar. In these festivals, the tradition of rath yatra (car festival) is observed

in grand manner, where in Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria took an active part in discharging their

role.

Bastar Dussehra

Bastar is well known for the worship of Danteshwari mata along with many animistic

deities of inhabiting communities. Bastar is abode of Halba, Bhatara, Muria, Abhujmaria,

Gadaba, Dorla, Bison Horn Maria and Dhurwa tribes. Besides them, the caste communities such

as Panara, Panka, Lohar, Kumhar, Rout, Teli, Mahara, Dhakad also reside in the area. All these

communities offer worship to Danteshwari. Each and every caste or tribe has a role to play in

completion of the grand event. The caste people such as Panka weave the cloth for the deity, the

Kumhar provide earthen pots, Panara collects flowers for the events, Badai contributes wood for

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making of idols and rath (chariot). The Dhurwa do the cleaning work at the temple. They are

called as atpaharia by the local people. Besides, they also work at the royal court. They prepare

katia (cot) with siyyadi rope to the royal family and used to carry the king and queen and Bison

Horn Maria pull the twelve-wheel wooden rath (chariot) which is especially made for the event.

Raja Annamdev of Bastar brought the goddess Danteshwari from Warangal and installed

at Bastar. Since then, the people of Bastar celebrate Dussehra for seventy-four days every year to

appease the goddess Danteshwari. The main objective of this festival is to achieve happiness,

good harvest, protection from the evil spirits, etc. It is believed that the offerings made during the

celebration will bring fortunes to the person concerned. In this marathon event, different

customs, traditions, rites and rituals are observed with utmost faith. During the entire puja, path-

jatra, deri gadai, kaachhan gaadi, jogi bithai, mauli paraghav, bheetar raini, bahar raini,

kutumb jatra, muria darbar are important.

The event starts with the worship of sal tree for the construction of wooden rath. It is

known as patjatra. After due worship, the wood cutting takes place and the carpenters engage in

the construction of rath. Generally, they made two chariots wherein one is having eight wheels

and another one consists of twelve. It marks the beginning of amus festival. Thereafter, two poles

are erected at two corners of the sirhasar bhavan as the representatives of deities of Scheduled

Castes i.e., kachhin devi, and raila devi. This process is known as deri gagai. At the end of

pitromoksh amavasya day, the two deities are kept on the thorn swing (kanton ka jhula). It is

believed that the Bastar Dussehra will not start till this deity say yes in possessive state through

somebody. It is known as kachhin devi vidhan. Next day, one gadda is dug out at the centre of

the sirhasar bhavan of Raja. A man belongs to Halba tribe sits in this gaddha and observe fast

till nine days for the safety of the people of Bastar. It is known as jogi bithai. After completion of

this task, Raja install an idol at jiyaderah which is known as elder sister of goddess Danteshwari.

She is venerated by different clans of Bastar.

On the day of vijayadashami, hawan (smoke) is arranged in the main temple and an

individual belongs to Rout caste prepare bhoj to the goddess Danteshwari. It is known as bheetar

raini. On the day of yekadasi, the Raja along with his family members, priests, majhi or

mukhiya, prepare nayakhana in kumhadaakot and offer to goddess. In local language, it is known

as nayakhani. This process is also known as bahar raini. There after all the deities are

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worshipped systematically and send them off in traditional manner. It is known as kutumb jatra.

After one day of bahar raini the Raja from the Bastar royal family sit in Darbar and hear the

problems of the majhiya and mukhiya in sirhasar bhavan. But now a days, the commissioner,

people’s representatives, government officials were sitting along with majhiya and mukhiya and

solving the problems. It is famous as muria darbar in the area.

Plate 2.10: Pulling of Rath during Bastar Dussehra

Bastar Goncha

Nath of Jagat (Lord of the universe) is considered as Jagannath and his image is made

with Mahaneem wood. According to native folklore, Purushottam dev, son of Kakatiya Naresh

Bhairaj dev, had accompanied Lord Jagannath along with some forest dwellers. Then Kakatiya

Naresh Purushottam dev offered gold coins and gem stones to Lord Jagannath. The Lord

Jagannath was pleased with the faith and belief of Kakatiya ruler Naresh Purushottam dev and

blessed him. As a part of boon, Lord Jagannath informed that a pandal of the Puri temple was

given to Naresh Purushottam dev as Rathpati in a dream. After this, Kakatiya Naresh

Purushottam dev got the chariot. Then Naresh Purushottam dev brought some Brahmins with the

chariot from Puri, and Naresh Purushottam dev entrusted the task of worshiping Lord Jagannath

Bhagwan to Brahmin. Since then, Rath Yatra has been organized at Bastar on the occasion of

Goncha festival.

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According to a legend, there was a king named Indradhumn in satyuga. He was

considered as the greatest devotee of Lord Vishnu. Hence, they settled in Puri dham to make

human life a success. In ancient times, Puri dham was known as Purushottam dham. Then the

king made Ashvamegh yagna, and invited the king Naresh. Then the king, after receiving the

Lord's invitation, made three wooden statues of Shri Jagannath, Subhadra and Balram, and

established in the temple. After that, every year, the king made three new wooden chariots in

ashadh (July) shukla and started the tradition of rath yatra by keeping the wooden images of

three deities i.e. Lord Jagannath, Subhadra and Balram in different chariots. This festival was

known by the name of Shri Jagannath Rath Yatra. Since then, the name of the King of

Indradhumn was exalted. (Jagdalpuri, 2007 ‘Bastar History and Culture’)

But this festival has undergone many transformations over a period of time. Now this

festival is known as the festival of goncha. In this festival, people from every region of Bastar

participate to fulfill their desires. This festival is organized every year in the month of Ashad

Shukla (July) for nine days in gundicha mandap of Sirhasar Bhavan at Jagdalpur. The first day is

known as Shri Goncha, because on this day there is a tradition of procession to collect sal wood

to make the images Lord Jagannath, Subhadra and Balram. To cut wood, the priest of the temple

worships the deities and seeks their blessing.

At first instance, the priest keeps the idols in the chariot and pulls the Rath collectively

by Bison Horn Maria. Then, the people of other castes dragged the chariot and started orbiting

around the temple and keep it in the gundicha mandap. During this process, a gun type tool is

used, which is known as tupaki. It is made with water bamboo and palm tree leaves by the

Dhurwa community. This variety of bamboo is available on the bank of rivers or gutters. In this

procession, each person imitates to kill each other using a peng or pengu goli (bullet). These

peng or pengu goli are collected from the jungle by Bison Horn Maria. With the sound of this

tupaki, the city of Jagdalpur echoes. It is said that in Bastar, the tupaki is popular for the honor of

Shri Jagannath, Subhadra and Balram. For this reason, tupaki holds important position.

According to the folk belief of Bastar, the main purpose of tupaki is to kill the illness with the

God's blessings. Since every year, before this festival, Shri Jagannath falls ill for 15 days. After

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complete recovery of God, the festival is organized. Therefore, every tribe and caste of Bastar

tries to celebrate the goncha festival with great pomp.

Then the priest worships the deities for nine days in the morning and evening. After

that, there is a farewell to the deities after ninth day evening a Bhandara, known as Amaniya was

observed. Regarding this, it is said that Shri Jagannath Bhagwan goes to his aunt's house for nine

days with his sister Subhadra and brother Balram every year. Therefore, they are given place in

the gundicha mandap. At this place, the priest distributes the fruits of gajamung (sprouted mung

with jaggary) and falnas (jackfruit) as prasad. The name gaja is derived from the halbi means

sprout. On sixth day, Chhapan Bhog is offered to Shri Jagannath, Subhadra and Balram. On the

tenth day, Shri Jagannath, Subhadra and Balram sit inside the house (temple). On this day, the

last Rath Yatra of goncha festival is organized, and tupaki is also used for god's honor. This Rath

Yatra is known as Bahuda Goncha. After completion of goncha festival in Bastar, the goncha

mela and jatra is organized in Chhindawada village and Bade Kilepal village.

Plate: 2.11 Glimpses of Bastar Goncha

Food

Dhurwa consume both vegetarian and non-vegetarian food. They take meals twice a day

in the morning and evening. The food menu contains pej (porridge) and depend on natural foods

such as roots and tubers, vegetable leaves, fruits, etc. They consume pej made up with maize,

mandiya and rice. They devour a traditional dish made with red ants known as chapda. This

variety of red ants are found on mahuwa, sargi, kusum, jamun, aam, aaden, hirla, sivana, semar,

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tendu, vedma, magnum, kirsa, karanji, paalod and kumu tree. Apart from this, they consume

various seasonal vegetables such as barbatti, bhindi, karela, bengan, lauki, torai, munga, bhaji

(vegetable leaves) such as mustard baaji, koliyari baaji, lal baaji, bohar baaji, fenda baaji,

chench baaji, roots like basta, mushroom, boda, birds, fish, chingadi, kakra. They believed that

both chapda and baasta act as a medicine. They use torah oil to prepare vegetables which is

extracted from the seeds of mahuwa nuts. Mahuwa mand, rice beer and sulfi are the major

beverages among the Dhurwa.

Bison Horn Maria also depend on pej (porridge) made from rice, mandiya, kodo, kutki

and maize. Along with pej, they prefer to consume chutney of red ant. They believed that by

eating chapda they can save themselves from malaria. Like Dhurwa, Bison Horn Maria also

depend on forest produce such as roots and tubers, vegetable leaves, flowers-fruits, animals-birds

etc. They consume hen, duck, pig, mouse, snake and different type of birds. They also use torah

oil as edible oil and mahuwa, rice landa, sulfi as beverages.

Cloth and Ornaments

Dhurwa men use loin cloth and women wear sari. The trend of cotton fabrics is more

seen among them. Both men and women are having the penchant for traditional ornaments

muaand (nose ring), suta and chipkandil (neckles), vaatkul (iron ring), paiyadi (anklets), chinpul

(aluminum bangles), kekol (Bloom in the ear top), kilipul (hair pin) etc. Besides, they also prefer

tattooing on their body, which is considered as their favorite ornaments. It is essential to undergo

tattooing when a girl becomes adult or after marriage on her body. The tattooing body parts are

mainly the forehead (kapaal baanel), nose (muaad baanel), chin (vidinga baanel), forearm

(kaapar baanel), knee (martel baanel), arm (tetar baanel) and anklet (paiyadi baanel). Men do

wear a baaril (ear ring) and vaatkul (iron ring) in hand. The men are also interested in tattooing.

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Plate 2.12: Cloth and Ornaments of Dhurwa

It is similar with the case of Bison Horn Maria with little modifications. Both male and

female decorate their body with traditional ornaments like mosokutta (nose ring), fadki (ear ring),

tiya and siknedek (necklace), baada (aluminum bangles), mudda (iron ring for fingers), paiyadi

(anklet), etc. With this, the tattooing is considered as their favorite ornament such as forehead

(dalakal baanne), nose (motod baanne), chin (daavda baanne), knee (botnida baanne) and

anklet (paiyadi baanne).

Plate 2.13: Clothing Pattern of Bison Horn Maria

Education

The literacy rate of Bastanar block is 22.36% and Darbha block is 38.32% which is

considered as low when compared to state and national average. Even the gap of male to female

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literacy rate is high in Darbha block i.e., 17.67% when compared to Bastanar block i.e., 11.33%.

it is the similar case with the study i.e. Chhindawada and Bade Kilepal III.

Table 2.12: Details of Educational Status of Chhindawada, 2019

Educational Status Male % Female % Total %

Illiteracy 719 36.14 912 43.07 1631 39.72

Anganbadi 193 9.70 189 8.92 382 9.30

Primary 404 20.31 544 25.69 948 23.08

Middle 390 19.60 256 12.09 646 15.73

Higher Secondary 254 12.77 201 9.49 455 11.08

Under Graduate 21 1.05 12 0.56 33 0.80

Post Graduate 08 0.40 03 0.14 11 0.26

Total 1,989 99.97 2,117 99.96 4,106 99.97

Table 2.13: Details of Educational Status of Bade Kilepal III, 2019

Educational Status Male % Female % Total %

Illiteracy 543 40.07 720 47.08 1263 43.79

Anganbadi 137 10.11 173 11.31 310 10.74

Primary 325 23.98 371 24.26 696 24.13

Middle 257 18.96 195 12.75 452 15.67

Higher Secondary 85 6.27 64 4.18 149 5.16

Under Graduate 05 0.36 03 0.19 08 0.27

Post Graduate 03 0.22 03 0.19 06 0.20

Total 1,355 99.97 1,529 99.96 2,884 99.96

The main reason for low literacy is attributed to lack of school building and means of

transport for commuting the school going children. But, now a days, with the efforts of

administration, anganwadi, primary schools are operating in each para of the village. At present,

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in Chhindawada, ten anganwadi and eleven primary, four middle and one higher secondary

school are functioning whereas in Bade Kilepal III eight anganwadi, six primary and three

middle and a private school is functioning. When compared to Gond literacy in other parts of

Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh, the study area Gond literacy is far below due to its interior

location.

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Chapter-3

Water Resource Management

Optimum utilization of water resources is essential for the survival of human beings. Due

its significance, tribals developed a copious knowledge of availability of water resources and

conserve these water bodies with different structures made with stone, wood, and soil

embankments. The water conservation structures such as ponds, lakes, springs are known

variously among tribes in India. Some of the water harvesting structures are very ancient in form

and conservation knowledge is transferred orally from one generation to another. In similar to

this view, the tribes of the study area are having traditional water harvesting structures and

maintaining the symbiotic relationship with them by venerating them on auspecious occassions.

These water bodies are worshipped in the form singhraj dev, jalni mata, and bhimul dev, etc.

The study villages such as Chhindawada and Bade Kilepal were surrounded by a variety

of natural resources, dense forest and high mountains. These villages are inhabited by Dhurwa

and Bison Horn Maria since long and depended on these resources. The agriculture is rainfed in

the area and majority of them depend on surface irrigation for their crops. Since their survival is

based on availability of water, they have developed traditional knowledge in conservation of

such water structures. Some of the water bodies are considered as sacred spots and appeased

them on different occassions. Etymologically, these structures are referred with jua or sua

(acquifer), chhirwa or kuiyer (channel), tikeneer or kodol (jharna), katta or gutta (dam), tari or

tarai (pond), buta or guta (puddle), munda (talab) etc., in their local parlance. The water

resources of these structures are used variously for agriculture, animal husbandry, drinking,

washing, etc. In case near ones dry up during summer, they visit far off places and carry water on

headloads to meet their daily requirements.

Traditional Water Harvesting Structures

Dhurwa rely on traditional water harvesting structures and hence developed some

ingenious management techniques that are transferred from earlier generations. The traditional

water management methods are known as pulkati neer gut. Etymologically, they call ground

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water resources as beetaramata neer and surface water resources as podit neer. To conserve

these water resources, they constructed traditional structures such as jua, munda, dabri, kuwa,

and pond etc.

Jua (Aquifers)

Jua is a ground water aquifer which is encircled with wood or stone structures that

resemble like a small well. To store water in jua, they make a hollow of sargi tree trunk and

inserted in a dug-out in cylinderical form. By doing this water is get settled and purified inside

this hollow structure which is used for several purposes i.e., drinking, washing, bathing, farming,

etc. It is a traditional water storage method resorted by Dhurwa since ages. To make jua, Dhurwa

dig 3 to 5 feet in depth and 2 to 3 meter width in a round shape. Generally, the jua is located in

midst of the fields. Traditionally, the sargi tree wooden hollow is used to store the water. Now a

days, it is also encircled with stone or cement. Its utilization differs in rainy season as the jua

water overflows to become a nallah which is diverted to irrigate agricultural fields. Based on its

size, shape, structure, and location it is known with different names that are mentioned below:

Vaya Jua

This type of jua is made in a corner of agricultural field by Dhurwa. This type of jua is

personnel as well as common property depends on its location. In case, the jua is located in a

corner of an agricultural field, it is considered as private one which is exclusively used by the

owner of that plot. Whereas some jua located in midst of two to three fields and its water is used

by the surrounding fields are comes under common property. To keep the cultivating fields

moisture, they allow the jua water to overflow. It is having 3 feet in depth and 2 meters width

and covered with flatten stones. Indigenous steps are made to access and utilize the water from

this jua during summer.

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Plate 3.1: Glimpses of Vaya Jua among Dhurwa

Bulka Jua

This type of jua is common in agricultural fields. The water in this jua is stored with

flattened stone at one side in such a way to overflow during rainy season to the fields. It is

located in the midst of the field. This jua’s water is always clean and stable at a particular place.

This jua is always filled with water and fulfil to the irrigation needs of their farming. They also

keep a fish and earthworm to keep the water clean in this jua. They use this jua water to irrigate

the fields by arranging a channel towards their fields.

Plate 3.2: Bulka Jua of Chhindawada

Singhraj Jua

This jua is venerated as symbol of their kuldev by Dhurwa and hence consider as sacred

one. It is a naturally originated not made by them. It is situated near to pargana gudi where

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hingalajin mata is worshipped as the pargana devi. Adjoining to this gudi one can seen Vetal

Dev’s gudi, who protect the village from the attack of supernatural spirits. This gudi is situated at

Rampal para in Chhindawada Village. They believe that singhraj dev lives in this water body. It

is ancient one and water is available throughout the year. Now a days, they made cemented

platform surrounding to the jua to protect the water from pollution. Its water is used exclusively

for religious and ceremonial purposes. In case of exigency, its water is channelled towards fields.

Plate 3.3: Singhraj Jua of Rampal Para

Kalasuri Jua

It is an ancient jua in Chhindawada village and found in midst of the fields. It is made

with ground water like a well. They called it as kund in local language. Kalasuri means the giant

animal which is a totem of a sect of Dhurwa. The kalasuri head resembles like a wild buffalo and

the trunk is like a snake. It is considered as the savior of the village in the form of protection

from the supernatural spirits. To protect this totem, they are conserving this jua water sacredly

which is surrounded by stones. They also believe that kalasuri god inhabit on the mango tree

located on its bank. The people of Bastar believes that the disposed puja material of goddess

Danteshwari mata appear at this kalasuri jua as they consider some underground connection

exists between the kalasuri jua and Danteshwari temple. From the ancient time, this jua is

conserved by the people and utilize its water for both religious as well as for domestic purposes.

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Plate 3.4: Kalasuri Jua under a Mango Tree

Laakdi Jua

In Dhurwa language laakdi means white soil which is available only at this jua, where

water is spurting out everyday. It is a natual acquifer which is being managed effectively by their

ancestors. It is triangular in shape where as other juas are in square shape. A mango tree is

located on its bank which is also considered as sacred. The water of this jua is used only for

drinking purposes since its water is clean and pure when compared to other water bodies. A kund

is constructed at its origin place to prevent the pollution of water. They also made a channel at

this jua to utilize its water for fields. A jatra is celebrated at this jua every year to appease its

deity.

Plate 3.5: Laakdi Jua of Uparras

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Junapani Jua

This jua is made by four to five cultivators collectively in one of the agricultural fields

and water is channeled to the rest of their fields. In Dhurwa, juna means ancient or traditional

and considered it as one of the ancient jua of Chhindawada village. It is also treated as mother of

all the jua in the area. Its water is utilized by all the villagers as the water is very sweet and pure.

It is encircled with sargi wood and the water is oozed out from its corners. It resembles like a

well. Once there is a plenty of water in this jua but now water level has come down. The stones

surrounding this jua is the main reason for lessening the water level in the jua. Every year they

observe puja at the jua to ensure continous water supply.

Plate 3.6: Junapani Jua of Uparras

Thus, water from these natural acquifers are stored in a wooden or stone encircled

structure and utilized for various purposes. Besides this, there are some other forms of water

harvesting structures also found among Dhurwa. Munda is one such structure arranged by

Dhurwa in the study area.

Munda (Pond)

It is a man-made water reservoir made with simply earthen bund. Water stored in the

munda are channelled through a nallah to irrigate fields of its catchments. The nallahs arranged

to such munda link few agricultural plots nearby it. Besides irrigation, it also performing other

functions like percolation for ground water recharge, flood control, silt capture, etc. These

mundas are playing important role in the lives of the tribes of Bastar as its water is used for

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farming, cattle and their daily requirements. They differentiate munda according to its shape, size

and usage and name them accordingly. Some of the important mundas of the study area are

mentioned below

Vaya Munda

It is arranged at agricultural fields which are known as vaya gutta in local language. They

are classified into two catagories based on their formation. The first type munda is made in such

a way to harness rain water and it is small in size. The other one is situated at the low laying area

at a portion of the agricultural field. They dig some soil and made embankment to make this

pond and water leakout is diverted to field. This is generally square in shape and made on small

patch of land. It is having ten feet deep and nearly ten metres width. Besides farming, it is also

used for fish harvesting.

Plate 3.7: Vaya Munda of Mendabhata

Pata Munda

In Dhurwa language, pata means music as the sound of this munda resembles like music.

The typical dung-dang sounds come from this pond and hence it known as pata munda. It is a

big pond and they arranged a kund under this pond. Due to this reason, water lies throughout the

year. It is a sort of natural water source for the villagers of Chhindawada which is embanked by

the stones. They make channels from this munda and make small puddles to use the water. It is a

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common property of the village and hence managed collectively. Sometime, it is also used to

harvest the fish.

Plate 3.8: Pata Munda, A Musical Pond of Chhindawada

Bhosa Munda

This is a very old munda having a medium size in the village. It is smaller to dung-dang

munda, where as it is bigger than vaya munda. A kund is made under this munda to give clean

water. The story behind this munda is that where the munda was located a person named Bhosa

lives and hence the munda is named after a pious man. He is crucial behind construction of this

munda to solve the water problem in the village. Dhurwa reveal that water from dung-dang

munda come through a narrow channel to this place and they conserve its water by making

munda in his field.

Plate 3.9: Bhosa Munda of Dhurwa

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Khera Pokala Munda

It is a common property of the Dhurwa which is located in midst of the fields. This type

of munda can be found in each locality which is used for fish rearing. The term khera means a

locality. It is believed that black soil is a better choice to make this type of pokala munda where

fishes are reared easily. So, they locate a field where black soil is present and make a pond by

common effort. Dhurwa dig the place on their own labour to make this type of pond. In its

surroundings, villagers’ plant important trees like cashew, mango and chhind, as they consider

those tree roots keep water clean in the pond. A sargi or sal wood is used in the enterance as

gateway, where fisherman catches the fishes. The local varieties of fishes like turu, peetha,

badri, chingadi, mandia, kakara, etc, are harvested in this munda. Generally, fish harvesting is

taken up from June to January every year. In this, all the villagers of a hamlet combindly catch

fish which is used for self-consumption as well as for sale. Since from ages, the headmen of the

hamlet worship the munda with rice, hajari flower, mahuwa mand and an egg prior to fishing in

this munda.

Jharna

It is a natural water source flows from top to down on the rocks and valleys. It is entirely

different from munda. It is just like water fall and the water comes from this jharna is saved in a

kund for consumption. These types of jharnas are called tikeneer in Chhindawada village that are

located at the foot of the mountains. In this, water from forest flows down in the form of a

jharna. Jharna gives clean water to the plants there after it forms a munda, thus water gets

collected in shape of munda. Different varieties of trees are found in its surroundings and the

water gets cleaned by the bark of those tree. For this reason, it is also called dongapani tikeneer.

They considered that jharna water gets medicated after flowing through the stones and trees.

Further, it is also attractive due to its scenic beauty. A wooden pad made with mango wood or

bamboo is attached at the source of this jharna through which water is channelled to the ground

in such a way like tap and this water is used for drinking purpose as well as for farming. Water is

used for drinking and farming. Dhurwa believed that kariausi dev resides in this jharna and

worshipped in the form of black lion who is considered as savior of jharna and forests.

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Plate 3.10: Jharna, A Natural Water Source

Water Resources of Bison Horn Maria

The traditional water management of Bison Horn Maria is similar to Dhurwa with little

variation in nomenclature and methods. The traditional method of water management is known

as paanta yer kuwaat. The ground water is referred with kedita yer and surface water with

musuder yer. To preserve these water resources, they arrange different structures and call them

with different names. Some of these structures are mentioned below to understand their native

methods of water management.

Sua (Acquifer)

It is equalent to jua of Dhurwa resemble like a small well without any fencing. It is

arranged generally near to agricultural fields. Source of water is underground and the water is

stored by encircling a structure with stone or wood. Since water plays an important role in their

economic, social, religious and political life, the sua is treated as sacred and offer worship on

important events such as life cycle and annual rituals. It is a major source of ground water and

the water is available for use throughout the year. This type of water structure is classified with

different names based on size, structure, location, etc. They are mainly

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Vedda Sua

In Maria, vedda means field and the sua located in cultivating fields known as vedda sua.

It is encircled by the stone as well as wood. They believe that the khandiya devi lives in this sua

which is the symbol of snake. They also believe that this habitat is also covered with snakes

since the sua is in such a shape and the khandiya devi is worshipped in the form of snake.

Plate 3.11: Vedda Sua of Vetipara I

Dokri Sua

It is considered as natural sua lies between the four or more fields. It is surrounded by the

trees and mountains. Many myths are associated with this sua. It is said that a old women entered

in this water source and never come out. Her name is uma devi and they believe that she resides

in the sua water. Some says that this sua is used by old women and hence it is called as dokri

sua. A mango tree is present near this sua. The clean water in this sua are attributed to the stones

arranged inside the sua. The water in this sua is considred as sacred and taken collectively at the

time of amus festival. The mother priest of the village worshipes the sua on ritual occassions. He

then wishes to protect sua by khandiya devi.

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Plate 3.12: Dokri Sua of Pedapara, Bade Kilepal III

Pitte Jola Sua

The pitte jola sua is inhabited by pitte jola dev. Near this sua, a sargi tree is found on its

bank which conserve the water naturally and they protect this water by encircle of stones. This

water is used for drinking and to irrigate the fields by making channels towards the fields. This

sua comprises water throughout the year. In similar to dokri sua, this sua water is also taken

collectively at the time amus festival. The mother priest of the village worships this sua on

auspecious occassions.

Plate 3.13: Pitte Jola Sua of Pedapara, Bade Kilepal III

Dhol Sua

This sua is situated between the fields. Its water comes form the earth and gets collected

in the form of kund. This sua became a pond by overflowing its water, where villagers arranged

a pond with sargi wood as it is considered as good preservative of water. Sargi wood is scooped

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out like the cylinder and dibbled at the centre of the acquifer to store the water. Hence, this sua is

named as dhol sua since it is in drum shape.

Plate 3.14: Dhol Sua of Manjhipara

Kal Sua

Stone is known as kal in Maria language. Since it is surrounded by stones, it is called kal

sua. The chhind tree are planted at one side of the sua. Near to this sua has an old pond which is

surrounded by stones. But, now a days, this sua is surrounded by cement structure. It is in square

shape but its mouth is in the shape of a broad way to collect the water from underground. Small

fishes are also found in this sua to keep the water clean and medicated. As a rule, the fish is

reared by the person concerned generally in whose field this sua is located. The owner of the

field has the right to catch the fish.

Plate 3.15: Kal Sua of Pedapara, Bade Kilepal III

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Kuier Sua

It is also known as nallah sua since it is handmade on the bank of flowing water of

nallah. It is just having one metre radius all around and can made instantly to collect pure water

for drinking purposes.

Plate 3.16: Kuier Sua of Vetipara II

Munda

Besides sua, Bison Horn Maria also possess some water ponds in their area similar to

Dhurwa that are known as munda. This area is having two types of munda such as underground

munda and surface munda. Underground munda is made from natural water which comes from

the earth and other one is made by rain water harvesting. A spacious ground is used to make the

munda. Thay make many such mundas in villages and name them based on place, structure or

the land owner name.

Vedda Munda

It is generally found on the low laying areas in the fields. Where ever they find source of

water, they make this type of munda. At the low laying areas in midst of the agricultural fields,

Maria makes an embankment with mud so that the water gets stored in it. This munda was dug

upto ten feet depth and nearly about five meters width and ten meters length. This munda is a

private property and it is believed that khandiya devi used to reside in this type of munda. They

harvest small prawns, crabs, and fish for their consumption. This munda is worshiped by mata

pujari to protect the living organisms from the attack of evil eye and theft. As a part of worship,

mata pujari makes a rangoli with coal, til and with egg shell. Then he mixes this powder with

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rice. It is considered a symbol of khandiya, the protector from evil eye. After that, mata pujari

worships munda with sindhur, coconut, incense stick and mixed powder. In this munda, fish

farming is done from July to January. The head of the house performs pre-fishing ritual where in

he offers vermilion, rice, incense stick and egg in front of the munda and then starts fishing.

Plate 3.17: Vedda Munda of Vetipara I, Bade Kilepal III

Dundaka Munda

It is a common pond of the village and one of the oldest as well as biggest in the entire

area. This munda is fenced by a mud embankment. This munda serves many functions in the

village such as its water is being used for plants, crops, animals and for domestic purposes.

Chhind trees were planted near this munda. The villagers revealed that the water of pitte jola and

dokri sua comes in it. They believe that excess water of all the sua is preserved and saved in this

munda. It is also believed that a person named dundka used to live in the village and hence it is

named after him.

Plate 3.18: Dundaka Munda of Pedapara, Bade Kilepal III

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Guden Munda

Bison Horn Maria constructs small small mundas in their neighbouhoods to cater the

water requirements of domestic animals. Besides, the water is also used to meet the water

requirement for the irrigation purposes. Generally, rain water is stored in this type of munda at

every para for their use and day to day needs. It is made with combined effort and cooperation.

In case of water crisis accurs prior to onset of monsoon, all the villagers assembled at para

mukhiya (headmen) and take decision for the construction of such type munda. They also decide

the amount of money to be contributed for the completion of the task. It generally ranges from

Rs. 50/- to Rs. 100/- per family. A male member from each family in the para attends the work

of munda construction. It takes nearly ten to fifteen days to complete one munda in a para. The

food is being brought by the villagers themselves since it is for the common welfare of the para.

These munda are not much deep but having width. They are having six feet deep and ten meters

wide and ten meters length.

Plate 3.19: Guden Munda of Vetipara I

Other Water Resources

Besides this, Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria resort modern water harvesting structures to

save the water for their personnel consumption. They are mainly wells, channels, puddles, bunds,

hand pumps, and so on. From the survey, it is found that Dhurwa altogether possess 92 juas, 11

ponds, 04 wells, 57 hand pumps, and 14 tubewells in Chhindawada village. When compared to

modern water harvesting structures, the traditional ones are predominating among the Dhurwa.

The para wise distribution of water resources of Chhindawada village and its harvesting

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structures are given in the below table for wholistic understanding of traditional as well as

modern water resources in the study area.

Table 3.1: Existing Water Resources of Chhindawada Village, 2019

Sl.No. Hamlets Jua Pond Well Handpump Tube well

1 Kawaras 15 1 0 7 4

2 Mundapara 3 0 0 2 1

3 Padarpara 5 1 0 2 4

4 Majhigudapara 10 0 0 2 0

5 Litipal 0 1 0 2 0

6 Dhapnipara 5 0 0 0 1

7 Mendabhata 3 1 0 5 0

8 Gonchapara 5 2 1 2 1

9 Permaras 15 1 2 7 0

10 Kokarras 8 1 1 7 0

11 Junapara 6 1 0 4 1

12 Rampal 3 0 0 4 1

13 Uparras 6 0 0 2 0

14 Dhurras 4 1 0 6 0

15 Jamguda 1 0 0 1 0

16 Koyanapara 3 1 0 4 1

Total 92 11 4 57 14

Whereas Bade Kilepal III consists of 31 sua, 16 ponds, 12 well, 60 hand pump, and 10

tube wells are existing. When compared to Dhurwa, total number of sua are less and majority of

them are located in forest. As such, they have to walk down distant places to collect drinking

water. For this reason, many hand pumps and tube wells are arranged in Bade Kilepal III to get

rid of water problem.

Table 3.2: Existing Water Resources of Bade Kilepal III, 2019

Sl.No Paras Sua Pond Well Handpump Tubewell

1 Vetipara I 6 1 1 9 2

2 Vetipara II 5 2 0 8 0

3 Vetipara III 4 3 4 10 3

4 Sodhipara 1 0 0 3 2

5 Pedapara 5 4 1 6 0

6 Dulapara 2 0 3 7 2

7 Ganjopara 3 0 0 11 0

8 Bandipara 1 4 3 6 1

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9 Manjhipara 4 2 0 2 0

Total 31 16 12 62 10

Kuwa (Well)

It is revealed that well is the oldest water conservation structure in Dhurwa and Bison

Horn Maria. Generally, two types of wells are common in the study area such as personal and

common well. Both ground and surface water are stored in such wells. In the beginning, their

ancestors thought that this water conservation is considered the best way to save water, so that it

is dug deep manually upto fifteen to twenty feet in depth and circumference of the well is nearly

thirty to fourty meters. The well is dug manually by normal tools such as gaiti, sabbal and

kudaal (shovel or phavda). Water of this well comes from very deep soil and rocks so water get

filtered naturally. They consider this water is safe and sweet to drink and good for other purposes

as well as for household works. The lands that are not fit for cultivation is used to make these

wells. To keep water of this well clean, they put turtle, mongri fish and powder of drumsticks

bark. This knowledge of treating the ground water through traditional methods are following

since generations in the study area.

Plate 3.20: Traditional Wells

Nallah (Channel)

In Bastar region, Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria use different type of channels that are

known as chhirwa in Dhurwa and kuiyer in Bison Horn Maria. They make channels manually

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from munda and sua to the fields. They believe that continuous supply of water enhances the

fertility of soil and hence busy in making channels during leisure. The excess water of munda

and jua is very useful for these channels as it overflows through these channels to their

agricultural fields. They make channels between and inside the fields. Channels are very

important for crop cultivation. They have traditional knowledge in making such channels to

reach water to the field.

Pokhar (Puddle)

The puddle is known as buta in Dhurwa and guta in Bison Horn Maria. But in the local

language puddle is called dabri. It is a smaller structure lesser than a pond. It is made personally

in the fields to enhance ground water levels which provides moisture to the crops. Rain water

gets accumulated in these puddles recharge the ground water level as well as to meet the water

requirements. Another reason for making such a small pond is to cater the personnel needs.

Fishes and vegetables are grown with the help of this water. Animals also drink water from this

puddle.

Plate 3.21: Pokhar (Puddle)

Water Resource Management

Stop Dam

In study area, generally two kinds of stop dams such as small and big one are arranged to

conserve the rainwater for irrigation and other domestic needs. The water in big dams

constructed by the irrigation department are channeled to different villages. Whereas the small

stop dam is arranged at village level and its water is channeled to different paras for irrigation.

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Since they are playing pivotal role in economic well being of the tribes, the similar type of stop

dams also arranged in Chhindawada and Bade Kilepal. But the source of big stop dams is

mundas which are constructed strategically by Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria in olden days.

Plate 3.22: A Traditional Stop Dam

It is so that a munda was situated at Mundapara in Chhindawada which is considered as

very old one (four generations ago) in the area. It is known as musadu munda as it is situated in

the field of Musadu Kashyap, a landlord who is having 52 acres of land and hence he is acting as

headman of the village and all the villagers approach him for conflict resolution. Earlier there

was a deep crisis for water in this area and Musadu donated four acres of land for construction of

this munda which is utilized by all the villagers. The jua water of junapani, dongapani, dhapna,

singhraj, sulel, laakdi, kalasuri and pannek are channeled to this munda through nallah. Thus,

collected water is used for irrigating the fields of Kawaras and Mundapara. Earlier its water is

used for drinking purpose by the nearby villages but now the water got polluted as it is used for

cattle and other domestic needs only. Similary for two paras, there exists a munda to cater the

needs of irrigation, animal husbandry, bathing, washing, etc. Every year, they offer worship to

this munda for water conservation just prior to the paddy harvest in the month of November-

December on Sunday. At this place, Bharwa dokra is worshiped by the members of the musadu

descendants in the eastern side with sindhur, rice, coconut, banana, incense sticks and sacrifice a

red chick at this munda.

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Med Bandhan

Piling earthen soil around the field is known as med bandhan which is necessary to keep

moisture for wet land cultivation. Whenever, they want to cultivate paddy, they used to store

water in the fields by making mud bunding round the fields. The people of Bastar refer this med

bandhana with different names. Dhurwa call it pinna katta and Bison Horn Maria refer it as vetta

gutta. Generally, they made such med before the monsoon during April-May. It is made by mud

piling at two to three feets height around the field. It gets dried in summer, when rain comes it

facilitate to store water in the fields. In this way, they keep the field always marshy and moisture.

Traditional tools are used to make this med such as kaawad daali (bamboo basket) and rope of

siyadi tree and kudaal (shovel or phavda).

Plate 3.23: Med Bandhan of Dhurwa and Maria

Water Management in Agriculture

Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria are depended on agriculture which is rainfed. As

mentioned earlier, the rain water is stored in their traditional structures such as jua, munda, stop

dam, etc., and managed traditionally through well-built nallahs. Based on the availability of

water, Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria categorized the agriculture land for different purposes like

upajau (low laying embanked land), maraan (relatively levelled dry land), baari (fenced inland

laying adjacent to homestead), meta (forest), banjar (cattle grazing), hilly uplands, etc. Earlier

they were practicing shifting cultivation but now they are restricted to settled type of agriculture

which is known as rojjetug keti. The upajau lands are exclusively used for paddy cultivation

which is always wet and retain sufficient moisture. The permanent rice fields are cultivated year

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after year and left only three to four months unused. These are irrigated during the rainy season

by traditional water harvesting structures through nallahs. Maraan lands are suitable for

cultivation of urad, mung, and arhar sown in June-July and harvested in November-December.

The baori lands are used to cultivate oil seeds, pulses, vegetables. The source of water for both

wet and dry land cultivation including kitchen garden are provided through jua, sua, munda,

talab or bandh, and jharna, etc.

Paddy is the major crop cultivated by Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria followed by

mandiya, kodo, kutki, arhar, til, harwa, etc. Besides this, they do undertake vegetable cultivation

according to season and availability of surface water resources. The Dhurwa and Bison Horn

Maria of the study villages are resorted to cultivation twice in a year i.e., in kharif and rabi. In

kharif, they cultivate paddy which is totally depended on rainfall whereas rabi crops use the

water stored in tradition water structures for cultivation.

Kharif and Rabi Cultivation

In kharif, croping season starts from June when the monsoon arrives and lasts upto

December till the harvest of paddy. Where as rabi starts in August and lasts up to December.The

red soil is considered as good for kharif since water is not allowed to absorb completely and

always marshy. For rabi, they use maraan land consists of sandy loam which contain moisture

for long. The details of crops in these periods are mentioned below to understand the availability

of water in different seasons.

Baater Vaadekata (Kharif)

At the out set of kharif season, Dhurwa men plough the land to clear the last year crop

wastage and level the land. Where in women also clear the kandur and dubi (grass) in the field.

After first monsoon, they again undertake ploughing two to three times to loosen the soil with

rain water. There after they transport cow dung to their fields as fertilizer and spread through out

the field. They also broadcast the paddy in the field and plough to mix thoroughly. The ritualized

paddy is mixed during sowing since these seeds are representatives of Bhandarin mata which

enhance the productivity of land and give good yields. To protect the seeds from the sparrows

they remix the soil with spade. When the paddy grows in one or two months, once again they

undertake ploughing in between the seedlings. It is known as biyasi in the study area. The main

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objective of this ploughing is to facilitate proper irrigation to the roots of the crops. Further, it

also uproots the unwanted growth of weed and grass in the field. In October, both men and

women undertake the removal of kantedaar paddy with sickle and obtain usna chaval from it.

From November to December, they harvest the paddy and bring it to their households.

Jedi (Rabi)

For rabi, crops survive even with less amount of water. Cultivation during rabi is

undertaken in the backyards and low-level uplands where waterlogging is not found. Since it

consists of sandy loam, the rain water absorbs in the soil and provide moisture to the crops for a

long period. Hence, in case of less rains also, the crops in rabi survives and give harvest. In

August, Dhurwa men undertake ploughing to level the land and the women engaged in removal

of grass. In similar to kharif, they also use cow dung as fertilizer to rabi crops. The major crops

grown in rabi season are mandiya, urad, harwa, til, kodo, kutki, kosra, makka, jondri, baazra,

sarson, soyabean, tilhan, and mung, etc. Soon after broadcasting the seeds, they dump the dried

cow dung cakes and thoroughly mix through plough otherwise birds will eat away the

broadcasted seeds. Apart from the above-mentioned crops, the maraan land is also used for

raising different varieities of vegetables such as bhendi, muli, bengan, lauki, tamatar, phenda,

semi, gobi, koliyaribaaji, sarsombaji, kaandabaaji, bowaarbaji, mirchi, karela, barbatti,

chenchbaji, kumhada, muttor, etc. They get income from these vegetable crops if water facility is

continuously available to the fields.

Generally, water availability for maraan land is very less due to the nature of the soil. To

overcome the water problem, they prefer to arrange nalkoop or bore pump with the assistance

from the Agriculture Department. With this water, they try to cultivate different crops in rabi.

Maraan (Dry land Cultivation)

The lands surrounding to the Dhurwa and Maria houses and the plain lands on the hill

slopes are used for maraan cultivation. These lands contain big trees, as they consider it

inauspecious to remove trees such as sulfi, mahuwa, and siyyadi in their fields. Since these lands

are rainfed, the crops like soya bean, kodo, kutki, mandiya, urad, harwa, sarson or til, kodo,

kutki, kosra, makka, jondri, baazra, soyabean, tilhan, and mungare grown in them. Compared to

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wet lands, the yields are low in dry fields. The process of cultivation involves ploughing, which

is done twice, and seeds of different varieties of millets and cereals are broadcasted in the same

plot as mixed crop.

Preparations for the maraan lands are taken up before the onset of rains. All the families

of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria clear their backyards by removing grass and dried plant vines

with the help of gaiti, phavda, kudra, kudri, hasiya. It is a household activity wherein both men

and women participate. Women spend most of their time in clearing the backyard while men

often are engaged in plantation work. Women spend at least a couple of hours every day and

attend to the works like removing the weeds at the base of the plants, providing support to the

creepers, replacing dried plants, and constructing fencing, etc. Children also help their parents in

such gardening works.

The division of labour by age and gender exists in cultivation works. Men undertake

works like ploughing and sowing, and women assist them in activities like ploughing, weeding

and clearing. But sometimes, it is complementary as even the women also carry ploughing. No

such division of labour exists in case of collection of forest produce, fishing, and harvesting, etc.

Upajau (Wet Cultivation)

These lands are suitable for paddy cultivation in kharif (June-October) every year. After

harvest of paddy, the other crops like masur, til, gehu, etc., are sown as second crop. The flat

agricultural fields in the catchment of jua, munda, and ponds are used for upajau cultivation.

These water-logging places facilitate irrigation for cultivation of paddy. Besides these natural

water bodies in other low-lying areas, they also build earthen bunds to prevent the flow of rain

water in slopes. Soon after rains, they plough upajau lands with the help of their cattle and

traditional plough once or twice.

Cropping Pattern

The traditional crops like kodo, kutki, jowar, makka, mandiya ramtil, kosra are cultivated

by the Dhurwa and Maria since generations along with modern wheat, paddy, muttor, masur, rai,

rahar, etc., and all the crops are rainfed. The cropping pattern of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria

are mentioned below to understand the diversity of crops.

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Table 3.3: Cropping Pattern in Chhindawada Village of Dhurwa

Month Crops Kharif

(BaaterVaadekata)

Rabi

(Jedi)

Maran

(Manom)

Baari

(Baada)

June-

November

Paddy

(Verchil)

Ardi gaddi, kodo, mancha,

gada khuta, vayagunda,

matko, asaam chudi, neem

chudi, baatamokdo, baagi,

chedursinga, medil, bodi,

bade khuti, melia khuti

- Pattel,

saatker,

paarel,

koda, kosra,

ghatka,

chikma,

mandia

-

June-

September

Pulses - - Harwa,

arhar,

moong,

chana

-

June-

September

Oilseeds - - Til Mustard,

Maize

June-

September

Vegetable - - - Jeera bhaji,

bhindi,

semi,

bengan.

barbatti, lal

bhaji,

paalak

bhaji,

gourd,

tomato,

chilli,

jackfruit

June-

September

Root

vegetable

- - - Kalmal,

mertedi,

daang,

kochai

June-July Plant - - Neelgiri Sulfi, aam,

tendu,

karanji, imli

November

-January

Vegetable - Cabbage,

cauliflowe

r, brinjal,

ladyfinger

, tomato,

chilli,

mooli,

lauki,

kumhada

- -

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Table 3.4: Cropping Pattern in Bade Kilepal III of Bison Horn Maria

Month Crop Kharif

(Kondaita)

Rabi

(Ranata)

Maraan

(Aedka)

Baari

(Velum)

June-

November

Paddy

(Venji)

Safud, Ardi

gaaddi, gada

khuta, vengaal,

saark, paareng,

patveta, saad,

baagi, baarengi

- Aedka, babui,

kudma, aatia,

mandia, kosra,

koda

-

June-

September

Pulses - - Harwa, urad,

rahar, soya,

mung

Chana

June-

September

Oilseeds - - Til Mustard,

corn

June-

September

Vegetable - - - Jeera

bhaji,

bhindi,

semi,

bengan.

barbatti,

lal bhaji,

paalak

torai,bhaji,

gourd,

tomato,

chilli,

jackfruit,

ginger,

turmeric

June-

September

Root

vegetable

- - - Kalmul,

naangar,

daang

June-July Plant - - Neelgiri Sulfi, aam,

tendu,

karanji,

imli,

karanji,

tendu

November-

January

Vegetable - Cabbage,

cauliflower,

brinjal,

ladyfinger,

tomato, chilli,

mooli, lauki,

kumhada

- -

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Banjar and High Lands

Excluding the lands used for upajau, maraan, baari, the remaining lands are considered

as banjar and high lands. These lands are subjected to use for grazing the cattle and goat.

Sometimes, it is also used for celebration of communal activities like merry making, council

meetings, festivals, etc.

Water Management and Fishing

Dhurwa call fishing as minul poretaana and it is found in different water bodies ranging

from jua, munda, buta (dabri or puddle) and tarai (pond), etc. They consider water bodies

having black soil is considered as good fish breeding and hence majority of fishing is undertaken

in the tanks of agricultural fields near to their homestead (vaya munda) or at distance (ole

munda). The water flows from the traditional jua is channeled to the munda, buta, and tarai for

fish. Apart from this, they also construct small mundas’ near to jua exclusively for fishing

purpose.

Dhurwa

Minul Poretaana Munda

Water from this pond is used mainly for fish harvesting and generally arranged near to

their house. It is having three feet in depth and twenty metres width as well as twenty metres

length. Dhurwa believe that kamini mata resides in this munda. When this munda dries in

summer, the soil gets cracks and again become marshy during rainy season. They rear different

varieties of fish such as katla, silvercarp, goi, mongari, etc. From July to February, they cultivate

fishes and cought during the fag end. Once in a year, they worship kamini mata at this munda

with sindur, rice, incense stick, mahuwa mand and and a white chia (chick). The family priest

prays the goddess for having continuous availability of water in the munda and abundance of

fishes. After completion of the ritual, they start fishing.

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Vaya Munda

In Chhindawada, different types of traditional juas’ are existing known with personnel

names such as bulka jua, singharaj jua, sulel jua, kalasuri jua, dhapna jua, dongapani jua,

junapani jua, laakdi jua, etc. They clearly demarcated the utility of each jua such as social,

economic and religious purposes. Singhraj, kalasuri, dhapna and dongapani jua are earmarked

for a religious purpose hence fishing is restricted in those water bodies. Sulel and pannek jua is

considered auspicious for marriage purposes. Water collected from other juas’ are used for

fishing. They propitiate hinglajin mata or paradesin mata to protect these mundas from the evil

spirits. Further, they also believe that water in such munda is symbolic representation of jalni

mata and hence appeased prior to fishing. In such munda, they rear turu and mongri fish and

cought in July month which is continued upto February.

Ole Munda

The rain water collected in ole munda is used for fishing by Dhurwa. They are temporary

in nature and constructed in the month of April and May prior to the commencement of monsoon

to store rain water for fishing. It is generally having three feet in depth, twenty meters in length

and twenty meters width. The soil collected from this munda is transported to agricultural field

for manuring. The local varieties of fishes such as katla, silverkarp, goi, mongri, and so on are

reared in such munda by Dhurwa that are sold in haat bazars for earning additional income.

Prior to fishing, mata pujari worship kamini mata with sindhur, chaval, incense, mahuwa mand,

and sacrifice a white chick to their deity.

Buta (Dabri or Puddle)

Those who are having individual jua at their field or homestead built a dabri near to jua

which is exclusively used for fishing. It is known as buta by Dhurwa. For making buta, jua water

is channeled through nallah. The buta is generally made near to upajau lands where black soil is

available for fish rearing. It is in choukon (square) shape. For this, half acre land is required to

make a pond with six feet depth, thirty metres in length and thirty metres width. In such buta,

Dhurwa undertake fishing through out the year. Local varieties such as turu, bami, katla, mongri,

khoksi, chingadi are reared. Prior to fishing, the owner of the concerned buta propitiate the deity

of that particular jua in the month of January and February on Monday with sindhur, incense,

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coconut, egg and offer three chicks of white, black and chitbakara. Fishing date is fixed only

after completion of this propitiation ceremony. Generally, it is done in the month of phaghun

(February and March) on Monday.

Tarai (Pond)

Some of the ponds are common property resource such as khera pokala, pata and bilchur

tarai and others belongs to private property resources. The common tarai is made in between

two to three hamlets to solve the water crisis for their livestock as well as for other domestic

needs including fishing. In such ponds, the villagers rear turu, peetha, badari, tengana,

pakanadhur, metkori, chingdi, varieties of crabs such as mandiya, patiya and laadi kakada, etc.

Generally fishing is done from June to January every year. The owner of the concerned tarai do

offer puja before fishing to jalni mata with hazari flowers, mahuwa mand, and eggs. After

fishing, the catch is divided equally among the members who are participated in group fishing.

Plate 3.24: Traditional Fishing among Dhurwa

Bison Horn Maria

Kikhe Podapanad

Bison Horn Maria refers fishing as kikhe podapanad and generally it is practiced in sua,

munda, guta, tarrai, and so on. Like Dhurwa, Bison Horn Maria also dedicates some of the sua

for religious purposes such as dokri and pitte jola sua and hence fishing is prohibited in such

sua’s. The sua found in the respective fields of Maria are protected with stone, wood or cement

and fishing is done in particular time only. In majority of the sua, toru fish is reared as they use

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during lien period. The excess collection is dried in hot sun and preserved in containers.

Generally, fishing is done in such sua during July to January. To protect the sua from the attack

of evil eye, its owner made a kind of magical powder with coal, brick, til and egg shell. This

powder is mixed with rice and offered to the deity. Further, they also offer puja to khandiya devi

on Monday (February) with vermillion, coconut, incense, and mahuwa so that no one can steal

the fish from their sua.

Vedda Gutta

In case any munda is found in the fields of Bison Horn Maria, they refer it vedda gutta

and the water comes through nallah is stored at corner of the field and made bund with soil. For

this, they dug ten feet depth, ten-meter long and five meter wide pond. They start fishing in it

from the month of July and continued upto January. Prior to initiate the fish catch, they offer

worship on Monday to khandiya devi with sindhur, rice, incense and eggs.

Tarri (Pond)

Different types of tarri are found among Bison Horn Maria such as dundaka and jhingha

tarri. Dundaka tarri is named after a person in whose field it is found. Further, prawn is

cultivated in jhingha tarri and hence named after it. Tarri is made by storing water by encircling

earthen soil like pond and one can observe chhind and mango trees near to such tarri. It is

revealed that to conserve the flowing water of pitte jola and dokri sua, they constructed dundaka

tarri. Sometimes the tarri is also made commonly by two or three para members. Water is stored

for about twelve months in such tarri. It is having five feet depth; twenty meters length and

twenty meters width and fishing is done in between July and November. The head of the

household offer worship to their kuldevi on Tuesday (December-January) with sindhur, incense,

and coconut. Prior to that, mata pujari prepares magic powder with coal, brick, tile and egg shell

and mix it with rice and offered to they kuldevi.

Guta (Puddle)

Maria call dabri as guta in their parlance and water is stored in such guta from the rain or

nallah. To preserve rain water, they construct guta in maraan land whereas to conserve nallah

water they construct guta near to their field. Since Bison Horn Maria village is consists of stone

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and sand, Maria depend on rain water for filling the guta in Bade Kilepal. To conserve water for

longer period they dug five feet depth, twenty meter length and twenty meter width dabri.

Fishing is done during the month of July to November and mainly they rear turu, bami, mongri,

peetha, kakada and chingadi. Prior to fishing, the headmen of the guta worship his kuldevi in the

month of pusa (December-January) on Monday with sindhur, incense and coconut to protect the

guta from the attack of evil eye.

Plate 3.25: Fishing among Bison Horn Maria

Traditional Knowledge in Fishing

As mentioned above, Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria catch small fish in jua or sua,

munda, tarai, buta, guta, tarri, and so on. It is practiced in both group as well as individually.

They do not use any modern fishing nets instead they use simple tools and technology. The

fishing tools are completely made with bamboo. Generally, they remove water from the small

ponds and use bare hands and sticks to catch the fish. Whereas fishing in big tanks, they use

bamboo traps. It is a leisure activity for the Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria and practiced in a

group rather than single person or else it is familial activity in majority of the cases since it

requires the collective effort.

They consider that fish act like a medicine for purifying the sua’s water as it eaten away

the wastage in water. It is so that during ceremonial occasions, the prasad in the form of soaked

rice and other sacrificial puja material is thrown in sua as food to fish. If fish is not reared, it

pollutes the water and cause water born diseases in the area. Hence, both Dhurwa and Bison

Horn Maria take lot of care in feeding the fish in their water bodies. Dhurwa prefer to feed the

fish with the pieces of kenchua (earthworm), jabud (made with water in greenish form), and

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dumsa (gonga or larva type of insects). Whereas Maria feed the fish with dhaan ka konda or

busa (scrapped paddy straws), dengur (deemak insect), etc. The grown-up fishes are caught with

the aid of different fish traps such as gari (fish picking equipment) and sold in weekly market.

The excess collection or small variety of fishes are dried in chepa (fish drying unit) and

consumed in lean periods.

The traditional fish traps and tools are used for catching the fish. They are mainly

dandhar, deer kol, duti, jadaali, gari laath, etc. Majority of these traps are made with bamboo

and throwing nets are made with nylon threads that are procured from the weekly market.

Dandhar

It is made with paani baas (water bamboo) as it is thin and having knots in long distance

unlike other bamboos. This type of bamboo is available on the banks of river, ponds, and in hilly

areas. To make this trap, first they split the paani baas into thin pieces and knitted like a trap. It

is in cylindrical shape fish trap having inside the cone shaped bamboo instrument where the front

portion of this trap is open so that water enter through it and end portion knitted in such a way to

trap the fish. Inside this trap, there exists sharpen singon (bamboo splits) and it does not allow

the fish go out of the trap. It allows only water to flow. This type of trap is generally kept at the

mouth of the flowing waters especially nallah. The small fish are caught with this type of trap.

Deer

It is a kind of fish trap made with silik (stout) bamboo to catch fish. The shape of this

instrument is in gharnuma (rectangular house type). To make this trap, first they prepare thin

bamboo splits that are knitted with siyyadi fibre and its base is made like mat which is known as

vud. The lower portion of deer is having an entrance from where fish enter into the trap and

could not come out of it. They used to keep this trap in early hours and check with in one to two

hours. It is mainly used in ponds by both Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria. With this, only small

fish are caught.

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Kol

It is a throwing fishing net knitted with silk fibre made from cocoons. At the ends, small

steel or iron made gota (rounded iron pieces having hone to tie the net) is attached so that it goes

down in the water when they thrown and carefully pull to keep the fish trapped in it. To make

this casting net, they use chirni to soften the fibre which is made with aluminium. It’s top and

lower portion is in chimte form which is cut in its middle. The silk thread is inserted through this

chimte and carefully knit to trap as many as fishes. It is being used in large dams where water is

plenty. With this both small and big fishes are caught.

Gari Laath

It is a line and rod fishing tool made with four or five feet elongated bamboo attached

with a strong silk nylon thread having 4 to 5 meters. It is also fixed with iron harpoon at the end

of the thread which is attached to kenchua (earthworm) as a biat. It is used mainly to catch fish in

talab, nallah and munda. The fish ranges from small to medium are caught with this tool by

changing the harpoon size and bait.

Jadaali

It is also a kind of fish basket made with paani baas used for drying the small fish such

as turu, baami, kochiya, chingadi, and peetha. Even the big fish is also cut into pieces and kept

in jadaali for drying. Generally, it is tied over the fire hearth inside the home so that smoke

comes out from it and evaporate the moisture from the fish. Thus, dried fish is stored and

consumed during lean periods. Further, they use jadaali to sell the fish in weekly market.

Duti (Fish Basket)

It is used to keep small fish as well as chingdi (small variety prawn) by Dhurwa and

Bison Horn Maria. It is made with paani baas. There are two kinds of duti are available in the

study area. First one is made with bamboo splits which is having round on its top and small

entrance exists. The second type is having elongated space on its top and having small entrance.

When fish is caught through bare hands are dropped in this duti which is tied to their waist. So

that it cannot escape into water again while fishing.

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From the fishing instruments, it is clear that many of the traps are made with paani baas

as they believed that it is available in the water and can last for longer time in water.

Plate 3.26: Fishing Traps among Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria

Water Resources and Forests

Dandakaranya forest of the study area receive highest rainfall which facilitates the

availability of different varieties of timber and non-timber forest produce to the Dhurwa and

Bison Horn Maria. During rainy season, jharna (water springs) and water falls are frequent in the

forest. The run off water is channeled and stored at different places for consumption. The water

flown from the top hill or uplands are channeled through nallahs to make munda which is used

for drinking water purposes. Further, it is a suitable place for hunting and gathering, fishing, and

collection of bamboo for making household articles.

Baas (Bamboo)

It is known as vedri in Dhurwa and vedul in Bison Horn Maria. In the study area,

altogether twelve varieties of bamboo such as dongar baas, jungle baas, barha baas, kaanda

baas, paani baas, silik baas, kodo baas, baawari baas, bendra baas, sundarkoya baas, bansuri

baas, baale baas are available that are subjected to use as vegetables, making household articles,

hunting and fishing implements, house making, etc. The dongar baas (stout bamboo) is used for

making different varieities of gaapa (grain baskets), tati (mat), sohli (bag filter), dhakari

(baggage bag), koraguda (chicken khosla), bow and arrow, supa (winnowing fan), chhirnikadi

(instrument), chepa (fish drying material) and gari (fish picking equipment), etc. At first

instance, the collected bamboo is split into elongated pieces and dried in hot sun. Later on, the

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split bundles are soaked in water for about two to three hours. Further, it is also used for making

the houses, musical instruments, fencing around the homestead, cattle sheds, and shelter for other

livestock, and agricultural implements such as rapa (shovel or phavda), hasia (sickle), gadari

(big knife) and wall of the house etc. Dongar bamboo is treated as sacred one which forecast the

availability of rainfall. Generally, it bears no flowers in the normal conditions. It is believed that

if the flowering is occurring on the plant and then dries, it is the indication of drought in the forth

coming days. A knowledgeable person also uses this bamboo to know the availability ground

water source. For identifying the water source, land owner keep one-meter elongated bamboo on

his palm and move around the field. Where ever ground water is available, the bamboo will erect

standing position automatically. There they earmark the place for digging.

Baasta (tender bamboo)

Tender bamboo shoots are available during sawan are used as vegetable for consumption

which is popularly known as ‘baasta’ in study area. Dhurwa refer it as kaarul whereas kark by

Maria. During this season, bamboo shoots are dug out from the parent bamboo carefully and

peeled-off the outer layer and prepare sabji. Their children are eaten the raw ones as a snack. It is

dried in hot sun for consumption during lien season. Both the kutcha (tender) and sukka (dried)

varieties of baasta are sold in local bazaars during the season. It is believed that the delivered

mothers are given it as a staple food to recover from the post-delivery weakness. The excess

collection is sun dried and stored for consumption and sale.

Hardwood

It is known as need in Dhurwa and katiya in Bison Horn Maria. The study area people

collect different varieties of wood for fuelwood, house making, pens for livestock, furniture, etc.

The dried twigs of sargi, vedama, kusum, magnum, aam, tendu, paalod, kirsa, chhind, kumu,

karanji, mahuwa, aaden, hirla, karla and siwna are collected as a part of fuelwood. Further,

sargi and sivana is also used for making houses and cattle sheds. The wood of sargi, siwna, and

jamun are also used for making roof structure.

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Roots and Tubers

It is known as kurdhel in Dhurwa and maati in Bison Horn Maria. During lean period,

Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria collect roots and tubers from the forest with simple hoe and

digging stick. They use it as substitute to their regular food sources of different seasons. Further

some varieties of roots and tubers are praised by non-tribes and hence it is sold during weekly

market. Due to its commercial value, some varieties are cultivated in kitchen garden. Whenever

they collect kaanda, some portion is left for its rejuvenation. They used to collect saronda,

duben, kadjil, taada, pitey, khidni, targariya and kevur kaanda from the forest through out the

year. Of which, collection of targaariya in rainy and kadjil in winter are subjected to availability

of good rainfall. In autumn, availability of saronda, duben, taada, peetey, kidni, and kevur are

more and it’s availability is subjected to good moisture. In case of scanty rainfall, the availability

of these roots and tubers are uncertain.

Bison Horn Maria collects khuta, padh, kirisi, kaimul, peetha kaanda in greesham

(autumn) and winter. Generally, they do not collect tubers in rainy season as the dampness of

heavy rains prevents them to enter the forest. Further, some of the tubers were rotten inside the

pit. Except this season, they collect tubers from time to time and dry the excess collection for

consumption during lein period.

Mushrooms

Among of Dhurwa, it is known as bodel and Maria refer it is botka, that are available

soon after the heavy rain and thunders. During rainy season, they venture into forest for its

collection. The excess collection is dried in hot sun and preserved during lien period. Whenever,

they feel to consume, a handful of dried ones are soaked in hot water and prepare sabji. A small

and round shaped white and black coloured bodel are found inside the soil are available

Baaji (Wild Vegetable Leaves)

It is known as kuchcha in Dhurwa and kusir in Bison Horn Maria. Many varieties of wild

vegetable leaves are collected by the Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria from the agricultural fields

and nearby forest. They are mainly koiliari, korkuti, aavali, korvel, bhenda (khatta baaji), boar,

charota, peepal, and meechi, etc. vegetable leaves are used as additives in making curry by

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mixing with other vegetables, meat, and fish. The excess collection is sold in weekly market.

Some of the vegetable leaves are also consumed for the purpose of medicinal purposes.

Leaves

It is known as aev in Dhurwa and aak in Bison Horn Maria. The leaves of sargi, siyyadi,

tendu, kumu, paalod, mahuwa and kirich are collected by Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria. Prior

to collection of kirisi and paalod leaves, Maria offer worship first at their family temple with rice

and dal on the leaves of paalod. They use these leaves for socio-cultural, economic and religious

purposes. They prepare dona (leaf cups) and plates with these leaves for self-consumption as

well as for sale in open market.

Dona (Receptacles)

Sargi, siyyadi and mahuwa leaves are available plenty in the forest used for making

receptacles that are used during ceremonial feasting, liquor consumption, offerings, carrying

forest produce, hunted meat, etc., by the Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria. These receptacles are

hand knit with splits of silak bamboo. Sargi play an important role in the life of the tribes of

Bastar as it is known as charungi by Dhurwa and ar by Bison Horn Maria. Mainly different

varieties of receptacles are made with this leaf known as dobla (bowl), mundi doni (small bowl),

pattal (plate) and chokni (cup). They offer landa, mahuwa, sulfi in sargi cups where as

ceremonial feast food is served in sargi bowls and plates. These leaves are also used during life

cycle rituals such as birth, marriage and death. During child birth, new born child is tasted

mahuwa in a chokni to the child, during marriage water pots are covered with sargi leaves to

avoid contact of evil eye, during worship they offer rice, turmeric powder or pieces, eggs, even

chicks in chokni to the deity, etc. During funeral, last food is served on sargi leaf plate to the

deceased. During rituals, it is customary to bring rice, hazari flowers, incense sticks and coconut

to the deity by the heads of the all the households in the leaf cups.

Dobla (leaf bowl) made with sargi is used in daily life as well as for sale in the open

market by packing 50-50 pieces costing one hundred rupees and 30 pieces of chokni are sold at

the rate of Rs. 50/- to Rs. 60/-. The siyyadi leaves are exclusively used for religious purposes to

keep water, sacrificial blood, and food, etc. mahuwa leaves are also used during festive occasions

to offer mahuwa mand, haldi, puja material, even sacrificial chicks and eggs. The leaves are

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manually knit and no tools are used for making these plates. During ceremonial occasions, they

prepare hand woven receptacles in bunch and consumed.

Fruits

Fruits are known as paak in Dhurwa and paandi in Bison Horn Maria. Locally available

kaatakuli, tendu phal, chichondh, aavla, keerich, siyyadi, phulodi, seethe phal, beloti (jamun),

kusum, chaar, id or chhind, imli, aam (mango), and guava fruits are collected by Dhurwa and

Bison Horn Maria through out the year in the forest area. The fruits and berries are

supplementing the nutrients and minerals to the Dhurwa and Maria children. Some of the fruits

are sold in weekly markets and thus earn some amount of money.

Nuts

It is known as bitkel in Dhurwa and pedek in Bison Horn Maria. Besides, they also collect

seeds and nuts of sargi, siyyadi, keerich, mahuwa, kusum, aam, karla, kirisa and imli for self use

as well as for market. Sargi nuts are used in soap making, mango nuts for medicinal purposes,

and the remaining mahuwa, keerich, kusum, and kirisa nuts for extraction of oil which is used for

vegetable purpose.

Dhatun (Chew stick)

It is known as perkal in Dhurwa and parkal in Bison Horn Maria. It is a teeth cleaning

chew sticks collected through out the year for self use as well as for livelihoods since it has great

demand in Bastar. Generally, the sticks of sargi, sivana, and sal are collected as dhatun by

Dhurwa where as tendu, sargi, karanji, jamun and imli by Bison Horn Maria.

Vedde (Medicinal Herbs)

Barks of jhaal, hazari, neelgiri, imli, beeja, mango, reni, yam; roots of laajpurin,

kukudichendi, kaachari; tubers of chivur, kuramasala, matiya, maalachi; leaves of aanapadum,

repa, kuraamsala, matiya, fruits of belwa and kakadama are collected from the forest for

medicinal purpose.

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Chapda (Red Ants)

In Bastar, red ants are available through out year on mahuwa trees that are known as kenil

among Dhurwa and alang among the Bison Horn Maria. Chutney is made with this chapda by

grinding on stone along with ginger, garlic, salt and red chilli. Further, they also made a kind of

recipe by adding curd, brinjal, channa, semi, koliyaari baaji and chapda which is known as

aamat. It is relished very much by the people of study area and prepare curry by mixing with

brinjal, beans, potato as they believe that consumption of chaapda is healthy and prevents the

malaria.

Wild Grass

It is known as pochcha in Dhurwa and ronda in Bison Horn Maria. In the forest, a wide

variety of wild grass is available in different seasons are collected. Mainly, women folk collect

the wild grass while return from forest on head loads and dried in hot sun. Daab, sukul, karkari,

ukada, chind, and khaar are the major varieties of wild grass available in the study area. Thus,

dried grass is stored on attic of their house and used during rope making after soaking in water.

A fine thread is prepared for knitting the cots and sitting chair. Sukul and khaar grass is used to

make broomstick of different sizes. It is also used for religious purposes like cleaning the dev

gudi (temple), sacred places. Daab is used for roofing the kutcha house. Further, rampant growth

of this grass prevents the soil erosion during heavy rains and protect them from the extreme cold

winters. Khaar grass is exclusively used for roofing the dev gudi (temple).

Tumari or Tumeer (Beedi Leaves)

Collection of tumari or tumeer is a seasonal activity of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria in

the study area. The collection task starts in the month of April and continued up to the mid June.

The season will be completed before the onset of the monsoon. Collection is a household activity

and all members participate irrespective of age and sex. During the season, they proceed early in

the morning and return around 10 a.m. Again, in the evening hours they leave for collection. To

avoid tiresomeness, they rest in between. Thus, collected leaves are tied in bundles i.e. each

consists of 50 number. Every day, the tied bunches are dumped in gunny bags and brought to

recognized collection centre. For two to three panchayat, one collection centre was arranged by

government agency. Every year government fixes the price from time to time based on the

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market situation. The rate at the time of our fieldwork for beedi leaves was Rs. 40/- per 100

gaddis (one hundred). Each individual or family earns handsome amount during the season and it

is spent on purchase of essential commodities, clearing of old loans, purchase of new clothes,

utensils, etc., from the weekly markets. Apart from this, government also provide incentives

towards collection of tendu patta. In case of accidents, government give compensation about one

or two lakhs in case of natural death and fifty thousand for broken limbs.

Kutcha leaves are brought in bundles to fad centre and handed over to agents who

engaged in drying, storing, and transport to nearby district headquarter. Tendu patta card is also

given to each family and regular entries of collection are made in it by the agent. The individuals

who possess card earns bonus after one or two years in presence of sarpanch and other ward

members. Fad organizers also get commission ranging from two to three percent from the whole

collection of tendu patta during the season.

Livestock

As a part of animal husbandry, Dhurwa rear osar (cow), baada (ox), chirkul (buffalo),

meva (goat), dadda (pig), kor (cock), aaswa (duck) for their sustenance which is having socio-

economic and ritual significance. It is one of the chief sources of income and used for sale as and

when required money. Even they use livestock to pay bride price during marriage and it is

obligatory to slaughter this stock in almost all the ritual occasion. Thus, the sacrificial meat

ensures the continuous supply of protein to the people regularly. Livestock are used in exchange

to procure certain goods like bamboo baskets and mats, mahuwa flowers and consumable goods

from non-tribal traders in weekly market. They treat livestock as an asset and these form part of

payments of fines imposed by panchayat as part of dispute resolution. The livestock are not only

economically useful, but has a social value too. If someone becomes ill, mati pujari offers a

particular identified fowl or pig to the deity or spirit. For this reason, each household maintains

good number of livestock and poultry birds for their day-to-day needs. The following details of

livestock reveal its significance in their day to day life.

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Table 3.5: Type of livestock its Vernacular name and Living space

Sl.

No.

Livestock Dhurwa Bison Horn

Maria

Living space

(Dhurwa)

Living space (Bison

Horn Maria)

1 Cow Osar Kot Osar Chaakultol Kot Kotav

2 Pig Dadda Padum Dadda Guda Padum Guda

3 Cock Kor Kor Kor Guda Kor Guda

4 Buffalo Chirkul Barre Chirkul Chaakultol Barre Kotav

5 Goat Meva Meka Meva Guda Meka Kotam

6 Duck Aaswa Aasa Aaswa Guda Aasa Guda

7 Ox Baada Konda Baada Chaakultol Konda Kotav

Due to its significance, Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria take special care in rearing their

livestock by arranging pens to protect them from the attack of wild beasts and dogs. It is the

responsibility of men to look after the cattle and goats. Osar chaakultol or kot kotav is cattle shed

which is arranged adjacent to their main house. In some cases, it is separately built near to the

house. Generally, they erect a house type structure without walls having wooden pillars and

flatten stones are used for roofing like tiles. The cattle sheds are cleaned randomly and collect

the cow dung at separate place. Dhurwa look after their cattle individually as one member from

each family visits forest for grazing the cattle. All the cattle of the Dhurwa are taken to the

banjar for grazing. Korguda (fowl living space) is made with flatten stones covering all sides

including entrance to protect their fowls from the attack of dogs and other beasts. Some times, an

open basket is hanged to the roof which is filled with paddy straws where hen is used to rest

while giving eggs. Within or near to cattle shed, a bamboo partition is made in such a way like a

separate room with door facility is used to keep the goats. But they used to keep the pigs in a

distance from their main house due to foul smell. It is made with stone or bamboo splits in

circular or rectangular way. Water is made available at all these live pens in a separate container

depending on the type of livestock. For example, small vessel is kept for cock and ducks whereas

goats and cattle are taken to nearby water bodies for water.

Mahuwa Mand (Liquor)

It is an intoxicant drink made with dried mahuwa flowers and water which is an essential

component of socio-cultural life of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria. It is customary to serve on

various occasions like ceremonial gatherings, council meetings, magico-religious practices,

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during recreation, and so on. Brewing the country liquor is a household activity. Sometimes

communal brewing is also undertaken as a part of obligation to contribute for marriage and other

communal purposes. If it is a marriage ceremony, each household has to contribute one bottle

and for funeral rites also one bottle of liquor to the host family in the village. For this, they

undertake brewing prior to the feast at a common plateform.

Plate 3.27: Making of Mahuwa in the Study Area

It is already mentioned that the Dhurwa and Maria collect the fallen fleshy flowers and

dried it in hot sun and store in gaapa (grain baskets). Whenever they require, they pick up some

mahuwa and soak them in water in a separate vessel for a period of two to three days. When a

foul smell comes out from the pot, they presume that it is ready for cooking. Then, this mixture

is transferred to another container and kept on batti (fire hearth) for boiling. For this, a separate

hearth is prepared inside the house by arranging three vessels one upon another vertically. The

lower pot contains the soaked mahuwa, the middle one is kept empty and upper one is filled with

cold water. The middle vessel is fashioned in such a way to distil out the liquor. The boiling

procedure is continued till they attain the target quantity of liquor. In the beginning, the quality is

tested by pouring it into the hearth. If the fire lit up elegantly, it is considered as good. During

this process, they keep on replacing water in the upper vessel whenever it gets warmer. Thus

collected liquor is preserved in bottles.

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Landa (Rice Beer)

It is also an intoxicant drink extracted from the cooked rice and water which is widely

used during ceremonial occasions, festivals and life cycle and annual rituals, etc. The ceremonial

activities are incomeplete without preparation and consumption of landa in the socio-cultural life

of the tribes of Bastar in general and Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria in particular. To prepare

this, they follow two different methods.

First Method

To make this traditional drink, first they collect the cooked rice and clean with fresh

water in bamboo basket. Later on, they separate the absorbed water from it carefully in the

basket. Then the rice is smashed thoroughly with masul or dhekhi. Thus, they make a soft dough

and again filtered with pisaan to avoid the unsmashed rice granuals. The process of filteration

takes place several times which is known as sohli in local parlance. After completion of this

filteration, they lit the firehearth and keep a big handi (pot) half filled with water is kept over it.

Then, the soft rice dough is mixed with water and loosen. Then they keep a triangular bamboo

made container which is known as chattal by Maria and jeevi by Dhurwa. After thorough boiling

of water, they slowly mix the soft material in it and cooked for long time. This process is known

as bakkel by Maria and pitiya by Dhurwa. The bakkel or pitiya is stored in a pot by covering with

sargi leaves and bamboo basket for a period of five to six days. Thereafter, they open the lid and

again mix the water in it. It is mixed in such a way that half of the handi is filled with pitiya and

the remaining portion is filled with water. At the same time, they also store the chaval in sargi

leaves for a period of five to six days. When the sprouts are coming out of this paddy, it is

exposed to hot sun for a period of one or two days. When this sprouted paddy dried thoroughly,

they are again filtered with channi (traditional filter). Thus, pounded material is mixed with

fermented pitiya and again cover the pots with basket and stored for another five to six days. It is

believed that the addition of the sprouted paddy powder in the mixure facilitates the

fermentation. Thus, they make the rice beer through boiling and fermentation.

Second Method

In this method, rice beer is made with cooked rice on fire hearth. For this, they prepare

the rice sprouts by storing the wet rice for a period of five to six days and it is thoroughly

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pounded with pisaan. Thereafter, the entire mixture is transferred to bamboo basket. Then they

keep water filled handi over a firehearth and keep the chettal or jeevi over it. This mixture is

allowed to cook through water vapour. Then the soft rice dough is allowed to cool.

Simultenously they take another handi filled with water soft rice dough and sprouts powder is

mixed thoroughly. This pot is covered with sargi leaves. Thus, they store the mixture for a

period of four to five days in a safe place. In case if sprouts powder is more, it takes only two

days to ferment. To prepare rice beer, generally they use five paiyali chaval (10 kilograms), one

paiyali (two kilograms) of sprouted rice, and sufficient water. After preparation, it gives sour

taste. Based on seasonal variation, it took different days to prepare. In winter, preparation take

seven to eight days, in summer only three to four days continuously. As such, it is evident that in

summer, preparation of landa will take less time when compared to winter. To make this rice

beer, they use natural articles such as sargi leaves, bamboo baskets, earthen pots, dried bottle

guards (spoons), etc. With dumni (bamboo or bottle gourd made spoons) they take landa from

the earthen pot and served in siyyadi leaf cups. This rice beer is also sold freely in haat bazaars

(weekly markets) to earn livelihood by both Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria.

Plate 3.28: Making of Landa

Sulfi (Palm Sap)

Sulfi is a natural beverage of the study area, which is extracted from gorga (caryota

urens) palm tree consumed by all the people irrespective of age and sex. It not only has socio-

economic significance but also used for magico religious, medicinal, and nutritional purposes by

both Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria. They used to extract the sap from early morning to till 12’O

clock in the afternoon from the donda of the palm. Whenever the palm started flowering, they

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prune its pango and observe chatvi ritual by sirha with sacrificial offering of chick as well as

sindhur, turmeric, incence, and rice. After completion of puja, the concerned individual climbs

the tree carrying new handi covered with new cloth and tied to donda with siyyadi fibre. Next

day morning, the same individual takes his bath and collect the sulfi filled pot and replace it with

another one. Thus, collected new sulfi is offered to kuldevi of sirha and mother goddess at first

instance for blessings. Further, this new sulfi is also offered at village gudi and invite a person

from their para and offered to them without taking any money on this chatvi day. Next day

onwards, they collect the sulfi and sold in weekly markets to earn their livelihood. For this,

before sunrise and after sunset, they used to collect sulfi. Dependening on the climate, one sulfi

tree gives 2500-3500 litres of sap on average during its lifetime.

Plate 3.29: Extraction of Sulfi

Likewise, a sulfi tree gives its sap till 16 to 18 years and there after its wood used as

indigenous technology for irrigation of agricultural fields of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria.

Nodel goran (andara sulfi) tree is cut to its roots. The roots are split into two halves and make

tenda. This tenda is used to take out the water from the river or pond to their agricultural fields.

Further, its hardwood is used for construction kutcha house such as kaanda.

Water Management for Domestic Use

Jua is the one of the chief sources of drinking water for both the communities since

generations even till date. Hence, it is known as pathaal Ganga. Due to its significance, its water

is being preserved by arranging structure with stone, wood, or earthen material and associated

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with many beliefs and practices in utilization of its water. Dhurwa consider the pure drinking

water is available in jua that are located in hill, forest, and even agricultural field. The jua is

covered with flat stones used for drinking water and the water flown from it are channelled to

nallahs are used for bathing, washing clothes, livestock, etc. The womenfolk fetch the water with

pots and aluminum vessels for domestic needs from the earmarked jua. Whereas Bison Horn

Maria use the sua water for drinking that are located in agricultural fields. Further, the sua

located near to the nallah is also considered as good for drinking water purposes. Water collected

from dhol sua, kal sua, dokri sua, and so on are used for drinking purpose. To conserve the sua

water, Maria use round type of wood which is fitted inside the dug-out.

While taking water from this jua, the womenfolk tie the washed cloth as filter to the

container and dip into jua or sua. So that they remove sand particles enter into their water pots.

In some cases, they are using kasela (mug) to extract water from the concerned jua and pour

ones the cloth in such a way filtered water fills the containers.

Plate 3.30: Water Management for Domestic Use

To feed their cattle, Dhurwa and Maria use dabri and nallah individually whereas for

community purposes they depend on munda. There are two types of dabris are found in the study

area. For the first type, the sua or jua water is channeled through nallah and deposited at dabri

which is arranged in their respective field for cattle. Another dabri is dug-out prior to rains

where rainwater is stored from June to December. Water is available throughout year in such

dabris. The community dabris are used by Dhurwa of Chhindawada whereas individual dabris

are more in Bade Kilepal. Construction of individual dabri is based on the availability of

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agricultural land. In case, a farmer is having more land, he dug-out rain water harvesting dabri in

his field. The farmers having small land holding go for community dabri.

The small and big nallahs’ are made with pucca or kutcha ones that are plenty among

Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria. Water in small nallah is used for irrigating the agricultural fields

as well as for their cattle. Whereas big nallah water is used to transfer water from one place to

place. Thus, both type of nallah water is used for cattle purpose in the study area. In particular

period, they take their cattle to nallah for drinking purpose.

Further, munda is also used for cattle purposes by Dhurwa and Maria in different ways.

The first one is arranged by all the villagers collectively and the other one is constructed with the

aid of government under different schemes. The first category is generally found in low laying

agricultural fields or lands in Chhindawada whereas the latter one is found at common places

generally located at elevated or uplands in Bade Kilepal. Since, water problem is more among

Bison Horn Maria, government constructed many such mundas to solve the water related

problems in Bade Kilepal. Every para (hamlet) consists of atleast one munda to facilitate water

for cattle and other domestic needs. Apart from this, small nallahs are arranged adjuscent to such

munda to facilitate water for irrigation purpose.

Among Dhurwa, both men and women take bath near to their respective jua. But bathing

of women at certain earmarked jua is prohibited as they are considered that deities take abode in

such juas. The acquifers of singhraj, kalasuri, dongapani, sulel, pannek and dhapna jua are used

for religious purposes. Besides this, other jua such as laakdi, junapani, chirkal, uaidul jua

kunduruk, jhanjha and khedhai jua are used by women for bathing. Further they also use munda

such as musadu, pata, bhosa, and so on for bathing. The timing for bathing of women and men

are different. The Bison Horn Maria use sua, nallah and munda for bathing. Women are

prohibited to take bath at pitte jola sua but visit dokri sua whereas men are allowed here for

bathing purposes. Dokri sua where uma devi used to reside and hence it is considered as

auspicious for women. Further, Maria women also depend on dhol sua, kal sua, and other

common sua that are located in their respective fields. They always carry a mug to take the water

from sua and use mun mati (earthen soil) as soap. The mun mati is available on the banks of

nallah and rivers. It is collected during summer when flow of water is low. Washing of clothes

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are also done near to jua, nallah, and munda. In majority of the cases, nallah located in the

agricultural fields are used for washing clothes.

Thus, both Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria depend on traditional water harvesting

structures such as jua, munda, sua, jharna, nallah, and pokhar for domestic as well as

agricultural purposes. Management of water is done through stop dam and med bandhan that are

catalytic for better yields in kharif and rabi. Even these traditional water resources are catalytic

in harnessing livelihood through fishing, animal husbandry, collection of forest resources such as

roots and tubers, wild vegetable leaves, fruits, wild grass, receptacles, mahuwa, sulfi, etc. The

indigenous knowledge of water management ensures sustainable livelihoods for the people of the

study area.

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Chapter-4

Water Resources and Belief Systems

Tribal communities had symbotic relationship with natural resources including water

since generations as they are crucial for survival. As a part of this relationship, Dhurwa and

Bison Horn Maria also developed certain beliefs and taboos pertaining to usage of water

resources. They revealed that breach of such taboos may cause the wrath of deities that would

result in an outbreak of epidemics. In case any individual breaks the taboo, the entire community

would have to face the consequences. Hence, individuals do not dare to breach the taboos and

continue to practice beliefs associated with it. Thus, the beliefs and restrictions are playing

crucial role in reducing competition in over exploitation of water resources in the study area. It in

turn preventing the pollution and regeneration of water bodies.

The individuals undergoing life crisis such as birth, death, menstruation women are

considered as polluted and they are prohibited to sacred places. During ceremonial occassions,

they do not enter into some of the water bodies to fetch water and do not even touch grain, fruits,

vegetable and agricultural implements in times of pollution. In case, they breach the rule

unknowngly, a rectification ceremony follows during first fruit ceremonies, melas, jatras, and

madai. Chick or egg is offered to the specific deity and the offenders pray for forgiveness.

They also believe that the deities are pacified with sacrifices so that rains will come in

time and water is available throughout the year. Before sacrifice, the chicks or pigs are sprinkled

with jua water and then a few soaked rice grains are kept infront of them to peck and eat. When

the animal or fowl actually consumes them, then it is believed that the concerned deity is willing

enough to accept the animal. Then priest severe the head of the sacrificial animal and placed

before the altar of the concerned deity. During this time, they carefully collect the oozing blood

of the sacrificial animal in the uncooked rice grains in a leaf cup. The rice mixed with the blood

of the sacrificed animal is cooked separately and eaten by the consanguine kins. The sacrificial

head is cooked and eaten by the priest only. In case the animal or fowl not touch the grain, they

let them free and another one is arranged for sacrifice.

They also believe that particular coloured animals or fowls are liked by the deities and

hence they carefully select the sacrificial fowls or animals. It is so that Dhurwa consider that

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white cock is a symbol of water and black pig is a symbol of soil and hence they sacrifice them

to the rain god.

Table 4.1: Association of Sacrificial Animals and Fowls with Deities

Sl.No. Sacrificial fowl/animal Associated deity

1 Lal chia (Red chick) Singhraj dev

2 Kala chia (Black chick) Mirchuk or dead ancestors

3 safed chia (White chick) Rain water

4 Chitkabari chia (Multi-coloured chick) Sonkuvvar and Vankuvvar

5 White animal Water god

6 Black animal Mother earth goddess

Similarly, different coloured clothes are also offered to different deities based on their

penchant. In basan budin jalni mata worship, Dhurwa offer new cloth to the sila (stone) of many

deities such as dulardai mata is offered blue and black cloth, twig to langda dokra (bel), red

cloth to banjarin mata, black and neela cloth to matvaar dokra, red cloth to mauli pardesin

mata, red cloth to baman dokra, red cloth to dwarmundiya and mahamai mata etc.

The belief systems associated with water resources are evident from the worship of

different deities during during jua jatra of Bison Horn Maria’s and raathmai jatra of Dhurwa

where participation of women is strictly prohibited and they were denied to consume the prasad.

The raathmai jatra is celebrated at midnight and sacrifice cow or oxen during jatra. Further,

unmarried women and adolescent girls are not allowed to enter at the abode of pittar mata, who

is known as goddess of grain. The head of the house offer worship every year during the

cultivation period, house construction, and so on to avoid misfortune events in their household.

In mauli mata worship, women can accept offerings of rice, coconut and banana as prasad, but

they were barred to take the sacrificial meat. Without performing mauli mata festival and

offering their vows, they do not even take the children out of the village especially jatra, madai

or mela. Similarly, at the bhandarin dokri worship, women are not allowed on first day. During

the worship of nakodo natolin taling mata by Bison Horn Maria only the menfolk present and

women are barred to worship. They firmly believe that it is forbidden to offer worship of van

devi inside the house. Hence, puja is observed in the forest and bring the sacrificial offerings of

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van devi to the village and cook in front of their house or on the bank of nallah or sua. After

consuming the prasad, they venture inside the house.

During medi tiyar which is popular as amanuva, the head of the household threw

bamboo splits near the kuldevi from the center of the field. It is believed that if the bamboo split

fall in cris-cross manner, it is considered as a good omen. In case they fall separately, it is not

considered a good sign. Then he goes to the forest to offer worship to the goddess with the

animal or bird for the protection of farm, house and village.

In Bijjo kodo modol festival, the pujari split the four different wooden sticks (reka mada)

and throw on different directions to predict the rainfall. In case, any two sticks fall straight on the

ground, it is believed that year brings good rain, harvest, hunting and fishing etc. In case the

sticks fall in opposite way, it is an indication of drought from evil forces. During the same

festival, at 12’O clock in night they make chipdi (leaf cup) made with mahuwa leaves and filled

with mahuwa flowers for the rain forecast. Seven chipdi represent seven months i.e., from July to

January. They leave these chipdi in water throughout the night for examination. The main

objective of this task is that in case juri muhuwa dip into water, it is an indication of good rain

otherwise it is treated as bad sign. From each muhawa chipdi, it is forecasted the position of rain

and crops in that month.

In sonadai jalnin mata festival also, they pour water twelve times in twelve buchi

(small pots) in a symbolic to twelve months in a year to test the rainfall scenario. They wait till

next day at 4’O clock and observe the water levels in such pot to predict the rainfall in the

current year. In case pot water remains full, it is believed that during the year rainfall is plenty. In

case the water levels come down in pot it is a bad omen for them. The rest 12 buchi is symbolic

representation of twelve months and the same test is performed with these small pots expecting

good amount of rainfall in the respective months. In the pot water, Maria drops some rice to test

the same. In case rice drowned in water, it is believed that good amount of rainfall will come to

their land otherwise it is a bad omen for them.

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Taboos in Use of Water

Dhurwa allow aged and married men, young, adolescent boys to take bath in jua, but the

aged and unmarried women are not allowed to do so. However, they are allowed to fetch

drinking water from such juas, as they believed that it is the abode of singhraj dev. In case any

one breach this rule, are punished by singhraj in the form of snake bite. Further, they also believe

that unmarried girls will be the property of other village or clans and hence treated as outsiders.

Due to this reason, they are not allowed to enter inside the grain storage as well as jua jatra and

rathmai jatra. But in case of Bison Horn Maria, both men and women are allowed to take bath

near sua except in some earmarked ones where khandiya devi believed to reside. Further, women

are prohibited to take part in some of the jatras in Bade Kilepal too.

Beliefs Associated with Eclipse

In Dhurwa solar eclipse is known as pokal in grahan chumraana and lunar eclipse is

referred as neling in grahan chumraana. They believe that eclipse will bring misfortune and

hence purify the house with jua’s water. Soon after completion of the eclipse, the head of the

household bring water from jua and mix the mango tree bark and thus prepare kasapaani. The

head of the household sprinkles this sacred water in four corners of the house which is known as

suddhikaran. Further, Dhurwa also sprinkles this kasapaani in the drinking water source and

given to all the members of the family to consume.

Whereas Bison Horn Maria refer solar eclipse as padta titta and lunar eclipse as lenj

karaanj titta and treat them as misfortune event. They believe that whenever eclipse comes, it

contaminates everything including their food and water. It is also believed that blood of the evil

spirit mix with their food. Hence, Maria throw away the left-over food and water soon after

completion of the eclipse. Otherwise, they fall prey to black magic or illness. After disposal of

the food and water, they clean the house. But they will not treat the sua’s water since it is

flowing water cannot be affected with the eclipse related pollution.

Khemaneer Munitkataav (Dhurwa’s Custom of Bringing Water)

After erecting the marriage pandal, Dhurwa bring water from the earmarked jua to

initiate marriage ceremony. Water from two different jua such as pannek jua for boy and sulel

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jua for girls are prefered. It is a custom that they should bring water in night to avoid the effect

of evil eye to the prospective bride and groom. It is also believed that pouring of this sacred

water mark the beginning of marriage ceremony.

Pannek Jua

This jua situated in a agricultural field of a patel (accomplice of priest) and believed that

singhraj dev used to reside at this jua. On the bank of this jua, a big mango tree exists and this

tree trunk is in the form of male deity. The relatives of the boy visit this place at 12’O clock in

the night. Maternal uncle of the groom brings chaval, haldi powder, coal, turmeric, egg, brown

color hen, small pot, sargi leaves, siyyadi rope and one bottle mahuwa mand at this place. Soon

after reaching the jua, he clears a plot by sprinkling water and decorate the place with haldi and

coal rangoli and offer incense to the singhraj dev. Then he brings water from the jua in a small

pot and keep in front of the rangoli and prays singhraj dev for successful completion of marriage

and reproduction of off-springs. After wards, he forces the hen to peck the rice for sacrifice. The

oozing blood of the sacrificed fowl is sprinkled over the puja place seven times and mixes it with

rice. Thus, blood mixed rice is offered to singhraj dev along with mahuwa mand in sargi leaves

seven times. Thereafter, he fills the water in pot which is covered with sargi leaves and tied with

siyyadi rope. Then he throws the sacrificed head into the jua as an offering to singhraj dev and

brings the remaining body which is eaten by maternal uncle after cooking. Then, he brings the

water to the boy’s house. He is welcomed by his relatives by washing his feet with water. They

keep the sacred water pot at pittar mata.

Plate 4.1: Pannek Jua of Permaras

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Plate 4.2: Collection of water from Pannek Jua

Sulel Jua

It is located at mati pujari fields, and a mango tree trunk located on its bank resembles

like a women figurine. They believed that the traditional dress of Dhurwa first came from this

jua and it is known as bhandarin mata cloth. Hence, a cloth is kept over the mango tree as a

symbol of the deity and hence pouring of its water over the couple is considered as auspicious.

The relatives of a bride especially mother’s brother and other family members visits this jua at

4’O clock in early morning. The maternal uncle of the bride used to carry chaval, haldi powder,

coal, turmeric, egg, black colour hen, small pot, sargi leaves, siyyadi rope and one bottle

mahuwa mand at this place.

Plate 4.3: Collection of Water from Sulel Jua

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Soon after reaching the jua, maternal uncle clears a plot by sprinkling water and decorate

the place with haldi and coal rangoli and offer incense to the bhandarin mata. Then, he collects

water from the jua in a small pot and keep in front of the rangoli and prays mata for successful

completion of marriage life through conception. There, he kept all the above- mentioned puja

material in front of the rangoli and forced the hen to peck the rice. Then, he first breaks the egg

with kadri and sacrifice the hen.

Plate 4.4: Keeping of water at Pittarmata Kholi

The oozing blood of the sacrificed fowl is sprinkled over the puja place seven times and

mix it with rice. Thus, blood mixed rice is offered to bhandarin mata along with mahuwa mand

in sargi leaves seven times. Then, the water filled pot is covered with sargi leaves and tied with

siyyadi rope. Then, he throws the sacrificed head in to the jua as an offering to mata and the

remaining body is eaten by maternal uncle after cooking. Then, he brings the water to the girl’s

house. He is welcomed by his relatives by washing his feet with water. Then, head of the

household keep the sacred water pot at pittar mata.

Neer Chaprana

During marriage, the semur tree play a pivotal role as they believed that if newly married

couple worship this tree for developing their generation with number of children. Womenfolk of

the girl’s family visit forest along with drum and jalajal beats and bring the neloki (semar) twig

and offer worship at their residence. But now they are worshipping semar plant at kitchen garden

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or agricultural field due to distance of forest. Under the semar plant, they clean a portion of land

with water and decorate the place with haldi and coal made rangoli. They also keep dholak and

jalajal at this place. Further, They initiate puja with turmeric pieces and rice at the rangoli place

and offer oil mixed haldi in mango leaves to the semar plant. The whole ritual process is

officiated by seven married women. After pouring the mahuwa mand at the root of the tree, they

tie a nylon thread seven times around the tree trunk, which is known as bandhan bandhana and

offer one iron ring to protect themselves from the evil forces. Then, the women cut the branch of

semar with axe and wrap it in new cloth along with ring. The twig and iron ring are symbolic to

the bride (twig) and groom (ring). It is carried by the women in their hands and do parikrama

seven times around the semar plant and return to their home along with drum beats and sounds

of jalajal. They are being welcomed by the relatives with water and haldi powder. The twig of

semar is dibbled in the angan (centre of the house) by the brother’s wife of the girl’s house. It is

covered with bamboo made basket to protect from the sun heat. In case boy and girl are getting

married in the same pandal at home, the neer chaprana is observed at the mandap only. In case

love marriage, they observe this neer chaprana at kitchen garden of the house.

Plate: 4.5: Fetching Water from Pittarmata Kholi

Paandir (Mandap or Pandal)

After completion of neer chaprana, the mandap is decorated with sargi and chhind

leaves. Then mati pujari along with villagers carry rice, egg, turmeric powder, coal, incense,

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turmeric pieces, pot full of mahuwa, axe and black chick to the forest to bring the sargi and

mahuwa wood. Soon after reaching the jungle, mati pujari clean a spot under mahuwa tree with

water brought from the sacred jua and decorate the place with turmeric and coal powder. There

they keep all the puja material and pray the deity by offering egg and chick for the wood that

they are going to cut for the marriage. They also offer mahuwa seven times and do the parikrama

around the different trees surrounded by mahuwa. This sort of parikrama is symbolic to the

marriage ceremony. Then mati pujari cut the wood of the mahuwa and sargi with axe followed

by the villagers. Thus, collected wood is brought to the mandap and dibble at the center of the

mandap. Again, mati pujari sprinkle mahuwa mand seven times at the proposed mandap built

with sargi and mahuwa wood. Then, head of the household offer one dona full of rice, urad dal,

one bottle mahuwa and Rs. 21/- as dakshina to the mati pujari. Thereafter, mati pujari sprinkle

turmeric water on the gathering as a part of blessing and drink mahuwa mand. It is symbolic to

officiate the marriage ritual. Then decoration of mandap is initiated by the women of the

concerned house and prepares rangoli with rice and turmeric powder. Then mati pujari offer oil

and turmeric to the pittar mata and brings boy and girl inside the mandap at a time. He also ties

the kalash to the mandap and lighten the lamp while tying the maud (a type of headband made

with chhind leaves and tied to head of both bride and groom with siyyadi fiber). The couple are

smeared with oil and turmeric by the family member at first instance followed by all the

relatives. It is known as joditel. Then, the sacred water brought from the pannek and sulel jua are

used to clean the smeared oil and turmeric of the prospective couple by the mati pujari. At the

same time, they keep newly made phadki (door) which is made with bamboo in front of the

couple which is traditionally known as badda. Then the couple are asked to sit in the lap of the

bhabhi and keep one male and girl child in their respective laps. It is believed that they are

representatives of god. It is followed by pouring haldi mixed water over the couple and there

after water pots are broken to protect them from attack of black magic. On the same day night,

they organize a tikan (reception) programme wherein all the relatives offer gifts to the newly

wed couple followed by a grand feast. On third day, head of the family offer landa, mahuwa, and

sulfi along with grand feast to the invited guests. There after, all the relatives are given farewell.

Then mati pujari once again offer puja to pittar mata and breaks the egg. Thus, marriage is

solemnized with sacred water brought from jua among the Dhurwa.

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Plate 4.6: Sacred Bath of Bride and Groom with Jua Water

Plate 4.7: Offering Worship to Semar Plant

Yer Sudula Kunda (Bison Horn Maria)

On the occasion of marriage, first day they prepare landa on early hours in the morning

by the Maria. Thus, prepared landa is kept in haanal kholi as it is believed to be the abode of

haanal kunda mata. For this reason, they prepare landa with new rice (at 3’O clock) in the early

morning of the marriage day. It is made during darkness to avoid the contact of evil eye and it is

considered as food of the haanal kunda mata. Thereafter, they keep the remaining landa at

earmarked places. During baraat (ceremonial bringing of bride) time, the grooms relatives bring

three pots of landa. These pots are covered with white cloth or with bamboo made baskets as

lids. Out of three pots, one pot represents their kuldevi, another one signifies for bride’s family,

and remaining one for groom’s family. After preparation of landa, sirha, head of the household,

and other consanguine relatives proceeds to nallah at 7 or 8 a.m. in the morning to bring water

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for sacred bath of the bride and groom. They carry manem (egg shell and paddy), turmeric

pieces, khaprain or coal powder, mongri fish, kakada and an empty pot to the sua. At first

instance, they dug out a small sua at the nallah. Head of the household make seven pieces of

dhaan paira (gondha) and fill it with sua water and dibble into the sand. These seven pieces are

symbolic representation of jalnin mata. Then head of the concerned household fill one pot with

sua water and keep a side. He also offers puja with manem, turmeric pieces, haldi mixed rice,

etc. In this, turmeric mixed rice is considered as the symbol of marriage and hence offer this rice

to the deities during marriage ceremony. Later on, they prayed to the khandiya devi and jalnin

mata for the prosperous married life including the blessing for children. For this reason, they

take the approval of the deity by taking its water. They pour all the puja material in the sua and

bury it with the sand so that no one can perform black magic. Then they return to home with sua

water, pichili gondha, mongri fish and kakada and keep it at the kholi of haanal kunda mata. The

headman tie the khakad to khuta (twig of sargi tree) and keep the mongri fish in the potful water

brought from the sua as these two are considered to be good omen for the marriage. In case the

kakada and mongri fish die during this process, they believe that the proposed marriage is

inauspicious. Otherwise, the marital bond is lasting for longer period.

Later on, sirha offer worship with landa kunda with manem (paddy and egg shells),

water, and egg requesting for blessings of the mata for the success of the marriage. Again, he

covers the landa pots with siyyadi leaves and tie it with the rope. Till completion of the entire

marriage, they keep these pots at haanal kholi to avoid the contact of evil eye. It is also known as

purification of new landa with sua water. Last day of the marriage, chief of the family breaks the

egg with knife and immerse all the worshipped ones such as handi, mongri fish, kakada in a

nallah to flow away along with jalnin mata. After completion of the marriage, the landa in three

pots are consumed by the members of the concerned family as it is considered as mata prasad

and thus celebrate the auspicious event.

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Plate 4.8: Worship by Bison Horn Maria for Collection of Water

Yer Mitanad (Bringing Water)

At the time of marriage, bhabhi (brother’s wife) of bride or groom bring water from the

sua for ritual bath to testifies the marriage. The water generally brought from the sua is located at

nallah and kept at safest place in the house to avoid the attack of evil eye. They boil water in

another kunda and mix the water brought from the sua and conduct ritualized bath to both bride

and groom to protect them from the attack of evil spirits. Further, a joking relationship can be

observed during this bath. Likewise, bride or groom are shifted to two or three places for

ceremonial bath. In case of groom, they conduct this bath three times and for bride it is two

times. It is done just before departure of the groom for baraat, arrival of the bride on baraat, and

before smearing the turmeric. Three times bath of the groom is symbolic to jal, jamin, and jungle

as jal is crucial for human and animals, jamin is important for different crops and jungle is

important for collection of various forest produce. Whereas bathing twice to bride is considered

to be birth and farewell from the family of procreation.

In case of love marriage or elopement in the village, it is first brought to the notice of the

headman and all the consanguine relatives of the village by the head of the household. In this

type of marriage, naik or paik (headman and assistant) of the village testifies the marriage

through a simple ritual and reunion of the couple with the concerned house. In consultation with

head of the household, they fix a day and call a meeting with all saga members and villagers. In

this sabha, the head of the household request the village headman for purification of the couple

through sua water.

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Plate 4.9: Keeping the Sacred Water at Haanalmata Kholi

For purification of the couple, the village elders observe yer mitanad. To bring water

from sua, naik and paik goes to sua for collection of water for ceremonial bath. They take

sindhur, incense, turmeric pieces, small pot (sudul kunda) to the sua and offer worship after

taking the water from it. There after paik cover the sudul kunda with sargi leaves and tie with

siyyadi rope. This small pot is brought to the headman’s house. There headman of the bride and

groom wash the feet of the naik and paik and invite them inside the house. Thereafter, the groom

and bride are asked to sit outside the naik’s house in a peedha (sitting wooden stool) and pour the

water brought from the sua for purification of the couple. Thus, bride is considered as part of in-

law’s house as a family member. There they also fix a particular day for formal marriage

according to their tradition and custom.

Plate 4.10: Readying Water for Ritual Bath

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Plate 4.11: Pouring of water over Groom

Plate 4.12: Pouring of Water over Bride

Even during death, Dhurwa bury the dead body after crossing the river, since they believe

that the soul could not cross the river. After disposal of the dead, all the relatives, villagers

including family members take bath in the river and then enter the deceased house. Later on,

purification of the house takes place by giving them tora oil (made from mahuwa seeds). The

head of the family fill the water in a big vessel and add bark of mango tree. This water is

sprinkled with mango leaves to purify the house. Whereas Bison Horn Maria believed that if a

pregnant woman dies, then she becomes chudel (witch) after death. That is why they have the

tradition of carrying a pregnant woman across the river for cremation as they believed that it

does not cross the river. After disposal of the dead, the priest and sirha of the village brings

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water in a mug and mix it with the bark of the mango and the mahuwa. It acts as the purifier of

the house by sprinkling water with mango and jamun leaves.

Folktales

Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria of the study area relate their ecology in folk narratives.

Their origin myths are memorized through folk songs and folk tales that are being transmitted

from one generation to another orally. During peen festival, the folklore experts are invited and

recite their origin myths in the form of songs to create awareness among the younger generation.

The folktales and origin myths of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria are mentioned detailly in this

chapter for comprehensive understanding of their oral history.

Kedar Nath Thusu (1965) had mentioned the origin tales of Dhurwa in the lap of nature.

Once there lived a aldora in orangal garh (Warangal) with his wife and seven sons and seven

daughters. Once he asked his wife to prepare a kind of sweet dish for him when he intended to go

to a distance forest for hunting. He spends lot of time in the forest but no game is available after

rigorous search. One day, he came across a kurree (mouse deer) and followed it. While chased

by a hunter, the deer felt thirst and went to a pond to drink water. When the deer was drinking

water, the baby inside her womb warned her mother to haste as the hunter was approaching soon.

But the deer assured the baby in her womb not to worry as it would rain heavily in few days that

everything would wash away completely. This was heard by the hunter secretly and left the place

hurriedly to his own house. There, he informed the deer’s prediction to his wife and other elders

in the village. Then they decided to live happily and started merry making for the left two days.

On third day, aldora managed to get hold of a vessel of iron, which is prepared by a blacksmith.

In that vessel, he keeps one of his sons (named ladra) and daughter (named ladri) and also put

large quantity of chura (puffed rice) and closed it secretly and put it hanging on a pillar.

As forecast by the deer, the rain started heavily on third day and the entire earth was

washed away leaving only water throughout. Only the metal vessel containing ladra and ladri

was floating over the water and other perished in the mishap. It was then maha prabhu

(almighty) asked the kakal (crow) to go over to the manj purne (earth) to see if anybody has

escaped from the flood. The crow flown maximum portion of the water prone areas and found

that the vessel floating on water. But there was nothing left to sit upon, it went back to maha

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prabhu and reported the fact. Then the almighty threw the mungud tachrana (nose dirt) in the

water as a result boru meri (a silk cotton tree) appeared. Sitting on a branch of silk cotton tree,

the crow saw the vessel again and found nothing there. Again, it is reported to maha prabhu.

Then, he sent a bawra pinda (bee) to search for him. It went on searching till it got tired and then

cried for help of maha prabhu. When the almighty sent the seeds of semi (bean) to the earth.

Under the shade of semi creeper, the bee took shelter. Afterwards, the bee also gave the same

report earlier given by the crow. Then maha prabhu asked the pelaj bandur (spider) to make a

sort of ladder so that metal vessel can be brought upon the uper purne (upper earth) from the

manj purne (middle world). Accordingly, the metal vessel was brought up and on being opened

brother and sister came out. Then maha prabhu changed the color of the ladra and ladri by a

trick as a result they could not recognize each other and were married. In the meantime, earth

was prepared through the action of mava (tortoise). Then, maha prabhu got down and collected

the bones of dead ones and breathed life inside the bones of horses, lice, etc. In the meantime, he

also taught the menfolk how to cultivate the fields and celebrate the mandai and other festivals.

Later on, the descendants of ladra and ladri managed to get the hazari flowers from the kal pure

(lower world). Thus, he tries to narrate the origin of Dhurwa through the incestuous relationship

between ladra and ladri. The similar type of folk tales with little variations are exists among the

present day Dhurwa of the study area. They are mainly

Vagapokhachiraon (Folktales) of Dhurwa

According to Dhurwa, when the earth was merged in the water, a tumba (round gourd)

was floating on it. When water level come down, the tumba stopped at one place. Two people

came out from tumba (a boy and a girl) who are known as brother and sister. They saw that earth

is submerged with water and nothing is left to eat. All the forests and fields are filled with the

water. They worried for their livelihood. Then, the goddess Danteshwari send Bharwa dokra

who gave them rice and a bit paddy. They cook the rice and ate, and paddy was broadcasted on

the earth. Thus, they learn agriculture and started their life on the earth. Further, they married

together and created the world. Crops grown and the girl gave birth to children. When crops

grown, Bharwa dokra came again and cut the crop and taught them the art of harvesting. After

that Danteshwari goddess sent a cow and baby calf for their livelihood. Thus, the crop

cultivation made easy with the cattle provided by the deity. The girl give birth to a child one after

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another. The family began to grow, due to the incestous relationship. In similar to their masters,

the calves grow their number and thus civilization was developed. This story reveals that human

beings and cattle has their strong bonding and relation with water.

Another folktale reveals that in ancient time, there were so many animals live in the

forest. A kodri (deer) was pregnant at that time, she was walking towards a pond to drink the

water. A hunter banva was waiting there to kill and eat the flesh. When the kodri was walking to

the pond for water his fetus says that maa please don’t go there. But the kodri says to his feutus

that don’t worry tomorrow it will rain heavily and we all will die. The hunter was listening to

their dialogue. He went to the village and told the story of rain to the villagers. Then, all the

villagers decided to live happily on the last day at since next day life comes to an end. The hunter

kept his son and daughter in a tumba safely. As it rained heavily, the tumba (gourd) was started

floating. Then Lord Shiva and goddess Parvati came to the earth. When the lord and goddess

were standing, they found this tumba only and nothing was left on earth. Lord Shiva and goddess

Parvati taken the tumba to their heaven. There they saw that a girl and a boy in it. They asked

them who are you? The boy and girl replied that they are brother and sister. Lord and goddess

felt trouble that how can they reestablish the earth. Then the goddess gave them chicken pox to

them for two and half days. After four or five days passed again goddess asked the boy and girl,

who are you? They replied that they don’t know each other because the face was changed due to

chicken pox. Then, they thought that problem solved and they arranged marriage to the boy and

girl and sent them to the earth to establish life again. This folktale reveals that the chicken pox

occurs with the goddess grace since then marriages between the children of brother and sister

i.e., has become tradition. This folk tale slightly varies from Thusu’s version but it runs in similar

lines.

Another folktale among the Dhurwa which is similar to the other tribes of Bastar. When

the earth was merged in the water on dooms day, a boy and a girl was got stuck in a stone. That

cave was also merged in water. So, they were unable to find the way out. No clothes were

present on their body. Once a fisherman came in the cave for fishing. He heard the voice of the

boy and girl. Then fisherman helped them and pulls out from the cave. He took them to his

village. He gave them food and clothes. The boy and the girl thought to marry because no

relative was left after the disaster. They agreed to marry and gave birth to their next generation.

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It is believed that the Dhurwa tribe is originated from them. This story also reveals the incestous

relation and the role of water in the existence of human beings.

In another tale, Dhurwa believe that they are originated with the chantings of Brahma.

They believe that they have supernatural powers because they are originated by the god Brahma.

It is said that they came from Warangal to Bastar on foot paths. They are known as 12 parja bhai

means they are twelve brothers as gurudhur (flute player), dhurwa, maria, muria, halba, dhakad,

mundly parja, peng parja, kondh parja, mahara, panara and panka. They have calf with them.

When all were wandering to find a place for living, reached to keerasmadul sea. They live in that

place and consumed milk of banyan and mahuwa tree as food. Mahara was the oldest brother.

One day Lord Vishnu appeared to Mahara and Dhurwa who were asked to worship and enchant

the mantras. But the calf dies after few days. Mahara was the eldest brother so he went to throw

the body of calf. But after the half way, he became greedy and decided to cook the flesh of the

calf. It took lot of time to cook and process. The remaining brothers thought about some mishap.

Then Maria was next to Mahara went to find him. He saw that Mahara was cooking the beef and

drinking soup. He asked Maria to eat the beef and not to tell the thing to others. But again, Lord

Vishnu appeared and curse the Mahara to beat the drums where Maria cursed to be shepherd or

cowboy. Dhurwa also cursed to beat the drums during in auspicious times. It seems that Lord

Vishnu divided the work according to their occupations.

In another story, it is told that Warangal was the place where these brothers were

migrated. All the seven brothers stay at this village for some time. One of the brothers was not

keeping himself clean, he always used to stay away and unhygienic always. He even not like to

obey elders. The elder brother got angry over him and called him as Dhurwa as derogatory word.

This way, he became Dhurwa instead of Parja. Among them, one brother become mata pujari,

other ones became mati pujari, atpahariya, Dhurwa and kotwar, etc. Thus, all the brothers

divided themselves the work and established themselves in different places.

Vesod (Folk tales) of Bison Horn Maria

The folk tales of Bison Horn Maria are also similar to Dhurwa with little variations. It is

believed that in the ancient time when the earth was merged in the water, a floating gourd shell is

seen on water. A boy and a girl were hidden in it who are related as brother and sister. They keep

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on floating in search of land finally they saw a shore. They came out and started living on that

place. They were searching for food from one place to another. They find some food in shape of

roots and tubers. After some time, they got married. By the time, they gave birth to twelve boys

and girls and the same process took place again repeatedly. They all got married together and

increase their generations. After some time, they settled in different places and became relative

to one-another.

From these stories it is revealed that water, tumba, and forest are playing an important

part in the origin tales of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria. Tumba represent a protective shell and

hence it is considered as important in their life. Even today, they keep water in tumba for

drinking. Besides this, they also keep pej, landa, mahuwa mand, oil and sulfi in this tumba.

Another folk story relating to gotra reveal their origin and different gotra and surnames.

According to their folktale, kosadum and pungaru were two brothers were mutually call each

other dada-bhai etc. They were worried about their family and dwellings how can they grow

their family. Both decided to settle in separate place and use different names. One kosadum

promised that he will not neither eat van bhais nor he kill this buffalo. Hence, he is known by the

name kuhrami his gotra was thus referred as van bhais. Another brother promised not to eat goat

hence his gotra is referred with bakri. After this establishment, they became relatives started

marrying to each other’s family. This story reveals how they made the present gotra and

establish a civilization.

In Bade Kilepal, a folk story reveals that there was a king named Annamdev, he wanted to

measure the area of Bade Kilepal but he failed to measure it. He loved the place and Bison Horn

Maria are very labourious and competent for any work. Hence, the king assigns them the task of

pulling the chariot of goddess Danteshwari. Thus, Maria started pulling the chariot in Dussehra

festival and they keep a stick so they are being called Dandami Maria. Thus, the Bade Kilepal

has became a place for Dandami Maria and pull the chariot during Dussehra festival.

In this tale, Bison Horn Maria in the group of twelve to fifteen people together went to

hunt a van bhais (Bison) to Kilepal village. They searching in kumarsadra and pakhnar village

for the pray to hunt. In Pakhnar village they hunted a van bhais or gour they took that in Burgum

village. They made a hut to rest for night. Hut was made by woods, which is called saperbanda.

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At the midnight, they heard the voice of a lion both poyami and mandavi took bow and arrow

and hit the lion. The lion run away. In the morning, they went to find the lion but they didn’t find

the carcass but found the traces of lion blood. They followed the marks and reached the place

where a idol of bhairam dev was found, and then they started worshipping the god bhairam dev

because they thought that this god was taken the shape of a lion and about to kill them.

According to another tale, when the dooms day came, all the earth was merged in water.

Then a big gourd was seen only on earth which is known as burka tumba in local language.

Everywhere water is filled and let only a brother and sister left alive. Sister asked to his brother

where do we live all the forests and mountains are getting shattered. All the forests and

mountains got dissolved in water. Time passed when water level goes down, the tumba stopped

floating and got stuck into a corner, where both people came out and started finding their village.

But they couldn’t find their village. Then they heard a voice stating ‘what are you looking too’?

They replied that they are looking for a village as there is no village on the earth. Go and sit

under a tree. The unknown voice said to proceed both under the tree in different ways, and sat

there. After sometime they came back and were unable to recognize each other. Again, they

heard voice from sky ‘what are you looking too’ and ‘what are you talking’ They replied that we

have missed our brother and sister and asked ‘where they have gone’? The voice said don’t find

them, they went some where else and got married. He also ordered them to marriage. They gave

rice to them and thus received food from the god. They cooked the rice and started their life

again. They gave birth to a child. They name the child as mandavi followed other children named

as poyami and kawasi. By this story we can see that burka tumba has an important place in their

social, economic, and religious life.

Myths Relating to Deities and Resources:

Bhimul Dev and Jalnin Mata

Among Maria, Bhimul dev represents plough (lagada pakhana) and there exists a

popular myth regarding the origin of this plough i.e., Bhimul dev. When maha pralay (great

disaster) took place on the earth, brother and sister were remain alive in Kodenar village which is

surrounded by hills and mountains. During that time, Bhimul dev came from devlok (heaven)

along with bail (oxen), juwadi (plough head), dandi (plough wood) and lagada pakhana

(plough) and tried to level the hilly terrain through his divine powers upto one year. At first,

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Bhimul dev ploughed Palanar village and carried out the task one after another Maria villages.

Finally, Bhimul dev reached and started ploughing the Kodenar village. Due to deep ploughing in

the hilly terrain, Maria believed that origin of Jalnin mata taken place in the village. The

ploughing in the Kodenar took throughout the night and become early morning. As such Bhimul

dev could not proceed further. Then Bhimul dev left the plough in Kodenar and return to devlok

along with other material like juwadi, bail and dandi. Coincidentally this place has become the

origin place of Jalnin mata too. Another myth reveals that after completion of 12 years of stay,

Bhimul dev left the lagada pakhana at Kodenar and return to devlok. After some time, this

plough turned into the form of shila (stone). Since then this lagada was fixed in padai and

worshipped in the name of Bhimul dev. Karanji and jhadi trees are sheltering the Bhimul dev at

the gudi. Since then, Maria observe a jatara once in a year and madai once in three years.

In connection with Jalnin mata origin, it is said that during ancient days water was not

exists in Kodenar village. Then all the Maria started worshipping the Danteshwari mata for

water. With their offerings, Danteshwari mata was pleased and showered the rain first in

Kodenar. Due to this reason, a temple was built in the village where Jalnin mata shila was

present.

Dongapani Jua

In this connection, one folklore is popular that at the time of doomsday, a sher (lion), a

nag (snake), brother and sister, a dog was survived in this area. They were started residing in a

cave where the brother and sister are surviving by drinking the milk of the lion. The nag is used

to protect them. When they grown up, they mate each other and the women got pregnant. She

gave birth to a male baby. But unfortunately, the boy was died. Again, she gave birth to another

boy. But this time, some unknown people kidnap the boy and made him as priest of Junapara.

After few days, the women while searching the boy also came to Junapara and settled there. The

villager gave them a house and the fields for their eke-out. Then, one divine jua got originated in

that field in night which is known as dongapani jua, which is attributed to the power of kariausi

dev. For this reason, every year they celebrate a jatra and offer worship to kariausi dev seeking

perennial source of water in this jua. There after the lion and snake has become totem for some

of the clans such as bagh and nag among the Dhurwa.

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Laxmi Jagaar

As per oral account of the Dhurwa, once Chhindawada was in deep famine and crops are

dried due to lack of water resources. As such, they were resorted to labour works to meet their

subsistence. To get rid of this problem, once they proceeded to Marenga to meet a pious saint

known as gurumai expecting solution to their problem. Soon after reaching the village, they hear

some devotional songs there and enquired about the significance of it. Then the saint revealed

that laxmi jagaar programme is being observed by the villagers for good harvest and water.

During the discourse, they revealed their village problem to gurumai and he immediately

suggested to observe laxmi jagaar in Chhindawada for good crops. Since then, the villagers of

Chhindawada are observing the laxmi jagaar in the area. It is observed once in three years in the

month of bhado (September) on Thursday for a period of fifteen days. Laxmi jagaar means while

worshipping Laxmi and Shiva who is considered as dhaan (paddy) they invoke all the deities of

Dhurwa. To celebrate this rite, first they bring a couple of paddy straws from the field of mata

pujari and offer puja to it. This ritual is not only limited to Dhurwa but all other communities

residing in Chhindawada such as Rout, Dhakad, Maria, Mahara, Brahmin, Sundi, Kalar, etc.,

contributes in some way for the successful completion of the event. For this, the old women of

Dhakad community sing dhankul songs on this auspicious occasion. They are also known as

gurumai. The Mahara men play musical instruments like nagara, tudbudi, and mohri. Dhurwa

community clean the premises of the jagaar temple and sketch the pulkati baanel likurana

(traditional painting) on the garh.

For this painting, Dhurwa use natural colours obtained from the natural colours such as

black powder obtained from burnt tumba which is mixed with tora oil, red colour obtained from

the red chui mitti (soil), green from leaves, white from limestone, yellow from Chandan, etc. The

painting brush is made from the twigs of chhind tree. For mixing the colour, they use the water

of Singhraj jua. Thus, prepared natural colours are used for painting the wall infront of the gudi.

The task of painting is continued up to one week after the initiation of the festival especially on

Thursday. At the outset, mata pujari mark the sindhur on the painting bhiti (wall) in the name of

the swarg devi or uparpur. Then they start carrying the garh which is considered as symbol of

hanu dev. Thereafter the garh is divided into two parts i.e., inside and outside. The inside garh is

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being painted with the objects of their daily life whereas outer garh is painted with modern

objects.

Bittramata Geda (Inside Garh)

At first, they paint the Laxmi and Shiva images followed by their deities such as hanu

khuta, julipaik, chidra (gilhari or squirrel), ulat bhairam dev, guruvetal, ekakodiya (jalpari),

garuddev, black pig, kodri, kariausi dev, kolakhuria (pattadari sher), bankor (shikri), komba

(crop protector idol), tulasi chaavar, hinglajin mata, bohria mata, bhairav dev, ghorak ghod,

damru dava (kawad), jodiya Maria (male dancing group), gurumai, monkey, peeda dev, chhind

tree, sulfi tree, mahara baja, donga (canoe), snake, crocodile, tortoise, frog, fish, kakada,

ghusmusa (big rat), chanda, elephant, horse, dokra dev, khambasiri, mata priest, mati priest,

sirha, plough, devi chhattar, dev badaga, dev lath, etc.

Bathatelata Geda (Outer Garh)

The objects such as Bastar Raja and Rani, ship, vehicle, chariot, horse, peacock, bus, idol

of Lord Ganesh, deer, owl, modern dress, etc. are painted outside of the Laxmi Jagaar wall. In

this any one can contribute a painting on this wall.

Plate: 4.13: Preparations for Laxmi Jagaar

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Plate: 4.14: Painting of Laxmi Jagaar

Beliefs Associated with Water among Dhurwa

Every community has their own beliefs regarding the natural resources and the water is

the most important among them. These beliefs and methods facilitated to know the availability

and conservation of water under the soil. They also predict the rain based on such belief. Among

the Dhurwa, the prediction is made by mata pujari. Some of the articles such as sargi stem piece

or mahuwa tree stem or a twig is used to find the ground water source.

Charungi Meri (Sargi Tree)

Dhurwa believe that sargi tree had some miraculous powers and hence used for

conservation of water resources. It is attributed that they believe that sargi tree is an abode of rao

of daand dev. This tree is also used to forecast the rain. Dhurwa believe that, if all the leaves fall

and a new one grow at the bottom of the tree, it indicates that rain will come soon. If the new

leaves grow in the upper portion of the tree, it indicates the rain will be late. If new leaves are

growing in middle of the tree, it means that rain will be on time.

Benda (Frog)

Dhurwa believed that the jhingur (an insect) make sounds at nights in the study area. If it

is not making sound, instead a frog is croaking (tarr-tarr) is a signal of rain, and it continuously

made such croaks. They believe that heavy rains may follow the croaks of benda.

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Nadel (Coconut)

It is an important object in all the supernatural activities among the Dhurwa. To test the

source of underground water, the priest keeps the coconut horizontally on hand and walk towards

the eastern side of the plot. They believe that if the water lies beneath the feet of the soil, the

coconut starts rotating itself. This type of underground water testing generally done in the barren

lands, fields and at homesteads. Sometimes, a person walks in the place holding a coconut in his

palm horizontally. In case water is found under his feet the coconut stands straight on the palm.

Immediately, they earmark the place and dug the well or borewells at that place. This practice is

widely prevalent in both Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh all people irrespective of caste,

creed, and religion use this method to test the availability of underground water.

Naadkul Meri (Jamun Tree)

A twig of jamun tree is also used in similar to coconut to test the availability of

underground water source. A person walks towards east by holding jamun twig in his hand. The

twig stands straight at the place where water source is found. According to another belief that the

place where the black berry tree is seen, the underground water is abundant.

Neem Tree

The piece of neem tree twig is used to know the water source under the ground. When

they have to make pond or dig a well, generally take a piece of neem tree twig in hand and walk

on the ground. If water source is present, the twig stands straight itself. There they mark the plot

and accordingly they make well.

Toi Meri (Doomer Tree)

Where the doomer tree grows, it is believed that the heavy amount of water source would

be available near to this tree. The doomer tree is popularly known as jamun tree in general

parlance.

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Putkaal (Termite or Ant Hill)

Where ever the mud structure is formed by termites and the mound has water vapour in

the winters, it indicates that there would be plenty of underground water. They call the mound as

Dengur. Hence, it is considered as good abode for the snakes and other insects.

Nedil (Soil)

During rainy season, a person walks on the dried med (embankment) of the agricultural

field. In case the soil pressed inside the earth, it is predicted that underground water is available

at the place. Otherwise they consider that water is not available at this place. Further, they also

believed that in case a smoke comes out from the earth soon after the rain, they predict that

underground water is plenty at this place.

Vedri (Bamboo)

Bamboo has deep roots among Dhurwa’s life and culture which is used to forecast the

availability of rains. Dongar bamboo is considered as holy bamboo. It has no flowers in the

normal conditions. It is believed that if the flowering is occurring on the plant and then dries, it is

the indication of of drought in that year. A knowledgeable person also uses this bamboo to know

the underground water source. He keeps a piece of elongated bamboo on his palm and move

around the field. Where ever ground water is available, the bamboo will be in standing position

automatically.

Baramasi Bird

These birds are found throughout the year in the study area. They are referred with lava,

pandaki, baramasi etc. The flesh of these birds are used as medicine by Dhurwa and it is used to

predict the rain. This bird tells the direction of the rain by erecting its nest. The bird forms nest

on the land and just opposite direction of the entrance of the nest receive the highest amount of

rainfall. Thereby the direction is used to estimate the amount of rain.

Dhol Dongri

In the local language small mountain is called konti. The dhol dongri is considered as the

main dongri. This small hill is used to watch the Dusshera festival. When dhol played by

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Dhurwa tribe for this festival, people used to gather over the dongri to watch the festival. On this

hill, a special hole is found on a rock where a crab lives. If the rain water is abundant, the crab

came out with water, it considered as the good omen for rainfall particular. Otherwise, drought

may exist during that year.

Plate 4.15: Dhol Dongri of Upparras

Folk Beliefs of Bison Horn Maria

Nadeyal (Coconut)

The Bison Horn Maria treat the coconut as a Lord Vishnu’s symbol, and used to find the

source of water. In similar to Dhurwa, the head of the Maria family walk on the ground holding a

coconut on a bronze plate. Where it stands straight, it is considered that underground water is

plenty at that spot. This is considered as the old method of finding the place of water, and till

now it is used because they inherited from earlier generations.

Toy Mada (Doomer Tree)

A small twig of this tree is also used to find the ground water source by the head of the

village. Sometime mata pujari do this act to find the water. This piece of doomer tree inserted in

field. If it goes down easily, they consider the water is available. This method is generally used

in fields.

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Beloti Mada (Jamun Tree)

It is said about the jamun tree that any knowledgeable person holds a triangular stick of

jamun tree and walks towards the east. In case sticks turn towards the person who is holding it

believed that water is available in that place. When they find the place, they make structures for

water.

Footh (Ant Hill)

This is a type of mound, which is known as footh in their language. They build a house

with its clay, which is called termite mound. It is popular in its context that the place where

termite mound is found, there exists a source of water at that place, and different water structures

are constructed to preserve water near by it.

Plate 4.16: Footh (Ant Hill) of Bison Horn Maria

Gumad Metta (Snake Hillock)

Here gumad means snake and meta means a hillock. It is believed that where snakes

generally live the water should be definitely there. If water vapors come out from gumad meta it

is a forecasted that rain comes nearly within one or two weeks. If vapors is less, then they

assume that it will be the symbol of low rain. If vapors is dense, they expect heavy rain.

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Mayor (Clouds)

Clouds are generally the symbol of rain. When black clouds are seen on the sky, it is

believed that good amount rain will be ensuing. If there are white clouds, the rain will not be

expected properly. Black clouds considered good symbol of rain according to Bison Horn Maria.

Ama Mada (Mango Tree)

It is believed that if the mango crop is good, then rain will also be plenty in that particular

year. If mangoes come less in the season, rain also will be less.

Idum Mada (Mahuwa Tree)

Mahuwa plays an important role in Maria life. They believe that many gods and goddess

live in mahuwa tree. Mata pujari take a leaf and put into the bottom of the siyyadi tree. They

celebrate a festival on that day which is known as beej putni. Priest make seven leaf cups and put

under the tree, then he put some fruits of mahuwa in it. Then he pores water in such mahuwa

cups, if mahuwa fruit get dipped in the water, it is taken as good sign of rain. Otherwise it is

considered as bad omen and worship the deity for forgiveness.

Insects

The bite of insects also used to predict the rainfall by the Bison Horn Maria. If insects

bite sargi or mahuwa leaves then it indicate the less amount of rainfall.

Daru bhata is an insect which is found plenty in the study area. When Maria see this

insect in abundance, they believe that rain fall is more. These insects were found in bunches on

woods. According to their belief if the insect makes their living dwells in a big wood or in a big

log, it indicates the good amount of rainfall.

Red ants also play an important role in prediction of rains as well. When these ants carry

eggs into high areas and move upwards. It says the heavy rainfall is expecting.

Thus, all these beliefs reveal that, both Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria used to predict the

rains through their traditional knowledge. Thus, they not only accessing the water sources but

also preserve accordingly. The above-mentioned objects such as coconut, jamun, frog, insects

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etc. are used to find the sources of water. Where they find the source of water, they put a mark

for identification. Then a meeting is organized in the village and discussion is done about the

water source. Then, they proceed to make well or borewell. Based on these beliefs and practices,

they conserve the water resources for optimum utilization.

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Chapter-5

Socio-Cultural Dynamics of Water Management

Traditional knowledge was playing a pivotal role in water management among the tribal

communities since decades. Due to its significance, the knowledge is intertwined in the ritual

processes of these people which is expressed during ceremonial occasions and festivals. The

collective participation in elaborate ritual process during these festivals facilitate the proper

resource utilization in times of exigencies. Besides this cultural factors, social institutions such as

family, kinship, marriage and traditional council also playing a pivotal role in the access,

distribution, and conservation of water resources. The disputes relating to water are dealt by their

traditional panchayat and impose fines on the trespassers who indulge in its misutilization.

Nupital bonds are sanctified with water collected from earmarked water bodies. The elements of

social organization such as lineage and clan are crucial in mobilization of community

cooperation in arrangement of bunds, digging of ponds, etc. Thus, kin networks are playing an

important role in organization of its members in water management. As such, the present chapter

deals with the dynamics of socio-cultural factors of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria in access,

management, and conservation of water resources. Further, an attempt is also made to describe

the rites and rituals associated with water resources to understand the inherent knowledge of

management.

Social Institutions and Water Resources

Water is crucial for survival of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria as it is manifested in their

day to day events. Keeping in view of its significance, the study communities’ attributes certain

sacred qualities to the water available at certain locations. Use of water from such sacred spot is

mandatory for completion of life cycle rituals such as birth, marriage and death and annual

rituals. Social institutions such as marriage is testimony to this aspect which manifest the

conservation methods of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria in the study area.

Role of Water in Marriage

Among Dhurwa, marriage rites are held for three days in which water play an important

role in it. Prior to the marriage ceremony, they erect pandir (pandal) and all the consanguine

relatives assemble there. Mati pujari offer rice and egg to the pittar mata and sacrifice a chick

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there. He keeps the head of the sacrificed chick besides the egg and the blood is sprinkled seven

times on the soil besides mahuwa in sargi leaves. Then the sacrificial head is washed in jua

water for purification. The last year mahuwa dried flowers are mixed with jua water in a dona

and prepare a kind of prasad which is known as pey. Later on, they sprinkle landa and mahuwa

seven times and pray the mata for the protection of new bride who is coming to their home. The

eggs are broken after completion of whole marriage process. Thereafter, they keep jua water,

landa johra, musical instruments (dholak, jalajal, girgicha, verot or flute), one bottle mahuwa,

sulfi, and sargi leaves at mandap. Then mati pujari sprinkle landa and mahuwa seven times

through sargi leaves. At this place, mati pujari clean a plot with water and smear the soil for

drawing rangoli. Since they believed that Dhurwa blessed with the resources from the soil and

hence it is worshipped in almost all the occasions. After this, mata pujari gives mahuwa to mati

pujari in sargi leaves. Remaining landa and mahuwa is distributed to all the consanguine

relatives including male and female and do merry making in the presence of drum beats.

Role of Water in Death

As mentioned earlier, Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria bury the corpse of the pregnant

woman after crossing the river. This custom of crossing river demonstrates the magical powers

of river water that prevent the dead spirits to enter into the village. Even the deaths due to

accident or illness are cremated in fire and the ashes are immersed in water bodies for not

becoming the spirits. They collect water from earmarked acquifers for purification of house soon

after the funeral. Even for the construction of memorial pillar, they use jua water. The

ceremonial offering to the concerned mestri in the form of pig are taken to the bank of munda

and consume after thorough preparation. It demonstrates the significance of water in death

ceremony of Dhurwa and Maria in the study area.

Role of Panchayat

Traditional council is playing a catalytic role in access, distribution, and conservation of

water resources. Once the people of Tirathgarh faced the severe water problem in their village

and requested the Munda para for access of Musadu munda to fulfill their water needs for

irrigation as well as domestic use. Then the traditional council of Mundapara arranged a meeting

in their village and discussed the request of the Teerathgarh. There they also discussed the matter

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with farmers of the surrounding fields of Musadu munda for taking unanimous decision. As per

the suggestion of all the farmers, they requested the gram panchayat for construction of a big

stop dam to cater the needs of Teerathgarh also. The proposal for stop dam is forwarded to

irrigation department through gram panchayat. Accordingly, the irrigation department came

forward and constructed the stop dam within a year. For this, altogether ninety people are

engaged and taken the land of six farmers from whose fields the nallah’s are arranged. Thus,

their traditional council take an active part in managing the water resources judiciously.

Further, para elders such as sirha, patel, atpaharia, mati pujari, mata pujari, dev pujari,

and so on are crucial in resolution of water related problems in their para or village. The member

families in each para have usufruct rights over such water resources and these resources are used

for their subsistence purpose not for the commercial. Since these traditional water harvesting

structures are fulfilling the water needs of all the villagers, they collect money for its

maintenance and offer shramadaan (free manual labour) as and when required. It is their

responsibility to control its members for its optimum usage and also coordinate the different

activities of para jatra or madai from time to time. Though patel is headman, pujari exercise

influence on the people because he is involved in all religious activities.

Besides the objective of conservation of water, the council also dealt the offenders by

adopting stringent measures so as to restrain them from indulging in destruction or pollution of

individual or communal jua or munda. Generally, fines are imposed in the form of snatching

livestock and throwing feast to the community. Due to the fear of loss of livestock or

punishment, they do not dare to commit any offence thus resources are protected from over

exploitation or pollution of water bodies.

Customary Law and Dispute Resolution

Dhurwa make reunion of the eloped couple with their respective families by the process

of suddhikaran. In such cases, head of the family first conduct mati pujari and inform his

relatives about the proposed marriages and initiates the reunion in the community through the

process of purification. All the relatives including mati pujari assemble at the concerned

household for this act of reunion. Then mati pujari brings water from dongapani jua and sprinkle

over the couple. It is so that during marriage, water from sulel or dongapani are brought for

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completion of the marriage and symbolic to this, they pour water brought from the earmarked

jua. Further, mati pujari bring soaked rice in a dona, an empty pot and egg. The pot is filled with

dongapani jua water and offered worship to Singhraj dev. Then he breaks the egg with a knife

and offer to the deity for the success of the marriage. At the same time, couple are allowed to

enter their respective houses. Later on, they fix the date for official marriage and perform the

same through neer chaprana. Then only consider it is a sacred marriage. After completion of

this, head of the family offer landa to mati pujari and all the relatives present on this occasion.

The same reunion is also observed by Bison Horn Maria with slight modification where

in naik and paik play a prominent role. The head of the family first approach naik who belong to

kurram clan and paik belongs to poyam clan for purification of the eloped couple as these two

persons officiate and perform marriages among Bison Horn Maria. Wherein naik conducts the

ritual procedure of cleaning and paik assists him in all the activities. When all the relatives

assembled at the concerned family, naik and paik goes to kuier (nallah) along with many sargi

leaves filled with sindhur, turmeric pieces, incense, and a small pot. Both naik and paik dug out

some sand and arrange a new sua near the kuier where they believe that khandiya devi resides.

They offer worship to khandiya devi by keeping the puja material brought along with them for

successful married life of the couple and the collect water in a pot and cover with sargi leaves to

avoid evil eye. After bringing the water to the respective house, the prospective couple were

asked to sit in khutul (peeda or stool) together. Then both pour water over the couple and then

girl enter into her in laws house. Later on, they fix marriage date to complete the procedure of

yermitnaad. After completion of the task, head of the family offer a dona full of rice, urad dal,

salt, red chilli powder and Rs. 21/- or Rs.51/- as a dakshina to priests. Finally, all the relatives

including naik and paik were offer landa in sargi leaves and give farewell to them.

Rites and Rituals

Dhurwa and Bison Horn Muria of Bastar have strong faith and belief on the power of

supernatural forces, who play an important role in the proper management of natural resources.

The organization of mela, madai and jatra from time to time reveals their symbiotic relationship

with these resources. Due to this reason, various gods and goddesses are worshipped on different

occasions by the Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria. Each village inhabits the chief village deity

surrounded by its tutelary deities. They strongly believe that these deities are responsible for

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good harvest, grain storage, protection of the village from evil forces, diseases, and continuous

availability of water through good rainfall, etc.

However, the beliefs and practices of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria are kept on

changing with the impact of non-tribes. Despite of this fact, traditional practices associated with

water and other natural resources are still guiding them to conserve the depleting resources. The

rites and rituals reflect their belief in supernatural beings that are believed to live in natural

resources and control them from over exploitation. In case they violate any taboo or cultural

prescriptions, it is believed that misfortunes may occur in their family, village or society.

Therefore, they maintain a symbiotic relationship with these resources through the medium of

sacrificial worship to their gods and goddesses.

Jua Jatra (Dhurwa)

It is celebrated by the concerned individual in whose field the jua is situated for the

protection as well as conservation of water through out the year. This jatra is observed once in a

year and once in three years. In Bison Horn Maria, majority of the jua are found in the fields of

dev pujari, mata pujari and mati pujari and hence the priest observes the mela or madai every

year for its well being. Celebration of this jatra is vary from para to para, place, month, and date

since these jua’s are located at different places. Among Dhurwa, such jatras are celebrated after

the harvest of paddy whereas it is celebrated prior to sowing among Bison Horn Maria. Yearly

jatra is observed in simple manner by offering puja whereas once in three years it is observed in

grand manner where cattle are sacrificed to the water goddess.

Dongapani Jua Jatra

It is celebrated by Guddu Ram Nag Dhurwa who is a dev pujari of Uparras. The jua is

situated in midst of the hills and forest and hence they believed that kariausi dev reside in it. The

kariausi was worshiped in the form of bagh (leopard) which protect the forest, water and the

village. Every year, dev pujari fixes a date in the month of January or February especially on

Sunday to celebrate this jatra. On the auspicious day, pujari keep rice, chandan, agarbatti,

coconut, banana, and hajari flowers in eastern direction of the jua. On the same day, all the

villagers bring rice, coconut, and banana. After worship, dev pujari returns the same material as

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vendil (prasad) to them. Further, dev pujari performs phul jatra (first flower ceremony) once in

three years at this jua on Sunday in the month of January or February. In this jatra, sacrifice is

strictly prohibited and offers only puja material and prasad. On this day, dev pujari offer rice,

chandan, incense, coconut, banana, hajari flowers, three supari (betel) sachets and goras (urine

of the cow) to complete the worship. Three supari is meant for three deities who are associate

with jua such as kariausi dev, bharwa dokra, and singhraj dev who represent jal, jamin and

jungle combinedly. For this reason, they worship combinedly on this occasion as their survival is

associated with the blessing of these deities. During puja, dev pujari offers goras in sargi dona

to the karaiusi dev as it is considered as sacred and protect the villagers from the effect of

diseases.

Kalasuri Jua Jatra

It is located on the bank of mauli mata pujari’s field (Mamhagu Ram Baghel) who

belongs to Rampal para in Dhurwa community. This jua is considered as pure since the red soil

is available at this jua. It is seven generations old jua and observe jatra once in a year especially

on Monday in the month of November or December. On this day, mata pujari offer rice, incense,

hajari flowers, coconut, banana and egg to the deity. There, he also sprinkles the mahuwa mand

seven times with sargi leave. There, he sacrifices one red hen to the deity. It is told that they

offer egg, mahuwa mand for jua, and red hen for singhraj dev. Initially water of this jua is being

used by the paras of Rampaal, Mendabhata, Dhurras. Here Junapara and Uparras is considered

as distant and hence now a days they are not coming here for water. As such, the headmen of the

above three paras bring chaval, coconut, and incense as prasad and mata pujari offer it to the

deity. Once in every three years they observe madai on Monday in the month of aghan

(November or December) wherein cattle sacrifice is mandatory. Prior to imitiation of this jatra,

mata pujari collects Rs.20/- or Rs.40/- from each member of the household and purchase puja

material and sacrificial fowls, goats, and cattle. On the auspicious day, mata pujari offer rice,

hajari flowers, coconut, banana and egg to the deity and sprinkles mahuwa mand. It is followed

by the sacrifice of four fowls such as red, white, black and chitkabra, etc. In this, red hen is

offered to bharwa dokra; white one is to jalni mata, black one is to singhraj dev and chitkabra

for mauli mata. On this day, the head of the household in whose field this jua is located brings

rice, hajari flowers, coconut and offered to the deity as prasad for the perennial source of water.

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Then, he sacrifices a hen and offer a bottle mahuwa mand. The head of the sacrificial fowl is

eaten by the mata pujari and the rest of the meat is cooked on the bank of the jua and consumed

by the august gathering as prasad and return to their respective houses.

Sua Jatra (Bison Horn Maria)

Among Bison Horn Maria, majority of the suas are located in the common man fields

unlike location of jua in mati pujari fields among the Dhurwa. One such field belongs to Keso

Mandavi where one sua is located in southern side. which is considered as auspicious by the

Maria. Further, this belief is supported by the situation of Danteshwari goddess in this direction.

Hence, the Bison Horn Maria perform jatra or madai in the southern side of the sua. This sua is

located in veti para of Bade Kilepal and it is three generations old. According to the owner of the

field, at first a small kund is originated at this place and later on full fledged sua is arranged. The

depth of the sua is five to six feet and surrounded with stones. During summer, the water oozes

out from the kund gives indication that they can dug out sua near by it. This sua is considered as

the abode of pathal gangadai mata who is also known as uma devi. This sua’s water is used for

drinking, farming, fishing, bathing, cleaning and other domestic needs.

It is worshipped every year prior to the sowing in jeth (May-June) or prior to karthik.

Though they offer worship twice in a year, but the day is similar i.e., Monday. Prior to sowing,

they worship the deity for better yields for expecting the good crop in next year. In the former

case, the owner of the field offer rice, incense, turmeric powder mix rice, coconut and eggs to the

deity along with sprinkling of mahuwa. Later on, he sacrifices three chicks (white, red, and

black) to the deity. It is symbolic that white represent for water, red represent for soil and black

meant for gram devi. In later case, the head of the concerned household along with his family

members offer rice, incense, egg, and mahuwa before harvesting the crop. In this festival, no

other relatives are involved. At that time, only white and red chicks are sacrificed. The sacrificial

chicks are roasted in fire nearby the sua and return to their homes after consumption.

In this sua, once in three years they celebrate a jatra in the month of karthik (October-

November) on Monday. In this, they sacrifice a pig. Prior to this, concerned owner arranges a

meeting and collect Rs.50/- to Rs.100/- from each household to purchase puja material and

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sacrificial fowls. For this jatra, all the para members unitedly go to the sua where the owner

worship the sua with rice, incense, egg and mahuwa. It is followed by the sacrifice of chick

(black and red) and pig as symbolic to the earth and water. From this, it is clear that they always

worship the earth and water simultenously and pray for good crops, green coverage in forest,

abundance of animals, etc. Since the sua water is mostly used for irrigation purpose by making

nallah from it to the fields. On this day, head of each household bring rice in dona, coconut,

incense and offer fowls based on their mannat (vow). Besides this, the villagers do offer money

and paddy to the concerned owner of the sua as a mark of respect since other para members also

utilize this sua water as and when required. Then, he distributes the hukum (prasad) to all the

members and consumes the sacrificial meat by cooking there itself. There after, all the para

members return to their houses and start harvest next day.

Main objective of this jatra is to ensure availability of good amount of water for the

ensuing farming. In this jatra, participation of women is prohibited and they were denied even

consumption of prasad. Generally, they restrict washing of clothes and bathing at this jua rather

they allotts a dabri for feeding the livestock, bathing, cleaning and so on. On this auspicious

occasion, the village elders such as mata pujari, dev pujari, mati pujari, patel do offer money

such as Rs. 20/- or 30/- or 40/- and three dona full paddy offered during jatra wishing

availability of water and good crops.

Bhima Dev (Rain God)

In Bastar, bhima dev is also known as khetihar dev (agriculture god) who is variously

referred with bhima dev, bhimsen or bhima dokra by the tribes. He is the symbol of rain in the

study area. Whenever water scarcity prevails in the study area, then the villagers collectively

worship bhima dev for rain. Among Dhurwa, bhima dev is addressed as bhimsen and bhimul dev

among the Bison Horn Maria.

Bhimsen

The symbol of bhimsen is an aasan (broad sitting platform made with sargi wood) among

the Dhurwa community. Near to this symbol, one kudahi tree is located which is known as the

residing place of bhimsen. In case of no rain in the village, Dhurwa perform the marriage ritual

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of bhima-bhimin to please the rain god. It is observed every year in the month of bhadon

(August-September) on Tuesday at bhima dev gudi. For this jatra, the head of each household

brings purana chaval (old rice). For this puja, mata pujari worship the bhimsen with sindhor,

hajari flowers, coconut, incense sticks, egg shell and flowers. Prior to this, mati pujari arrange a

macha (small pandal) with the dongar baas at the aasan of bhimsen. It is known as chopal. Later

on, he keeps the purana chaval at the two front legs of aasan and perform puja. After formal

worship, the mati pujari sacrifices a white cock and black pig at the spot. Dhurwa consider that

white cock is a symbol of water and black pig is a symbol of earth. After completion of jatra,

Dhurwa start harvesting the crops and consume the traditional dish made with new rice, urad,

and til along with phenda baaji. The main objective of this jatra is to protect the village as well

as khet-khalihan. For this, people bring old paddy, mandia, urad, til in dona made with sargi

leaves to this jatra. After completion of puja, mati pujari distribute them to gathering in the form

of prasad. Both men and women participate in this jatra. However, sacrificial food is consumed

by men only. However, the head of the buffalo is consumed by mati pujari and mandari players.

If there are no proper rains in the year, the village headman organizes a meeting with manjhi,

mata pujari, sirha, mati pujari, kotwar, patel and all the villagers and decide the month and date

for the jatra. A big Bhima jatra is observed once in three years by contributing generously and

performed for three days. Besides this, Dhurwa offer worship every year for good rain and

harvest from bhima dev.

Plate 5.1: Bhimsen Pandal at Rampal of Chhindawada

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Raathmai Jatra

Besides this, once in twelve years, they celebrate one big jatra at the sacred place of

bhimsen by the Dhurwa which is known as raathmai jatra. It is so that this jatra is performed

during night only. According to their folklore, once there were only twelve Dhurwa paras in the

area and they are surrounded by dense forest. To protect themselves from the water scarcity,

Dhurwa started celebrating this jatra. Due to this reason only, this jatra is performed once in

twelve years in the month of aghan (November-December) on Wednesday night between 10 to

12 p.m. For this festival, kichak pujari brings water at 8’O clock in night from the sacred

singhraj jua. As a part of worship, he offers hajari flowers, egg, and incense at the singhraj jua

and brings water in a small handi. This sacred water is mixed with cow dung and smear to the

symbol of bhimsen. Later on, pujari worships the bhimsen with vermilion, hajari flowers,

banana, coconut, and twelve eggs representing the twelve original paras and for twelve years. In

between the puja, he offers mahuwa mand seven times to the bhimsen. The twelve eggs are given

as a part of food to bhimsen for twelve years. Then, he sacrifices a kala chowki (black chick) and

a chitkabra (a white spotted black chick), a white cock, and two black pigs at the place.

Thereafter, at 12’O clock in the night, pujari sacrifices a red cow or oxen to bhimsen. The head

of the sacrificed cow is buried under the kudahi tree and keep a big stone. Here participation of

women is strictly prohibited. The main objective of this jatra is to ensure continuous rainfall,

peace and protection of the paras from the droughts etc.

Plate 5.2: Place of Raathmai Jatra where Head of Sacrificial Animal Buried

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Gram Devi or Devta

Every Dhurwa para was inhabited by gram devi or gram devta who believed to protect

the village from the entry of evil spirits. As such, every village has their own village deity known

as kuldevi or mauli mata. The tutelary deities of kuldevi are mainly pardesin mata, hinglajin

mata, tiranta mata, kankalin mata, etc. Apart from these village deities, pittar mata also exists

inside the household of Dhurwa. This deity is known as the goddess of grain. Unmarried women

are prohibited to enter at the abode of pittar mata. The head of the house offer worship every

year during the cultivation period, new house building to avoid misfortunes. Pittar mata is

worshipped in all significant activities of their life ranging from safety of children, seeking

marriage proposal to brides and grooms, good wishes for augmentation of house construction,

economic pursuits, etc. Thus, mauli mata of Chhindawada and the khanda kankalin mata of

Bade Kilepal are worshipped on important occasions not only by the study tribes but also the

other communities residing in their villages.

Mauli Mata

The chief goddess of Dhurwa is mauli mata, who is addressed in the name of gram devi

(village goddess). They believed that this goddess protects the village from malevolent spirits.

Therefore, they worship the gram devi from time to time and a jatra is observed every year. It is

known as mauli mela. This jatra is held annually for two days in the month ashaad (May-June)

on Friday and Saturday. They worship the deity collectively wherein the members of each house

of the village participate. On first day, the mata pujari clean the gudi and worships the goddess

with sindhur, rice, hajari flowers, madar flowers, kaner flowers, incense sticks, coconut and

banana, and sprinkle some drops of the new mahuwa mand in front of the goddess. Then mata

pujari also invokes the dwarmundiya (servant deity of mauli mata which is the form of erected

iron spear attached to sargi wooden log) with sindhur, rice, hajari flowers, incense sticks, etc. It

is worshipped to avoid the evil-eye. An egg is broken to feed the dwarmundiya on this occasion

along with dhaan (paddy). Thus broken egg shell is kept in front of the dwarmundiya. After that

a member of the mati pujari family sacrifices a red goat to dwarmundiya. They believed that red

goat is liked by the deity very much and hence they consider it as a symbol of mauli mata. Then

mata pujari prays for the good wishes to the village and get rid the evil spirits from their village.

After the worship, offerings of rice, coconut and banana are given to all the present gathering as

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prasad. Women can also accept these offerings of rice, coconut and banana. But they were

barred to take the sacrificial meat as prasad. After sacrifice, mata pujari consumes the sacrificial

animal head whereas the other men consume the torso. Soon after completion of the worship,

they proceed to pargana gudi on the same day, and offer worship to hinglajin mata. Then, the

villagers moved to baddu (backside of the gudi) with their children (generally below one year)

and offer worship with chaval, hajari flowers, mahuwa. Thereafter, they seek the blessing of the

deity for protection of their children while going outside the village. Without performing this

festival, they do not take the children out of the village like mela (at village level), madai and

jatra (at pargana level).

Plate 5.3: Mauli Mata Gudi at Rampal

Plate 5.4: Dwarmundiya in front of the Maulimata

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Plate 5.5: Goddess Maulimata

Sonkuvar and Vankuvar

The chief forest deities sonkuvar and vankuvar are worshipped by both communities in

the study area. The symbol of sonkuvar and vankuvar are stones erected in midst of the forest

that resembles sacred groves. The habitation of sonkuvar-vankuvar is called vatakul. The

worship of sonkuvar is undertaken to protect the cow-oxen and the forest. Therefore, every year

in the baishakh (April-May), the worship is organized on Monday. On this day, the mati pujari

of the village worship van dev with sindhur, rice, incense, hajari flowers and egg. Then they

sacrifice a black chick and a black goat, and offer mahuwa mand. Then the mati pujari wished

for protection of their livestock and the forest. Apart from this, they do worship these gods on

different occasion such as during amus festival. The main reason behind this worship is that their

livestock roam in the forest are vulnerable to wild beasts and hence pray for safe return to the

home. Further, the continuous availability of kandamool (root and tubers), honey, wild vegetable

leaves, chapada (red ant), boda, basta (tender bamboo), mushroom, kumdah, mahua, tendu,

mango, chhind, chaar, sargi and jackfruit etc., also wished while worship. The deity also ensures

the availability of hunting game such as kodri (deer), geedad, lava, pandaki, kumat, wild buffalo,

bear, rabbit etc., in the forest and conserve them for future.

Bharwa Dokra and Bhandarin Dokri

Bharwa dokra and Bhandarin dokri are the important deities of Dhurwa as they

consider them as forefathers from whom Dhurwa got their origin. These deities are treated as

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husband and wife and their progeny were the descendants of Dhurwa. These deities are

worshipped once in three years as they were saviors of their community from the attack of

malevolent spirits. To celebrate their festival, Dhurwa organize mass meeting in the village and

money is collected from each house for the proposed fair. Later on, they purchase the required

items and organize the event in a grand manner. During jatra time, the symbols of these two

deities such as chhattar (a sacred umbrella made with dongar baas having silver cap), devlath

and devbadga are taken in procession to different villages. After the completion of the

procession, they come back to the temple where people wash their feet with water and keep

chhattar inside the gudi. Thereafter, the deities were offered chicken, duck, goat as sacrifice.

Bharwa Dokra

The deity is considered to be originated from the soil and hence known as mati dev. It

is said that before worshiping any god or goddess, Dhurwa worship the mati dev at first instance.

After completion of mati dev puja, worship of other gods and goddesses were initiated. This god

play an important role during the festival of mati festival. Similar to other deities offering, they

also offer eggs and mahuwa mand to him during worship. It is believed that the main purpose of

worship is to protect the village, house, magic, protection from farm-burn and unnatural

incidents.

Plate 5.6: Worship of Bharwa Dokra

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Bhandarin Dokri

This deity is also known as the goddess of the crop and propitiated to ensures good

harvest. For this reason, every year in the month of baishakh (April-May), a jatra is organized

from Sunday to Tuesday. On first day, it is customary to clean the gudi by atpaharia. After this,

mata pujari worship the goddess with sindhur, rice, hajari flowers, coconut and egg. Since then,

every year the goddess is offered seven to twelve drops of the mahuwa mand from siyyadi leaf,

and request the deity to protect from the all the evil forces. After that, mati priest sacrifice chicks

(white and red colour). On this day, all the people of the village take a bamboo basketful of rice,

lentils, a cock, an bottle mahuwa mand, and a new handi landa. They keep all the stuff in the

gudi and offer worship by mata pujari with all those materials. After that, a korku (he-cock) is

sacrificed. He keeps the head of the sacrificial kor in front of the devi and shower the blood three

times on the ground. During the worship, only men participate in the event. On the second day,

money is collected from every house of the village, and purchases a pig for sacrifice. The clay

priest sacrifices the dadda (pig), and keeps its head in the gudi. The blood is mixed in the rice

and distributed among themselves. It is considered as prasad by Dhurwa and consume in raw

form. On the third day, mud priest, sirha, patel, kotwar and atpaharia together consume the head

of the pig after boiling in salt mixed hot water. After completion of the task only they return to

home.

Plate 5.7: Worship of Bhandarin Dokri

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Hingalajin Mata

The deity is worshipped at pargana level and hence known as pargana devi. It is

believed that this goddess protects the entire pargana and appeased once in every year. This

goddess is considered to be protector of village from the attack of evil spirits. A jatra is observed

every year in the month of chait (March-April) on Tuesday. The nature of worship is collective

than individual. On first day, the mother priest cleans the gudi with the water brought from

singhraj jua. Then mata pujari decorate the goddess with vermilion, rice, hajari flowers, madar

(gudahal) flowers, kaner flowers, incense stick, coconut, banana and pour few drops of new

mahuwa mand on the goddess. Then mata pujari offer worship to daand dev who is known as

sevak (servant) of the goddess with vermilion, rice, hajari flowers, and incense sticks. There he

offers an egg by breaking it with a knife to feed daand dev and keep the egg shell in front of the

daand dev. After that a member of the mata pujari house sacrifice a red goat, a white and red

cock to the goddess and daand dev. Then, mata pujari prays for the good wishes of the village.

After completion of puja, the sacred offerings of rice, coconut and banana are given as prasad to

all the present gathering. On this occasion, Dhurwa reveal that women can accept offerings of

the goddess and they are prohibited to accept daand dev’s sacrifice. There, mata pujari consumes

the sacrificed goat head and the remaining people eat the torso. Hingalajin mata is also

worshipped on the occasion of mahuwa first fruit ceremony wherein Dhurwa prepare a mand

made from the mahuwa flower and offer to the goddess. After completion of the puja, Dhurwa

collect the mahuwa flowers and prepare liquor.

Plate 5.8: Hingalajin Mata Gudi

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Vetal Dev

Vetal dev is known as village protection god whom Dhurwa perceive the protector of

the village from the entry of evil spirits. The gudi of vetal dev is located at Rampal of

Chhindawada village. There a jatra is observed once in every three years on Sunday and Monday

in the month of chait (March-April). This jatra is popular as badgi jatra where they perform

danda (stick) dance. On Sunday, the symbol of this god is taken by the vetal priest from the

village gudi to the nearby jua for sacred bath of the vetal dev. It is believed that singhraj dev

resides in that jua where the god is taken for bath. Therefore, it is considered to be a sacred water

source and preserved from its contamination. The sacred jua is located in the middle of the fields

behind the gudi. Water of this jua is used for several religious works.

Plate 5.9: Vetal Dev Gudi

Prior to bringing the water, the priest and the villagers join together. Then, the priest

starts worshipping the jua with vermilion, rice, and an egg. After worship, the priest takes a pot

of water for sacred bath to the vetal dev. After that, they worship the vetal dev under the Banyan

tree outside the gudi. Thus, it is customary to worship to singhraj dev first by mata pujari with

vermilion, rice, egg shell, and the mahuwa mand. Afterwards, they start vetal dev puja and

sacrifice of black pig, a white and red coloured cock to the god. On this day, chhattar and dev

lath (the symbols of the gods and goddesses) are decorated and placed near vetal dev. In this

event, women are barred to worship. On the second day, the priest worships vetal dev with

vermilion, rice, by wearing the traditional puja dress and the garlands of hajari, madar and kaner

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flowers. On this day, the priest sacrifices the chidara pig (three-strapped pig) to vetal dev. This

sacrifice is done in the name of threelok such as dharti (earth), paathal (underground) and

aakash (sky) for protection from the ensuing dangers. On this day, all the people of the village

participate and bring rice, hajari flower and incense stick from their houses. After this worship,

the priests and the villagers dance with vetal dev. A special musical instrument known as kaasan

(drum) was played by Dhurwa to invoke the gods and goddesses of different villages like

taakwara, kankapal, jeeram, alang, kandanar, teerathgarh, darbha, budkibhata, chandragiri,

karka, kondalur etc. The main objective of this worship is to protect the village and to remove

the problem of water.

Among Dhurwa, it is customary to distribute prasad in the form of rice, coconut and

banana to all the villagers. In every festival people collectively purchase goat, pig, poultry, chick,

pigeons and ducks to sacrifice the concerned deity. The sacrificial offerings were consumed by

the male persons by boiling in salt, water with in a distance of the gudi. Generally, places like

village gudi, river or pond and forest where the jatra of each god and goddess are held, people

consume the offerings. Besides this main sacrifice, people also fulfil their vows by offering

goats, roasters, chickens and ducks as per their will. In this worship, women also eat this offering

besides men because it is considered to be the gift of their vows. In such offering, it is considered

to be the right of the priest to consume the head of the sacrificial animal followed by members of

the house who eat the torso. It is strictly prohibited to take the sacrificial meat to the residences

as it invites problems. Hence, they consume there itself and return to home. In almost all the

jatras women participate but restricted to consume sacrificial meat.

Basan Budin Jalni Mata

In the study area different varieties of bamboo such as jungly, barha, kanda, silik,

bansuri, paani, etc., are available. Of which, paani baas (water bamboo) is famous one used by

Dhurwa in majority of the tasks. It is also referred as neer vedri by Dhurwa. It is available on the

banks of rivers and always consists full of water. According to a local myth, jalni mata was

originated from this neer vedri which is turned into a shila, At this place, a temple was erected

and built the image of basan budin mata which is confronted with langur dokra shila. Besides

this, the shila of many deities and their desired colour clothes are present such as dulardai mata

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(neela and black cloth), langda dokra (bel tree), banjarin mata (red cloth), matvar dokra (black

and neela cloth), mauli pardesin mata (red cloth), baman dokra (red cloth), dwaramundiya

mahamai mata (red cloth), etc. Besides these symbols, a jhula (divine swing) is also present on

the precints of the gudi. Every year, the basan budin mata jatra is observed in the month of chait

(March-April) for two days especially on Monday and Tuesday and celebrate madai once in

three years. On jatra day, atpaharia clean the gudi with water brought from jua and decorate the

chief goddess with sindhur and flowers followed by others in front of the gudi. Then the priests

from other villages and sirha throng to this gudi along with their chhattar, dev lath, dev kursi,

angadev, devi doli, and dev badga who are welcomed by washing their feet with the water. Then

jalni mata is offered first the sacred bath with jua water followed by worship with sindhur,

chaval, incense, hajari or madad flowers and coconut. Then mata pujari offer a dona full of

milk, banana and bel to each of the deities. They also worship mahara baja during this process

followed by homam to jalni mata and others. In the evening, mata pujari clean a place at the

temple for daand dev and smear it with soil paste and prepare baana (rangoli) with rice powder

and offer worship by keeping rice, egg, incense, chudi phundadi. They believe that in case vetal

dev is not present in the form of possession, they will not offer buffalo sacrifice. When vetal dev

appears, he was taken to parikrama around the temple four times for protection of the village and

gayata sacrifice the buffalo to the goddess mahamai mata. It is a tradition in Bastar to offer

buffalo sacrifice to all the existing deities of Bastar who are popular with battis bahna or thirty-

two sisters. In case of madai, there is a tradition of sacrificing a buffalo to the dwaramundiya at

night. After sacrifice, the head of the sacrificial animal is wrapped in red cloth and kept in front

of the jalni mata till the completion of madai and the remaining body was given to Maria or

Mahara for consumption. After completion of the puja, mata pujari apply sindhur on the head of

the animal and given to Maria. A black goat is also sacrificed in front of the jalni mata shila

followed by hawan at the shila of banjarin mata as a part of suddikaran. After this, all the

villagers cook the sacrificed meat and left their homes after consumption.

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Plate 5.10: Image of Basan Budin Jalni Mata

Next day, they initiate jatra after cleaning the gudi by atpaharia. Again, mata pujari

worship jalni mata with water, sindhur, chaval, incense, flowers, bel leaves, coconut, followed

by homam. Then, he proceeds to temple precincts and decorate the bel tree (langur dokra) with

sindhur, chaval, egg, and flowers. After this, he worships all the existing deities and offer milk in

a dona, banana and bel leaves as prasad and offer arati. Later on, gayata, and mata pujari take

the chhattar of jalni mata and puja material and proceeds to bhoria mata temple who is

considered as jalni mata ki aasan gaadi.

Plate 5.11: Mahamai, Dwarmundiya of Jalni Mata

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Among all, gayata first keep the jalni mata chhattar inside the temple and sprinkle

water on the chabutara of aasan gaadi and pardesin mata. There gayata prepare rangoli with

wheat powder. Then mata pujari worship jalni mata and bhoria mata combinedly with sindhur,

chaval, incense, flowers, eggs and coconuts and keep each dona full of milk and banana as

prasad. It is followed by the worship of pardesin mata, dwaramundiya by offering rice to black

chick and menda (sheep). Then mata pujari break the egg and coconut followed by offering of

chia by gayata. Once again gayata sacrifice the menda in front of dwaramundiya and carefully

collect its blood in a separate container and keep in front of the bhoria mata as food. Then

gayata and mata pujari sprinkle mahuwa mand seven times through siyyadi leaves. After a

while, they collect all the chhattar, puja material, sacrificial carcass and return to jalni mata

temple. They are welcome at jalni mata temple by pouring water on their feet. Near to the jalni

mata shila, atpaharia clean a plot and draw rangoli over it. At this place, they sacrifice three

goats for jalni mata and collect the blood in separate container and wrap with red cloth. The

heads of the sacrificed goats are kept in front of the jalni mata inside the gudi. Later on, mata

pujari sprinkle water over these heads and offer arati to them. There gayata sacrifice a pigeon to

the langur dokra and sprinkle its blood over the shila. As per the mannat of the villagers, gayata

sacrifices different type of animals such as menda, bakara, kabutar, murga, etc. after the main

sacrifice During that time, sirha possessed by mata are taken to the devine chair and sat over

there near to the jalni mata shila. In possessive state, the sirha consume the sacrificial blood

brought by pujari as symbol to the protection of jal, jamin, and jungle by the goddess. In that

state, sirha assists in swinging jalni mata in the nearby jhula. Here the whole day, animal

sacrifices take place. Then, pujari, gayata, and sirha, and all the villagers cook the sacrificial

meat near to the temple and consume there itself and leave the place.

On third day, mata pujari give farewell to all the gods and goddesses who are in the

form of chhattar to their respective places. It is firmly believed that after completion of this jatra

or madai, rain comes immediately. If rain takes place in the village, they considered it as a good

omen.

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Plate 5.12: Animal Sacrifice infront of Aasangaadi Gudi

Deities of Bison Horn Maria

The chief deity of the Bison Horn Maria is peen dev and sinhadeori mata who are

considered as progenitors i.e., wife and husband. Besides, Maria also worship khanda kankalin

mata, baman dev, jalnin mata, daand dev, bhimul dev and nakodo natolin taling mata. Once in a

year or three years, all the Maria of the pargana organize fair or festival (jatra) to avoid

unnatural events in the village. Maria sabha is the major attraction soon after this jatra. The

majhi, chalki, mother priest, mud priest, sirha, patel, kotwar and all the people of the village

participate in Maria sabha and fix the month, date and time of the fair. They also collect Rs.100/-

to 300/- as contributions to celebrate the jatra from members of each household. With this

money, they purchase puja materials, sacrificial fowls, and animals for the ensuing. During jatra,

it is customary for every member of the village to offer rice, flowers, coconut and tori (artifact

made with brass) in dona to the deities. Tori is used for invitation of deities from other Maria

villages.

Peen Dev

Peen dev is also considered as one of the chief god of the Bison Horn Maria who is

known as hidma dokra. They believed that this god belonging to mud as they are surviving in the

lap of nature by using natural resources like land, water, and forest. To appease him, Maria

organize a jatra every year in the month of phagun (February-March) on Tuesday and

Wednesday. On first day, peen dev is worshipped at his gudi with vermilion, hajari flowers,

incense sticks, and an egg along with sprinkling of mahuwa mand three, five and seven times in

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a small handi. On this day, a simple worship of the god is observed. On second day, the devotees

worship the peen dev in similar to first day worship i.e., with sindhur, hajari flowers, coconut,

incense stick, and eggs. After this, mud priest sacrifice a black pig, a white and red rooster. All

the members of Bison Horn Maria including women and children participate in jatra at dev gudi.

The main objective of this jatra to enhance the fertility of the soil, happiness, prosperity,

protection from magic, and the farm from barrenness, etc.

Sinhdeori Mata

Sinhdeori mata is considered as the goddess of food. Like the peen dev who protects

the soil, trees, animals, river-ponds, waterfall etc. The sinhdeori mata also protects the crops

such as paddy, mandia, kodo, sesame, wheat, maize, kosra etc. As such, Maria organize a jatra

every year in the month of chait (March-April) on Tuesday. On this day, mata pujari worship the

deity with sindhur, hajari flowers, incense, eggs, along with offering of mahuwa mand in a dona

five to seven times. After that, mati pujari sacrifices white and red hen and request the mata to

protect the village from the attack of the evil forces. Irrespective of caste, creed, and religion all

the inhabitants of the para participate in the festival by bringing rice, hajari flowers and incense

sticks, mahuwa mand to the goddess.

Baman Dev

This god is known as gram dev (village god) of Bison Horn Maria and the symbol of

baman dev is a shila. Baman dev is worshipped every year with a grand jatra in the month of

phagun (February-March) on Monday every year. In this jatra, only the head of each household

of the village participate and offerings are made by the mati pujari. In this jatra, it is customary

to wear the banana leaves by mati pujari under his waist and offer the puja. suliya flowers (small

orange colored flowers) are offered to the god along with egg, paddy, and mahuwa mand. Then,

he sacrificed a white rooster, a white goat, a white pigeon and a white duck since this god's

favorite color is white. According to their belief, white color is said to be a symbol of water. To

maintain the level of water in their kuier sua, they worship the baman dev collectively for

prosperity of water resources. The main objective of this jatra is to protect the village from akaal

(drought).

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Nakodo Natolin Taling Mata

It is considered as the main forest goddess of the Bison Horn Maria, usually identify

with siyyadi trees in the forest. The sacred grove of this goddess is known as the padai. The deity

is worshipped every year in the month of baishakh (April-May) on Tuesday. All the menfolk of

the Bade Kilepal present on this occasion except women. On this day, mati pujari worship the

goddess by offering rice, coconut, egg, a black cock and a black goat. The mati pujari sprinkle

mahuwa mand seven or eleven times in a dona. After that, he sacrifices a goat and cock. To

conduct this event, the villagers voluntarily contribute money and buy animals for the goddess.

On this auspicious day, mati pujari gives rice and coconut in the form of prasad to all the people

of the village. Thereafter, he sacrifices black hen and goat and the beheaded heads are consumed

by the mati pujari by boiling in salt mixed water. After consuming the sacrificial meat, all the

people of the village go back to their respective homes. The main purpose of this worship is to

pray the god to protect the wild animals, and availability of minor forest produce in the forest.

Besides this, people who had vows to this deity also offer sacrifices according to their wish.

Further, this deity is also worshipped for protection against natural calamities.

Bison Horn Maria firmly believed that it is forbidden to offer worship to van devi in the

house. Therefore, they have to eat the offerings of van devi in front of their house or outside the

house. After consumption only, Then, they go inside their house. Otherwise they have to face the

wrath of the deity. Therefore, after completing the worship female departure the spot and the

men only consume the offerings.

Bharva Dev

Bharva dev is known as village protection deity of Bison Horn Maria of the Bade

Kilepal. In addition to this, he is also popular as daand dev. Bison Horn Maria believes that they

survive by virtue of nature and water is part of it. Due to this reason, every village irrespective of

ethnic identity worships this deity. The location of bharva dev is believed to be inside around the

mountain or forest in the form of sargi tree or stone under this tree. To appease bharva dev, a

jatra is organized annually in the month of chait (March-April) on Thursday. On this particular

day, a black buffalo is sacrificed in presence of the villagers especially menfolk. Women are

prohibited to participate in this jatra. The worship is officiated by the mati pujari with offerings

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such as sindhur, rice, paddy, incense, egg and egg shell, and offer mahuwa in dona for five to

seven times. In this jatra, mati pujari sacrifices a black goat, a black pig, a chitkabra fowl and a

black buffalo. Among these, the sacrifice of black buffalo was done once in three years which is

considered as tradition practiced since generations. The deity is worshipped to avoid unnatural

incidents, such as flood, drought or famine etc. It is customary to offer rice and a hajari flowers

in a dona by the head of each household in the village.

Prasad

It is known as vendil by Dhurwa and hukum among the Bison Horn Maria. In every

jatra, the mata pujari distributes rice and coconut in the form of prasad to all villagers. But the

offerings of sacrifice are consumed by the men at gudi, jungle or on the bank of river or pond.

The priest consumes the head of the sacrificed animal as prasad. Women are prohibited to

consume the sacrificial meat.

Bhimul Dev

Bhimul dev is considered as the chief rain god among the Bison Horn Maria. According

to their belief, bhima dev is worshipped for wishing good monsoon. The abode of this god is

forest, which is locally known as padai (temple). A jatra is observed on Monday or Thursday in

the month of jeth (May-June) every year to commemorate the bhimul dev. To worship bhimul

dev, every member of the household takes a little paddy from their house in a dona. On Sunday

night, all the villagers gather in the forest and clean the sacred place. This god is invoked during

night only. After completion of worship, the respective community members arrange feast on the

spot. The paddy brought by the people of the village are collected which is known as beej

kothaar. On second day, the mati pujari worships the god with sindhur, rice, egg shell, copper or

iron ring (tapaat), paddy, incense stick, coconut and hajari flowers, and offer mahuwa mand in

dona. After that, he sacrifices different roosters i.e., white, black, chitkabra and red hen. After

this, the mati pujari performs puja with the sindhur, rice, hajari flowers, incense sticks, and

paddy towards the east side on his farm on Monday and sprinkle the mahuwa. Then they

slaughter a black cock, and drips the sacrificial blood on the paddy collected from villagers.

After that, the mati pujari distributes the blood-soaked paddy seeds to the head of each

household. Later on, this ritualized paddy is mixed with other seeds and sown in the field.

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Apart from this, Bison Horn Maria also organizes a special jatra for good rainfall once

in three years, which is popular as bhimul jatra. In relation to this jatra, it is said in case of water

problem or famine in the village, Bison Horn Maria organizes bhimul jatra on Friday in the

month phagun (February-March). On this day, Maria gather at chabutara of the Bade Kilepal

including women. On this day, mata pujari worships bhima dev with sindhur, rice, incense stick,

coconut, hajari and madar flowers and mahuwa mand. During the worship, mata pujari offers

twelve eggs to the bhimul dev. After that, mata pujari sacrifices a black bull or buffalo to bhimul

dev. The blood of the sacrificed bull or buffalo is considered a symbol of water. It is believed

that after sacrificing bulls or buffaloes once in every three years, they are avoiding the frequency

of famines in the study area.

Pargana Devi

Pargana is found among almost all the tribes of Bastar and there exists a pargana devi

in every pargana. In the study area, Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria pargana consists of thirty-

two villages. Hingalajin mata is a pargana devi of Dhurwa and Khanda kankalin mata is a

pargana devi among the Bison Horn Maria. Chhindawada is the headquarter of Dhurwa pargana

whereas the Bade Kilepal is the pargana headquarter of Bison Horn Maria. A meeting is

organized at pargana level regarding the celebration of fair and jatra and inform the date and

time to the remaining villages of the pargana.

Hingalajin Mata

After the commencement of Bastar goncha in Jagdalpur, the goncha mela is organized

in Chhindawada on Tuesday and Wednesday in the first week. This mela is organized at

hingalajin mata gudi. This gudi is located in Rampal of Chhindawada village. At the outset,

mata pujari performs the worship of daand dev with sindhur, rice, incense, coconut and egg,

along with offers mahuwa mand. It is performed to prevent the contagious diseases in their

villages. After daand dev puja, mata pujari worship hingalajin mata with sindhur, incense stick,

coconut, banana and hajari flowers in gudi along with a glimpse of mahuwa mand in dona. Then

all the villagers collectively collect money and buy a black goat, and sacrifice it near the daand

dev. Here mata pujari welcomes chhattar, dev lath and dev badga of goddesses that are brought

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from other villages of the same pargana. For this, they use the water brought from singhraj jua

for washing the feet of the priests and offer arati. Mata pujari places chhattar and dev lath in

gudi, and dev badga in front of gudi known as kolathi uduran fat in Dhurwa language. They

considered that the symbol of the black color of dev badga is kankalin mata and the white color

of dev badga is sirosin mata. Then, after offering worship of these chhattars and dev laths near

daand dev, they keep the hingalagin mata at the mother goddess's chair and bet (dev lath made

from dongar bamboo and lace of silver). After worshipping all gods and goddesses here, priests

of every goddess roam around the gudi by taking their own chhattar, dev lath and dev badga. By

doing this act, Dhurwa believe that malevolent spirits are barred to enter the village. Once again

after roaming around the entire gods and goddesses, mata pujari worship near the daand dev.

After sacrificing a red cock, mother priest invites priest from other villages to offer puja to the

gods and goddesses. Then all the priests go with their chhattar, dev lath and dev badga. On this

day, the people of all the villages are given the offerings of rice, coconut and banana. The

sacrificial prasad is consumed there itself and return to their respective houses. On second day,

the villagers who had vows visit the temple to offer sacrifices like goat, cock, duck etc. On this

day, women are also allowed but eat sacrificial meat and coconut. It is customary to keep the

head at hinglajin mata and the remaining torso is given to devotees. After this jatra, the head of

every house in the village starts ploughing the field, which is known as biyasi. The main

objective of this jatra is meant for the prosperity of the farm, good wishes of the rainy season the

protection of the animals, prevention of small pox, etc.

Table 5.1: Pargana’s God and Goddesses of Chhindawada Village

S.N. Village Pargana’s God-Goddess

1. Mangalpur Hingalajin mata

2. Karka Bhairam baba

3. Chandragiri Gangadai mata

4. Ghumadpal Mauli mata

5. Katenar Mauli mata

6. Musaguda Mauli mata

7. Munaga Hingalajin mata

8. Chhindawada Bhandarin dokri

9. Bispur Jalni mata

10. Pakhnar Bhairam dokra

11. Darbha Chaukavadi Mauli mata

12. Kakaalgur Chaukawadi mata

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13. Koleng Jalni mata

14. Pedawada Bhandarin dokri

15. Kutumbasar Baasta budin mata

16. Manhjhipal Hingalajin mata

17. Takawada Bhoriya mata

18. Alanganar Dokri mauli

19. Kandanar Dokri mauli

20. Tongapal Jalni budhi

21. Chhindabahar Hingalajin mata

22. Chidpal Mauli mata

23. Kamanar Bamandai mata

24. Jondaraguda Mauli mata

25. Gaadam Mauli mata

26. Netanar Budha bhairam

27. Chingapal Mauli mata

28. Tiranpal Chargaain mata

29. Koyanar Mauli mata

30. Kankiguda Mauli mata

31. Neganar Jalni mata

32. Chhedwa Budha bhairam and

Jalni mata

Khanda Kankalin Mata

This deity is the pargana goddess of Bison Horn Maria. The gudi of khanda kankalin

mata is situated in the village of Bade Kilepal one in paikpara. After finishing the Bastar

goncha, a mela is organized at khanda kankalin mata gudi too on Monday. For this mela, thirty-

two parganas symbols of gods and goddesses are invited. On this day, a big goncha mela is held.

At first, they worship the daand dev, who represents in the form of a stone. At the right side of

daand dev, the main temple of khanda kandalin mata locates. The goddess is offered venji

porloki (paddy shell) and a gadbam (egg) by the mother priest. After that, mother priest worships

the goddess with sindhur, incense, coconut and hajari flowers in gudi, and sprinkle the mahuwa

mand with the leaves of mahuwa tree. Bison Horn Maria of the entire village participates in this

event and bring the symbols of the gods and goddesses in the form of chhattars. Then the mother

priest welcomes all deities and places them in the gudi and worship with the sindur, flowers,

incense and coconut. The sacred centre in front of the bhimul dev, an elongated sargi wooden

pillar exists which is considered as khanda kankalin mata (khamba kankalin). Mata pujari places

the mother's aetak (a knife made of wood and iron) near the wood pillar. It is considered as the

symbol of the mother's weapon. Then the mother priest places the chhattar and invites goddesses

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of khanda kankalin mata near the stone pillar and wooden pillar. Here, all the symbols of the

goddesses are taken to the place of jalnin mata temple. It is said that the jalnin mata always

flows hence a stone is erected outside the temple in the open space at some distance from the

khanda kankalin mata's gudi. It is said that both khanda kankalin's mata and jalnin mata are

sisters. Therefore, they worship these two deities combinedly on this occasion. As such, the

location of khanda kankalin mata and jalnin mata was found to be face-to-face. The main

objective of worshipping the khanda kankalin mata is to protect the people from troubles, while

the jalnin mata to ensure the availability of water. Mata pujari keeps the seven leaves of sargi

filled with rice at place of jalnin mata. Then they start the worship of the jalnin mata, chhattar

and aetak of khanda kankalin mata, and other deities with sindur, rice, coconut, and incense. In

front of all these goddesses, they keep an old and a new egg on the rice as offerings to all the

deities. It is symbolic that all the goddesses protect their harvested paddy. There is no practice of

sacrifice in this jatra. The deity is worshipped with flowers, coconut, rice, and banana which is

again distributed as prasad. Therefore, this day is called as fool mela (flower fair). After this,

everybody roams around the gudi three times with chhattar and the son of mata pujari throws lai

(murra) in the procession by wishing the goddess to protect the village from the evil forces. The

main objective of this fair is to protect the animals from the diseases, availability of water and

protection from the pests in the fields. On this day, all the villagers discuss about the

commencement of amus (haryali) festival and return to their respective households.

Table 5.2: Pargana’s God and Goddesses of Bade Kilepal Village

Sl.No. Village Pargana’s God-Goddess

1. Bodenar Kaandaberi mata

2. Pakhnar Bhairam dokra

3. Metapal Radi dokri

4. Turel Radi dokri

5. Kawad Gaon

Duma

Radi dokri

6. Dudiras Kankalin mata

7. Butkarka Kari kankalin mata

8. Bade

Bodenar

Kaandaberi mata

9. Kaklur Singhavahini mata

10. Kapanar Bhairam dokra

11. Toyagond Bhairam dokra

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12. Geedawada Kankalin bawadi mata

13. Nulegond Kaandaberi mata

14. Posorras Kari kankalin

15. Chhote

Kilepal

Khanda kankalin mata

16. Kawanar-

Palam

Vetal dev

17. Kodenar Jalnin mata

18. Baatkonta Jhari mata

19. Kakarkonta Bhimsen dev

20. Katakanda Katakulin and Kankalin

mata

21. Michanar Sonadai mata

22. Lakeveda Kankalin mata

23. Bade Anjer Kankalin mata

24. Toyer Silakadai mata

25. Sulguda Jalnin mata

26. Turangur Sonadai mata

27. Bade Kilepal Khanda kankalin mata

28. Sulguda

(Bodenar)

Kaandaberi mata

29. Parelameta Dongardai mata

30. Kumarsadra Pardesin mata

31. Adara

(Bodenar)

Kaandaberi mata

32. Barsepal Baarah bhandarin mata

Thus, worship of these pargana deities are most important for Dhurwa of Chhindawada

village and Bison Horn Maria of Bade Kilepal as they organize the goncha mela at different

times. Though ritual process is similar, they worship on different dates. The present study has

found differences between the celebrations of this jatra as the custom of sacrifice is seen in

Dhurwa tribe during the goncha jatra. But the Bison Horn Maria does not have a sacrifice

custom. Due to this reason, they address the mela with different names, such as the goncha jatra

in the Dhurwa tribe, and the goncha fool mela in the Bison Horn Maria. It is believed that when

the vow of a person is fulfilled, they offer the object to the goddess as per their wishes, like clay

made terracotta elephants, horse and lion in Dhurwa tribe. While the Bison Horn Maria offers

bronze horse, elephants, peacocks and goddess swing as a taken of gift.

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Annual Festivals

Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria observe tiyar and pandum (festivals) related to

economic activities, harvest of seasonal fruits, appeasement of spirits and deities, availability of

resources in forest, etc. All these festivals are celebrated collectively by the villagers. It

reinforces their symbiotic relationship with natural resources including water. Amus, nayakhani,

diyari and amanuva are some of the major festivals celebrated in study area. Worship of kuldevi

is primary one which is appeased during these festivals.

Kuldevi

Both tribes observe festival relating to kuldevi annually. The head of the house offer

rice, vermilion and incense sticks along with new paddy, mango, mahuwa and rasana (herbs) in

amus festival in the dona. The mother priest offer puja and returns all the articles at hidma dokra

and sinhdeori dokri in gudi. After this, the head of every house prays kuldevi in the house and

offers the prayers to the deity in front of the temple. Among them, the main aim of these festival

is to protect the fields, to ensure the happiness and prosperity of the house and to protect the

village. The festival related to kuldevi is amus, nayakhani and amanuva, etc.

Kunnel Tiyar

This festival is also known as amus or haryali by Dhurwa which is organized every

year in the month of saavan (July-August) on Monday. It is also known as the festival of cattle.

On this day, the priest or head of the house or family priest offer worship to their kuldevi with

sindhur (vermilion), rice, hazari flowers, an egg and mahuwa mand. The mukhiya offer worship

to their goddess by dropping mahuwa liquor three times in siyyadi leaf. On this day, charwaah or

gai gaadit (cattle herder) brings rasana (medicinal herb) from the forest and distribute to every

house in the village. Then the family priest grinds the rasana with stone and mixes it with

tamarind and feeds to cow and oxen in siyyadi leaf. After preparing the medicine, the priest offer

worship at village goddess temple with rice, hajari flower, incense, egg and mahuwa. Thereafter,

the cattle herder distributes the rasana to every house in the village. Thus, collected medicine is

again mixed with the chhupari or tamarind at respective house and fed to their cattle in the

siyyadi leaves. By doing this once in a year, their cattle do not get sick and maintain good health

for the next one year.

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Amos Pandum

Bison Horn Maria also called this festival as amus or haryali and observance of this

festival slightly different from Dhurwa in terms of time, space and offering. The amus is

organized on Monday or Thursday in the month of saavan (July-August). This festival is

considered to be a festival of crops and cattle. On this day, the head of the house (lona wadde)

first brought the wood of tendu (Diospyros melanooxylon), the leaf of the bhelva (Semecarpus

anacardium) and the rope of the siyyadi (bauhinia vahlii) and rasana (herbs) from the forest. On

this day, he performs the puja to servent of goddess with coconuts, hajari flowers, eggs, and

mahuwa mand. After that, the head of each house sacrifices the red, black, white color or the

chitkabra chia (chick). Then, in the middle of their fields, they dibble tendu twig, and the leaves

of bhelva are tied on its top with siyyadi rope. In this regard, they believe that the fields are

protected by it. After that, the head of the house offer rasana to his kuldevi along with sindhur,

rice, coconut, hajari flower, egg, mahuwa mand (three or five or seven times from the leaves of

the siyyadi tree) and chia (red, black, white color or chitkabra). Then they are fed rasana with

khichadi (made from rice, urad dal, green leaves vegetables) and fed in leaf of tendu or sargi. It

is necessary to feed the cow and oxen once in a year, because it keeps the cow and oxen healthy

throughout the year.

Koltel Tiyar

This festival is also known as nayakhani among Dhurwa and organized every year in

the month of bhado (August-September) on Monday. This festival is organized by the head of

every house for one day at kuldevi's temple. On this day, the head of the house or the family

priest brings new paddy crop from his field. Further, they use sindhur, rice, hazari flowers, egg

and mahuwa mand to worship. After that, the new paddy is kept in the new handi locally called

chivda (changul). In this festival, it is the son’s wife who offers the chia to the goddess. Then,

the family priest mixes chivda with jaggery in the bronze plate, and distributes it to all the

members of the house in the form of prasad in gudai leaf. After taking the offerings, they throw

the leaf on the house roof. Thus, they propitiate their goddess to ensure good harvest.

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Kodta Pandum

It is known as naya khani festival of Bison Horn Maria. This festival is organized every

year in the month of ashwin (September-October) on Monday. On this day, the head of each

house brings baali (new paddy) from the fields. They make paddy bunch from new paddy and

bind them in the door of house with the leaves of mango tree. It is referred as sela. On this day,

the head of every house goes to gudi (peendev and sinhdeori) with vermillion, coconut and new

paddy in dona and offer to the god-goddess. After that, the head of household worship the

kuldevi with the sindhur, rice, coconut, incense stick, hajari flower, and mahuwa mand and

sacrifice the chia. Then, he offers new paddy to the kuldevi. After that, they cook the new paddy

and consume along with the offerings of sacrificial fowls. In this, all the members of the house

take part and consume the prasad. Among them, the main purpose of this festival is to protect

the house, cattle, and crop, etc.

Visa Pandum

It is known as mati (soil) festival which is organized every year in the month of chait

(March-April) on Thursday during the arrival of new mahuwa fruit. At outset of the season, the

headman of each house in the para visit gudi (peen dev and sinhdeori) with vermilion, coconut

and new mahuwa fruit in dona. Then mata pujari distributes the offerings of mahuwa fruit to the

august gathering after worshipping the deity. It is followed by the offerings made by the head of

each house including sacrifice of chicks of red, white, black and chitkabra colors to their kuldevi.

After completion of puja, all the members consume the mahuwa fruit along with the offerings of

sacrificial meat. An ordeal of splitting the mahuwa wood is observed to check the rainfall by

throwing them on ground. According to them, both stalks cross each other, then it is considered a

sign of good effect. Otherwise, it is considered as bad omen.

Dilvel Tiyar

This festival is also known as diyari festival which is organized every year in the month

of magh (January-February) on Friday. On this day, the head of the house or the family priest

offers worship to their house goddess with sindhur, flower, rice, egg and mahuwa liquid. This

festival is mainly celebrated to ward off evil-eye of the cattle. On this day, village cattle herder

visits every house and make the geta (rope) from kudaal tree and tie it to cow after worshiping

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the goddess at mata's gudi. If anyone does not have cattle, then the geta is tied to their door. In

relation to the construction of geta, it is believed that it protects their cattle from the attack of

black magic. After completing this process, they feed the cattle with khichdi, made from chaval,

kumda (pumpkin), potato, cabbage, and urad dal. After that, the herder is given a supa of paddy,

rice and a fixed amount of money.

Medi Tiyar (Amanuva)

The festival is celebrated every year in the month of baishakh (April-May) on Sunday.

On this day, the village priest goes to eastern side of his farm and offers worship to mati dev. In

this worship, the priest sacrifices a chick. This festival is known as earth festival in which mati

pujari play an important role in completion of puja and animal sacrifice. On the second day, the

villagers organize amanuva festival. On this day, first mati pujari offer worship to the village

bhandarin mata at gudi. There mati priest also sacrifices the animal after worshiping the new

mango with sindhur, rice, egg and mahuwa mand. After that, all the villagers proceed for hunting

after worshiping kuldevi at their houses. It is believed that the head of the house goes on hunting

in order to please the goddess. The hunted animal is dedicated at the feet of the goddess, by

making request to protect their village.

In this festival also throwing bamboo splits was observed to know the omen from the

center of the field. It is believed that if the bamboo split fall in criss-cross manner, it is

considered as a good omen. In case they fall separately, it is not considered a good sign. Then he

goes to the forest to offer worship to the goddess with the animal or bird for the protection of

farm, house and village.

Beej Tiyar (Dhurwa)

The seeds festival is celebrated every year in the month of bhaisakh (April-May) for

two days on Sunday and Monday. On first day, atpaharia clean the gudi with jua water and all

the villagers of Chhindawada assemble at this place along with seven pots of landa made with

new rice and water. In this gudi, a sargi wooden image is erected as a symbol of bhandarin

dokri. Afterwards, mata pujari lighten the soil lamp in front of the wooden image and cover with

dona for not turning off. Dhurwa use tora oil for religious purposes. Simultenously, mati pujari

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keep new and old kadri (knives), wooden hammer on sargi leaves as these constitute the

weapons of the bhandarin mata. Thereafter, he conducts puja with chaval, agarbatti, banana and

twelve coconuts besides the new basket made by mati pujari. But now, Chhindawada consists of

sixteen paras and hence they keep sixteen hens and seven pigs in front of the deity and forced

them to eat the soaked rice. It means Chhindawada originally consists of twelve paras which

represent the twelve coconuts and later extensions are identified with hens. For this, they collect

Rs.10/- to Rs.20/- and keep it with an elderly person known as paat Dhurwa and purchase the

fowls and pigs in different colours as desired by the deities at the sacred complex. After this,

mati pujari also offer worship to dwarmundiya which is located under the chhepa tree with

water, chaval, agarbatti, and two eggs. The eggs are symbolic offering to bhandarin mata and

bharwa dokra. Then, he offers hens and pigs as sacrifice along with rice filled dona to the deity.

As a mark of respect, he keeps the boiled rice on sargi leave and chicken as prasad in front of

the deity which is consumed by mati pujari later. Simultaneously, he sprinkles landa which is

brought by the people over the mata image seven times. Then only Dhurwa consider auspicious

to consume new rice beer first by mata pujari followed by all the present gathering. The

sacrificial blood is cooked and consumed along with landa.

Next day, mati pujari proceeds to dapna sua to bring sacred water along with villagers.

It is located in between five agricultural fields which is always covered with stones and a tree is

located besides it which is considered as singhraj. Hence, water from this jua is considered as

auspicious and used for almost all the religious activities. At first instance, the land owner of the

jua smear a portion of the land with this sacred water on its bank. They prepare baana (rangoli)

with red ochre (khaprail) and coal powder to worship the deity with chaval, egg, supari sachets,

chudi phundadi, and seven turmeric ghant. There, they sacrifice a hen and sprinkle its blood in

the chaval kept in front of the deity. Later on, mati pujari break twelve eggs for expecting good

monsoon and offer it as prasad. Again, they took twelve sargi leaves and dips into water and

milk intermittently and sprinkle over the deity. After completion of this worship, they take jal

handi (water pot) to the gudi where some people receive them by washing their feet and keep the

sacred water near the stumbh. They keep two bison horns on the new white cloth, a knife, and

agarbatti in front of the stumbh along with diya. They believe that earlier Dhurwa villages were

attacked by wild bisons and the mata hunted them to protect them from attack. As a mark of

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reverence towards this act, they keep bison horns at the place. Later on, mati pujari proceeds

towards the symbol of daand dev which is in the form of a chair. After cleaning the chair with

the sacred water brought from dhapna jua, he keeps seven siyyadi leaves on it. Milk is sprinkled

over these leaves to purify them. Then, he returns to mata gudi and perform beej padar (beej

putni). It is also known as bittir vatkool in Dhurwa language. At the proposed site, Dhurwa

dibble a dongar baas which is known as bucha. It is considered as the symbol of bhandarin

dokri. There mati pujari engrave an image of gudi with knife on the ground and keep three

siyyadi leaves on the image which is smoked with incense sticks. In front of the knife, they keep

chaval and force the buffalo to eat them and a pig is tied to buchi and sprinkle jua water as a part

of purification. Then, they sacrifice the pig and hens and the oozing blood is mixed with soil and

chaval. Thus, blood mixed soil and chaval is distributed to all the villagers in siyyadi leaves. The

same is sprinkled in the agricultural field just before the sowing as it is considered as auspicious

that mata ensure good monsoon and crops in the year. Thereafter, pujari also sacrifices the

buffalo and sprinkle over soil and chaval in front of the mata. After completion of this act, he

came out from the gudi and conduct puja to a shila under haldu tree which is known as clan

deity of mati dev. This dev is also known as gundiya dokra where a chick is sacrificed along with

offerings of water, chaval, banana, coconut, and mahuwa mand. Soon after this, mati pujari keep

seven siyyadi leaves in front of the bucha at beej padar and keep boiled rice and chicken as food

to the deity. The temple is cleaned again with the sacred water followed by puja to mata,

dwarmundiya by offering water and chaval. It is customary to consume the prasad only after the

first offering of the roasted siyyadi nuts and cheer paak (char fruits). First offering of collected

mahuwa mand is consumed by mati pujari and declare that it is consumed by all the villagers.

Then all the villagers cook the sacrificial blood mixed rice and meat in front of the gudi and

consume there itself and left for their respective villages. This jatra is done for the good rains

and crops in the village.

Bijjo Kodo Modol (Bison Horn Maria)

Bison Horn Maria do observe beej putni in the month of baisakh (April-May) on

Wednessday and Thursday for two days at bijjo kodo modol. At the outset, the padai priest offer

worship to the deity with sindhur, rice, coconut along with nallah water. Wherein, pujari

sprinkles the mahuwa mand seven times in a sargi or mahuwa leaf. There after, mata pujari

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worship gram devi in similar to bijjo kodo for the protection of the village. After this, both

gayata (assistant to priest) and mata pujari combindly worship kuldevi by offering a sacrifice of

chia. Then padai priest of beej putni offer worship to mati dev and phasal devi (harvest deity).

Prior to puja, gayata brings water from nallah to wash the deities. There after pujari offer

worship to daand dev with chaval. In beej gudi, padai priest make kutta (wooden piece) with the

twigs of mahuwa and sargi leave where the deity is established on this auspicious day. It is

considered that mahuwa is the symbol of bijjo kodo devi and sargi is a symbol of modol dev.

Pujari keep chaval at three places of kutta. According to them, first chaval for god and goddess

second for people and the third one meant for their livestock. This place is covered with gulla

(bamboo basket) and wait till another day to see whether any one’s chaval is spread in the

meantime. If it is so, it is an indication of attack of evil spirits. There after both mata pujari and

gayata carry water filled kasela, rice filled dona, chaval, egg shell and new mango and black

chick to the kodo padai. Wherein dongar dai mata believed to stay. Aaden tree is the symbol of

dongar dai mata. This place is known as kodo padai due to concentration of kodo bamboo

groove. This place is known as mata’s daand dev. At first instance, padai priest bring water from

the nallah and clean the place for worship. Thereafter, mata pujari, mati pujari, and padai priest

combinedly cut the bamboo for the proposed puja. With this mati pujari make a new basket as it

is customary to offer puja in a new basket. After this, both mata and mati pujari perform puja at

daand dev with paddy and egg shell. There they keep one egg as offering to him. There, he split

the four different wooden sticks (reka mada) and throw on different directions for the protection

against the malevolent spirits. In case, any two sticks fall straight on the ground, it is believed

that this year brings good rain and harvest, hunting and fishing etc. In case the sticks fall in

opposite way, it is an indication of drought and danger from evil forces. Then mata pujari

sacrifice a black chick and sprinkle the blood on the egg shell and breaks the egg as a part of

sacrifice.

Later on, mata pujari offer worship to dongar dai mata with banda and kadri chaval.

Then, he cut the three new mangos as representative of trilok such as paathal (ganga mata),

dharti (earth), and aakash (varsha dev) and kept at the mata for fulfilling their vows. There

chulha dev is worshipped with chaval and a black cock is sacrificed. The sacrificed fowl is

roasted in fire and eaten there itself as devi prasad. There, all the Bison Horn Maria men

assemble at padai and offer one black piglet (karboli) and cock at daand dev and return home

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after consuming the sacrificial meat. Next day, Bison Horn Maria venture for hunting in the

forest after worshipping their respective kuldevi for good catch. In the evening, all the men again

assemble at padai with their hunt and offer to mati dev. On that day, mata pujari bring new

paddy, siyyadi leaves and one bottle mahuwa in newly knitted basket. There he covers the basket

with lid and examine to see any effect of evil forces. In case everything is right, they play todi

(musical instrument made with brass) to inform the good wishes to all the villagers. Thereafter,

gayata clean the padai with water and level the soil in such a way to prepare puja platform. Mata

pujari offer rice and eggs as a part of worship and sacrifice pig, goat, cock, and dove brought by

all the villagers after forcing them to peck. It is followed by the sacrifice of white goat which is a

symbol of water by the mata pujari. There Maria erect a separate muhuwa with siyyadi leaves

and keep seven muhuwa phal in such muhuwa. Again, gayata clean the vedta (symbol of forest)

padai with nallah water. Since they believe this padai is the abode of daand dev. Mata pujari

offer worship with chaval and egg shell along with mahuwa mand in siyyadi leaves.

Soon after this, both mata and mati pujari take sacred bath and plough the land manually

to sow seeds in the padai wishing the good crops for the ensuing days. At this madai, they

sprinkle water in the soil and prepare mud. This mud is used to play Holi on this occasion as a

mark of happiness. Finally, at 12’O clock in night they make chipdi made with mahuwa leaves

and keep them in front of the kutta and sprinkle water and mahuwa. Seven chipdi represent seven

months i.e., from July to January. They leave these chipdi throughout the night for examination.

The main objective of this task is that in case juri muhuwa dip into water, it is an indication of

good rain otherwise it is treated as bad sign. From each muhawa, it is forecasted the position of

rain and crops in that year.

Jalnin Devi (Bison Horn Maria)

The deity is known as water goddess since it resides in tanks or rivers. It is widely

believed that when Bison Horn Maria was originated, there exists a problem of water and all the

human beings confronted it. If the water source is distantly situated, they have to move from one

place to another in search of water. Hence, they started worshipping jalnin mata for availability

of water at their paras. Prior to any auspecious task, Maria has to take permission from the jalni

devi. To appease her, every year they celebrated jatra or madai on different dates and places. As

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such, this water goddess is popular as basan budin jalni mata in Chhindawada and sonadai jalnin

mata in Bade Kilepal.

Sonadai Jalnin Mata

Every year Bison Horn Maria celebrates a mela in commemoration of both jalnin mata

and bhimul dev at pargana gudi (khanda kankalin temple). This sacred centre is also known as

shila located at patelpara where a lagda (plough) is kept as a symbol of bhimul dev. This

sanctified place is referred with lagda padai. It is believed that the origin of these two deities are

taken place at once and hence they are worshipped simultaneously. Besides these two deities,

there are many other deities like jeemi jaaga daand dev (a symbolic stone or shila under aaden

tree), baaman dev (shila under aaden tree), andhakosa dev (aaden tree), kotgaadin mata

(mahuwa tree), baghi mata (shila), gaadi daand dev (stone under mango tree), bawadi mata

(shila along with sargi wooden trunk), etc., exists in the sacred centre. Among them, aaden tree

of jalnin mata and bhimul dev shila are worshipped during jatra. Here aaden tree is treated as

symbol of water and bhimul dev is considered as symbol of rain. Every year, a mela and jatra is

celebrated at this place. Further, madai is observed once in three years at this place wherein one

black buffalo is sacrificed for wishing good amount of water and rainfall.

Sonadai jalnin mata jatra is observed in the month of baisakh (April-May) on Monday

at the sacred complex of jalnin mata. On this occasion, the symbols of all the deities including

gudi is cleaned with the water brought from atpaharia nala. The mata pujari and gayata

decorate the symbols with vermilion and turmeric and offer archana. Of these, first they offer

chaval, egg, monsanka and mahuwa mand to jeemi jaaga daand dev. Thereafter gayata worship

the khanda kankalin mata with water, sindhur, chaval, hajari flowers along with arati inside the

gudi. Then worship also offered to baaman dev, andhakosa dev, kotgaadin mata, baghi mata,

jalnin mata, gaadi daand dev, bhimul dev, and bawadi mata with chaval, egg, monsanka, and

mahuwa mand. Again, mata pujari offer worship to jalnin mata along with worship of outside

the deities of the temple such as dwarmundiya, kankalin mata stumbh and other village

goddesses. There they do offer prayer and worship to mahara baja wishing for prosperity of the

village.

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After completion of this worshipping process, mata pujari, gayata, sirha, patel, and

other village elders carry chhattar of all the deities to jalnin mata temple. They keep all the

deities at jalnin mata temple. They keep all the chhattar at their respective places and clean the

padai (temple) with sacred water by gayata. Then mata pujari keep seven sargi leaves in front of

the seven deities as symbolic to seven sister deities of jalnin mata. Here mata pujari offer

worship by keeping two eggs each represents jalnin mata and khanda kankalin mata. There after

gayata offer chaval to all the symbols of gods and sacrifice black hen. After completion of puja,

all the person concerned take the chhattar and return to mata gudi. There mata pujari breaks one

egg to khanda kankalin mata and gayata breaks another egg to jalnin mata and throw it in the

sky as symbolic magic expecting good rains.

Thereafter, they keep chaval and egg at khanda kankalin mata’s stumbh and gayata

unfurl the new flag at this place. Hawan is conducted at this puja place by sacrificing black hen.

Then all the priests hold chhattar, dev lath, and dev badga in their hands and perform parikrama

(rotation) around the temple three times. By doing three times parikrama, they believe that

goddess will protect the nature, human and the livestock from the attack of evil forces. Again,

mata pujari and gayata sacrifice a chitbakra (black and white lines goat) at two deities i.e.,

jalnin mata and khanda kankalin mata since Maria also believe that black represents earth and

the white for water. All the present Maria men consume the sacrificial meat by boiling it in water

and salt and return to their homes. Next day, mata pujari and gayata take all the chhattar, dev

lath, and dev badga for visarjan (immersion) by giving grand farewell. After fifteen days, a mela

is organized at this place symbolically for reunion of jalnin mata at her original gudi. To mark

this auspicious occasion, a big mela is launched at khanda kankalin mata gudi.

In Patelpara of Kodenar village, a symbolic shila, bhimul dev and aepeka munda exists

in front of the jalnin mata. In front of this, a sua exists which is known as aepeka sua. Near to

this sua, another sua named potu mada exists and water from this sua entered into the temple

through a nallah. Maria believe this place as the origin place of jalnin mata and hence venerate

its water. A Boharani ritual is observed at this munda as all the puja material is collected

carefully and immersed in the nearby munda. During this process, mata pujari offer sindhur,

coconut, egg, hen along with sacrifice of a chitkabra and break the egg with knife. All these puja

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material and sacrificial meat is immersed at once in the munda by requesting jalnin mata for

good rains and crops.

Thereafter atpaharia clean the deities by water brought from a vessel and offer worship

with chaval and egg once again in the gudi. Then gayata dibble twelve twigs representing twelve

dhami daand dev of Kodenaar village. Again, mata pujari and gayata resume worship to daand

dev with chaval, monsanka, and egg. Gayata dibble seven twigs of dawana tree. In this puja,

priest use the leaves of neli mada silak. After this, mata pujari sprinkle kasa paani over the

symbol of jalnin mata and offer worship to the shila (jalnin mata) with paddy and egg shells

believing that all the water bodies are purified since then jalnin mata is worshipped with kasa

paani. Then they offer to palanarin mata (stone under aaden tree) and kotgadeen mata (shila

under mahuwa tree) with chaval, dhaan, monsanka. Then mata pujari applies sindhur to jalnin

mata, dwarmundiya, dev padai and Mahara baja inside the gudi and conduct hawan by

welcoming all the deities to their village.

Again, mata pujari, gayata, sirha, atpaharia and other village elders carry ploughs to

the temple. Then priest sprinkle the water over plough and shila. At first palanarin mata is

worshipped with water, sindhur, chaval, dhaan, and egg. Thereafter, atpaharia bring nallah

water in tumba twelve times and pour over the bhimul shila and the ploughs are kept near to it.

Once again, they pour water twelve times in twelve buchi (small pots) symbolic to twelve

months in a year to have good rainfall. Again, atpaharia fill all the pots, and tumba with water

and wait till next day at 4’O clock to test the levels of water as it is associated with the amount of

rainfall expected to come in the current year. In case kunda water remains full, it is believed that

during the year rainfall is plenty. In case the water levels come down in tumba, it is a bad omen

for them. The rest twelve buchi is symbolic representation of twelve months and the same test is

performed with these small pots expecting amount of rainfall in the respective months. In the

water, Maria drops some rice to test whether they are drowned in water or not. In case rice

drowned in water, it is believed that good amount of rainfall it expected to come to their land

otherwise, it is a bad omen for them. After completion of these tests, all the gathering return to

mata gudi and perform hawan at dwarmundiya and offer parikrama by holding chhattar, dev

lath, dev badga three times around the gudi by throwing lai (pitchard rice) by pujari. It is done to

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protect the village and crops from the attack of evil eye. Next day mata pujari perform hawan at

this gudi and sacrifice a brown color goat to mata and one black goat to dwarmundiya (dulha

dokra). On the same day, they perform jatra wherein all the Bison Horn Maria come from

different villages offer vows to the respective deities. After completion of jatra, they give

farewell to the deities by immersion in water.

Thus, the above-mentioned festivals, jatras, ceremonials offerings to various gods and

goddesses demonstrating the theoretical concept of nature man spirit complex developed by

Vidyarthi in 1963. In similar to Sauria Paharia who are termed as Maler by Vidyarthi, Dhurwa

and Bison Horn Maria life is also revolving around the appeasement of deities and spirits in the

lap of nature. The elaborate rites and rituals are observed during worship of village gods and

goddesses like mauli mata, bharwa dokra and bhandarin dokri, hinglajin mata, sonkuvar and

vankuvar, basan budin mata jalni mata, and vetal dev reveals the symbiotic relationship between

the communities and their habitat including their ecological setting of hills and forest. As Maler

depend on forest and hills for their livelihoods, the Dhurwa and Maria also depended on jua or

sua, munda, jharna, and so on for their survival in the form of drinking water, bathing, livestock

feeding, farming etc. Thus, their life was depended on these traditional water sources, deities and

forest in different ways.

In the framework of nature man spirit complex, nature represent the jua or sua, munda,

jharna, forest, and so on. Since they are continuously interacting these resources for their

livelihood, they have developed many festivals such as kunnel tiyar, amos pandum, kortel

pandum, kodta pandum, visa pandum, dilvel tiyar, medi tiyar, beej tiyar, jalni devi tiyar, etc.

Even they also perform first fruit ceremonies before consuming any new fruit in season. Whereas

the man could be understood through the Dhurwa and Maria intervention in the management of

natural resources such as social institutions like marriage, family, social organization, and

political organization, etc. From the childhood onward they got socialization in magico religious

practices of water conservation. In Dhurwa and Maria marriage, neer chaprana and yer mitanad

play crucial role in solemnizing the marriage ceremony. Even the sirha, atpaharia, mati pujari,

etc., play an important role in dispute resolution in the village.

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But unlike the prevalence of ancestor worship among Maler as mentioned by Vidyarthi,

Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria believe each and every natural resource is an abode of deity like

singharaj and kariausi for aquifer, basan budin for water, bhimul dev for rains, vankuvar and

sonkuvar for forests, pittar mata for grain, jalni mata for bamboo, baman dev for stone, nakodo

natolin taling mata for siyyadi tree, bharva dev for sargi tree, etc. The deities associated with

these natural resources are worshipped annually or occasionally in the form of jatra and madai.

They believe that unless they worship or appease them, the productivity of crops and human

lives are got affected badly. Even the Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria do not undertake shifting

cultivation rather resorted for settled cultivation. Hence, instead of spirits and ancestors, it is

deities who play dominant role in conservation of water and other natural resources in the study

area.

From the above rites, rituals, and festivals, it is clear that both Dhurwa and Bison Horn

Maria are maintaining the symbiotic relationship with natural resources including water. Though

many similarities exist in the nature and method of worship of Dhurwa and Maria, some of the

festivals are distinct and observed in different dates and styles. Even some of the festivals like

diyari quite different and not exists among Bison Horn Maria. The process of worship including

numerous offerings and sacrifices are common among both communities. In depth analysis of

these festivals demonstrates that Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria living in midst of the natural

resources and developed a cultural mechanism or traditional knowledge to manage their

resources for their subsistence. No economic activity is initiated without offering to their deities

and spirits. As such, they have developed the conservative philosophy as many of the deities are

worshipped in the forms of sacred groves and no puja is completed with use of water. Since,

water is crucial for their livelihood, worship of bhimsen, basan budin mata, and sonadai mata

demonstrate their significance in the day to day life. Thus, survival of the Dhurwa and Bison

Horn Maria linked to belief in supernatural forces and hence manage the water resources in

sustainable way. Thus, the observance of various rites and rituals reinforces the Vidyarthi’s

(1963) concept of nature man spirit complex.

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Chapter-6

Developmental Programmes and Water Management

The regional development is exclusively intertwined with optimum utilization of water

resources as it is depended on agriculture, animal husbandry, fisheries, and availability of other

forest produce. To achieve this objective, governments at local, state and central level

implementing several developmental programmes relating to land and water to ensure

livelihoods in tribal areas. But the tribal communities are lagging behind in availing these

programmes due to their isolation from the mainstream, lack of awareness, illiteracy, and

adherence to traditional beliefs, etc. However, developmental programmes in the study area

creating modern water harvesting structures such as handpump, ring wells, borewell, wells,

ponds, etc., to ensure the livelihood security of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria. Though these are

complimenting the traditional ones, they are not taking into the consideration of cultural and

social values. As such, present chapter made an attempt to understand the developmental

intervention in tribal area and its repercussions on the traditional water management.

It is a fact that every village suffers from the water scarcity and hence governments are

implementing various water management programmes to tide over the crisis. As a part of this,

well, pond, nalkoop, handpump, stop dam etc., are being arranged to fulfil the daily requirements

such as drinking, irrigation, bathing, cleaning, domestic and wild animals, etc. In line with this,

in the study villages also government has been implementing several water related programmes

for drinking, agriculture, animal husbandry, etc. They have built wells, handpumps, ponds, check

dams for domestic as well as for agriculture purposes. According to villagers, wells and

handpumps are important ones for providing safe and pure drinking water. The area is rich in

mineral ores and hence water is in red colour having iron content. Hence, the tribal communities

of this region made necessary arrangements for harvesting the rain water in munda, nallah,

jharna, and so on with their traditional wisdom and knowledge in managing these resources. The

same knowledge is transferred from one generation to another as water is playing a key role in

their economic, political, socio-cultural life.

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In the study area, administration had initiated different plans and programmes for rain

water harvesting with the sponsership from central and state. Under akti beej samvardhan yojana

they are providing good quality seeds i.e., paddy, wheat, and maize to Scheduled Caste and

Scheduled Tribe people on discount basis to enhance the food production. For a quintal of

quality seeds, they are charging Rs. 500/- only. Under srividhi yojana, they also providing

Rs.3,500/- to 0.4 hectare of the land for rupai (seedbed planting). To encourage two crop system,

they are providing Rs.2,700/- during kharif and Rs.2,600/- during rabi as investment. Under

shaakambari yojana, the small and medium tribal farmers are distributed 5 HP electric and diesel

pump sets. For procuring such type of pump sets, farmers are given upto 75% rebate to

encourage settled and irrigation-based agriculture.

As a part of state and central micro irrigation scheme, sprinkler sets are provided to all

type of farmers to enhance micro irrigation for conservation of water resources. In this scheme,

government bear the cost at 60% and the farmers has to bear 40% towards procurement of

sprinkler sets. To encourage systematic paddy seedling and use of hybrid seeds, Rs. 7500/- are

given to farmers under green revolution extension scheme. With these schemes, the tribal

farmers are being provided the required agricultural inputs by the government including water

resources. Apart from this, pradhan mantra krishi sinchai yojana and kisan samrudhi yojana are

most important ones in dealing with the problems of irrigation and water harvesting in the study

area.

Pradhan Mantri Krishi Sinchayi Yojana (PMKSY)

This programme was started in 1st July 2005 through-out India to provide irrigation facility

to each and every crop and reduce the water wastage. It not only provides sustainable irrigation

to agriculture but also conserve the rain water for continuous irrigation. The main intention of

this programme is per drop more crop i.e., to provide irrigation facilities to almost all the fields

who are at non-receiving end. Under this programme, wells, deepening of tanks, soak pits,

gabian, percolation tanks, dug-wells, boulder check dam, nallah diversion, structure repairs,

irrigation nallah, stop dam etc., are undertaken. Further, other requirements such as drinking

water, fishing ponds, underground water recharge, bori bandhan, water for livestock, protection

of run-off soil, nallah making for micro irrigation, etc. are also taken up to solve water related

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problems. Major works undertaken under Pradhan Mantri Krishi Sinchayi Yojana are mentioned

below for proper understanding of the scheme. They are mainly

Kuwa (Well) Making

To meet the requirements of drinking water, irrigation and ground water recharge, wells

are dug out under PMKSY in different paras. Mainly three type of wells are made in Bastanar

development block including the study village. They are mainly ring well, stone well, and dug-

well. Majority of the wells are created in agricultural fields to provide irrigation facility to the

existing crops during lien monsoon. Water is pumped through motor pumps from these wells.

For construction of such wells, they altogether obtain two lakh forty thousand through

MGNREGA under this scheme. Where in 1.05 lakh were spent on purchase of material and the

remaining amount is allocated for the wages of manual labour.

Ring Wells Construction

It is excavated upto twenty feet depth and four-meter width. After digging the well, they

insert cement made rings inside the well to prevent the fall of side soil. Each ring is having two

meters length and 2.5 to three meters width.

Plate 6.1: Constructed Ring Well Under PMKSY

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Plate 6.2: Solar Operated Tubewell

Stone Well

This type of well is having depth upto fifteen to twenty feet and three to four meters

width. After digging the well, boulder stones are affixed inside it to prevent the fall of sides.

Dug-well

It is more or less similar to stone well in structure, shape and measurements. But after

digging the soil, the sides are plastered with concrete made with cement and gitti (gravel). Now a

days majority of the wells are dug-wells.

Plate 6.3: A Dug-well in Bade Kilepal III

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Naadep Compost

It is made in square shape with bricks and earthen soil having two to three feet deep in

the soil and two-meter width. For this, altogether, they allot five to six thousand rupees towards

the wages of manual labour. It is made on the request of individual or group. The main objective

is to prepare natural fertilizer using cow dung and soil for land development. They strictly

prohibit to dump stone, glass, and wood in this compost pit. The unused organic waste such as

cow dung, dry leaves, puwaal (cut out harvest straws), wastage of the household, etc., are

dumped in the pit and allowed to rot for some time to make good quality manure. Sometimes,

they also use decomposer liquid which facilitates the survival of organic bacteria. For this, four

to five kilograms of jaggery is mixed with water and made round shaped balls. Thus, made semi-

solid is spread in the compost pit and allowed to rot again. This process is done twice in a month.

Likewise made organic manure is transported to agricultural fields and spread throughout prior

to rains to enhance the productivity of the soil.

Vermi Compost

It is also another method of making organic manure with cow dung which is undertaken

individually or communally. They spend one thousand to fifteen hundred to make this vermi

compost pit. In this method, first they erect wooden poles (khamba) in four corners in square. A

big plastic is covered around the structure for keeping the worms inside the compost pit. Cow

dung, dry leaves, puwaal, organic are domestic are waste dumped in this pit and allowed to rot.

Later on, a turtle is left in this pit and allowed to eat the organic waste. The excretion of turtle is

thoroughly mixed with the rotten manure which is finally transported to agricultural fields for

manuring.

Talab Gaharikaran (Tank Deeping)

Sedimentation of soil is observed in newly made tanks resulting less water storage. To

overcome this, sedimentation is removed and deposited at four sides of the tank as bund to

facilitate more storage of rain water. Generally, it is done prior to the onset of the monsoon,

otherwise it is difficult to remove the sedimentation when water is present. It is not only allow

storing more water for irrigation but also useful in ground water recharge. Due to this reason,

they undertake gaharikaran works from time to time.

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Soak Pits

To manage waste water at bores, soak pits are arranged under this yojana to maintain

hygiene, protection from the water born diseases, and ground water recharge. These soak pits are

arranged for optimum utilization of wastage of water. For this, a round shape pit having four feet

depth and two and half feet width was dugout near the bore or hand pump. Brick, sand, stone and

soil is dumped in this pit in such a way that water is absorbed in the underground and waste

material is left over it. For this, two thousand five hundred rupees are allocated under this

programme.

Percolation Tank

It is also in the form of square type dabri and generally arranged on the hillocks since

water is not stopped in hill tops and they try to stop the rain water on hillocks with these tanks at

different places. With this, rain water is stored at one place and allow to absorb to enhance the

ground water levels. It is having twenty meters in length and twenty meters width and three

meters depth.

Dabri

The dabris are made at home or agricultural fields for fish rearing and to provide water

for their livestock. Besides, it is also useful in ground water recharge by storing water for long

time. Generally, these dabri are also having twenty-meter length and width and three feet depth.

Tank

To provide water to the agriculture and recharge the ground water levels, as many as

tanks are constructed under this scheme. During summer, the villagers depend on these tanks for

bathing, cattle, washing of cloth and utensils. Tanks having fourty meters length twenty meters

width and five feet depth are made with the earmarked funds. Generally, they sanction 2.5 lakh

rupees to complete one tank.

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Structure Repair

In case any old water harvesting structure such as jua, munda, check dam, boulder dam,

stop dam, nallah, etc., got sedimented or damaged they were reconstructed under this scheme to

ensure the continuous water supply.

Nallah Diversion

The main objective of this task is to transfer the water from one place to another where

water shortage is existing. In case of water crisis in any para of the village, water is transported

by making nallahs known as nallah diversion. For this, now they are making pucca nallah using

brick, sand, and cement to minimize the wastage of water during its diversion. The water of

musadu munda in Mundapara of Chhindawada are diverted to meet the irrigation needs of

Teerthgarh as they are facing acute water shortage.

Contour Trench

Its structure is in the control drainage form and arranged at the slopes of the hills. The

main objective of this contour trench is to prevent the soil erosion from the run-off water during

heavy rains. This type of trenches are made at different slopes in the forests and hills to slow

down the water flow from hillocks to slopes.

Nallah Bandhan

While constructing nallah, they arranged many stoppages to utilize nallah water by the

catchment fields. For this, they use boulders, wood, or sand bags to stop the water temporarily

and utilize them for their irrigation needs.

Gebian

It is in square shape iron structure having pores under its bottom. It is having one-meter

length and one-meter width. This box type structure is dibbled in nallah and dump stones in it. It

is arranged in two meters distance in the same nallah. The main objective of gebian is to slow

down the water flow and to prevent the soil erosion. With this, ground water levels are also

enhanced.

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Boulder Check-Dam

To prevent the soil erosion, boulders are dumped at certain points in the nallah depending

on the depth and width of the nallah. It is arranged at low slopes where over flow water is

observed. These check dams are having one-meter length, four to five-meter width. The boulder

check-dams are made with a distance of two meter in less flow of water and in high water flow

places at one-meter distances.

Irrigation Nallah

To meet the needs of irrigation, tank or check dam water is diverted to agricultural fields

through small irrigation nallahs. It is generally known as kutcha nallah and no cement, brick,

and sand are used to construct this type of nallah. It is made with simple spade by the individual

farmers.

Stop and Check Dam

To prevent the wastage of running water, many stop dams are constructed soon after the

advent of monsoon. The water flow is stopped by erecting wooden or iron structure and this

water is diverted for irrigation purpose. Check dam is arranged to prevent the flow of nallah

water.

Plate 6.4: Stop dam of Vetipara, Bade Kilepal III

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Plate 6.5: Check dam Under HKVY, Bandipara

Role of PMKSY in Chhindawada and Bade Kilepal

Besides study area, this programme is also implemented in Dodrepal, Chitapur under

PMKSY wherein nallah bandhan, diversion, dabri making, structure repairs, etc., are also taken

up. In Bastanar, the works of PMKSY are taken up in Kodenar, Irpa, Paralmeta, Silakjhodi,

Gadavarli, Bodenar, Pakhnar, Sadra, Bade Kaklur, and Neelegondi.

In Bade Kilepal, under PMKSY works such as bori bandhan, construction of wells and

dabri are undertaken in last two years. According to the villagers, the details of the work and

budget is being made under PMKSY but the works are executed under MGNREGA. The details

of works done in Bade Kilepal are

Table 6.1: Micro Irrigation Works in Bade Kilepal III under PMKSY

Sl. No. Name of the work 2017-2018 2018-2019

1 Sand bag stoppage 01 01

2 Well 05 -

3 Puddle 06 01

From the above table, it is evident that in 2017-18 only one bori bandhan, five wells and

six dabris are arranged in Bade Kilepal. Whereas in 2018-19 only one bori bandhan and one

dabri is arranged. When compared to other areas, the works under PMKSY are very minimal in

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the study area. It reveals that people of the study area depend on traditional water harvesting

structures and with traditional knowledge, they are coping the water crisis.

Kisan Samridhi Yojana (KSY)

The main objective of kisan samridhi yojana (KSY) is to develop the irrigation facility to

individual farmers as well as to the backyard cultivation such as badhi krishi. For this,

government providing tube wells in the individual fields for enhancing the yield as well as

vegetable production. Further, the water from this tube well is also used for multiple purposes

such as drinking, bathing, domestic purposes, etc. The survey in Bastanar and Darbha blocks

reveals that the scheme is successful, whereas the people of Chhindawada and Bade Kilepal are

lagging behind it due to lack of awareness. It is so that the tribal farmers are very poor and could

not able to provide even margin money to procure a tube well in their field. The list of last three

years beneficiaries are mentioned below to understand implementation of this scheme in the

study villages;

Table 6.2: List of KSY Beneficiaries in Bade Kilepal III

Sl.No. Name Para or hamlet 2011-12 2015-16 2016-17 2017-18

1 Baksu Vetipara 1 - - -

2 Budhram Vetipara - - - 1

3. Bomda Vetipara - - - 1

4 Bhijo Vetipara - - - 1

5 Bhaaman Vetipara - - - 1

The above table 6.2 revealed that even the people of Bade Kilepal III also not availed

KSY facility much as they also depend on the traditional water harvesting structures such as

munda, sua, and nallah. In 2011-2012, only one nalkoop (tube-well) is made in the vetipara and

thereafter no tube-well construction was undertaken from 2012 to 2017. Thereafter, to attract the

tribal farmers towards modern irrigation methods, the government made four tube-wells at

different fields. The figures demonstrated that Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria depend on natural

water resources management methods rather than the modern ones.

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Plate 6.6: Tubewell under KSY

Plate 6.7: Utilization of Tubewell Water

Table 6.3: List of KSY Beneficiaries in Chhindawada

Sl.No. Name Para or hamlet 2015-16 2016-17 2017-18

1 Dhaniram Junapara 1 - -

2 Raajman Kawaras - - 1

3. Raajuram Rampal - - 1

4 Tulasiram Junapara - - 1

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The table 6.3 revealed that the villagers of Chhindawada are lagging behind in utilizing

the benefits of this scheme. It is so that the tribes depend more on the traditional water harvesting

structures such as jua, munda, jharna, etc., as well as rainfall. Further, lack of awareness is also

one of the reasons for not availing the scheme. In this village, Dhurwa avail only four nalkoop in

the last four years. In 2015-16 only one nalkoop and in 2017-18 three nalkoops were arranged in

Chhindawada. But in 2016-17, no single nalkoop was made.

Agriculture Department

To develop irrigation facilities in the study area, agriculture department has undertaken

many watershed development programmes. These programmes are undertaken as a part of harit

kranti vistaar yojana (Green revolution extension programme), laghuttam sinchaye yojana

(small-scale irrigation programme), and rashtreey krushi vikas yojana (National Farmer

Development Programme). As a part of green revolution extension and farmer development

programme, agriculture department made check-dams at suitable places. Under small scale

irrigation, many tanks and ponds are constructed to provide irrigation to baadi cultivation. At

present three check dam works are going on under green revolution extension programme in

Chhindawada and Bade Kilepal III.

Main objective of this programme is to enhance the traditional cultivation by providing

irrigation facilities. Under this programme, anaaj, dalhan, tilhan, and saag-sabji production was

enhanced in the study area. Though this programme was implemented in 2014-15. A check-dam

was built in Kawaras of Chhindawada and Bandipara of Bade Kilepal III in 2016-17. To build

these dams the department has spent 13.01 and 14.03 lakhs in different phases.

Mukhyamantri Nal Jal Yojana

Its main objective is to provide safe drinking water to all the villagers as they are

dependent on uncover water bodies for drinking water. As part of this, Public Works Department

in collaboration with gram panchayat has undertaken the water tank construction. Water is

pumped through borewell to this tank which in turn supplied to domestic uses through

arrangement of taps. In Vetipara I of Bade Kilepal, Rs. 13.20 lakhs were spent for water tank but

the construction work is completed in 2005. In Kawaras of Chhindawada, Rs. 24.18 lakhs were

spent for water tank but the construction work is completed in 2009. Since these villages are

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facing drinking water problems more and hence the scheme was taken up in these villages on

priority basis.

Public Works Department

Hand pumps were arranged in the study area to provide water for drinking, washing,

cleaning, etc by the department. As per official documents, the construction of hand pump works

being implemented since 1972 are given below.

Table 6.4: Details of Hand pumps in the Study Area

Sl.No. Block Village Name Total Hand

pumps

Working Not-Working

1 Darbha Chhindawada 85 85 00

2 Bastanar Bade Kilepal 80 79 01

Plate No. 6.8: Hand Pump of Bade Kilepal III

Forest Department and Water Management

Further, the role of Forest Department is also noteworthy in conservation of water

resources through construction of check dams, dug outs, soil and moisture conservation works,

etc. To enhance the forest coverage, they are encouraging the tribal farmers to undertake

plantation of bamboo and neelgiri (Eucalyptus) on the banks of fields and in barren lands. It is

not only useful to get good rainfall, but to fulfill the wood requirements of the farmers. Under the

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haryali prasaar yojana, Forest Department has taken up massive plantation for protection of

green cover. Under this programme, Forest Department providing saplings such as bamboo,

khamhar, neelgiri, sagon, sirsa, shisam, amla, jackfruit, drumstick or munga, mango, custard

apple, etc., are distributed to the farmers. Since the roots of these trees are more, it is suggested

to plant five to five meters in distance. Since it takes lot of time to grow, they are showing less

interest in such plantation and the tribes were encouraged to take up bamboo and neelgiri since

they take less time i.e., three years for bamboo and five years for neelgiri. These sampling are

planted in 1.5 meters to 2 meters distance. The plantation is fruitful in the area as bamboo is

being used communally and individually for making tokri (baskets), duti (fish basket), dolgi

(grain storage bin), sohali (filtering basket), supa (winnowing fan), bow and arrow and sold in

the haat baazar (weekly market). The neelgiri wood is also used for making roof of the thatched

house. With this plantation, Forest Department trying to stop the soil erosion and conservation of

water resources from run-off. Further, the department had also undertaken diverse measures to

control soil erosion and water conservation through control drainage, boulder check-dam,

brushwood check-dam, etc. Through these structures water resources as well as forest cover has

been increasing in the area.

Neelgiri Plantation

Every year Forest Department initiating plantation of neelgiri saplings in the banjar lands

of the study villages. It is undertaken during the monsoon to avoid the problem of water. With

this fertility the barren land productivity enhances and used for different purposes. The rain

water is channeled for this plantation. Based on the availability of land at the farmers, the

quantities of saplings are provided. For one-hectare land, 5,000 saplings are given to the farmers.

Since its roots are small, it is planted with in two to three meters in distance. Within five years,

the wood of the tree are utilized for construction purposes.

Table 6.5: Neelgiri Plantation in Chhindawada village

Year 2015 2016 2017 2018 Total

Beneficiary

households

05 08 07 07 27

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The table 6.5, shows that total twenty seven farmers planted the neelgiri plants in their

lands. They reveal that this plantation got benefitted in contributing their livelihoods in the form

of fuelwood, roof poles, furniture, etc. Since from the beginning these villages are surrounded

with dense forest and hence very less plantation was taken up.

Table 6.6: Neelgiri Plantation in Bade Kilepal III

Year 2017 2018 Total

Beneficiary

households

07 03 10

Plate 6.9: Neelgiri Plantation in Chhindawada

From the last two years, only ten households were undertaken the neelgiri plantation in

their fields in Bade Kilepal. The same reason is attributed for less participation as the villages are

surrounded with forests and people are not aware of the government programmes.

Bamboo Plantation

Majority of the tribes undertook bamboo plantation in their backyards. Generally, it is

sown fifteen days prior to monsoon i.e., June month for utilization of rain water and planted in

45 centimeters in depth and 45 centimeters width and three meters in distance. The roots of

bamboo are more and hence cover more land. Forest Department collecting one rupee for each

plant from the farmers and provide proper fencing for protection from the domestic animals. As a

216

part of maintenance, Forest Department gives five rupees per plant to the farmers. In one-acre

plot, 1100 saplings are planted and it took three years for harvesting.

Control Drainage

To prevent flood in the forest, the department arranges some dug-outs in open places so

that rain water flow is controlled. It is generally made in forest slope to store the run-off water.

With this, water flow is controlled and the rain water is flown from one dug-out to another in

slow manner. They believe that it enhances the fertility of the soil and maintain the underground

water level. Thus, it acts as a barrier to soil erosion. According to Forest Department, the depth

of control drainage should be 45 centimeters depth, 45 centimeters width, and 3 meters length in

distance and it is being constructed once in five or ten years.

Boulder Check-Dam

On the hilly areas of forest, a barrier is constructed with stone boulders which are known

as boulder check-dam to prevent the soil erosion and slow down the run-off water from high

lands to low lands. It is made in rectangular shape, depended on the depth of the nallah it is

made two meters long and two meters width and three meters depth. In case, the hill is high, it is

estimated to build boulder check dams at 25% below the height of the hill to prevent the soil

erosion and seed conservation. With this, the small seeds are pooled at the dam and started

sprouting later on. These saplings are taken by Forest Department and planted in empty lands. It

is generally made once in three or five years.

Brushwood Check-Dam

To prevent the soil erosion in small nallahs, the Forest Department planted sal and a

variety of bamboo on the bank of nallah. The checkdam is in square shape. Which is made with

45 centimeters depth, 45 centimeters wide and 2 meters distances. Since sal and bamboo are

water resistant, it prevents the soil erosion in nallahs. It is generally lasted for about two to three

years.

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Forest Protection Committee

It is also known as Van Prabandhan Samithi. In 2000-2001, Forest Department started

forming the forest protection committee to protect the forest beat which comes under the

respective gram panchayats. Every village has one Forest Protection Committee (FPC) consists

of one president, vice-president, secretary, and eleven members. The water functions discharged

by the committee are conservation of ground water levels, prevention of cutting trees and land,

forest fires, enhancing the green coverage, etc. The Bastar forest is famous for sal trees and the

official of Forest Department has taken up its plantation on massive way. Hence, Forest

Protection Committee (FPC) are trying to protect the sal plantation by removing the growth of

wild grass in new plantation. Further, they are also providing awareness on the ill effects of

deforestation for shifting cultivation and hunting the animals, cutting of baasta to encourage the

conservation works in the forest.

In Darbha block, altogether eighteen such Forest Protection Committees (FPCs) are

formed. They are located in Darbha, Pedavada, Jeeram, Kakaalpur, Kondalur, Chandragiri,

Belapara, Karka, Bispur, Pakhnar, Toyanar, Modenar, Alwa, Lenda, Rajur, Chitapur and

Kudumkhodra including the study village Chhindawada. Whereas in Bastanar block, only ten

such Forest Protection Committees (FPCs) are formed in Advaal, Kodenar, Bade Kilepal I, Bade

Kilepal II, Bade Kilepal III, Kumarsadra, Sadra, Bodenar, Palanar, Silakjhodi, and Goriyapal.

The forest protection committees are effectively working since last ten to twelve years in

the study area as forest protection ensure recharge of rivers and grand water. Hence, all the

members take interest in protection of forest through different ways. Of these, orange area,

product forest, and reserve forest are important ones.

Orange Area

Minor forest area comes under village panchayats are classified as orange area by the

Forest Department. By increasing tree coverage in such peripheral areas, Forest Department

trying to enhance the green coverage. Hence, they are undertaking afforestation programme by

planting small plants. To supply water to such plantation, they are trying to arrange nallah

surrounding to this orange area. According to villagers, the patta less lands i.e., banjar are given

to forest protection committee for planting the saplings. They look after such new plantation on

218

day to day basis and protect them from the destruction of cattle. This type of orange areas are

also found in Kilepal panchayat. Majority of the lands in the hamlets of Bade Kilepal such as

Vetipara, Gunjepara, Bandipara, Pedapara, and Manjhipara do not have such patta lands and

they converted this area into orange area and plantation is taken up. In these paras, the new

plantation is still in infant stage and hence covered under orange area.

Product Forest

The forest comes under Chitrakot are classified as Product Forest wherein Bastanar block

also come under this category. The areas where plantation is well developed are categorized

under this forest. Since minor forest growth is converted into major ones and the villagers

including Forest Protection Committees (FPCs) are allowed to collect the minor forest produce.

It took minimum ten to fifteen years for become dense forest. These forests are very productive

and useful to the dependents in their daily life in collection of fuelwood, timber and non-timber

forest produce. Such type of forest are found in Vetipara, Gunjepara, Bandipara, Pedapara and

Manjhipara.

Reserve Forest

The forest near to Darbha block comes under this reserved category where eighteen

villages are formed as forest protection committees for protection and conservation. The dense

forest coverage of Bastar also include the study area and hence works in collaboration with forest

department for prevention of forest fires, thefts, soil erosion, etc, are taken up in reserve forest

area.

Van Prabandhan Samithi of Chhindawada

Dhurwa inhabiting Chhindawada is also have a forest protection committee representing

one president, vice-president, secretary and eleven members. The paras of Junapara, Dhurras,

Uparras, Jamguda, Koyanapara, Mundapara, Kawaras, Mendabhata, Kokarras and Permaras are

assigned the task of conservation and protection of their surrounding forests. As a part of this,

they are undertaking afforestation programme from time to time. The major varieties like

neelgiri, bamboo, karanji, akesiya, sal, sargi, mango, jamun, etc., were planted as a part of

afforestation programme in their area. Further, the Forest Protection Committees (FPCs) are also

219

taken up works such as control trench and boulder check dam at different places in such forest

for conservation of water, soil and moisture control. This samithi also undertaken construction of

dabri and munda outside the forest area during April-May in such a way that water comes from

the forest are channeled to those newly constructed dabri and munda. For construction of tank,

dabri, and munda, they select the plot very carefully i.e., low laying area where upland water

come and stay. For this, they prefer red soil area since water is saved for more time in such place.

Generally, such type of munda is made with measurements like twenty meters length, twenty

meters width and five to seven feet depth. This type of munda is used to provide drinking water

to the cattle.

Further, this samithi is also discharging the functions of forest protection in the form of

strict vigil. If anyone found cutting trees without the approval of gram panchayat are caught and

impose fines through panchayat. Generally, these fines are imposed subject to the type of tree

which is cut by the trespasser i.e., if they cut sargi, they impose fine from Rs. 5000/- to

Rs.6,000/- as it is highly valuable in the open market. In other cases, fine will be ranging from

Rs.1,000/- to Rs.2,000/-

Van Prabhandan Samithi of Bade Kilepal

Bison Horn Maria in Bade Kilepal formed a forest protection committee with 14

members including president, vice-president, secretary and eleven members. In this, except

forest guard (secretary) other members belongs to the same village only. It is formed in Dulapara

to look after the forest. Besides this, they also taking care of the forests under Vetipara I, II, and

III, Bandipara, Pedapara and Manjhipara. The samithi members took initiative in plantation of

neelgiri, bamboo, karanji, sal, sargi, mango, mahuwa, aaden, hirla, karla, siwana, kusum,

siyyadi, tendu, and jamun prior to the advent of monsoon in banjar lands. Apart from

afforestation activities, they also making boulder check dam by erecting natural boulders and

pucca dams with cement and sand in midst of the forest as a part of rain water harvesting. To

make such pucca dam, Forest Department spending more than sixty thousand rupees. This type

of dam is useful upto two to three years for improving the underground water levels in the forest.

These check dams also used for improving the product forest also. Now a days, samithi is also

engaged in making percolation tanks with fifteen meters length and twenty meters width and two

to three feet depth where water is going to deposit in the earmarked places in the forest. These

220

tanks are also useful in providing the water to the grazing cattle. These tanks can preserve water

upto November to December.

In case anyone cut the trees illegally or extract muroom (soil), collect baasta without

permission, their vehicle such as cycle, motor cycle, cart is snatched by the samithi and impose

fine. As per the directive of the forest court, they collect the fines from the trespassers. In case,

they fail to pay the fine, court impose imprisonment ranging from three to five years. For

example, in case a person, smuggle wood through tractor truck is supposed to pay the fine

ranging from one lakh to ten lakhs. In case a person caught with motor cycle, it is snatched and

impose fine ranging from Rs. 500/- to Rs. 1,000/-. Further, samithi also engaged in construction

of percolation tanks, dabri, pond to improve underground water levels for conservation of

forests.

The water conservation methods in the forest are directly or indirectly helping the people

in collection of minor forest produce especially procurement of tendu leaves. These measures are

catalytic in providing alternative livelihoods to Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria during lien

agricultural season.

Fad (Tendu Collection Centre)

In Darbha block, Primary Forest Produce Cooperative Samithi (PFPCS) is operating

twenty-two tendu collection centers to collect tendu leaves during season. Of which, three fads

are representing from Chhindawada such as Kawaras, Rampal, and Mundapara. The in-charge of

these fads are known as munshi who collect the leaves and maintain the fad records, entry of

collection in customer books, etc.

Out of twenty-two centers, only six centers are being run by Dhurwa and the remaining

centers are operated by the Dhakad, Bison Horn Maria, Mahara, etc. Even the study village

centers are also run by other communities.

Table 6.7: List of Tendupatta Fads of Darbha Block, 2019

Sl. No Name of

Village’s Fad

Name of the Munshi Social

Category

1 Kawaras Mahesh Baghel Mahara

2 Rampal Mahendra Base Mahara

221

3 Mundapara Sita Ram Mandavi Bison Horn

Maria

4 Karka Aayatu Nag Dhurwa

5 Chandragiri Nilambar Thakur Dhakad

6 Ghumadpal Shreedhar Singh

Thakur

Dhakad

7 Kelaur Jadu Nath Bison Horn

Maria

8 Bispur Prem Singh Thakur Dhakad

9 Neelegondi

(Bodenar)

Dev Singh Thakur Dhakad

10 Pakhnar Kikendra Singh

Thakur

Dhakad

11 Toyanar Aayatu Mandavi Bison Horn

Maria

12 Dukarupara

(Pakhnar)

Kumar Kawasi Bison Horn

Maria

13 Neganar Nageshwar Yadav Rout

14 Koyapal Sonadhar Kashyap Mahara

15 Chitapur Samadu Ram

Kashyap

Dhurwa

16 Teerathgarh Harnath Baghel Dhurwa

17 Kakalgur Lachchhindar Nag Dhurwa

18 Koleng Lakhamu Ram Nag Dhurwa

19 Chhindgur Phul Singh Thakur Dhakad

20 Jeeram Sukram Podiyam Bison Horn

Maria

21 Tahakawada Mahesh Nag Dhurwa

22 Kankapal Jitendra Singh

Mandavi

Bison Horn

Maria

In Bastanar block, twenty-one fads are being operated by Primary Forest Produce

Cooperative Samithi including the study village Bade Kilepal. In this block, majority of the

centers are managed by Bison Horn Maria except Dulapara.

Table 6.8: List of Tendupatta Fads of Bastanar Block, 2019

Sl. No Name of

Village’s Fad

Name of the Munshi Social Category

1 Surguda Raj Kumar Kawasi Bison Horn Maria

2 Sargiguda Rama Ram Veko Bison Horn Maria

3 Borja Baliram Mandavi Bison Horn Maria

4 Patelpara Ramu Ram Poyam Bison Horn Maria

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(Mutanpal)

5 Sangvel Aasman Mandavi Bison Horn Maria

6 Burgum Jagat Singh Mandavi Bison Horn Maria

7 Murdepal

(Mutanpal)

Sonaku Ram

Muchaki

Bison Horn Maria

8 Muskonta

(Mutanpal)

Ramnath Mandavi Bison Horn Maria

9 Patelpara

(Bastanar )

Rajesh Podiyam Bison Horn Maria

10 Nakapara

(Bastanar)

Kamlesh Mandavi Bison Horn Maria

11 Bade Kilepal I Dayanand Podiyam Bison Horn Maria

12 Vetipara

(Bade Kilepal

III)

Anurag Kawasi Bison Horn Maria

13 Dulapara

(Bade Kilepal

III)

Dalpat Singh Thakur Dhakad

14 Paralmeta Bhuvaneshwar

Muchaki

Bison Horn Maria

15 Kumarsadra Chaitu Ram Vetti Bison Horn Maria

16 Kapanar Somaru Ram Kawasi Bison Horn Maria

17 Vaahanpur Jairam Veko Bison Horn Maria

18 Kondoli Avan Veko Bison Horn Maria

19 Kaklur Baman Ram Podiyam Bison Horn Maria

20 Advaal Shankar Muchaki Bison Horn Maria

21 Tirthum Jaggu Ram Mandavi Bison Horn Maria

During collection season, these centres procure the tendu leaves from the tribes.

Generally, they do not accept the tender leaves, excess thickness, teared ones, sign of mata, etc.

The leaves collected from maroom lands are considered as good quality and hence they take lot

of care during its collection. During 15th February to 15 March, they prune the roots of tendu

plant in triangular manner. It is known as puming. After 45 days of puming, they get fresh leaves

suitable for beedi making, otherwise it will become thick. In case the root of the tendu plant is

thick, it is cut with axe so that new leaves come out from it. While collecting, they make 50-50

bundles with siyyadi fiber which is easier for counting. These bundles are collected at first

village fad and entered in register as well as the passbook of the villagers and mediate between

villagers and the cooperative society.

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Plate 6.10: Tendu Leaf Collection in the Study Area

Collection of tendu leaves starts on 25th April to 10th May in Chhindawada and 3rd May in

Bade Kilepal. For one senkhada (consists of 100 bundles), cooperative give Rs.400/- and

accordingly one bundle (50 leaves) costs around Rs.4/-. Soon after collection, the leaves are sun

dried for a period of seven days. Later on, 2,000 bundles are kept in a row and sprinkle 20 liters

of water over it to keep the tenderness of the leaves. If more water sprinkles, it will take many

days to dry or sometimes it causes spots on the leaves.

Plate 6.11: Drying of Tendu Leaves

Some of the members are issued tendu collection cards in the study area. Earlier, the

validity of this card is for two years but now it is made for five years. After expiry of its validity,

they approach cooperative society for renewal. Majority of the cards are issued in the name of

224

women as they can save the money otherwise it is wasted by men on drinking liquor. According

to household survey, it is found that Chhindawada possess 303 cards. Of which Dhurwa are

having 170 followed by Bison Horn Maria (65), Mahara (50), and others (18).

Table 6.9: List of Tendupatta Collection Cards in Chhindawada, 2019

Sl.

No

Hamlet Dhurwa Bison Horn

Maria

Mahara Other Total Card

1 Kawaras 60 25 25 10 120

2 Rampal 50 20 20 08 98

3 Mundapara 60 20 05 - 85

Total 170 65 50 18 303

Table 6.10: List of Tendupatta Collection Cards in Bade Kilepal III, 2019

Sl. No Hamlet Bison Horn

Maria

Dhakad Other Total Card

1 Vetipara 70 - - 70

2 Dulapara 119 13 01 133

Total 189 13 01 203

Whereas in Bade Kilepal III, Bison Horn Maria having 189 cards followed by Dhakad

(13), and others (01).

To maintain the fad, munshi used to pay Rs. 40/- to labour on daily basis to keep the

bundles in systematic manner, to fetch water from the nallah, sprinkling of water, packing in

gunny bags, loading, etc.

Role of Gram Panchayat

Though the traditional councils are playing a dominant role in the life of Dhurwa and

Bison Horn Maria, the functioning of modern gram panchayat is also noteworthy in the study

area and majority of developmental programmes are being implemented through it.

Bade Kilepal is one of the biggest gram panchayat in Bastanar block and hence it is

divided into three small villages such as Kilepal I, II, and III which is represented by sarpanch

(President) who belongs to Maria community and eleven panch (ward members) followed by

225

sachiv (village secretary), rojgar assistant, patwari, etc. It is a mixed village having

representation from different caste and tribes i.e., Halba, Rout, Dhakad, Mahara, et. Though

gram panchayat is being dominated by the Maria having 504 out of 541 households, Rout are

having 12 households, Mahara represent 12 households, Halba 04 households, and Dhakad 09

households. At present women are occupied as sarpanch, patwari, village secretary posts in

gram panchayat. However, the panchayat is governed by her husband who is ex-sarpanch of

Kilepal. This panchayat consists of nine paras namely Manjhipara, Sodhipara, Pedapara,

Vetipara I, Vetipara II (Gunjepara), Dulapara, Ganjopara, Vetipara III, Bandipara.

Table 6.11: People’s Representatives in Bade Kilepal III Gram Panchayat, 2019

Sl.No. Status Sex Social Category Hamlet

1 Sarpanch Female Bison Horn Maria Vetipara I

2 Up-Sarpanch Male Bison Horn Maria Pedapara

3 Ward Member Male Bison Horn Maria Bandipara

4 Ward Member Male Bison Horn Maria Bandipara

5 Ward Member Male Bison Horn Maria Vetipara III

6 Ward Member Female Bison Horn Maria Vetipara III

7 Ward Member Male Bison Horn Maria Vetipara III

8 Ward Member Female Bison Horn Maria Vetipara III

9 Ward Member Male Bison Horn Maria Vetipara III

10 Ward Member Male Bison Horn Maria Vetipara III

11 Ward Member Female Bison Horn Maria Vetipara III

12 Ward Member Male Bison Horn Maria Dulapara

13 Ward Member Female Bison Horn Maria Dulapara

14 Ward Member Female Bison Horn Maria Dulapara

15 Ward Member Female Bison Horn Maria Dulapara

16 Ward Member Male Bison Horn Maria Pedapara

17 Ward Member Female Bison Horn Maria Pedapara

18 Ward Member Male Bison Horn Maria Ganjopara

19 Ward Member Male Bison Horn Maria Ganjopara

20 Ward Member Female Bison Horn Maria Ganjopara

21 Panchayat Sachiv Female Mahara Patelpara

22 Employment

Assistant

Male Bison Horn Maria Vetipara III

23 Vaachanaalay

Prabhari

Male Bison Horn Maria Pedapra

24 Prerak

(Motivational)

Female Dhakad Bandipara

226

In Bade Kilepal, twenty-two Bison Horn Maria, one Mahara and one Dhakad community

are representing. It is dominated by Bison Horn Maria when compared to Chhindawada. Though

women are participating in panchayat meetings, it is men who take decisions in real.

In Chhindawada gram panchayat, women are representing eleven members and the male

are thirteen and thus male domination is clear in the gram panchayat. Majority of the ward

members are representing by Dhurwa including sarpanch followed by sixteen Dhurwa, five

Mahara, two Bison Horn Maria, one Brahmin and one Dhakad.

Table 6.12: People’s Representatives in Chhindawada Gram Panchayat, 2019

Sl.No. Status Sex Social Category Hamlet

1 Sarpanch Male Dhurwa Rampal

2 Up-Sarpanch Female Mahara Mendabhata

3 Ward Member Female Dhurwa Kokarras

4 Ward Member Male Dhurwa Kokarras

5 Ward Member Male Bison Horn Maria Permarras

6 Ward Member Male Dhurwa Gonchapara

7 Ward Member Female Mahara Mendabhata

8 Ward Member Male Dhurwa Mendabhata

9 Ward Member Male Dhurwa Rampal

10 Ward Member Male Dhurwa Rampal

11 Ward Member Male Dhurwa Dhurras

12 Ward Member Male Dhurwa Dhurras

13 Ward Member Female Mahara Junapara

14 Ward Member Female Dhurwa Uparras

15 Ward Member Female Bison Horn Maria Uparras

16 Ward Member Female Dhurwa Mundapara

17 Ward Member Male Dhurwa Kawaras

18 Ward Member Female Dhurwa Kawaras

19 Ward Member Female Dhurwa Kawaras

20 Ward Member Female Thakad Padarpara

21 Ward Member Female Dhurwa Litipal

22 Panchayat Sachiv Male Brahmin Jagdalpur

23 Employment

Assistant

Male Mahara Mendabhata

24 Vachanaalay

Prabhari

Male Mahara Rampal

25 Prerak

(Motivational)

Male Dhurwa Mendabhata

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Functioning of Gram Sabha

Every year, sarpanch of the study village conducts gram sabha on different occasions by

inviting all the villagers including self-help groups. Besides, it is mandatory to organize gram

sabha on 26th January, 15th August, 10th April, and 2nd October. During gram sabha, panchayat

inform about the various developmental programmes including water related ones and receives

the complaints regarding implementation of schemes and programmes in the study area. The

meeting place of gram sabha vary according to seasons such as during rainy season it is

conducted in gram panchayat building, in summer gram sabha is organized at para open place

and in winter it is held at chabutara. Presence of the executive members of the panchayat such

as sarpanch, up-sarpanch, ward members, secretary, master trainer, rojgar sahayak are

mandatory during gram sabha and discuss various problems of the village.

26th January Gram Sabha

During this meeting, sarpanch invite the suggestions from the villagers on the types of

works needed to under take during this session and type of works can be undertaken in future

such as building pucca roads, construction and repair of pucca buildings, toilets, houses, water

harvesting structures, etc. Further, they also discuss about the significance of Republic day and

flag hosting by the sarpanch.

10th April Gram Sabha

On this occasion, sarpanch give information relating to monsoon and the onset of

agriculture, type of seeds sown during the season, conservation of rain water, protection from the

diseases during rainy season, etc. Further, sarpanch also reveal about the administrative works to

be undertaken during the rainy season to the villagers.

15th August Gram Sabha

During this gram sabha, sarpanch used to explain about new and old schemes and

programmes in the study area. Further they also try to facilitate about the needed information

relating to health. For example, during rainy season, protection of health through hygiene,

cleaning of house and surroundings, protection from the water borne diseases. In addition to this,

they also discuss about the reach of health facilities in case of emergency of patients.

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2nd October Gram Sabha

This gram sabha exclusively focus on the performance of naya khani festival in their

respected villages. Besides, they also inform the villagers about the new schemes and

programmes of the government.

In all these gram sabha meeting, the issues ranging from nallah making, check dam

construction, laying of pucca roads, making of pools, drinking water arrangements, hand pump,

nal jal yojana, toilets, village cleaning, functioning of anganwadis, old age and widow pension,

ration card, opening of new bank accounts, housing scheme and protection from diseases are

discussed at length and received complaints are forwarded to the concerned officials.

The Participation of women is low when compared to men and it is subject to the time of

gram sabha. It is attributed that majority of the villagers could not turn upto the gram sabha as

they lose one day wage labour. Only those who are having individual problems are approaching

with their complaints. The agenda of the meeting was generally inclusion of below poverty line

ration cards, allotment of works under MGNREGA, issues of self-help groups, survey for voter

list i.e., inclusion of new names and deletion of non-residents, editing the names in old lists,

making new aadhar cards, etc.

In gram sabha, many of the complaints are relating to water especially borewell in

remote areas, distance of jua, repair of existing borewells, water pollution and availability of

drinking water. Other issues relating to old age and widow pension, road laying, problems

relating to below poverty line (BPL) are taken up.

Participation of both men and women is equal among the Bison Horn Maria whereas in

Dhurwa women participation is less when compared to men. It is only the educated men raise the

issues or problems in front of the officials and others take part in group discussion.

Thus, gram panchayat and gram sabha has become nodal point in execution,

implementation, and monitoring of various water related developmental activities in the study

area. It’s role is evident from the creation of new water harvesting structures such as pucca

nallah construction, digging of ponds and tanks, repair of sedimented water bodies, etc., in the

229

area. Further, the below mentioned programmes are directly or indirectly implemented with the

assistance of gram panchayat.

Fourteenth Finance Commission Programme

In the study area, fourteenth five-year programme was implemented during 2015-2020.

Under this, every year, through gram panchayat government issue eight to nine lakh rupees for

repairs of nallah, pool, construction of new nallahs, repair of hand pump for drinking water,

toilet for schools and health centers and to solve other problems in the village. Under this

programme also water related works are undertaken in the study area.

Moolbhoot Yojana (Basic Plan)

As per the Chhattisgarh State Panchayat’s Schedule 1993, each and every gram

panchayat receive a lumpsum amount of money to undertake major works for village

development. The amount released by the State was spent with the approval of the gram sabha

only. At present, the study villages are spending the amount to repair the hand pumps,

reimbursement of water related electricity bills, water tank construction, tube-well construction,

cement construction surrounding handpump, repair of panchayat buildings, road laying, making

dust bins, cleaning of public wells, repair and construction of public toilets. Social audit in

connection with the expenditure of such grants are displayed at important places in the village.

Mukhyamantri Nal Jal Yojana (Chief Minister Tap Water Programme)

Through gram sabha, an awareness programme about mukhyamantri nal jal yojana was

undertaken in the study villages. The significance of drinking water in protection of health and

avoidance of water pollution was also taken up through this programmes. Under this programme,

the study area able to build water tank which treat the raw water and supply safe drinking water

to the villagers. Further, they also undertaken the task of making pipeline to the households to

get access of this protected drinking water. This programme is mainly intended to provide pure

drinking water to all the families, to make necessary arrangements to provide water for domestic

needs as well as to their cattle, making awareness of water born-diseases, and creation of new

livelihoods through proper water management techniques.

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Role of Health Workers in Water

Mitanin are health workers who engaged in testing the drinking water in the study area.

Every year from March to May, they test the water collected from hand pumps, jua, borewells,

etc. H2S test training was given to master trainer of the mitanin which consists chlorin and florin

powder contents. She pours few drops of this liquid in collected sample bottles and observe for

twenty-four hours. In case water color turned into black, it is considered as polluted. In case they

become matmaila (soil colour) it is considered as pure water. Based on the results, they suggest

the remedial measures for purification of drinking water. Whereever, water becomes black they

advise the people to avoid consuming such water to protect themselves from the attack of water

borne diseases. Further, they distribute chlorin tablets in the village to use in water sources for

cleaning the water. They also spreading bleaching powder near to the hand pumps to maintain

hygiene. During rainy season, they are undertaking awareness programme on water purification

through boiling, covering the water bodies and utensils, use of chlorin, etc., to protect villagers

from the diseases.

National Rural Livelihood Mission

It is also known as bihaan in Chhattisgarh started in June 2011 with the support from

Rural Development Ministry. The main objective of this programmes is to bring the rural poor

into the mainstream and empower them to ameliorate the living conditions of the Dhurwa and

Maria. Under this programme, self help groups are formed in each village and providing

assistance through bank loan. These groups are engaged in diverse livelihood activities and the

water resource is base to all the agricultural related works. To form this self-help group, at least

10 to 20 women members below poverty line are needed. Once, the members agree to form the

group, they open an account in the nearby bank. These groups are discharging below mentioned

functions in the study area.

Weekly Meetings

Each and every group conduct four to five meetings in a month and discuss the problems

of its members. As a part of this, every week they conduct meeting at particular member’s house

and deliberate upon the type of work need to be undertaken as a part of livelihood. In case, any

member facing socio-economic problem, they try to solve combinedly.

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Collection of Thrift

The members of self-help groups are contributing Rs.20/- on weekly basis as it is

mandatory to save Rs.100/- on monthly basis. Thus, collected money is deposited in bank by its

secretary.

Internal Give and Take

In case of any requirement in the form of labour for agriculture, construction of water

harvesting structure, pipe line, brick making, vegetable cultivation, private business, kirana shop,

and perfornance of ceremonial events such as birth, marriage, and death, the group assist them by

providing loan through mutual co-operation, they also solve internal problems.

Collection of Loan

The members are given sufficient time to return the loan amount on installment basis. For

this, they collect one rupee per hundred rupees loan from every member. In weekly meeting, they

are remembered about the concerned loan. Disbursal of the loan is also depending on the

recovery status of its members.

Account Keeping

Group president and secretary maintain the minutes of the weekly meetings and up date

the bank transactions on behalf of its members. Secretary is the custodian of all the records who

assists during officials visits or gram sabha.

Table 6.13: List of Self-Help Groups in Chhindawada and Bade Kilepal III, 2019

Sl. No Chhindawada SHG Members Bade Kilepal III SHP Members

1. Maa Rukmani 11

Dhurwa

Rotni 11

04-Bison Horn Maria

06-Mahara

01 -Rout

2. Champa Phool 09

02-Dhurwa

07-Mahara

Chandrama 12

09-Bison Horn Maria -

03-Mahara

3. April Phool 09

05-Dhurwa

04-Mahara

Vaibhav Laxmi

10

Dhakad

4. Chameli 08 Maa Danteshwari 10

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07-Dhurwa

01-Mahara

Bison Horn Maria

5. Ghanti Phool 13

Mahara

Sagar 10

Bison Horn Maria

6. Akriti

10

Mahara

Maa Bamaleshwari

12

Bison Horn Maria

7. Priya

16

08-Dhurwa

08-Mahara

Shankini

10

Bison Horn Maria

8. Krishna Bhagwan 15

Dhurwa

Jai Swami 10

Bison Horn Maria

9. Til Phool 09

Dhurwa

Chandani

10

Bison Horn Maria

10. Gangadai Mata 09

Dhurwa

Oragunda

10

Bison Horn Maria

11. - - Jai Sadguru 10

Bison Horn Maria

Since 2013 onwards, self-help groups are functioning in the study area and taken up

many water related works such as construction of pipelines. These self-help groups under

National Rural Livelihood Mission (NRLM) are functional in all areas of the development block.

In Darbha and Bastanar, since four to five years onwards Block Programme Manage (BPM) are

established. Under this, Women Institution Group (WIG) are formed to empower the tribal

women. Main objective of this group is to enhance the livelihood skills of the tribal women, to

make awareness of developmental programmes, and outreach of government schemes etc.

Further, they are assisting the self-help groups in the study area as and when required for

continuation of the groups. They also send the members of self-help groups for training at the

headquarter of the development block. In Darbha block, this training centre is located at Tokapal

whereas in Bastanar it is located in Bade Kilepal one. Besides this, they are also forming cluster

level federations, village organizers, creation of new self-help groups.

Cluster Level Federation

Under this, one grand meeting (sabha) is organized in a particular place or village which

is known as sankul. Altogether 10 to 12 gram panchayats come under one sankul. In this, main

members of state, block and village level members participate and discuss the problems of the

group as well as the para.

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Village Organizer

Through gram panchayat, a meeting is organized with the president of self-help group,

secretary, treasurer and other members. Village level problems are discussed in this meeting and

they tag to solve those problems with the help of the members of self-help groups.

New Self-Help Group

They are encouraging women in the study area for creation of new self-help group. In this

meeting, the problems and success of each self-help group are discussed. Further, type of works

to be undertaken through self help group is also discussed. In study area some of the works

assigned to them are creation of nallah to generate livelihoods through agriculture, vegetable

production, petty business at weekly markets, etc. They also undertaken conservation and

preservation of drinking water and supply. They also ensure availability of water to the animal

husbandry. Further, they also make plans and programmes to conserve natural resources such as

land, water, and forests.

Integrated Natural Resource Management

Some of the lands in village are unfertile and to cultivate those lands water resources are

essential. To provide water resources for cultivation in those areas, construction of dabris are

taken up. With this, ground level water also increases. Wherever dabri is required, first they

make budget and complete the work within one or two years.

Livelihoods

Some areas, nallah water is stored through check dams or bori bandhan for cultivation of

vegetables. Water from these reservoirs are taken to their kitchen gardens through pipes. The

grown-up vegetables are sold in markets and the members are earning livelihoods.

Drinking Water

Still people of the study area depend on jua or sua for drinking water. But in some

villages these natural water bodies are located in distant areas and hence they are digging bore

pumps upto 200 or 300 feet deep. Thus, the drinking water is made available in Bison Horn

Maria as sua are distantly located.

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Role of Self-Help Groups (SHGs)

Each and every group and members are engaged in some kind of livelihood generation

programme such as dandha (petty business), kheth khalihan, vegetable production, livestock

rearing, etc., in the study area. Besides these individual works, they also engaged in undertaking

group related works such as brick making, vegetable production, leaf plate making, etc. Majority

of the villagers in the study area are taken loans for brick making.

Making of Cement Bricks

Priya swa-sahayata samuh has undertaken brick making in 2018 in Chhindawada. For

this, they availed two lakh rupees loan from the Chhattisgarh cooperative bank for procuring raw

materials such as sand, dust, cement, mixture machines, brick box, etc. A borewell is dug out to

supply continuous water for brick making process. Further, they also hired some labour to

execute the work and paying wages from the loan amount. In Bade Kilepal, Jai Sadguru Samuh

started brick making work in 2017 and still continuing. They availed six lakh rupees loan from

Chhattisgarh Gramin Bank and procured machinery and raw materials. They are using puliya

(road under bridge) water for brick making work and purchased tulu (electric) pump to supply

water. For this, 3 to 4 male and 10 to 12 female labour are continuously engaged in brick making

tasks at various levels. The male labour are given Rs.150/- and female worker are given Rs.120/-

as wages. Thus, made bricks are again supplied to village and block developmental works such

as construction of school buildings, toilets, hostels, and compound walls. But due to untimely

payments this work becomes unprofitable and hence they are showing less interest towards this

business.

Vegetable Production

In Chhindawada, Gangadai samuh are engaged in vegetable production through out the

year. To fulfill the water requirements, they conduct meeting with its members and decided to

use traditional jua water. The jua water is thus supplied to the kitchen gardens of the respective

members through pipelines and cultivating vegetables. Since two and half years, they are

engaged in vegetable cultivation and made success. To make pipeline, they avail loan from

gramin bank. Thus, produced vegetables are supplied to weekly markets and earning money

from it. Besides this group, one member from Akriti swa-sahayata samuh is also engaged in

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vegetable cultivation. During rainy season, they depend on rain water and the rest of the time

masadu munda water is used for cultivating vegetables. They made nallah through which munda

water is flown into their vegetable garden. This cultivation is being done in the land of others,

and hence they are paying Rs.4,000/- towards land rent.

Baazar Dandha

In Bade Kilepal, Rotni, Chandrama, Maa Danteshwari, Sagar, Jai Swami, Maa

Bamaleshwari, Shankini and Oragunda samuh are engaged in selling the goods in weekly

markets. They make temporary shops in different weekly markets and sell different goods

ranging from tamarind, mahuwa, fruits, til, urad, soyabean, seesame oil, etc. The money earned

through this dandha is used to enhance their familial income.

There are some other self-help groups known as Maa Rukmani, Champa Phool, April

Phool, Chameli, Krishna and Til Phool, and so on are also functioning with main objective of

saving and to find solution to the problems of their members including water related ones.

Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA)

Initially this programme was started as National Rural Employment Guarantee Act

(NREGA) to enhance rural livelihoods by providing wage employment for a period of hundred

days. Due to its significance in the lives of rural poor, the programme was renamed as

MGNREGA and legislated in the form of act in 2005. It is a rights-based approach with legal

implications provides employment to the people below poverty line. MGNREGA aims to create

livelihood security by providing at least one hundred days of guaranteed wage employment in a

year to every rural household whose adult member volunteer was given unskilled labour work.

Initially the act is implemented on pilot basis in 200 districts in its first phase in 2006 and

extended to 130 additional districts during 2007-08 and finally to all the rural areas in 2008.

It is a time bound employment guarantee or else unemployment allowance is given

within fifteen days. The works proposed under this programme are labour intensive and no

contractor or machinery is engaged to accomplish it. All the major works are executed by the

gram panchayat with the approval of gram sabha. To empower the tribal women, it is ensured to

provide employment to one third women. Central government provides funding of 100% of

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wages for unskilled labour and 75% of the material cost of the scheme including the payment of

wages to the skilled and semi-skilled workers. The works undertaken under MGNREGA is based

on natural resource regeneration such as water harvesting, ground water recharge, drought

proofing, flood protection, etc., and have impact on agricultural productivity. It is mainly based

on ecological restoration and sustainable livelihood which leads to increase in land productivity

for sustainable employment.

In the study area also this programme was implemented for the effective management of

water resources i.e., irrigation works, construction or repairs of old tanks for water conservation,

land development, etc. Under water management, they have undertaken the construction of

pucca and kutcha nallah, boulder checkdam, stopdam, bori bandhan (sand bag dam), tanks,

wells, etc.

Talab (Tanks)

Under MGNREGA, they are providing irrigation facility to the anicut farmers in the

study area, government grants one lakh and fifty thousand through janpad panchayat to gram

panchayat. According this scheme, beneficiaries arrange a tank having 40 meters deep, 60

meters width and 60 meters length. So that rain water is stored in rainy season which is utilized

during off season. Thus, tanks are built in summer when the villagers are free from agriculture to

fulfill the daily needs such as irrigation, domestic water needs, bathing, washing, cleaning, fish

rearing, and for cattle rearing. In Chhindawada, 2016-17 one such tank is arranged under

MGNREGA but no such tanks are made in Bade Kilepal so far.

Kuwa (Well)

For digging of well, government is giving one lakh eighty thousand through janpad

panchayat to gram panchayat. This type of wells are constructed for common and individual

uses. Its water is used for drinking as well as for domestic needs. To identify the source of water,

still the authorities are inviting the Bison Horn Maria who perform coconut testing which is

known as yer pekanata (water tester) in local language. As mentioned in previous chapter they

hold coconut in left hand palm and roam around the area where exactly well is being constructed.

Where even the coconut erects automatically, they mark the place and start digging the well.

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Dabri

The main objective of dabri is to store the rain water which in turn ensures the

agricultural livelihoods of the people in the study area. Under this, government arranges one lakh

and sixty thousand to the gram panchayat. The construction of dabri starts before the onset of

monsoon which ranges from 20 meters length, 20 meters width and three feet deep. It is

generally arranged in an individual agricultural field used for both fish rearing as well as for

irrigation purposes. In 2016-17 under MGNREGA five dabris are constructed, seven in 2017-18,

no single dabri in 2018-19 was arranged in Chhindawada. Whereas in Bade Kilepal III, total 12

dabris were arranged i.e., in 2016-17 only two 2017-18 and ten dabries in 2018-19 are made.

Plate 6.12: Dabri Under MGNREGA at Bandipara

Land Development

Under this programmes, Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria developing the unproductive

land for agricultural purposes through samathalikaran (leveling), bhumi sudhar (land

development), bhumi marammath (repairs of lands), med bandhan (construction of bunds), etc.

In case land is not developed, it cannot use water resources properly and hence land becomes

barren. Through construction of proper earthen bunds all around the field facilitates the storage

of rain water which is essential for paddy cultivation. The land development is generally

undertaken in the maraan (dry) lands in the month of April and May. It is done once in every

three years by the farmers in their respective fields. According to the people of the study area,

some of the fields are having less sandy loam, uplands, and stones. For the task of land

development, three to four labour continuously engaged for two days for removing stones,

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leveling, recycling of sandy soil, etc. Dhurwa while developing the land, offer sindhur, coconut,

incense and jua water to mati dev in their field. After ceremonial offering, they start the land

development work. Whereas, Bison Horn Maria do not observe worship for such tasks. Under

this programme, they spent nearly about ten to fifteen thousand rupees for developing one hectre

of land with one or two feet deep and 20 to 25 meters width land. In case of stone ridden land,

nearly about 10 to 12 labour continuously engaged for two weeks to remove the stones and level

the land.

Plate 6.13: Land Development in Vetipara I

In Chhindawada village, 2016-17 nearly twenty tribal households taken up bhumi

nirmaan, one farmer undertook bhumi sudhaar and med bandhan, and one household undertook

samathalikaran works. In 2017-18, bhumi sudhaar was done by 72 households and bhumi

sudhaar and marammath and in 2018-19 it is only 14 households done bhumi sudhaar works. In

Bade Kilepal III village, there are two households have done bhumi sudhaar and six farmers

have done bhumi sudhaar and med bandhan through gram panchayat.

Table 6.14: Major Works under MGNREGA in Chhindawada

Sl.No. Name of the work Purpose 2016-17 2017-18 2018-19

1 Kutcha Nallah Micro Irrigation 03 - -

2 Pucca Nallah Micro Irrigation 01 - -

3 Boulder check

dam

Micro Irrigation 01 - -

4 Dabri Water Conservation 05 07 -

239

and Harvesting

5 Pond Water Conservation

and Harvesting

01 - -

6 Well Water Conservation

and Harvesting

01 - -

7 Stop Dam

Improvement

Water Conservation

and Harvesting

02 - -

8 Land

Development

Land Development 20

9 Land

Improvement

Land Improvement - 72 16

10 Med bandhan Land Development 01 - -

11 Samathalikaran Land Development 01 - -

12 Land Repairs Land Development - 25 -

13 Channel Water Conservation

and Harvesting

- 04 -

Total 36 118 16

Table 6.15: Major Works under MGNREGA in Bade Kilepal III

Sl.No. Name of the work Purpose 2015-16 2016-17 2017-18

1 Dabri Water Conservation

and Harvesting

- 02 10

2 Well Water Conservation

and Harvesting

- - 13

3 Sack Binding in

Nallah

Water Conservation

and Harvesting

- - 03

4 Land

Development

Land Development - - 02

5 Land

Improvement and

Med bandhan

Land Improvement - - 06

Total - 02 14

Bori Bandhan (Sand Bag Stoppage)

To conserve the wastage of water in nallah and divert its water for irrigation, gram

panchayat had undertaken the bori bandhan. Under this, the sand filled bags are dumped near

the overflow of the water and thus divert this water to concerned agricultural fields. This work is

generally undertaken in the month of January so that nallah water flow becomes slow. Thus,

stored water is also used for bathing, washing clothes, cleaning utensils, livestock feeding, and

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other domestic needs. In Bade Kilepal, so far three bori bandhan works are undertaken in 2017-

18 by the gram panchayat. It shows that this type of water harvesting works are undertaken since

last three years onwards. The works under this programme are completed within a single day and

spent one thousand to fifteen hundred only. Whereas in Chhindawada, no such works are

undertaken.

Nallah

Water requirements for micro-irrigation are done through nallahs in the study area. It is

generally done by farmers collectively to channel the jua water to their fields. This work was

undertaken by the gram panchayat to facilitate the irrigation by channeling the water from

storage tanks to dry lands. Pucca nallah construction was done in natural way as well as through

building small canals with cement. In the study area, majority of the nallahs are kutcha ones that

facilitates the flow of water from one field to the another. With this they are also providing water

for irrigation to the villages nearby. Nallah constructed at the musadu munda which is located at

Chhindawada are channeled to Teerathgarh. They have constructed pucca nallah with sand and

cement at musadu munda. So far, three kutcha and one pucca nallah is arranged in 2016-17 and

four kutcha nallah in 2017-18 are arranged by gram panchayat in Chhindawada.

Plate 6.14: Kutcha and Pucca Nallah of the Study Area

Thus, the developmental programmes are playing a catalytic role in arrangement of new

water harvesting structures and creation of livelihoods to Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria in the study

area. The checkdams, boulder dams, percolation tanks, ponds, etc., created under different

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programmes such as MGNREGA, krishi sichayi yojana, and so on are complimenting the

traditional water resources. Though Forest and Agriculture Departments are eager to create these

new structures, but oblivion of their age-old beliefs and values are observed. The self-help

groups of the study area are using these water resources to earn their livelihoods through brick

making, vegetable production, etc. Besides their traditional ones, now a days, they also rely on

borewells, motor pumps, tube-wells to meet their water requirements. Even the Dhurwa and

Bison Horn Maria do offer worship while digging out modern water harvesting structures such as

well, pond, or tank under various programmes on their own expenses. The positive impact of

these developmental intervention is that earlier Bison Horn Maria used to go long distance to

collect pot full of water from their traditional suas are now able to use water from the newly

created hand pumps, wells, nalkoops, ponds, etc. So that personnel drudgery of headloads were

reduced with the creation of new water resources. Furthermore, newly created water harvesting

structures are catalytic for creation of livelihoods to the dependent communities in addition to

agriculture.

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Conclusion

Water resources are catalytic in survival of human population in the form of livelihoods

to the millions of rural and tribal communities. The sustenance of tribes are totally depend on the

availability of water be they are surface, ground, or run-off water. The main economic activities

of the tribal communities such as hunting, gathering, fishing, pastoralism, shifting cultivation,

horticulture, agriculture, etc., are depended on these resources. The successful management of

surface and rain water are not new concept but they are mentioned in vedas, puranas and so on.

Due to this, many kings had undertaken the construction of ponds near the temples long back.

Even in ancient and medieval period, the indigenous methods of water management proved to be

good and local water user rights are protected for the welfare of the peasants. But, the gradual

decrease of rights over water resources due to population explosion had severe implications on

the livelihoods of the dependent communities as well as on their resource management. It is

attributed to the policies of the colonial rulers who misappropriated these resources for the

interest of tax collection. The reasons for this mismanagement are traced back in the history of

British period to till date. The policies of British led to large scale destruction of natural

resources in the name of big dams for their economic benefit. These policies imposed several

restrictions on the access of dependent communities which in turn affected the age long

symbiotic relationship between eco-systems and the tribal communities.

After independence, the large-scale irrigation was formulated in the five-year plans as

investment in this sector was encouraged in the first two five year plans. But the spirit of water

management was destroyed by the vested interests of the bureaucrats, engineers, and contractors

since from the planning, design, and implementation. The state water resource management is

vulnerable to pressures from the influential farmers who mismanage the distribution of water to

their mutual benefit. To overcome this problem, reforms were introduced in small-scale

irrigation and community management practices through World Bank supported National Water

Management Programme in 1980.

Later on, Participatory Water Management (PWM) was introduced through which

thousands of Water User Associations (WUA) were formed all over India and take up the

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responsibility of maintenance and operation of irrigation systems and distribution of water

among the stakehplders. But, it is also not successful due to heterogeneity of farmers, caste-class

differences, physical system of inefficiency, and lack of support from the irrigation staff.

To overcome the problems of water management, many water resource management

oriented programmes and policies are undertaken at national and state level. National Water

Policy 2002 emphasizes on this participatory approach for the management of water with

cooperation from government and stake holders. All these policies and programmes could not

synergies livelihoods of the dependent communities. This alarming situation has made the

scholars, activists, conservationists, and the planners to devise approaches to understand the

dynamics of water resource management.

A paradigm shift took place in the policy discourse following stiff resistance from those

who are dependent on water resources and it now stresses on the sustainable water resource

management to ensure livelihoods of the dependent communities. The formulation of watershed

guidelines in 1994 stressing state-NGOs partnership, haryali guidelines were launched in 2003

giving importance to Panchayat Raj Institutions (PRI); Neeranchal guidelines in 2006 aimed to

establish a series of institutional structures to govern watershed management. Recently 2008

guidelines give importance to community participation by involving all the stakeholders at the

centre of planning, budgeting, implementation and management of watershed projects. It made

accountability of the community organizations to gram sabha in project activities. In post

independent period, the net irrigated crop land is enhanced and management of ground water

resources are introduced to overcome the water crisis. Diverse policies of water management

such as National Water Policy in 1987, followed by revised national water policy in 2002 and the

present 2012 National Water Policy also brought major reforms in water storage through soil

moisture, ponds, ground water, small and large reservoirs, drip irrigation, etc., in India.

Under these circumstances, Dhurwa of Chhindawada and Bison Horn Maria of Bade

Kilepal in Bastar District of Chhattisgarh State are able to utilise natural water resources through

their traditional water harvesting structures for their livelihoods despite lack of modern irrigation

sources and technologies in their habitat. This is mainly attributed to the traditional knowledge

system that they have since generations which ensured proper water management through

different socio-cultural practices and institutional mechanisms like lineage cooperation,

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veneration of sacred groves and elaborate rituals. The Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria are one of

the indigenous communities of Bastar district and they avoid competition and conflict in sharing

the limited water resources, in spite of encroachment by non-tribal groups.

The social structure of the Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria has been evolved overtime in

such a manner that its members fulfil their needs and derive their livelihoods from their

surrounding environs. Though family is the smallest unit, lineage and clan groups play an

important role in organizing its members for collective action. It consists of number of families

who have the same surname and reside contiguously. The corporate nature of such group is

evident from the arrangement of their dwelling pattern at one place to facilitate the cooperation

of their relatives in times of need.

The existing rules of residence among the Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria are adopted for

proper utilization of limited resources. Even the newly married couple get separated from the

main family to form neo-local residence but they continue to be associated with combined

agricultural works and share the produce collectively with the man’s natal family. In fact, this

type of economic activity eliminates individual competition in resource access and distribution.

Utilization of common water resources like jua or sua, munda, nallah, jharna, katta,

tarai, etc., are under supervision of their panchayat which includes village head, mata pujari

(mother goddess priest), mati pujari (soil priest), sirha (traditional medicine-men), kotwar

(messenger), patel (accomplice of priest) and athpaharia (temple servant) who play an important

role in dispute resolution and coordinate the activities of the members of different lineages in

access, utilization, and distribution of water resources. Though individual water bodies are

regulated by lineage or clan groups, they also made open to others in time of crisis. In case, any

one breaches the norms of the panchayat, they are punished by imposing fine in the form of

extraction of resources from the offender (pig, fowl, liquor, grain for feasts). Due to this fear of

losing valuable livestock and other resources, Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria of the study

villages do not dare to breach the community rule or destroy other person’s property in times of

conflicts. Besides the pressure of community, Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria also believe that

resources are guarded by the supernatural powers and hence they are appeased. Dhurwa and

Bison Horn Maria worship the deities who are in anthropomorphic form like rocks (shila), posts

(bhimul dev), trees (sonkuvar and vankuvar), water bodies (sua or jua), etc.

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The overall organization of resources of the Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria habitat

exhibits the optimum utilization of available water resources by using their traditional

knowledge, skill and techniques. Of the available resources, water is the most valuable resource

used for cultivation in upajau (low laying embanked agriculture), maraan (relatively levelled dry

land), baari (fenced inland laying adjacent to homestead), banjar (cattle grazing), hilly uplands,

etc.

Of the total landholding, approximately 60% of the land is under production of paddy and

the rest are for production of traditional varieties mandiya, urad, harwa, til, kodo, kutki, kosra,

makka, jondri, baazra, sarsom, soyabean, tilhan, and mung, etc. Apart from the above-

mentioned crops, the maraan land is used for raising different varieties of vegetables such as

bhindi, muli, bengan, lauki, tamatar, phenda, semi, gobi, koliyari baaji, sarsom baaji, kaanda

baaji, boar baji, mirchi, karela, barbatti, chench baaji, kumda, muttor, etc. The traditional

techniques of making the agricultural tools with natural resources of Dhurwa and Bison Horn

Maria are ingenious and eco-friendly. The organic cultivation of different crops are made

possible with their micro irrigation.

Since the area is rain-fed, Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria possess copious knowledge of

water management in the form of traditional harvesting structures. The catchment area of rivers

and dam is used for paddy cultivation. For drinking water, they depend on sua or jua (acquifers),

munda, jharna (water fall) that make it possible to store water till the end of summer season to

meet water requirements. Due to the significance livestock in creation of livelihoods, they take

special care in rearing their stock by arranging pens to protect them from the attack of wild

beasts and dogs.

The specific water bodies of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria are subjected for fishing by

using their traditional knowledge. They consider that black soil is considered as good fish

breeding centre and hence majority of fishing is undertaken in the tanks of agricultural fields

near to their homestead. For fishing, they rely on traditional fishing tools and traps that are made

with bamboo. They are mainly dandhar, deer, kol, duti, jadaali, gari laath, etc.

Forests are playing a pivotal role in subsistence of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria as

during rainy season jharna (water springs) and water falls are frequent in the forest. The run-off

water is channelled through traditional structures made with stout bamboo used like pipe which

246

is supported by the erected poles. So that water flown from the hill top or uplands are collected at

one place which is channelled through nallahs to make munda for drinking water purposes for

people as well as to their cattle and wild animals. Thus, forests not only serving as origin place

for natural water sources but a suitable place for collection of roots and tubers, mushrooms, fruits

and nuts, vegetable leaves, fuelwood, hardwood, and minor forest produce, etc.

Altogether twelve varieties of bamboo such as dongar baas, jungle baas, barha baas,

kanda baas, paani baas, silik baas, kodo baas, bawari baas, bendra baas, sundar koya baas,

bansuri baas, baale baas are available in the study area forest which is subjected to use for food,

making household articles, hunting and fishing implements, in house making, etc. Tender

bamboo shoots are available during sawan is used as vegetable for consumption. During this

season, shoots are dug-out from the parent bamboo carefully and peeled-off the outer layer and

prepare sabji.

The dried twigs of sargi, vedama, kusum, magnum, aam, tendu, paalod, kirisa, chhind,

kumu, karanji, mahuwa, aaden, hirla, karla and siwana are collected as a part of fuelwood.

Further, sargi and siwana hardwood is also used for making houses and cattle sheds. A wide

variety of roots and tubers are also collected from the forest with simple hoe and digging stick.

They used to collect saronda, duber, kadjil, taada, peetey, khidni, targariya and keur kaanda

from the forest through-out the year. Besides, many varieties of wild vegetable leaves such as

koliyari, korkuti, aavali, korvell, bhenda (kattabaaji), charota, peepal, and meechi are also

collected by the Dhurwa and Bison Horn.

The leaves of sargi, siyyadi and mahuwa are available in the forest are used as

receptacles during ceremonial feasting, liquor consumption, offerings, carrying forest produce,

hunted meat, etc. Locally available kaatakuli, tenduphal, chichondh, aavla, keerich, siyyadi,

phulodi, seethaphal, beloti (jamun), kusum, chaar, id or chhind, imli, aam (mango), and guava

fruits are collected by Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria through-out the year. The rampant growth

of wild grass such as daab, sukul, karkari, ukada, chhind, and khaar are preventing the soil

erosion and simunltenously providing livelihoods to the people in the study area

Further, forests also ensure livelihoods through collection of dhatun (teeth cleaning chew

sticks), tendu leaves, hard and soft wood and so on for consumption as well as for livelihoods.

247

Thus, surface water resources are not only providing water for domestic uses but are responsible

for creation of livelihoods indirectly by providing various forest produce. Various types of wild

leaves, tubers, and forest produce gathered for consumption purpose indicate the adaptability of

the Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria to the changing situations of demand and supply. Sometimes

the scarcity of food supply is supplemented by the consumption of some of the resources

available like kareel from bamboo, chaapda (red ants), sulfi, landa and porridge made from

different varieties of millets.

The social organization of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria facilitates them to cope up with

any sort of crisis and they collectively work together for meaningful subsistence. The collective

cooperation is evident from the observance of many life cycle as well as annual rituals in the

study area. Collective participation in these ceremonial events ensures access to common as well

as individual water bodies, which is ultimately controlled by these groups through their

panchayat. Further, such descent groups enable its members to participate in water management

activities collectively, such as digging of soil for munda, construction of earthen bunds, check

dams, and share the benefits accruing through them equally. For each and every activity in the

village as well as at the household level, Dhurwa and Maria depend on this cooperation and any

person who goes against this norm and does not heed to the panchayat is ostracised from the

group.

Furthermore, Dhurwa and Maria belief systems are fashioned in such a way that they

help in the conservation of water resources in a sustainable manner. Bhandarin dokri, nakodo

natolin taling mata, basan budin, jalni mata, dulardai mata, langda dokra, sonadai jalnin mata,

banjarin mata, matvaar dokra, mauli pardesin mata, baman dokra, dwaramundiya mahamai

mata, sonkuvar and vankuvar, etc. are believed to live in the forest, mountains and rivers, ponds

and control the ecological, environmental and climatic conditions. Some of the places are

earmarked as sacred groves and certain taboos and prescriptions are attached to it. Hence, they

are prohibited to exploit resource in such places where these supernatural beings reside. Illegal

entry or destruction may invite their anger in the form of illness or drought. Further, taboos are

playing crucial role in reducing competition in over exploitation of water resources in their area.

Collection of water for marriage without observance of rituals such as neer chaprana is taboo.

Just before the marriage day, they perform a ritual to collect water for the ensuing marriage.

248

Pannek jua and sulel jua are earmarked water bodies for collection of water for completion of

marriage ceremony. Further existing folktales of Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria reveal the origin

of natural resources including land and water. Due to its significance, these folktales are recited

during peen festival to transmit the knowledge to the coming generations. Even the myths

regarding bhimul dev and jalnin mata highlight the significance of water in their life and hence

worshipped annually in collective manner.

Belief systems associated with fall of sargi tree leaves, sounds of frog, movement of

coconut and jamun stick in palm, existence of termite mounds, nature of soil, and so on reveals

their traditional skills of forecasting the rain and source of underground water. Even they use

direction of bird nest to predict the rain i.e. Baramasi bird tells the direction of the rain by

erecting its nest. Thus, they are using their traditional knowledge and skills in making the wells,

ponds, puddle, etc. Based on their existing beliefs, they tend to solve the water problems.

The elaborate socio-cultural processes in different festive occasions facilitating the

collective action in times of exigencies. Observance of jua jatra, raathmai jatra, worship of

bhima dev, mauli mata, bharwa dokra and bhandarin dokri, hingalajin mata, vetal dev, sonkuvar

and vankuvar, khanda kankalin mata, pen dev, baman dev, jalnin mata, daand dev, and nakodo

natolin taling devi, etc., reveals the symbiotic relationship between Dhurwa and Bison Horn

Maria and their ecological setting of hills and forest. They also believe that each and every

natural resource are abode of some sort of deity or spirit like singharaj and kariausi for aquifer,

basan budin for water, bhimul dev for rains, vankuvar and sonkuvar for forests, pittar mata for

grain, jalni mata for bamboo, baman dev for stone, nakoda natolin taling mata for siyyadi tree,

bharva dev for sargi tree, etc. The deities associated with these natural resources are worshipped

annually or occasionally in the form of jatra and madai.

The religious sanction behind community celebration during kuladevi tiyar, amus or

haryali or kunnel tiyar, nayakhani or koltel tiyar, kodta pandum, visa pandum, dilvel tiyar, medi

tiyar, beej putni, jalni devi tiyar, etc., ensures their harmony with the nature. If anyone, even by

accident breaks the taboo, rectification ceremony would be performed by offering sacrifices by

priest to regain the lost harmony. The nature-man-spirit complex of Vidyarthi’s (1963) gets

reflected in the rituals of the Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria.

249

On-going development programmes are facilitating the creation of modern water

harvesting structures such as hand pump, ring wells, bore-well, wells, ponds, etc., to ensure the

livelihood security of the Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria in the study area. Even for this, they

observe elaborate ceremonialism while undertaking any such programme. Their hamlets are

surrounded by other caste people who migrated to this area for agriculture purpose and settled

long back. Despite of their contact with outside population, they are still pursuing the traditional

methods of water harvesting through such jua, munda, and nallahs. Even the outsiders too

depend on these resources to a great extent since modern water harvesting structures reached the

area in recent past. Thus, the traditional water harvesting structures are catalytic for agriculture,

horticulture, livestock, and the collection of forest produce.

Through the developmental programmes such as Mahatma Gandhi National Rural

Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) and Prime Minister Agriculture Irrigation Scheme or

Pradhan Mantri Krishi Sinchayi Yojana (PMKSY), Kisan Samridhi Yojana (KSY), modern

water harvesting structures are created to supply water for drinking, bathing, and domestic

purposes.

The role of Forest Department is also noteworthy in conservation of water resources

through their efforts like construction of check dams, dug outs for water conservation, soil and

moisture conservation works, rock boulder dams to prevent soil erosion, afforestation, coppice

cutting, pruning and other related works etc., in the study area. Under the haryali prasaar

yojana, plantation of local varieties bamboo khamhar, neelgiri, sagon, sirsa, shisam, aavla or

amla, jackfruit or kattahal, drumstick or munga, mango, custard apple on the banks of their

fields and in barren fields are benefiting them to get good rainfall and fulfilling the wooden

requirements of the farmers. To prevent the flood in the forest, the department arranges some

dug outs in open places so that rain water flow is controlled. It is generally made in forest slope

to store the run-off water. With this, water flow is controlled and the rain water is flown from

one dug out to another in slow manner. Further, Forest Department is catalytic for construction

of boulder check-dam, brushwood dams, and sand bag anicut to prevent the soil erosion and

slow down the run-off water from high lands to low land

250

The role of gram panchayat and gram sabha is crucial in creation of new water

harvesting structures in the study area which in turn providing alternative livelihoods to self-help

groups. All these factors led the Dhurwa and Bison Horn Maria for optimum utilization of

surface and ground water in judicious manner through religious strictures. The positive sign of

development intervention is that Bison Horn Maria used to walk distant places to collect drinking

water for bathing, cleaning, etc. But, the arrangement of wells, hand pumps and bore wells

reduced the physical drudgery of carrying head loads of water.

Thus, different kinds of interventions in the day to day life of Dhurwa and Bison Horn

Maria are leading them to adopt the modern water management methods in complimentary to

traditional ones for ensuring continuous livelihoods. Unless the native people are assured the

benefits of equitable access from the existing water resources, which they enjoyed from

generations, no policing of conservation would work. In the similar lines, the villagers of the

study area overcoming the challenges posed by nature through indigenous as well as modern

methods of water management. In conservation of water, the collective action approach through

rites, rituals beliefs and customary practices is note woethy.

251

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