A Perspective on Maoist Movement in Nepal

A perspective on the Maoist Movement

in Nepal

Khimlal Devkota

A Perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal

Writer : Khim Lal Devkota

Publisher : D.R. Khanal

Edition : First , November 2012

Cover Concept : Ajaya Khanal

Computer Layout : Laxman Shrestha

Copies : 2500

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First poster of Peoples War.

Acknowledgements

Revolutionary transformation of Nepalese society was the central

theme of the decade long Maoist Peoples’ War (PW) that spanned

in Nepal from 1996-2006. This People’s War ended and the

Maoists entered into the phase of the peace process after signing of

the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA). An election to the much

awaited Constituent Assembly was held and the first meeting of

the elected Assembly proclaimed Nepal as Republic, Secular and

Federal. Historical changes have been made in a short span of time.

For each of these changes, the Maoists’ Movement has been at the

centre. So I have tried my best to capture as an insider the whole

Maoist Movement of Nepal on war, peace and constitution writing

phase along with its development of tactic and strategy.

This book has been based on my presentation on the Maoist People’s

War in Oxford University, UK and Kyoto University, Japan. I

decided to revise my presentations into a book after the participants

in both these seminars pushed me to publish my experiences as a

book. A book on the Maoist People’s War is not new. Nevertheless,

this book speaks of the Maoists’ War not only based on observations

but also on direct experience that came from my involvement in the

political wing of the Maoists’ War. Hence, I feel that this book offers

readers with exceptional insights into the Maoist People’s War.

Finally, it is important to acknowledge people without whom my

effort would not have come to fruition. I would like to thank my party

leaders, chairman and former prime Minister comrade Prachanda

and vice-chairman and Rt. Hon’ble Prime Minister Baburam

Bhattarai for encouraging me to write this book and for supporting

me throughout. I want to again extend special thank to Prime

Minister Dr. Bhattarai for his valuable note on this book. I would

also like to thank Shrishti Rana for her inputs on shaping this book.

Similarly, I would like to thank Sandhya Poudyal for her editing

support, D.R. Khanal for taking, responsibilition of publication,

Ajaya Khanal for printing and cover concept. More importantly,

my gratitude also goes to my family, my party members, and all my

friends whose continuous love and support provided me energy me

to write this book despite my enormously busy political career.

Khimlal Devkota

Contents

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1Part One 131 INTRODUCTION 131.1 General introduction 1.2 Specific characteristics of the then Nepal and the Nepalese society 14Part Two 172 THEORITICAL DEVELOPMENT 172.1 Historical facts about revolution: 172.2 Reassessment of Nepali history 18 2.3 Recognizing the ground realities 202.4 Conclusion drawn: 202.5 Specific objective 21Part Three 233 IMPLEMENTATION 233.1 Class analysis: motivating force of the revolution 233.2 Findings of analysis: problem of strategy and tactics 243.3 Debate on protracted war or urban insurrection 253.4 Preliminary review of historical initiation of People’s war 273.5 Development of MLM: Nepal specific as Prachandapath 313.6 Development of democracy in 21st century 32Part Four 374 PRACTICAL DEVELOPMENT OF MLM IN NEPALI CONTEXT 374.1 Chunbang meeting: major event 374.2 Kamidanda meeting: major event 404.3 Balaju -Kharipati-Palungtar and Bhrikutipandap: 414.4 Bhrikutimandap 7th Expanded CC Meeting. 42

Part Five 455 TACTICAL FLEXIBILITY AND STRATEGIC RIGIDITY 455.1 Tactics and strategies 455.2 Our responsibility of changing time 515.3 Imperialism of the 21st century 515.4 Rising of the middle class in the 21st century 52Part Six 556 MAJOR ACHIEVEMENTS 55Part Seven 597 MAJOR EFFORTS FOR CONSENSUS 597.1 Some practical questions on Peace and constitution 607.2 Questions of Peace and constitution 617.3 Effort for consensus 647.4 Different Agreement 657.5 Last Day of CA and CA term expired 707.6 Question of Line struggle 73Annex-1 75Political Line of CPN[Unity Center] February,

Adopted by Unity congress in December 1991.

Annex-2 83Theoretical Premises for the Historic Initiation of the Peoples

War-September 1995.

Annex-3 87Appeal of the CPN[Maoist] February 13,1996.

Annex-4 91The Great Leap Forward: An Inevitable Need of History.

Annex-5 197Present situation & Historical Task June,2003. Adopted by CC. [Including

Development of Democracy in the 21st Century.]

Annex-6 227Present situation and our Historical Task October 2003 Adopted by politburo.

Annex-7 239Present Situation and Historical Task of the Proletariat 2010.

A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal1

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Nepal is a land locked country. It is famous for its diversity, in terms

of geography, culture, economy, religion, ethnicity social structures,

economic class and others. These diversities have made the land

fertile for creating revolutionary movements. Though never directly

colonized, the country has faced many political movements. The

decade long people's war that ended a few years ago is the most

prominent among them.

The first part of this book covers basic information about Nepal.

The second part examines the socio-economic realities of Nepalese

society in addition to presenting prominent historical events that led

to the emergence of the Maoist movement. This chapter will mainly

analyse the characteristics of Nepalese society in detail and provide a

concrete analysis of how that supported envisioning of a pragmatic

Marxist path in Nepal. Similarly, the third part focuses on the

theoretical development of Marxism- Leninism- Maoism (MLM)

in the Nepalese context. In Nepal, we tried to develop Marxism

which is both compatible to the internal context of Nepal as well as

to the changing international context of the 21st century. This part

will also talk about the pragmatic approaches taken to implement

MLM in Nepal. Further, a class analysis of Nepalese society will be

also provided, along with problem analysis, and strategies and tactics

adopted by Russian and Chinese model of revolution. This part will

also explain the development of 'Prachanda path' and the model

of democracy in the 21st century. The fourth part of the book will

depict events that have shaped the Maoist movement in Nepal in a

chorological order. The fifth part of the book provides insight on

the experience of tactical flexibility and strategic rigidity adopted by

the party. This part also highlights the responsibility of the party in

A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal 2

adaptation of Marxism, fighting against imperialism and addressing

the demand of rising middle class in the 21st century. Likewise, the

part six focuses on the achievement of the Maoist movement following

the peace accord, mainly the declaration of republic, and the election

to the constitute assembly. Part seven lays out the conclusion which

gives plausible explanations behind the achievements of the Maoist

movement in Nepal. This part emphasizes on pragmatic challenges

of the party in national and international milieu. In a nutshell, this

book will give an overview of the Unified Maoist Party of Nepal.

Specially form people’s war to peace process including Integration

and Rehabititation of PLA Negotiation for Constitation writing.

Most important political document of the party has been placed in

annex would be more helpful for readers.

PRELIMINARY INFORMATION


NEPAL IN DEMOGRAPHY:

Population Structure

Data Size

Population 28,676,547 (2005)

Growth Rate 2.2%

Population below 14 Years old 39%

Population of age 15 to 64 57.3%

Population above 65 3.7%

The median age (Average) 20.07

The median age (Male) 19.91

The median age (Females) 20.24

Ratio (Male: Female) 1, 000:1,060

Life expectancy (Average) 59.8 Years

Life expectancy (Male) 60.9

Life expectancy (Female) 59.5

Literacy Rate (Average) 53.74%

Literacy Rate (Male) 68.51%

Literacy Rate (Female) 42.49%

Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal: Nepal became a federal

democratic republic after the abolition of monarchy by the first

meeting of an elected Constituent Assembly on 28 May 2008.

President: Ram Baran Yadav was elected as the first President of

Nepal in July 2008.

Prime Minister: Dr. Baburam Bhattarai 2011. Baburam Bhattarai

became the prime minister in August 2011.

Land area: 52,819 sq mi (136,801 sq km); total area: 54,363 sq mi

(140,800 sq km)

International disputes: joint border commission continues to work

on small disputed sections of boundary with India.


Capital and largest city (2003 est.):Kathmandu, 1,203,100 (metro.

area), 729,000 (city proper)

Monetary unit: Nepalese rupee

Current government officials

Languages: Nepali 48% (official), Maithali 12%, Bhojpuri 7%,

Tharu 6%, Tamang 5%, others. English spoken by many in

government and business (2001)

National Flag of Nepal

Population (2011 est.): 28,951,852 (growth rate: 1.4%); birth rate:

22.4/1000; infant mortality rate: 46.0/1000; life expectancy

Ethnicity/race: Brahman-Hill 12.5%, Chetri 15.5%, Magar 7%,

Tharu 6.6%, Tamang 5.5%, Newar 5.4%, Muslim 4.2%, Kami

3.9%, Yadav 3.9%, other 32.7%, unspecified 2.8% (2001)

Religions: state has declared secular though personal brief of the

people seems as Hindu 81%, Buddhist 11%, Islam 4%, Kirant 4%

(2001)

Literacy rate: 45% (2003 est.)

Economics in Summary: GDP/PPP (2009 est.): $33.25 billion; per

capita $1,200.

Real growth rate: 2.5%.Inflation: 13.2%. Unemployment: 46%

(2008 est.).

Arable land: 16%.Agriculture: rice, corn, wheat, sugarcane, root

crops; milk, water buffalo meat. Labor force: 11.11 million; note:

severe lack of skilled labor (2004 est.); agriculture 76%, industry

6%, services 18%.Industries: tourism, carpet, textile; small rice, jute,


sugar, and oilseed mills; cigarettes, cement and brick production.

Natural resources: quartz, water, timber, hydropower, scenic beauty,

small deposits of lignite, copper, cobalt, iron ore. Exports: $907

million (2008 est.), but does not include unrecorded border trade

with India: carpets, clothing, leather goods, jute goods, grain.

Imports: $3.626 billion (2009 est.): gold, machinery and equipment,

petroleum products, fertilizer. Major trading partners: India, U.S.,

Germany, China, Indonesia (2006).

Communications:

Telephones: main lines in use: 595,800 (2006); mobile cellular: 1.042

million (2006).Radio broadcast stations: AM 6, FM 5, shortwave 1

(Jan. 2000).Radios: 840,000 (1997). Television broadcast stations:

1 (plus 9 repeaters) (1998). Televisions: 130,000 (1997). Internet

Service Providers (ISPs): 18,733 (2007).Internet users: 249,400

(2006).

Transportation: Railways: total: 59 km (2006). Highways: total:

17,380 km; paved: 9,886 km; unpaved: 7,494 km (2004). Ports and

harbors: none. Airports: 47 (2007).

Geography

Nepal is a landlocked country, similar to the size of Arkansas, lying

between India and China. The highest mountain in the world,

Mount Everest (29,035 ft; 8,850 m) lies in Solukhumbu district of

Nepal. Along its southern border, Nepal has a strip of flat land that

is partly forested and partly cultivated. North of that is the slope

of the main section of the Himalayan range, including the Mount

Everest and many other peaks higher as tall as 8,848 m.


Government

The Interim Constitution was promulgated by the legislature-

parliament in January 2007; this Constitution is based on the

agreement between the Maoists and the Seven Party Alliance.

The Interim Constitution stipulated that the first meeting of the

Constituent Assembly would vote to abolish the monarchy and

declare Nepal as a federal democratic republic. The transition to a

republic was completed in May 2008, when the first meeting of the

Constituent Assembly voted to abolish 240-year old institution of

monarchy.

History

The first civilization in Nepal, flourished around the 6th century B.C,

was confined to the fertile Kathmandu Valley. The present-day

capital of the same name is located. Besides, Nepal is the birth place

of Prince Siddhartha Gautama who was born in 563 B.C. Gautama

achieved enlightenment as Buddha and spawned Buddhism.

Nepali rulers' early patronage of Buddhism largely gave way to

Hinduism, reflecting the increased influence of India, around the

12th century. The successive dynasties of the Gopalas, the Kiratis,

and the Licchavis expanded their rule in the country until the reign of

the Malla kings from 1200–1769 (Nepal assumed the approximate

dimensions of the modern state).

Nepal was unified by King Prithvi Narayan Shah in 1768. His

successors expanded Nepal's territory as far west as Kashmir and

as far east as Sikkim (now part of India). A commercial treaty was

signed with Britain in 1792 and again in 1816 after more than a year

of hostilities with the British East India Company.

Nepal has never been directly colonized. The independence of

Nepal was also recognized by Britain in 1923. From 1846-1951, the


country came under the rule of the Rana family which reduced the

role of the monarchy to ceremonial. After a revolution spearheaded

by pro-democratic forces, the Rana regime was overthrown and the

King was restored back to power. The 1951 interim Constitution

stipulated parliamentary democracy and constitutional monarchy.

Nevertheless, within a few years of this change, in 1960 King

Tribhuvan’s successor – King Mahendra usurped power from the

democratically elected prime minister and introduced a partyless

panchayat system. In effect, political parties were banned in Nepal.

In 1972, King Mahendra died of a heart-attack and his son Birendra

succeeded to the throne.

In 1990, a pro-democracy movement forced King Birendra to end

the panchayat system of governance and lift the ban on political

parties. The multi-party democratic system was restored.

In 1991, the parliamentary elections were held in which the Nepali

Congress got the majority of seats. The recently formed Unified

Marxist Leninist party also performed well. The third largest party

was the United Peoples Front Nepal (UPFN) led by Dr. Baburam

Bhattarai. In early 90s, the UPFN merged to form a Maoist party.

In 1996, the Maoist party initiated the People’s War seeking to

overthrow the constitutional monarchy. Five years from the start of

this democratic revolution, on June 1, 2001, King Birendra died in

a shoot-out in the royal palace popularty known as Royal Musacare

and was succeeded by his younger brother, King Gyanendra.

King Gyanendra Asserts Control over the Government

King Gyanendra dismissed the elected government in Oct 2002,

blaming it to be corrupt and ineffective. A state of emergency was

declared and brutal crackdown on the Maoists’ guerillas began. On

the other hand, the rebels also intensified their campaign, and the

government responded with equal intensity, leading to deaths of


hundreds of Maoists, the largest toll since the insurgency began in

1996. In Aug. 2003, the Maoist rebels withdrew from the ongoing

peace talks with the government and ended a cease-fire that had

been signed in Jan. 2003. They also blocked supply of food and fuel

to Kathmandu.

King Gyanendra dismissed the entire government in Feb. 2005

and assumed direct power. Many politicians were put under house

arrest, and severe restrictions on civil liberties were instituted. In

Sept. 2005, the Maoist rebels declared a unilateral cease-fire, which

ended in Jan. 2006. In April 2006, massive pro-democracy protests

organized by the seven major parliamentary parties and supported

by the Maoists took place. They rejected King Gyanendra's offer to

hand over executive power to the prime minister, saying he failed

to address their main demands: the restoration of Parliament and

a referendum to re-draft the constitution. Days later, as pressure

mounted and the protests intensified, King Gyanendra agreed to

reinstate Parliament. The new parliament quickly moved to curtail

king's powers and selected Girija Prasad Koirala as the new prime

minister. In May 2006, it voted unanimously to declare Nepal a

secular nation and stripped the king's supreme authority over the

Nepal Army.

Steps toward Peace and a New Constitution

The decade long armed conflict that saw deaths of over 17000

Nepalese ended in November 2006 with the signing of the

Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the government and

the Maoist rebels. In March 2007, the Maoists joined the interim

government. However, the Maoists quit the interim government

just a few months later, (Sept. 2007) due to delay caused by other

parties leading the government in the abolition of the monarchy


and forming of a republic. It was only after the parliament voted to

declare a republic which would be implemented by the first sitting

of the newly elected Constituent Assembly,the Maoists rejoined the

government. The constituent Assembly election (for 601seats) was

held in April 2008. The Maoist party won 120 out of 240 directly

elected first-past-the-post seats. In May 2008, the assembly voted to

dissolve the 239-year-old monarchy, thus completing the transition

to a republic. King Gyanendra vacated the Narayanhiti Palace in

June that year and began life as a common citizen.

Ram Baran Yadav, a candidate proposed by the Nepali Congress,

was elected as the country's first president. This move seemed

to jeopardize the peace process. Meanwhile, Maoist chairman

Prachanda was elected prime minister in August. The Constituent

Assembly voted 464 to 113 in favour of Maoist leader Pushpa

Kamal Dahal, known as Prachanda, against Sher Bahadur Deuba, a

member of the Nepali Congress Party who served as prime minister

three times. As a compromise, the constitution was amended and

a provision of the opposition in parliament was instituted. In May

of 2009, the fragile coalition government fell apart when Pushpa

Kamal Dahal, the prime minister, resigned and the Maoists quit

the government. Dahal's resignation came after Nepal's President,

Ram Baran Yadav, reinstated General Rookmangud Katawal who

was sacked by the cabinet. His reinstatement came as a result of the

pressure from India.

On May 23, 2009, Madhav Kumar Nepal succeeded Pushpa Kamal

Dahal and became the new prime minister, with the backing of

NC and others smalls parties. A year later, in June 2010, Prime

Minister Nepal reached an agreement with the Maoists. According

to this agreement, the Maoists would support the extension of both

Parliament and the deadline to complete a draft constitution (that


was nearing an end) and in turn Prime Minister Nepal agreed to

resign. The agreement averted a political crisis.

In February 2011, Parliament elected the prime minister after 17

rounds of elections. Unified Marxist-Leninist Chairman Jhalanath

Khanal secured 368 of 601 votes, against Ram Chandra Poudel and

Bijaya Gachhadar who secured 122 votes and 67 votes respectively.

Khanal was sworn in on February 6. The election of the new

prime minister ended the political deadlock that had paralyzed the

country for months as political parties competed for control of the

government. P.M. Khanal also failed to resolve peace, constitution

and compelled to resign. Again after 6 month Dr. Baburam Bhattari

elected new prime minisnister of Nepal on august 2011.

CA extension:

On May 29, 2011, a last-minute deal was reached among Nepal’s

political parties to extend the constitutional deadline to a new date.

This three month extension prevented a political crisis as speculated

by the analysts. For over a year the Constituent Assembly, tried

to agree on the constitution and finalize the peace agreement that

was expected to end the armed conflict. During the three month

extension, the rival parties within the Constituent Assembly agreed

to draft a new constitution and address the question about the

19,000 PLA fighters who were living in the camps throughout the

country.

No Agreement Reached on New Constitution

In May 2012, competing political parties could not agree on a

new constitution before the Constituent Assembly's term expired.

The main contentious issues were , identity based federalism and

federalism based constitution. But no agreement was reached,

the Constituent Assembly, also acting as Nepal's legislature, was


completed its tenure. Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai announced

that he would hold elections in November 2012 for a new constituent

assembly as instructed by the Supreme Court. In his announcement

Bhattarai said, "Political consensus is still needed to move ahead. Let

us learn from mistakes and move ahead." Due to non co-operation

of NC and UML election has not taken place.

Elected for a two-year term in 2008 according to the Interim

Constitution, the Constituent Assembly was given multiple

extensions after failing to agree on a new constitution. In 2012,

the Supreme Court ruled against any further extension. The Prime

minister tried to get one more extension for three months but the

Supreme Court issued a stay order against the PM and alleged the

contempt of court too. So any constitutional way of the extension

was ended by the Supreme Court and consensus among parties failed.

Hence, CA ended without promulgating the new Constitution.

Source:www.nepalhomepage.com/www.nepalgov.gov.np


Comprehensive Peace Accord signing ceremony at International Convention Center.


INTRODUCTION

1.1 General Introduction:

Nepal is a landlocked country, surrounded from three sides by the expansionist India and bordered by reformist China in the north. It has diverse terrain resulting into diversity in culture, ethnicity, language and climate. A large section of the Nepalese diaspora is spread in the world for education and employment, including in the Indian army in the neighbourhood.

In Nepal, a centralized reactionary state equipped with a modern, powerful and laborious army and a bureaucracy with the centralized governing system exists. The economic and resource distribution is uneven. Nepal is predominantly rural. The exploited peasants, who represent 75% of the total population, are spread in these villages.

For a long time, the Nepalese peasants have passed different forms of struggle both locally and countrywide. There is widespread attraction towards the Communists among these people. However, the influence of reformism and right revisionism is also strong here. The base of the Nepalese communist parties has been peasants so they did not have any experience of an armed revolt. Yet atrocities committed by feudal and semi-feudal class of Nepal created fertile ground for the armed conflict.

Among numbers of extention of CA last one was may 27, 2012 according to supreme court verdict, competing political parties could not agree on a new constitution. The main contentious issues were ,

PART ONE


Identity based federalism and federalism based constitution. But no agreement was reached, the Constituent Assembly, also acting as Nepal's Legislature-Parliament was ended itself. Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai announced that he would hold elections in November 2012 for a new constituent assembly as instructed by the Supreme Court. In his announcement Bhattarai said, "Political consensus is still needed to move ahead. Let us learn from mistakes and move ahead." Parties were not willing to face eleciton then fail to conduct election of stipulated date.

Elected for a two-year term in 2008 according to the Interim Constitution, the Constituent Assembly was given multiple extensions after failing to agree on a new constitution. In 2012, the Supreme Court ruled against any further extension. The Prime minister tried to get one more extension for three months but the Supreme Court issued a stay order against the PM and alleged the contempt of court too. So any constitutional way of the extension was ended by the Supreme Court and consensus among parties failed. Hence, CA ended without promulgating the new Constitution.

1.2 Specific characteristics of the then Nepal and Nepalese society

Nepalese society has been marked with centuries of poverty and inequality, social and political exclusion, gender, caste, and ethnic based discrimination, skewed distribution of the resource of production, corruption and bad governance. These features were more dominant in remote areas of Mid-Western and Far-Western Development Regions and in other regions where deep-rooted poverty was widespread. The unwillingness of the state to invest in infrastructure, such as roads, schools, hospitals, electricity, drinking water and irrigation exacerbated social exclusion and structurally embedded poverty. Spatial disparities caused feelings of injustice. The table below highlights the major characteristics and the socio-


political context of the then Nepalese society that the fuelled the Maoist’s Movement.

Characteristics Observations

Structural

(social-

economic)

Rampant poverty and widespread unemployment

Injustice, inequalities and discrimination based on class, caste,

gender, ethnicity and geography

A centralized, power-based and corrupt governing system

Denial of access to, and control over production of resources and

lack of basic services to poor and marginalized sections of society

Failure of the Constitution to address the problems of the people

IdeologicalLack of conceptual clarity, ideological confusion and operational

contradictions within parliament and political parties.

Geographical

Geographical isolation

Ignorance and marginalization of remote and inaccessible areas

Concentration of resources in city centres and accessible areas

International

Growing interests of powerful countries (political; economic, i.e.

in natural resources/water; historical legacies; religious; strategic

and military), particularly the multiple interests of India and the

USA and consequent changes in the global security paradigm and

responses

Various interests of influential external actors (World Bank, Asian

Development bank, International Monetary Fund, others)

Changing international responses after the royal coup of 1

February 2005


Other

causes

Demographic stresses in environmental resourcesUnsustainable exploitation of the natural resourcesDenial of access of the poor and marginalized people to the natural resourcesSkewed distribution of the land resourcesInequity and exploitation of people whose livelihood are based on the natural resources by the powerful elites.Politicization of the bureaucracy and securityInstitutionalized culture of denial and inactionVested interests (both political and personal) of powerful actorsRampant corruption and moribund governanceFavouritism and nepotismStrategy of palace and political parties to use the armed insurgency as the means to gain and consolidate powerDevelopment mismatch and failureRoyal massacre of 1 June 2001Failure of various political leadershipKing's direct involvement in politics since 4 October 2002Psychological factors- revenge and retaliationRoyal coup of February of 1 2005


THEORETICAL DEVELOPMENT

2.1 Historical facts about revolution:

History of the Nepalese communist party dates back to more than

half a century. During those years, several initiatives were taken

without any tangible achievements. In late 1940s, when the Nepali

Congress party resorted to the armed struggle to achieve democracy

by overthrowing the tyrannical Rana regime, the recently emerging

communist parties did not have capacity to launch any such struggle.

However, the Nepalese people were supportive of the communist

movement which have since then taken various forms and essence.

The fledging communist movements were mired by intra party

struggle, rifts and division and this has become the characteristic

of the communist parties. In a short duration of time, different

factions of the Communist party emerged. The Communist party

leaders led different political movements such as in 1950s, in 1971-

72 (Jhapa Revolt), in 1980s and also in 1990s but these movements

failed to achieve anything concrete because the communist factions

were divided among themselves. Communist parties were limited

to reading, writing, publishing statements, dividing and countering

each other. So, without a proper assessment of historical facts,

planning an armed revolt was unrealistic.

PART TWO


2.2 Reassessment of Nepali history

A. The analysis of the reactionaries that the monarchy is deep-rooted in Nepalese society is not true. Before emergence of the centralized feudal state, a tribal-type of democratic system prevailed this was quite influential in Nepal. The tradition of electing, changing, and sentencing the king to death, if required shows that 'king' meant nothing at all other than a ‘tribal hero or leader’. Therefore, the tradition of Nepalese society has not been monarchist but democratic and autonomy-oriented. It was only after the emergence of the centralized feudal state at a certain stage of development of class division, attempts were made to unnaturally impose the king and monarchism through the practices of the system of reward-and-punishment and divine theory.

B. The shameful defeat in the war with British-India and nature of the treaty signed indicate the contradiction and the alliance between feudalism and imperialism. Though, Nepal became semi-colonial, the war played an important role in exposing capitalist character of feudal ruling classes and in developing patriotic and nationalistic feeling amongst the people in a modern sense. The contradiction in that time could be clearly read between the then Prime Minister Bhimsen Thapa on one side and on the other were the king and Jang Bahadur Rana. Thapa did not want to kneel down to the British, whereas, the king and Jang Bahadur were favourably inclined towards the British colonialists and acted as their stooges, this feature can still be found among the Nepalese ruling class even today. At a time when contradiction between imperialism and oppressed countries is the principal one, it is of great importance that the proletarian class correctly understands the historical contradictions and deals with them to lead a democratic revolution.

C. The centralized feudal state has imposed the Hindu feudal system and Brahmanism and ethnic chauvinism on lingual, ethnic,


religious, cultural and traditional rights of the people of various communities, nationalities and religions in Nepal. It hindered the natural development of genuine national unity and power. Therefore, the revolution must lay the foundation of a consolidated national unity on the basis of equality and freedom as well as on the basis of safeguarding the self determination rights of nations.

D. The denial of minimum political rights to information and activities by the Rana regime, delicate and fragile economic base of other classes (except the feudal and bureaucratic and comprador classes) the class-base and identity of political parties have not been very strong and mature. This caused the formation of and disappearance of many political parties from 1950 onwards. Political difference between the Party of the proletariat and the elements that represent the feudal and comprador and bureaucratic capitalist class is evident. Political fluidity resulting from the fluidity of economic class base does not only exist in the proletariat party but also poses a great threat to it. Therefore, the Party should always be flexible and struggle to understand the fluidity of other political groups and should protect itself from the influence and dominance of others.

E. In spite of their dedication, devotion and sacrifices, the factors behind the low political advancement of the communist parties in Nepal is the lack of reformism and revisionism in the Nepalese communist movement. The main characteristic of Nepalese revisionism has been the deviation from the historical need of leadership of the proletariat in the bourgeois democratic revolution. It always harped on the policy of following various groups of reactionary classes, instead of developing an independent revolutionary struggle for the workers and peasants under the leadership of the proletariat with the question of seizing state power in command. Eventually, the reactionaries have always been successful to betray the people. After launching of the People’s War led by the Communist Party of Nepal- (Maoist), things have changed substantially.


2.3 Recognizing the ground realities

o Nepal is a semi-feudal & semi-colonial country reeling under the exploitation & oppression both feudalism & imperialism,

o A large proportion of population (more than 75%) constitutes of the pauperized, landless, poor and lower class peasants scattered over the vast rural areas, The condition of organization, struggle and mass consciousness is uneven owing to unevenness of economic and political conditions and social development in Nepal, The condition of development of industries in the cities is very backward and hence the modern working class is weak both in the qualitative and quantitative sense,

o The enemy’s force is particularly centralized in the cities,

o According to the experiences of class struggle in the era of imperialism, it is possible to develop a militant & revolutionary Party, new culture & revolutionary people’s movement and to bring about radical change in society only by accepting g the path of the People’s War from the very beginning,

o Revolution is the main trend in the present world passing through a process of barbaric imperialist wars and great upheavals and to lead a revolution means essentially to lead the People’s War,

o The force of the enemy is more powerful as compared to that of the revolutionaries,

2.4 Conclusions drawn:

It is essential to focus our attentions on the following historical conclusions:

• Even general reforms taken as a by-product of violent and illegal struggle


The reactionary propaganda that the Nepalese people are peace loving and that they do not like violence does not hold water. It is an irreversible fact that the Nepalese people have been waging violent struggles for their rights since the historical times. All the political reforms so far gained in Nepal have been backed by the force of direct violence and ‘illegal struggle’.

• Nepalese people are the great warriors of the world.

The Nepalese people are conscious & sensitive about the question of nationalism and they feel proud to lay down their lives while fighting rather than submit to the domination of foreigners. From 1951 onwards, many sections of the Nepalese people mainly peasants have been involved in a countless number of struggles against the reactionary state. Understandably, the anti-establishment feelings among the Nepalese people have been strong.

• The Nepalese people are known as the great warriors in the world, recognised by their exceptional ability to bear severe physical hardships during fighting. Fighting against imperialist and feudal forces is the greatest responsibility.

The domestic & foreign reactionaries including the revisionist elements have time & again conspired against the fighting tendency of the Nepalese people. Today the greatest responsibility has fallen upon the revolutionaries to initiate an armed struggle consciously against feudalism & imperialism and to complete the New Democratic revolution along ideological lines.

2.5 Specific objectives

To attain the goal of establishing a New Democratic republic the following policies were formulated:


1. To oppose the monarchical parliamentary multi-party system and to accelerate propagandist agitation in favour of the New Democratic system.

2. To build a revolutionary, militant and new type of Communist Party.

3. To build a revolutionary united Front as an instrument of struggle and as an embryo of the new power.

4. To lay emphasis on preparations of the people’s war.

5. To develop a patriotic and democratic movement against feudalism, imperialism and Indian expansionism.

6. To accelerate rural class struggle centring on the slogan of land to the tiller and to concentrate main force on the same.

7. To develop class and mass organizations, to establish Party leadership over them and to develop a people’s movement in favour of addressing their problems.

8. To pay special attention to expand the Party to lower classes, oppressed ethnic groups, tribes and oppressed castes and to the rural and remote areas.

9. To accord priority to illegal work but also not to ignore legal work; to accord priority to work in the rural areas but also not to ignore work in the urban areas and to coordinate all work in both the spheres

10. To support national liberation, New Democratic and socialist movements all over the world, to emphasize on proletarian internationalism and to develop relations and contacts with the fraternal parties and organizations the world over.

11. To oppose & expose all forms of revisionism.

12. To propagate Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in a systematic manner.


IMPLEMENTATION

3.1 Class analysis: motivating force of the revolution

A. The Proletariat: workers in modern industries & factories are the most revolutionary class of the society. This class has the historical responsibility of identifying and giving leadership to other allied classes for the success of a Democratic revolution.

B. The Farm Workers: Bonded labourers, landless peasants, porters, and poor peasants, and, in the case of Nepal, the cart pullers, rickshaw pullers, auto rickshaw and tempo drivers, and transport and hotel workers etc.

C. Middle Peasants: Those who face difficulty for livelihood even after working hard on their land throughout the year and also those who are granted some land on a contract or on a share-cropping basis. In the hilly regions of Nepal these peasants outnumber any other class. This class is an important motivating force for the Democratic Revolution.

D. Rich Peasants: Those who have good livelihood through their land; they are able to employ a few labourers in their farm land despite their own participation and are able to accumulate part of their income through exploitation. This class is a vacillating ally for the New Democratic Revolution.

E. Petty Bourgeois Class: In this class are included the teachers of schools & colleges, students, doctors, engineers, lawyers, junior office workers, petty traders of towns, retail traders, craftsmen, etc.

PART THREEE


F. National Bourgeoisie: In Nepal although the national bourgeoisie doesn’t have an independent role but they are slowly being formed. These capitalists are involved in small handicraft, trade and modern industries. At one end, they desire of amassing wealth by exploiting the workers, and at the other end they are being run over by the monopolist comprador and bureaucratic capitalists. Hence they naturally show contradictory character towards the revolution. This class will remain an unreliable ally of the revolution because they change their character according to the situation.

3.2 Findings of analysis: problem of strategy and tactics

In the present era of imperialism & proletarian revolution, the reactionary class practices various forms of conspiratorial strategies to stop revolution in countries like ours. Amongst them we must focus our attention on the following, because we can’t plan a correct strategy without understanding the strategy of the enemy.

1. Because of its monopolistic hold over the communication over the whole world at this time, the enemy has been launching a misleading information campaign with a deliberate propaganda about ‘terrorism’, ‘fall of socialism’, the superiority and success of capitalism and attempts to lower the morale of the people through the strategy of psychological warfare.

2. The reactionaries have been unleashing vicious cultural war through vulgar culture and literature in order to corrupt the minds & souls of the people.

3. All the imperialist forces and the reactionary ruling classes of each country campaign strategically by spreading their network of well trained and technically equipped spies. They attempt to infiltrate into the revolutionary Party to collect information, to


create illusions inside the party, to carry out destructive activities and to arrest or kill the genuine revolutionary leaders or activists of the Party.

4. They invent new forms of reforms & democracy to confuse the people politically.

5. Under the strategy of preventing revolution in a country like ours the networks of NGOs and INGOs have been spread in order to engage some educated middle class people, to prevent them from falling below the middle class and to entrap the people in the petty reformist mirage.

6. They encourage unemployed youths to get scattered all over the world such as to wander in India for the sake of employment. The youths are being used as mercenary soldiers in foreign armies.

7. The imperialists pollute the minds of the people through propagation of religion and other means after entering into rural areas with attractive slogans.

8. If the revolutionary movement still rise up despite several traps, the enemy or reactionaries then start a campaign of heinous genocide through their powerful standing army. In short, in the

present era, the strategy of the reactionary class is a total war.

3.3 Debate on protracted war or urban insurrection

The international proletariat have experienced two fundamentally different forms of armed struggle, a protracted people’s war and an urban insurrection. In semi-colonial and semi-feudal countries like Nepal, the protracted people’s war has been proved successful.

(1) The strategy of a general insurrection of firstly capturing the city and the central power in the capitalist & imperialist countries, and


(2) The strategy of a protracted People’s War of firstly encircling the city from the countryside in the oppressed semi-feudal, semi-colonial countries.

In our situation, we have to decide upon a strategy which suits the general economic, political and social conditions of our country and then accordingly forward our organization, struggle and propaganda. To remain noncommittal or silent on the question is to fall victim to spontaneity & inaction and is merely to move towards the quagmire of reformism. Viewing from this perspective, series of tactics are envisioned. In our situation, the armed struggle can be initiated, sustained and developed only through a skilful implementation of policies as:

• Give priority to the rural work, but do not leave out the urban work;

• Give priority to illegal struggle, but do not leave out the legal struggle, too;

• Give priority to specific strategic areas, but do not leave out work related to the mass movement, too;

• Give priority to class struggle in rural areas, but do not leave out countrywide struggle, too;

• Give priority to guerrilla actions, but do not leave out political exposure & propaganda, too;

• Give priority to propaganda work within the country but do not leave out worldwide propaganda, too;

• Give priority to build army organization, but do not leave out to build front organizations, too;

• Give priority to relying on one’s own organization and force, but

do not miss to forge unity- in- action, to take support & help

from international arena.

The People’s War should be initiated, preserved, and developed in


the present context neither by emphasising on one of the tactics nor by giving equal emphasis to all. Depending on the situation, it has to be decided which tactics to be emphasised. The success of the People’s War in Nepal will be governed by decentralized actions based on a central policy. It will apply large forces and launch actions on different isolated spots against the small forces of enemy to ensure a quick victory. It will adopt hit & run tactics with the guerrilla actions in different parts of the country. Besides, special attention to the specific strategic areas will be given as Mao said, "by organizing and mobilizing as many people as possible and as fast as possible and with as good a method as possible while placing the question of capturing political power at the centre".

3.4 Preliminary review of historical initiation of People's war

“From the particular characteristics of war there arise a particular set of organizations, a particular series of methods and a particular kind of process... Hence war experience is a particular kind of experience. And who takes part in war must rid themselves of their customary ways and accustom them to war before they can win victory.”- Mao Testing, “On Protracted War”

The process representing the qualitative leap in development of the class struggle in the Nepalese society and in the Party life has been initiated during the people's war. This great initiation and its impact and its success are indicators of victory and glory of the almighty ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism of the world proletariat in general and of the Nepalese proletariat and oppressed masses in particular. During the initiation of the People’s War, the revolutionary thought, policies and plans of the party were translated into practice as a physical force. Additionally, on the basis of live practical experience, the door for further development and refinement of those thoughts, policies and plans has opened.


The history of the Nepalese communist movement beset with metaphysics and idealism but this process must represent a correct implementation of dialectical materialist theory of knowledge. It must be a scientific and powerful blow to the revisionist proposition of ‘from thought to thought’ and ‘from reform to reform’.

The People’s War with armed squads and guerrilla actions has given practical expression to the 'theory of army' as the principal form of organization and 'war' as the principal form of struggle. The existing system was always the main target of the People’s War. The crisis of the reactionary state, development of the class struggle and the Party’s nature and number of armed actions, the success of their propaganda and publicity achieved within a short span of one month is a unique experience for a Maoist Party of any country in the present day world.

One of the main goals specified by the Party for the people's war was to put the politics of armed struggle in the forefront of the country. This goal was achieved better than ordinarily expected. The politics of the armed struggle in Nepal has now been established firmly not only among the Nepalese people but to a certain extent at the international level as well. Similarly, the goals of preparing ground for developing certain strategic areas into guerrilla zones and of transforming the forms of organization and struggle have also been satisfactorily achieved.

However, the People’s War has created new problems, contradictions and crises for all the political groups and sub-groups. It intensified the crisis brewing within the entire reactionary state. The party appeals to the people to analyse the grave situation of the existing situation of the country. Even the arch reactionary elements could not deny that it is a political issue because the quality, range of armed actions, propaganda and of fear of their getting exposed before the mass. This further intensified the contradictions among different


reactionary factions within themselves and within the government. The revolutionary camp, led by the party, constitutes of political parties, organizations, independent intellectuals who supported the People’s War in various ways. The People’s War has made a direct and massive impact in the politics of the country and has enhanced the possibilities of utilizing the contradictions from new heights, developing in new forms. The Party should be alert in practicing

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism on this question.

Future Strategy

The initiation of the People’s War was historic; but now the grave

question is whether we are able to continue and defend and develop

it or not. The attention of the politically conscious mass, intellectual

community is centred on the next plan of the party and whether or

not we would be able to preserve and develop what has been newly

born. Only through a serious coordination of the universal principle

of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the experiences of the People’s

War, we can formulate a correct future plan of the Party. In this

context, first of all, we should pay serious attention to the following

points:

1. We should constantly keep in mind that despite all the

specificities, the character of the People’s War in Nepal is prolonged.

In the present condition of the balance of forces, the enemy wants

to drag the party into a decisive war, but on our part, we want to

avoid it and prolong the war. The enemy uses the strategy of offence

but we use the strategy of defence. The enemy wants to incite us

and draw us into confrontation according to their convenience, but

we want to harass the enemy, tire them out and attack at their weak

points at our convenience time and place and according to our own

plan.


2. The enemy wants to keep us apart from the struggle for the

people’s immediate problems and wants to cut off our relations with

the mass. We, however, do not want to be cut off from the live

contact with the mass at any cost. Our policies and programmes

should guarantee our constant interactions with the mass because

the Party has no separate interest other than the interests of the

mass, and otherwise there would be no rationale for the existence of

the Party.

3. We should have a clear understanding that the danger of

making wrong policies and programmes in the Party is inherent

in the vacillating character of the petty-bourgeois class in Nepal.

This class has the tendency of getting overexcited and jumping

into adventurism after a minor victory, and the tendency of getting

disheartened and moving towards capitalism after a minor defeat.

We must wage relentless ideological and political struggle against the

tendency of dragging the Party in the direction of either adventurism

or capitalism. In the present situation, when the enemy is in the

offensive, the capitalist tendency is more dangerous for the Party.

4. The historical initiation of the People’s War is a rebellion,

indeed, of far-reaching consequences, against the existing state and

exploitation and oppression prevailing since thousands of years. But

in the present stage of socio-economic formation and development

of class struggle in Nepal, this is not an armed insurrection to

capture the central state power immediately. The process of extended

people’s war is the process of construction of a revolutionary Party,

revolutionary struggle, revolutionary power and revolutionary

army, from simple to complex. In the context of the beginning of

such a new and qualitative process through the historic initiation

of the People’s War -- the widespread propagation of the politics

of an armed struggle, it is now necessary to concentrate on the


development of guerrilla war in a planned way and based on the

principle of protracted People’s War and on our own specificities.

(Based on document adopted by the meeting of the Political Bureau

of the Central Committee of the Party held in third week of March

1996.)

3.5 Development of MLM: Nepal's specific "Prachandapath"

The fourth extended meeting of the central committee worked out

on the Fifth Plan for the people's war. It led a concrete ideological

and organizational ground for finding of new unity to conduct

“Rectification Campaign”. The Fifth Plan period succeeded in

pushing the People’s War to a new height of development. It

occupies an important place in the history of the party for the

following reasons-

1. In the very beginning of this plan implementation, alternative

Politburo Member Com. Suresh Wagle (Basu) was killed in Gorkha

district. His great martyrdom set up new and high records of

sacrifice in the People’s War and intensified the resentment of the

mass against the enemies all over the country. It further established

the revolutionary image of the Party among the people.

2. In the middle of the Fifth Plan period, the “Rectification

Campaign” was conducted by the Central Committee to strengthen

ideological and emotional unity within the Party. This campaign

was conducted from the lowest to the upper level of the Maoist

cadres to develop the ideologically substantial and efficient party to

fight against the opportunism.

3. During this plan period, qualitatively high-level military successes

were achieved all over the country particularly in the western region.

The successes achieved in the battle field and political interventions


at the central level on issues including negotiation opened the doors

of new possibilities for the People’s War.

4. At the final stage of this period, all mysteries and characteristics of

the Alok trend appearing as ‘left’ liquidations were exposed through

strenuous and incessant efforts of Com. Prachanda and others.

Indeed, the exposure and synthesis of the Alok trend is a great success

of “Rectification Campaign” which negatively educated, enlightened

and warned the whole Party and the masses. In essence, this is yet

another triumph of the proletarian line led by Com. Prachanda.

3.6 Development of democracy in the 21st century

“Marxism is not lifeless dogma, not a completed, readymade

immutable doctrine, but a living guide to action” – Lenin

The main essence of the teachings of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism

is to advance continuous revolution by scientifically synthesizing

proletarian movement in the world. This has been enriched with

experiences of revolution and counter-revolution. The Maoist

party of Nepal has been emphasizing on a creative application and

development of MLM rather than just imitating it as a dogma.

In the process of applying MLM from a 'guide to action' on the

concrete condition of the Nepalese revolution, the party has been

waging a continuous struggle against rightist revisionists as well as

dogmata-revisionists.

The process of ideological struggle is invariably linked with the

necessity of class struggle brought by the People’s War. The party

has synthesized Prachanda path as a special chain of ideas in the

Nepalese revolution based on the development process of class

struggle and ideological struggle in Nepal. Prachanda Path is an

invention of the Nepalese Maoists to suit the Nepalese context. On

the basis of experience of history, analysis of current world scenarios


and the experiences of the People’s war, the second conference

has made many important political and military syntheses. The

qualitative result of the People’s War has proven its scientific basis

and has prepared a strong base for higher ideological, political and

military synthesis.

The Party

A revolutionary party for the 21stcentury needs to be developed

based on an organizational theory, methodology and system so that

they can stop counter-revolution and this is valid even today. This

is the problem of application and development of the theory of two-

line struggle within the Party and continuous revolution under the

dictatorship of the proletariat.

There should be a mechanism to guarantee overall people’s

participation in the two line struggle. One section comprising of

capable and established leaders and cadres should be constantly

involved in mass work and another section should be involved

in running the state machinery. Besides, after certain interval of

period there should be re-division of work thereby strengthening

the relationship between the whole Party and the general masses. It

should be stressed that the Party and the state under its leadership

should adopt the policy of keeping live relation with the general

public. One must work hard and live in privation and wholly

devoted to the cause of communism.

The Army

The experience of revolution and counter-revolution in the 20th

Century has clearly shown that if the proletarian class advances

with appropriate revolutionary ideology, policy and programmes, a

people's army can be developed from almost zero to the level of an


invincible army. However, if wrong ideologies prevail, the same army

can become a weapon of counter-revolution. If unable to guarantee

the development army structure under the proletarian ideology,

supervision, control and service of the people tendencies will go on

multiplying reach to a point when it automatically get transformed

into a weapon for serving counter-revolution. Thus, after the capture

of state power, it must be guaranteed that the people’s army is not

modernised or equipped with special arms and training or confined

to barracks. Instead they should be with the masses and in the

service of the general people. It is only by developing armed masses

from both ideological and physical views that one can resist foreign

intervention and counter-revolution. The main thrust for the 21st

Century people’s army is to complete the historical responsibility

of developing conscious armed masses which could be used for the

positive and productive cause to use their right to rebel.

The State

The capture of state power through the people’ war under the

leadership of a proletariat Party has been the central and difficult

question of revolution now and then. But the experience of the

20th century has clearly proved that the question of continuous

democratization of the state power, so that it starts withering away,

is more difficult and complex than capturing state power. This

statement is supported by the cases of successful revolutions in Russia,

China, and other countries within a century which shook the world.

However, these countries could not advance beyond bourgeois

democratic republic and thereby failed to embrace socialism.

A Party, which may be proletarian revolutionary, and a state, which

may be democratic or socialist, at a particular time, place and

condition, may turn counter-revolutionary at a different time, place


and condition. It is obvious that the synthesis of the Great Proletarian

Cultural Revolution, namely the masses and the revolutionaries

should rebel in such a situation, is fully correct. However, once a

New Democratic or Socialist state is established under the leadership

of the party, there is no opportunity for the masses to have a free

democratic or socialist competition. As a result, since the ruling

Party does not require a political competition with others amidst

the mass, it gradually turns into a mechanistic bureaucratic Party

with special privileges and the state under its leadership turns into

mechanistic and bureaucratic machinery. Similarly, the mass become

a victim of formal democracy and their limitless energy of creativity

and dynamism get sapped. This danger has been clearly observed in

history. To overcome such challenges, the control, supervision and

intervention process of the mass over the state should be stressed and

organized according to the principle of continuous revolution. Once

again the question here is to dialectically organize scientific reality

that the efficacy of dictatorship against the enemy or reactionaries is

dependent upon how democracy is exercised among the people.

In the context of democratic revolution in Nepal, we have been

talking about liberation of the masses from class, national, regional,

and gender oppression. We have pledged national and regional

autonomy along with the rights to self-determination for the

continuous democratization of the state. Similarly, we are demanding

Party freedom for anti-feudal and anti-imperialist forces. Thus, only

through the appropriate development of the Party, the Army and

the State, a democracy in the twenty-first century would enhance

the process of continuous revolution and counter-revolution.


“Maoist movement of Nepal Development of tactic and strategy feelings and experiences”

Paper presentation at Oxford University , UK 2011


PRACTICAL DEVELOPMENT OF MLM IN NEPALI CONTEXT

4.1 Chunbang meeting: major event• QuestionsofLeadership:

Chunbang meeting is popularly known for discussions on rectification of leadership and organizational set up. In the history of communist movement neither Lenin nor Mao were successful in developing their successors or the next generation leadership. Lifelong leadership is in practice in most of the communist parties which is danger of conspiracy groupism and factionalism. The Maoist party itself has suffered from several splits. Leadership is a huge question in the party. The Chunbang meeting developed a retirement system of leadership. It has taken a new development in Marxism since it was neither conceptualised by Lenin and Mao nor mentioned in any other literature.

• Correcthandlingofthecontradictionandinnersstruggle:

Lenin and Mao became successful by correct handling of the contradiction to forward revolution and well manage inner struggle to keep unity and strength of the party intact. In Nepal, correct handling of the contradiction was adopted along with an emphasis on creating contradiction which is a new innovation. Nepal tried to develop some new feature on handling of the contradiction and also develop a systemic management of inner

PART FOUR


struggle. It is an important part of the revolution in contrast to the splits and unity in the communist movement. Struggle, transformation and strong unity are needed at present. There were several inner struggles during the time of the people's war and before chunbang meeting which were hard to resolve. However, finally they have adhered to transformation and unity with better understanding.

• Tacticalshifttofocusfromvillagetourban:

A principle of the protracted people's war entails encircling the urban area from the rural area; this principle was followed by the party during the people's war. Nonetheless, chunbang meeting started tactical shift to focus on urban area. It is a fundamental change in terms of principles. The party leaders decided that the focus on rural areas alone is not sufficient and emphasised on the need to focus on urban areas. The idea of joining hands with the parliamentary forces for overthrowing also developed and this was implemented due to charismatic leadership.

Alliance with parliamentary political parties against the autocratic Monarchy:

• TheMajordebatewithintheparty

Maoist party was in debate about whether situation was triangular fight between the parliamentary forces, monarchy and the Maoist. It was hard to make a wise decision in favour revolution. The main debate was whether to join hands with the monarchy in the name of nationalism or to join hands with the parliamentary forces in the name of democracy. Finally, the meeting decided join hands with the parliamentary forces against the monarchy. Nationalism harped on by the monarchy is not real; it is just a tool to advance their powers and interests. Besides, in terms of principles as well, it is better to join hands with the parliamentary


forces - the capitalist force than to join hands with the monarchy - the feudal force. Democratic republic-

The mission of the people's war was to establish a people's republic. The Maoist party, without any hesitation, accepted a democratic republic as it is far better than the monarchy and this would help subsequently on achieving the People’s Republic. It is clear that other political forces wanted to replace the monarchy with a democratic republic and meanwhile, the Maoist party wanted to achieve the People’s Republic.

• ProperbalanceonNationalityandDemocracy:

Nepal’s politics always revolved around the questions of nationalism and democracy. The centre of nationalism was considered as the monarchy which ruled Nepal for 239 years. Similarly, the centre of democracy was in India. Hence, the palace in the name of nationalism and external countries in the name of democracy remained dominant in Nepalese politics. The People’s War attempted to correct this and advanced that both nationalism and democracy should be cantered on the people not on the royal palace or on external force.

The Maoist party in the Chunbang meeting took initiatives to develop a people centric formula for balancing between nationality and democracy.

• Rectificationselfcriticismnewtypeofpartybuilding:

Tools of rectification - criticism and self-criticism are characteristics of the communist party throughout the world. It is quite mechanical. These tools have been often adopted inside the party out of mainly compulsion. However, this has been misused against each other.

But the Chunbang meeting developed and adopted critics and


self criticism for rectification and new type of party building in practice. Wide way-out has been developed for proper implementation of the formula.

4.2 Kamidanda meeting: major event

• Ceasefireagreement:

Peace process is started from 12 point agreement through movement against Monarchy. After the completion of the April movement formal peace process was started. Kamidanda meeting was the first meeting conducted after the start of the peace process. The Maoist party had already decided to engage in the peace process. Similarly government of Nepal was also eagrly waiting for peace deal.

The peace process needed a cease fire agreement to advance the formal process of peace deal. Cease fire is not only a document to put the gun down but it was also the foundation of the whole peace process. After the 12 point understanding, the cease fire document is the most important and first document signed by the government and the Maoist party. The 12 point understanding was a document related to the movement but the cease fire agreement is a document related to peace management. The Kamidanda meeting has accepted the cease fire document as a foundation of peace management.

• CPA,AMAA,InterimConstitution:

The Peace process entered into the phase of peace management after the cease fire agreement. It incited discussions and negotiations for the comprehensive peace accord, Agreement on management of Arms and Armies and the interim constitution. The kamidanda meeting formed a committee for interim constitution drafting, comprehensive peace accord and Agreement on Arms and Army


Management (AAMA). The Party decided on the content and selected representative to carry out the task.

• Tacticsseries:people’swar,people’smovement;negotiationand diplomatic initiation.

The People's war developed several tactics and strategies. Likewise, the initial period of peace process used the tactics of negotiation and diplomatic initiation. This was the phase for a diplomatic battle so it automatically demanded some diplomatic negotiation and the people's movement tactics without forgetting the foundation of the people's war.

•JoiningintotheInterimGovernment:

Power sharing was the major demand after the peace process and peace management. The party decided to join the government to share the power and participate in the election of constituent assembly to express its strength and public support.

After the elections to a Constituent Assembly (CA) were declared, an agreement was signed for the formation of interim government including the Maoist party. After a decade long people’s war, the Maoist representatives became a part of government. The Government had fixed their common minimum agendas which mainly focused on socio-economic transformation, constitution writing, integration and rehabilitation of the Maoist combatants or the PLA, and democratization of the Nepal Army.

4.3 Balaju -Kharipati-Palungtar and Bhrikutimandap plenumAll the extended meetings of Balaju were before the CA election. The first meeting was held after the cease fire agreement. The division inside the party was to go for the CA election or for a different type of revolution backtracking from the peace process. The Chit wan


meeting was held after promulgation of the interim constitution and all the parliament members from the Maoist party participated in this meeting in their ‘new parliament coats’. Then the division inside the party became between the members with their ‘coats’ and without ‘coats’

The Kharipati meeting was held when the party itself was leading the government comprising of major portfolios. Some faction claimed that Peace and constitution is a reformist line so the party needs to come back from the government and prepare for a revolt. But the plan of the revolt was not fixed and finalized.

The Palungtar meeting had three lines of debate. However, it is discussed on peace and constitution and the people’s revolt. Finally, it became an undecided extended meeting of more than 6 thousand leaders and cadres. In the meeting, initially the line of the people’s revolt without any preparation was attempted to be passed, but later it was realised that peace and constitution is more appropriate line at the present.

4.4 Bhrikutimandap 7th Expanded CC Meeting:

The Constituent Assembly expired without promulgating a new constitution and the faction led by Mohan Vaidya split from the party. Leaders and cadres were frustrated. The Committee system of the party was almost ended. The 7th expanded meeting was held on such a crucial condition. Groupism within the party existed even after Mohan Vaidya faction split from the party. Challenges were mounting for the party. In a nutshell, the party organization was almost in the condition of liquidation. In this historical juncture, the party decided to dissolve its central committee, polite bureau and standing committee including office bearers of the party. Except, the party chairman and general membership all other layers of organizational structure has been dissolved. Likewise, all


state committees and district committees also have been dissolved and converted to a national convention organizing committee. Person's in-charge and secretaries of all state committees are also going to be transferred. All these measures have been taken for party rectification.

Understanding of the tactical line of the party has been always in debate. People's revolution vs. peace and constitution was at the heart of that party debate. Throughout the four years of peace process, the party cadres and leaders were divided vertically from top to bottom. The party as a whole never concentrated on peace and constitution. Most of the time the party focused on being in the government rather than on peace and constitution. Mostly, the party engaged in revolution rather than in peace and constitution. When the Maoists came to the peace process there was a doubt if other parties will actually accept the constituent assembly. Hence, parties’ tactic was to advocate for the constituent assembly elections but also prepare for a revolt, in case other parties backtracked from their commitment to the elections. This was it was possible to do better in both elections and revolt. But the other faction led by Mohan Baidya emphasized that the parties should talk about revolt not elections. This way, neither revolt would be successful not the party can do better in the elections. The Kharipati meeting focused on the people's constitution entirely against imperialist and feudalist forces which was almost unrealistic to achieve. The Palungtar meeting was a complete rollout from the line of peace and constitution. Those who favoured peace and constitution were accused as a puppet of the Indian rightist and revisionist and no one was willing to be a reformist. Without any sense the Maoist were tagged as rightist and reformist. The line of peace and constitution almost became marginalized. Finally, the 7th plenum’s succeeded to pass the line of peace and constitution unanimously.


The 7th plenum not only finalized the line of peace and constitution but also tried to develop some tactics and strategies of revolution especially in the 21st century which were compatible with the Nepali context. The plenum agreed on changing characteristics of imperialism. Imperialism of the 21st century is completely different than those of in 18th 19th and 20th century. The plenum accepted that the there has been fundamental changes in the characteristics of imperialism and thus, there must be change in strategies and tactics of the revolution against it. The 7th plenum chuck out the principal contradiction. All the documents of the communist history of 60 years focused on how to change the structure of the Nepali society but never focused on changes in the base. However, for the first time, economic revolution was made the base in the party. The economic revolution planned to strengthen the national capital against comprador and bureaucratic capital. The programme hinted by the political proposal could create struggle in capital for changing of economic relations. The 7th plenum has confirmed that, what we did in the past and what we achieved are achievements of the revolution. Republican system, federalism, inclusion and secularism are the major achievements of the revolution. These are the important elements of the new democratic revolution. Almost half of the tasks of revolution have been complete and the remaining tasks also need to be complete by practicing right tactics and strategies. Before the plenum, there was confusion whether achievements of the revolution were in confusion whether these are minor reforms in the feudal society or revolutionary changes. The Plenum clears the confusion and paves the way of revolution in future.


TACTICAL FLEXIBILITY AND STRATEGIC RIGIDITY

When the Maoists movement was just spawning in Nepal, people thought the Maoists were wooden-headed. At the end of the 20th century, communist regimes all over the world were dismantled. In Nepal, multiparty democracy with constitutional monarchy had just replaced the three decades of authoritarian panchayat regime. Advocate of an armed movement by the Maoists instead of institutionalizing the achievements made so far displeased some sections of people. Despite unfavourable situations inside and outside the country, the Maoists’ party was successful in becoming the largest party in the country within less than a decade. The demand of the Constituent Assembly dating back 60 years was fulfilled and the two and half century's old monarchical system came to an end. A republican State was established for pioneering restructuring of the state. The commitment was made in the Constitution to replace the unitary system of governance with a federal one. Revolution established these agendas and now it is time to work on them as their usefulness are being tested. At the end, the crux of achievements shows: the party should adopt flexibility in tactics and rigidity in

strategy.

5.1 Tactics and strategies

1. Protracted people's war or urban insurrection: The major debate during the declaration of the people's war was adopting the people's war or the urban insurrection in the Nepalese context.

PART FIVE


The party analysed that the Nepalese revolution would succeed neither in the Chinese way nor in the Russian way, but it will succeed in its own unique way. The formation of human rights organization, making a mechanism for the civil society, journalists and advocates may be seen as rightists but these were adopted as part of tactical flexibilities. Superficially, on one hand the party raised arms but on the other hand formed a network of human rights organizations. It created a dilemma and doubt about whether revolution would take place or not, but the result supported the war. A document of the meeting following a month after the initiation of the war speaks that in the current socio-economic structure and the development of class struggle, only armed struggle is not the appropriate means of capturing the central state power.

2. Questions of Leadership: We resolve the question of leadership through struggle. We came to the conclusion that most of the Marxist leaders failed to create their successor. The whole movement was adversely affected after the end or death of the main leader. Therefore, the Maoist party of Nepal opted for collective leadership. The centralised expression of the collective leadership is the correct line. There is no necessity that the leader who comes from the revolution should be the leader forever.

3. Dichotomizing the Society: The 1990s political change provided space to reflect on the social problems existing in the society. This condition greatly helped the Maoist party to mobilize the people behind their cause. There were deep (and newly created) political, social, cultural and economic cleavages. There was a great achievement of polarizing people into, for and against by dichotomizing identities such as 'oppressed-oppressor', 'ruler-ruled', 'poor-rich', 'landlord-landless', and 'patriot-non patriot'. The dichotomies were fuelled with the prevailing feelings of


injustice and frustration. This garnered public support from the majority of the citizens.

4. Military Operations: The people's war proceeded with continuous military attacks. At times, though the Party used to change its tactics by engaging in discussions, continuous military attacks could be seen vividly. The party was compelled to change its tactics because the enemy changed its tactics. They became defensive and did not come to fight. Even after a preparation of 14 months, it was difficult to capture an army camp. The Maoists PLA started decreasing. The enemy’s tactic was to make the war prolonged so as to tire out the PLA. Hence, we changed our tactic and decided to come to the peace process.

5. Declaration of Base Area: It was not possible to declare a base area as Mao did in China because it could be fatal and even suicidal because the enemy could focus on a specific area and annihilate them. The party developed base areas not in isolation but based on core and periphery. The area was categorized as the main area, secondary area and enemy area for propaganda.

6. Simultaneously War and Peace: It is possible to launch war and peace at the same time. In the battle field, military actions can be ongoing whereas the senior leaders could be negotiating at the political level. This was not a matter of conducting revolutions, raising arms and flowing blood but was a matter of tuning the melody of peace. However, this became a weapon to intensify the people's war. The formula became the bases for future plans. The plan that seems rightist in the form could bring revolutionary result on one hand and also protect the party from fierce repression of the reactionary forces on the other.

7. Strategic balance of power: Another specific character of the war is to maintain proper balance with national and international


forces and target the principal enemy while joining hands with the secondary enemies. National forces were divided in two parts ─ for and against and so were the international forces. The Maoist party was declared as a terrorist on one hand and on the other hand it was a party raising the issues of social justices, basic needs of the mass and addressing the issues of the mass. Paradoxically, the Maoist party which was deemed as a terrorist was asking the government to go for the people’s mandate or elections whereas other parliamentary parties which were considered as democratic, were hesitant about going to the people.

8. Parallel state power: During the period of armed conflict various state structures such as court system, revenue collection mechanisms, own military and administrative structures were established; and the party requested international community including the UN for the recognition of those state structures.

9. Tactical shift: The tactics adopted during the people's war were as per the principle of rigidity in strategy and flexibility in tactics. So, considering the strategy, there was a shift in tactics as per the need of the movement and the proletariat class. Hindering the recruitment process of the Nepal Army by threatening the aspiring candidates, calling the army out of the barracks and attacking, making false attacks to divert attention of the army from the main attacking points, ambushing the armed force heading to back the ones in the ongoing attack, supply side intervention for various basic needs, etc. were the examples of tactical shifts.

10. Rural to Urban Strategy: The formation of human rights organizations, making a mechanism of the civil society, journalists and advocates tight and fix may seem as rightist but they were adopted for tactical flexibilities Superficially, , on one hand the party raised arms but on the other hand formed a network of


human rights organizations. It created a dilemma and doubt about whether revolution would take place or not, but the result supported the war.

11. Agenda for negotiation: An election to the Constituent Assembly, abolition of Monarchy, federalism, Inclusion and proportional representation with special rights for dalit and women, shift from feudalism to capitalism, continuation of revolution and completion of the rest of the task of the revolution. The tactics adopted during the mid-period of the people's war were the round table conference, interim government and the election to the constituent assembly. When the Maoists took up arms, they took an oath of either liberating people or accepting death. There was no scope of negotiation or compromise. But when it was felt that the negotiation or compromise could be better for the revolution or for the liberation of the people, then the Maoist party decided to come to the negotiation and peace process. However, the people inside the party with mechanical mind-set saw this as reformist and claimed that tactics of compromise and negotiation did not suit a revolutionary party.

12. The slogan "let's institutionalize republic", after the royal massacre; where there was no smell of the People's Republic; seeming like extreme reformist, prepared a base for the party to achieve the republic.

13. Constituent assembly, democratic republic, and interim constitution, election of the constituent assembly: the party that had conducted the people's war with the slogan "let's leap forward in the path of the people's war in order to establish people's state power" headed forward calling for election of the constituent assembly and democratic republic.

14. Leadership of the government after the election: the party did not


achieve absolute majority in the Constituent Assembly elections but was given the responsibility of leading the government as the largest party.

15. Resignation, illegitimate step of the president: While discussing about accomplishment of the Nepalese revolution, all of sudden the chapter about chief of the army came into play and the Maoist chairman resigned from the government. From street protests to candidacy of the prime minister, all events verify tactical flexibility. The above outlined events are the examples of the tactical flexibility adopted by a revolutionary communist party. The more we become flexible in tactics, the more it helps us to become rigid in strategies. If we become rigid in tactics, then we have to be flexible in strategies, and when the flexibility for strategies is adopted, the question of ideas, policies, and principles arise.

Acknowledging the positive outcomes of tactical flexibility, a week after the people’s war started, a document claimed that the party is ready for talks. A leftist revolutionary party that had initiated war after long preparations, showing willingness for talks in its first and even promulgated operation, could be seen as cowardice. It is said in "the jail line" formulated during the preparation of the people's war that if arrested, all the politburo and central committee members except for the General Secretary were to hide their status and supposed to introduce themselves as simply members, and those working in sister organizations and legitimate organizations were supposed to introduce as supporters. The party empathised that during the revolution, many cadres may die or be severely injured but cadres should not panic and should advance the revolution forward.

It's because of tactical flexibility, Chunwang meeting directed to the path to achieve democratic republic, constituent assembly and federal and inclusive Nepal as well as the problems of class,


ethnicity, region, sex and language. The best option sought was 'peace, constitution and republic'. To protect these achievements is the major responsibility of this time and we can move forward only by stepping on those achievements. There is no use of talking about elaborated achievements undermining these achievements. Rigid strategy and tactical flexibility is the fundamental principles of the Maoists party and they should be seen together in a perspective. At times, when adopting tactical flexibilities, the party has been criticised for being reformist by people from both inside and outside the party.

5.2 Our responsibility of changing time

Our chief responsibility in revolution of the 21st century is to develop forthcoming tactics to address the characteristics of globalized imperialism, characteristics of the classes and the success and failure of revolutionary movements. We accepted multiparty competition as a downfall of communist regimes in the 20th century. Also we have to review the fundamental changes in the nature of revolutionary movements, imperialistic character and reactionary class in the first decade of the 21st century based on the deployment of communist regimes of the 20th century. Any discussion of ideas without this type of review will turn fruitless.

5.3 Imperialism of the 21st century

Imperialism itself is in the changed state. It is in a continuous motion and in changed circumstances it is trying its best to modify itself for sustaining itself. As the power in chief contradiction (i.e. Imperialism) against oppressed nations is on timely change, the oppressed nations and classes should endorse tactics accordingly. If the oppressed nations failed on changing their tactics there is no other alternative than defeat. It is important to discuss about today's imperialism and develop today's Marxism which would not be defeated.


Today's imperialism is not in the state of turning mutual contradictions into a third world war. Imperialism is rather dividing mutual differences according to their interest. Today, imperialists are not in the state of maintaining a colony by dividing traditional geography, they are heading forward for establishing multinational companies and organizations and retaining the world management through mutual coordination. The imperialistic now do not capture a fixed geography but expand their market to capture the world through economics and trade.

Imperialism has now changed from industrial capital to financial capital. Industrial capital is at least extended to investors, workers, manager and production and market. The Imperialist supremacy and capital prevails vice-versa. When the war reached at a certain stage, imperialist tried to collaborate with parliamentary parties and condemn the Maoist party internationally. That’s why the Maoist party decided to collaborate with the parliamentary parties which was opposed by Baidya’s faction. The absolute imperialist power uses absolute capital to states for mobilising capital. Moreover, imperialism uses agents to accomplish its work. The Marxist methods and norms of the 20th century are insufficient to counter these tactics of neo-imperialism and thus, their development is essential. If we define imperialism in obsolete ways and develop future tactics ignoring the evolved character of the imperialism we will have no alternative to defeat.

5.4 Rising of the middle class in the 21st century

The size of classes and their character have changed. There is a rapid rise of the middle class in the first decade of the 21st century. The proletariat class and the reactionary class are in the declining trend and the middle class is capturing the maximum space. During the middle of the 20th century, the middle class was minimal and any class could ensure victory without its support. However, now the


middle class stay in the middle and those who can influence the middle class can achieve victory. In the 20th century, the middle class was unsteady and used to hover sometimes here and there but now it has become a permanent force. Notably, the middle class has become a determining class because of its size and number.

Coming back to politics of Nepal, the 1990 political change provided the space to reflect on these problems. People were given rights to freedom of expression and organization which supported them to pursue radical agendas which were not previously tolerated by the state. Democracy created opportunities for marginalized people to organize themselves to address their rising expectations. Politicians in the early 1990's fuelled these expectations to win the popular vote, but, once in power; they failed to address people's concerns. This greatly helped the CPN (M) to mobilize the people behind their cause. The CPN (M) was also very successful at polarizing people into for, and against by dichotomizing identities such as 'oppressed-oppressor', 'ruler-ruled', 'poor-rich', 'landlord-landless', and 'patriot-non patriot'. In this way, there were deep (and newly created) political, social, cultural and economic cleavages. These dichotomies fuelled the already developed feelings of injustice and frustration in the Nepalese people.


ITP International Symposium “New Horizon of the Interdisciplinary Approaches to Asian and African Area Studies”.


MAJORACHIEVEMENTS

Marx propounded a theory; Lenin implemented an insurrection in Russia; Mao conducted a protracted people’s war in China. In Nepal Maoist party decided to develop Marxism Leninism Maoism, a fusion of both. The tangible achievements of the People's war can be presented in a nutshell as:

• InterimConstitution;

In the past sixty years, Nepal has got six constitutions, nearly one

constitution for each decade. But all constitutions were drafted by

the commission appointed by the rulers. Questions of legitimacy

and people’s ownership were raised from the very beginning.

The election to the constituent assembly and the constitution

from that assembly of the peoples’ elected representatives was

always a major demand in the political upheavals (during 1950s,

1990s). However, the demand of the election to the constituent

assembly was not fulfilled initially. The people's war was only

successful to make that demand stronger and thus establish the

CA as the main agenda. During peace talks, the Constituent

assembly became a key issue for the negotiation as the election

to constituent assembly was not possible within the 1990s’

constitution. There was a need for the new constitution to

address the mandates of the people’s war. Interim constitution

came as a proper document, as a by product of the people’s war

and outcome of the peace negotiation. It replaced the existing

PART SIX


1990s’ constitution, replaced the reinstated parliament with new

Legislature-Parliament, joined by the Seven Party Alliance and

the Maoists.

• EstablishmentofRepublic:

Shah dynasty ruled Nepal for 239 years based on the principle of

primogeniture. It was a strong institution, powerful state army

'Royal Nepal Army' backed monarchy without any reservation.

Since the mid nineteenth century, the King had only the pseudo

power; the real power was exercised by the Rana families. The

armed insurrection in 1950s overthrew the Rana regime and

established a multi-party democratic system with constitutional

monarchy.

After a decade, the then king Mahendra claimed that democracy

had failed and usurped power from the elected prime minister.

He restricted activities of all the political parties and introduced

party less panchayat system that continued for almost 30 years.

However, a people's movement in 1990s forced the absolute

monarch to replace the panchayat system with multi-party

democracy and constitutional monarchy. Continuation of the

monarchy was a big challenge to the political parties because

some of the parties wanted to continue the monarchy but there

was no ground for it. The people's war was launched during

this decade which gradually weakened the monarchy. After the

royal massacre, monarchy became so controversial again that it

created favourable condition for the transformation to republic.

The interim constitution and the first meeting of the constituent

assembly voted for a republican formally abolishing the monarchy

and declared Nepal as a republic.


• ElectionofConstituentAssembly:

A Constitution from the constituent assembly was a mission

of the Maoist party. It was not only for the sake of getting the

constitution but it would be a proof of the full sovereignty of the

people. The constitution of kingdom of Nepal, 1990 has just

mentioned that the sovereignty vested in Nepalese people but it

was not written by the people but was handed down by the king.

The Constitution written by the constituent assembly would be

a proof of practicing of the sovereignty of the people. Therefore,

it was one of the major agendas of the Maoist party during peace

negotiations. An elected constituent assembly was not only a

slogan extracted from the people’s movement but it had been a

demand and dream of the Nepalese people going through over

of 60 years of political struggle.

• Inclusivenessineverysectorofsociety:

Exclusion was a chronic disease of Nepalese society. Being a

country of diversity, many people who were excluded never

felt their ownership in the country and its administration. The

People's war and the people's movement both were committed

for inclusion of previously excluded groups. People actively

participated in the political movement because of the agenda

of inclusion could be addressed through election of constituent

assembly and republic. So inclusiveness in every sectors of the

society is not only a slogan of the political parties but it is a part

of the people's movement. After the success of the movement it

became a primary agenda of the country which is very important

for transformation of the society.

• ProportionalRepresentation:


Inclusion was an agenda for the people's movement but at the

time of drafting constitution the agenda for proportionately

representation was on high demand. Proportional representation

in each and every sector of the society including state institutions

and structures became prime agenda for the constitution. After a

long debate on the electorate system, we adopted almost 40% first

past the post and 60% proportional representation. This has been

incorporated in the legislation. So proportional representation is

highly valuable after the people’s war and people’s movement.

A federal state structure:

Nepal was a unitary system of government functioning since a

long period of time. The unitary system centralized all the power

in the centre and only certain class, caste and community had

the major powers. A large section of the society is undermined.

Government and people’s representatives are very far from the

people and are concentrated on the centre within very limited

area. This is the main defect of the system and is responsible

for underdevelopment and marginalized of the sectors and

communities giving rise to conflict. It is an urgent need to

address the problems for restructuring of the society. ‘Dismantle

the unitary state and create a federal structure’ became a slogan

of the political movement. Now, Nepal is declared as a federal

democratic republican country. So, the federal structure is the

core issue of the revolution in order to ensure forward-looking

change in the society.


MAJOREFFORTSFORCONSENSUS

The Maoist party has taken historical initiation for liberation of the people. For this purpose the party has developed its own clear style, methods and objectives. The path taken by the Maoist party in Nepal is new and specific to its context. This path does not directly match with any practice of Marxism as this is a redefined mode. Therefore, orthodox types of communist parties regard this part taken by the Maoist as a reformist. Let future judge whether the movement is reformist or revolutionary.

It is a redefined mode so orthodox types of communist parties regard it as a reformist. But, it has been highly appreciated by the other communist parties. It will be future which will judge whether the movement is reformist or revolutionary.

The plausible explanations behind the achievements of the People's war in a nutshell:

• Strong leadership capability

• State authorities initially ignoring real grievances of the people and considering the Maoists demands as unrealistically ambitious,

• Modality of the Movement adopted by the Maoist party which suited the local context of Nepal

• Success in capturing the sentiment of the oppressed and marginalized groups

• Dichotomizing the society as ‘for’ and ‘against’ the movement with specific polarization

PART SEVEN


• Adopting the strategic rigidity and tactical flexibility as per the contemporary national and international scenario

Therefore, a pragmatic approach with the up to date analysis of the national and international milieu is the first and foremost factor for the uprising of any political movement and for the socio-economic

transformation.

7.1 Some practical questions on peace and constitution

The People’s war has moved to the track of Peace and Constitution. The matter of fact is that the continuous war and attack against the Royal Nepal Army was exhausting. Initially, the Maoist party used the notion of the protracted war people’s war but this tactic was also used by the enemy. They never came out regularly but they made their fortification very strong. They let the Maoists retain control over the liberated areas but the district headquarters and strategic areas for the war were controlled by the enemy.

The areas known as ‘liberated,’ controlled by the Maoists were affected by poverty, unemployment, illiteracy. If people’s demands were not fulfilled then they would revolt against the Maoists themselves not the government. Anti-protracted people’s war started by the regime was very difficult to challenges. The war was so complicated that a yearlong preparation was not sufficient to win over single company barracks. The Maoist party was faced with serious challenges regarding either to continue the war likely fate as in Peru or topak amaroo or to take a tactical shift and save and consolidate the political achievements and take the revolution forward based on these achievements. The party chose the second option under the slogan of peace and constitution.

Meanwhile, the so called constitutional monarchy took over the power and started ruling directly. The political parties in


the parliament were thrown out of power and were charged for corruption. Similarly, the Maoist party was tagged as a terrorist. At this juncture, the Maoists had two alternatives, either to join hands with the monarchy and sack the parliamentary political parties or to join hands with the parliamentary political parties and go against the monarchy. After a long internal debate, the party decided to adopt the second option and was successful in removing the monarchy.

7.2QuestionofpeaceandConstitution

Lenin completed the Russian revolution under the slogan of peace, bread and land. It was a soft slogan and could be interpreted as a reformist slogan as there is no sign of revolt and bloodshed. Like Lenin, the Maoist party also forged the line of peace and constitution as desired by the Nepalese people. The journey of peace started from the historical 12 points understanding signed between the Maoists and the seven party’s alliance. Based on the 12 points understanding, the People’s Movement in April took place which finally led to the signing of the comprehensive peace accord (CPA), formally ending the People’s War.

The core elements of the CPA were peace, constitution and socio-economic transformation of the Nepalese society. CPA also committed to address the deep-rooted problems of unequal class and gender in the society, in addition to addressing the issues of nationality and territory. Accepting that the main cause of armed conflict is poverty, illiteracy unemployment and exploitation, CPA also shows commitment to overcome these problems and challenges. Similarly, through CPA the inclusion and integration of PLA into the national army was accepted. However, the integration of PLA was hugely debated in terms of number, modality and rank harmonization. Finally after 4 years of bickering, political parties came to a conclusion on all the contentious issues. Initially 32 thousands and plus PLA were put into the cantonments. Later,


UNMIN verified 19 thousand and plus based on the seven point agreement. The members of the former PLA were offered the choices of regrouping in integration, voluntary retirement or reintegration packages. Some PLA members are waiting for the bridging course whereas others are retired as arms handover to the government has already been complete.

Under the peace component, "Truth and reconciliations and disappearances bill" needs to be passed. A commission has to be set up. Truth needs to be established after a proper investigation. Facts need to be studied and the condition of reconciliations with adequate reparation needs to be created. But due to different understanding of transitional justice, bills regarding these have still not been approved as Acts. As the legislative parliament was dissolved, all the bills related with the transitional justice have been dismissed. At least, the core issue of peace related with PLA integration is in an irreversible position.

WHY was it not possible to finalise the Constitution?? There are a number of questions and basis which are mentioned as follows:

The result of the CA elections was complicated. Out of 25 political parties, the Maoist party got almost 40% seats in constituent assembly. The parties who led the previous parliament, Nepali congress and UML were confined to 18 % and 17 % of representation respectively. Since a two-third seat was captured by communist parties out of 25 political parties, non communist parties were suspicious in the constitution-writing process and blamed the process to be communist dominated. Despite being the largest party, the Maoists could not access power to the government for almost six months after the election. Besides, conspiracies against the Maoist party in the name of Army Chief Rukman Katwal forcing Prachanda to resign from Prime Minister Ship, affected the constitution making process


1. Before the power handover to the Maoists, major parties decided to amend the Constitution; the provision of removing the government by a two-third majority was changed into a simple majority. This sought to replace consensus politics that had been dominant during the peace process and created many complications for the peace process and the new constitution. After the constitutional amendment, constitution writing was sidelined and the parties took more interests in formation of the government. More than 80 % of time of the Constituent assembly was engaged in the election of next Prime Minister. The voting for the new prime minister was held for 17 times in 7 months. Meanwhile the constitution writing process was totally ignored.

2. The more complex issue in the Constituent Assembly was that of federalism. Identity based federalism and constitution with federalism was the demand of the Maoists, Madhesis, Janajatis, women, dalits and all the excluded groups. But this was not accepted by NC and UML which made the constitution writing process impossible.

3. Out of the four years tenure of the CA, UML led the government for more than 30 month but during the time, almost nothing progressed on peace and constitution fronts. However, in 18 month government led by Maoist, more than 95% of the constitution writing was job done. This shows a fundamental difference between two governments.

4. Initially, NC and the UML forwarded the condition that without completion of the peace process; constitution writing cannot move forward. To open the door for constitution writing, the Maoist completed the historical task despite facing many challenges within the party.


5. Federalism, right to self determination, special rights and prime rights were the core demands of the people's war. As the Maoists carried these issues, others parties wanted to undermine them and produce a constitution similar to that of previous one with only some reforms.

6. The Maoist and its partner parties wanted to write the people's constitution but other parties didn’t agree on such proposition. One of the factions of the Maoist party wanted to dissolve the CA and initiate another revolt for the cause of the people's constitution. While, the non-Maoist parties doubted that the Maoists are drafting their own constitution through CA so better to dissolve CA then addressing or recognizing all Maoist agendas in the new constitution. As a result, CA failed to promulgate constitution.

7. Constitution by consensus or by voting process also became a very tricky game. When the Maoist party decided to go for consensus, other parties would emphasize on voting and when the Maoist agreed for voting, other parties would call for consensus creating a really confusing and complicated situation. Finally neither consensus nor voting process was successful which naturally cased the death of the CA.

7.3 Effort for consensus:The 12-point understanding, comprehensive peace accord and interim constitution are the foundation of the constitution building process. The Maoist and seven parties agreed on the election to a constituent assembly as prescribed by interim constitution. The Constituent assembly formed 11 thematic committees for constitution making process. Committees drafted preliminary drafts and concept notes based on the discussions inside the CA and got them approved. Most of the contentious issues were 300 questions which were mostly settle except for the issue of a federal structure.


The high-level political mechanism, dispute harmonization committee, dispute resolution committee were formed for trying to forge consensus. Finally, issues that remained to be settled were, forms of governance, electoral system, judiciary, federal structure, and citizenship issues. The composition of CA was very interesting. Out of 25 political parties, the single largest party was the Maoist party which got 40%of seats in CA and second and third largest parties got only 18 % and 17% seats respectively. No party got even a simple majority so getting 2/3rd votes on any issue was not possible. Because of this composition of CA, forging consensus almost became a compulsion. Parties reached consensus on the forms of government as a mixed model with direct elected president and prime minister elected by parliament with sharing of executive power. Agreement on judiciary also reached with the constitutional court as a midway. Similarly, others issues were also gradually resolved through compromise. The trickiest question was on the federal structure; mainly whether to adopt a true identity based federal structure or a federation without emphasis on identity. The conflicting ideas on the nature of federation became one of the most significant causes for the failure of the Constituent Assembly.

7.4 Different Agreements

7.4.1 Agreement on thematic committee:

According to CA rules of procedures, there were ten thematic committees and one constitutional committee known as drafting committee. All the members of the committees actively worked according to their capacity. They expected some inputs and


instructions from the party and high ranking leaders. But all the parties and mostly the leaders of four major parties were rather engaged in forming the government rather than in the constitution-writing exercise. However, the thematic committees settled the conflicting ideas by themselves and came up with commonly agreed solutions except the committee responsible for the forms of governance.

7.4.2 Agreement in Report study committee

The constitutional drafting committee was responsible for harmonizing the issues from different thematic committees. In adition to constitutional committee the rules of procedures has managed a provision of report study committee. The committee has framed about 300 contentious issues. It was also responsible for bringing an agreement on contentious issues but the committee just framed the questions on related issues and committee report. The committee framed almost 300 questions to be resolved by either voting or by consensus.

7.4.3 Agreement in 27 parties' mechanism:

The 27-party mechanism was formed with a propose of garnering consensus on the issues of the Constitution. All the political parties represented in the constituent assembly sent their representatives for the agreement on constitutional issues. It is a political committee. Most of the members represented from the political parties were non-CA Members but deputed for CA work. Most of the leaders involved in the committee were less attended personalities in CA regular meetings. All the top leaders were there who attended in the CA less than 10% although; the committee resolved some of the issues. Out of 300 questions, the committee resolved less than 200 issues. Serious criticism came from the chair of the constitutional committee when other committees were dissolved.


7.4.4 Agreement in dispute resolution sub-committee:

The Constitutional committee formed one separate committee for dispute resolution under the chairmanship of Maoist chairman 'Prachanda'. The committee comprised of top leaders from the major four parties as well as Madhesis, women and small parties. The committee did its job very seriously. The committee formed one taskforce for resolution of all the issues except the federal structure. The task force immediately presented its reports through consensus in almost all the issues. Out of 117 contentious issues, federalism was an exception. A directly elected president and the Prime minister elected by the parliament with clear division of executive power in the constitution were recommended as the suitable form of government. In, judiciary, the taskforce recommended a separate constitutional court to deal with all the issues meant to be given to the parliamentary committee (this was as suggested by the thematic committee). A mixed model of election was agreed on for the formation of parliament with bicameral legislation. The taskforce also resolved the issues concerning citizenship. Some of the issues were left for further discussions in the top level and rest of the issues were settled down.

7.4.5 Popularly known Hattiban negotiation:

As soon as Dr. Baburam Bhattrai was elected as Prime Minister, he forwarded the peace process by handing over the key of the container and cantonment. Regrouping of PLA in the cantonments was done. The issues of numbers, norms, rank, and modalities of the PLA integration into the Nepalese army were also resolved by the seven point agreement with four major parties. The constitution writing was also expedited. The PM office organized discussion on the issues of federalism, forms of governance judiciary legislature and citizenship. The taskforce report was almost accepted by all the parties and the issue of federalism was also discussed seriously.


However, Nepali congress was not well prepared for an agreement. The major achievement of the Hattiban negotiation was that the meeting clarified on identity on which the federal system would be based on. The parties almost reached near the agreement. Finally, NC and UML were not prepared to reach an agreement so negotiation failed to give a complete result.

7.4.6 Agreement in the office of the Army integration:

Even though, all the issues except federalism were settled and drafted, NC and UML came with changes in the proposals. Their proposals at such a critical time were unusual and unnatural too. Prime Minister Dr Bhattarai and Chairman Prachanda declared to form a national consensus government and resolve the issues relating to the constitution. It was agreed that the PM would resign as soon as the constitution was promulgated. The written agreement was to be signed the following day at 1.00 pm. But NC, UML and Baidya’s faction of the Maoist party were instead discussing about no confidence motion against the government to disturb the agreement. Finally, in the midnight, three weeks of before the deadline for the promulgation of the constitution promulgation, the agreement was signed. The agreement stipulated a national consensus government within 2 days and finalisation of the Constitution within 3 days. The agreement also talked about resignation of the PM. But UML


set their meeting after 3 days and there was no consensus on both government and the constitution.

7.4.7 Lazimpat agreement:

Lazimpat, residence of com.Prachanda, where most of the meetings and agreement have been taken place. There was no alternative to consensus on federalism as it was a sensitive issue. After serious consultations and efforts, ten provinces with one central administrative zone with identity was proposed by Maoist chairman Prachanda. It was first agreed by NC and UML leaders during the negotiation but they failed to convince to their own party members. They launched various uprisings in the far-western part of Nepal for a month and made the earlier agreement futile.


7.4.8 Baluwatar agreement:

NC, UML and Madhesi parties were in a mood to extend the CA again and prolonge the agreement. Com.Prachanda consulted with the chair of the constituent assembly and came to the conclusion that there is no alternative to promulgate the constitution except an extension. Agreement was done verbally with all the major parties. 11 provinces on federalism, constitutional court with limited jurisdiction on judiciary, bicameral legislature with 390 members and the mixed electoral system was agreed. Even though the parties agreed verbally, nobody signed the document but they were already incorporated in the draft of the new Constitution prepared by the Constituent Assembly. The federal commission was given a responsibility to identify the basis and foundation of the 11 provinces. Meanwhile, NC publicized their own map with their own interpretation which provoked janajati and madhesi population. Again NC and UML conspired against the agreement and constitution promulgation.

7.5 Last day of the CA and term expired:

PM met with president and informed him that the constitution and his resignation would be simultaneously handed to him in the evening of May 28, 2012.


The technical team worked on the constitution whereas, top leaders were in negotiation. The negotiation was concentrated on federalism with identity and constitution with federalism. UML and NC were against them so the negotiation failed. Even in the last day of the deadline to promulgate the Constitution, NC, UML and Baidya faction of the Maoist party were in preparation of no confidence motion against the existing government and the draft constitution. PM asked all the conflicting parties to come with solutions on the ways of save CA. The choice was either to extend CA or issue state of emergency but both was rejected. PM was compelled to accept one of the options laid by the Supreme Court on the next CA election according to article 63 of the interim constitution. Knowingly or unknowingly Supreme Court came to be involved in the constitutional process. Interestingly, in all the cases filed in the Supreme Court, writ petitions were by the same person and decision was also given by same judges almost all the time. The Supreme Finally the CA expired without promulgating the new constitution. People's demand and dream for the constitution made by their elected representatives remained unfulfilled again. The Prime minister and chairman of the Maoist party tried enormously to promulgate the constitution with maximum flexibilities but their efforts failed because of the Supreme Court’s decision and status


quo mindset of the parliamentary political parties. The issue is still exists, PM has announced another election of constituent assembly peoples agenda could be address properly time is waiting.

The CA was elected for 2 years. Within the stipulated deadline, CA was able to finish its concept note, preliminary draft of the Constitution, but failed to promulgate the Constitution. CA’s term was first extended for one year. Again, no constitution was promulgated as most of the time was spent on forming the government. For example, it took around seven months to elect a new prime minister, voting took place in 17 rounds. Extension of its tenure by constitutional amendment for the third time became an issue and as was in the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court gave three different verdicts. In the first amendment court gave two different verdicts; one bench said that unnatural that the CA is dissolved without giving the constitution whereas the other bench said that it is natural.

Article 64 is mandatory and only the doctrine of necessity can save it. The Second and third verdict accepted amendment but final decision of the court said article 64 is non-amendable article and CA is not a competent authority to amendment of the constitution. So the Court gave the final chance for the promulgation of the constitution. According to the verdict of the Court, if the Constitution was not promulgated within six months then there would be three options: either referendum according to article 157 or another CA election according to article 63 or some other constitutional way-out. CA failed to promulgate the constitution and even meetings inside the CA were cancelled by notice. The CA chair did same thing even in the last day. Ultimately, CA failed to promulgate the constitution and its tenure expired. According to the Supreme Court verdict, nobody dissolved the CA but it was dead. The government had only one option for election as directed by the court. This is the way CA failed to perform its job and all the major parties including the Supreme Court is responsible for the death of CA.


7.6QuestionsofLinestruggleCAinPriority

So-called line struggle came up within the Maoist party from upper to lower level. Initially, it was a sign of dissatisfaction on the line of peace and constitution. They wanted to continue the war and make history like Peru and going back to desolation of revolution instead of following the line of peace process. This view was in minority but gradually dissatisfied people increased. Leaders and cadres, especially those who failed to get lucrative ministerial posts also joined with them in the name of line struggle. First, they were very excited for ministerial posts rather than in the constitution making process. When their unethical expectations were not addressed, that section became completely frustrated. They did not care about the constitution writing. They claimed that CA had failed to write the Constitution according to the spirit of the People’s War and downtrodden people. So they claimed that the existing CA needed to be dissolved and a new people’s revolt to be instituted.

Later on, people’s revolt failed in its rehearsal phase then the group again became frustrated and then started to talk to retreat back to jungle for another people’s war. For this purpose they started to raise almost impossible issues then try to create ground for revolt. Simultaneously, they tried not only to make the CA failure but


also the government which was headed by their own party. Almost irresponsible steps were taken; trying to get into the government and at the same time talking about revolt was confusing. The Maoist party became of a strategic size so it created challenges for the party and opportunity for the reactionaries. Reactionaries did their level best to split the party. It is in design made by the reactionaries but in the name of line struggle so-called revolutionary line indulged in conspiracy.

The CA election was held with much excitement as the only solution for transformation in the country. CA was considered as a solution for everything. The results were interesting for the political parties. Nepali Congress who had ruled the government for much of the time in last decades of parliamentary practice became the second largest party. However, the NC chairperson late GP Koirala was not ready accepting that fact and was unwilling to step down and handover the power to the largest party , the Maoist party. The Maoist party became the largest party but they also did not have plans to move according to the election result. UML always considered as fluctuating also did not have any idea. Theoretical clarity was missing among the political parties about the CA. During the tenure of the CA, most of the political parties engaged on their own business rather than on the CA and constitution making process. Political parties were not prepared on each and every issue. The CA process has demanded some clarity on the issues but parties fail to do so. Most of the political parties didn’t have any have ideological clarity and were only guided by the vested interest of individual leaders in the party.


ANNEX -1

PoliticalLineofCPN[UnityCenter],AdoptedbyUnity

congress in December1991.

On the Party

On the Revolutionary United Front

The Form of Armed Struggle and the Task of Preparing its

Ground Significance of the Three Instruments of Revolution

Our political strategy is to establish a New Democratic republic

of Nepal with a people’s democratic dictatorship against

feudalism and imperialism and on the basis of an alliance of

peasants & workers under the leadership of the proletariat.

To attain this strategic goal we have to work out the tactics

accordingly and orient the organizational works on the same line.

It is clear that the Nepalese New Democratic revolution will be

accomplished in a great, difficult, complex and zigzag fashion and

in different sub-stages, as it has to face the internal and external

enemies and hence would be of a protracted nature. This revolution

is basically a peasant revolution. Hence it is absolutely necessary

for the success of the revolution to concentrate force in rural areas

inhabited by 91% of the peasantry to develop class-consciousness

among the peasants and to train them in the field of class struggle

against feudal land ownership and comprador & bureaucratic

capitalism. Priority should be accorded to the works amongst

the landless and poor peasants even within the peasantry of rural

areas. Because peasants of the lower classes are the main force of

the revolution, gravity of works should concentrate on the workers

and the lower classes of people in the cities too. Also, adequate

attention should be paid to the mobilization of the auxiliary forces

of revolution namely the students, teachers, professors, doctors,


lawyers, civil servants, intellectuals and small traders unto the

national bourgeoisie. The strategy of establishing New Democratic

power at the central level after smashing the state machinery of the

feudal, comprador and bureaucratic bourgeoisie can be fulfilled

only by moving forward by capturing power at the local level and

by establishing base areas. To develop this task as our central task

we should concentrate and consolidate our activities on the same.

For this, it is a must to adopt the line of protracted people’s war

with a strategy of encirclement of the city from the countryside.

In the Nepalese communist movement a rightist thinking has been

dominant that accepts New Democracy as a strategy but follows

reformism and parliamentary as the tactics, that sacrifices the totality

of strategy for the practical tactical gain and that regards strategy and

tactics as mutually exclusive. Against such thinking we should pay

special attention to understand the relations between strategy and

tactics in a dialectical manner and to adopt such tactics as to help

the strategy. To attain the goal of establishing a New Democratic

republic we should carry forward policies:

1. To oppose the monarchical parliamentary multi-party system

and to accelerate propagandist agitation in favour of the New

Democratic system.

2. To build a revolutionary, militant and new type of Communist

Party.

3. To build a revolutionary united Front as an instrument of

struggle and an embryo of the new power.

4. To lay emphasis on the preparations of people’s war.

5. To develop a patriotic and democratic movement against

feudalism, imperialism and Indian expansionism.

6. To accelerate rural class struggle cantering on the slogan of land


to the tiller and to concentrate main force on the same.

7. To develop class and mass organizations, to establish Party

leadership over them and to develop people’s movement in

favour of their problems.

8. To pay special attention to expand the Party to lower classes,

oppressed ethnic groups, tribes and depressed castes and to the

rural and remote areas.

9. To accord priority to the illegal works and works in the rural

areas, to develop as secondary activities the legal and urban

works and coordinate the two spheres of activities.

10. To support national liberation, New Democratic and socialist

movements all over the world, to emphasize on proletarian

internationalism and to develop relations and contacts with the

fraternal parties and organizations the world over.

11. To oppose & expose all forms of revisionism.

12. To propagate Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in a systematic

manner.

For the success of the New Democratic revolution, it is a must,

as taught by Com. Mao, to develop the three instruments of

“revolutionary Communist Party, revolutionary United Front and

People’s Army”. It is evident that in such a revolution the role of

the Communist Party and the people’s war would be primary and

that of the mass & class organizations and the people’s movement

be secondary. It is of primary importance to move ahead with a

concrete program for the development of these instruments.

I. On the Party

The three instruments of New Democratic revolution can be

developed correctly, only in close relations with each other. In the


absence of one the other two instruments cannot develop properly.

However, among these the Party is primary, which builds &

operates the other two instruments. With the unification of the

Party we have been definitely strengthened numerically, but if we

fail to charter a correct ideological and political line such numerical

increase will in the real sense not strengthen but weaken the Party.

In this context it is necessary to remember what great Lenin has said:

“… In the organization the question of membership figures is not

that important, as is the objective importance of its policy.” Today,

our Party has not really been able to rise above the level of peaceful

movement and an instrument of electoral platform. The ideological

level, consciousness and culture of the (Party) leaders & cadres are

much below the desirable.

Objectively we are in need of a Communist Party of a new type. All

from Marx to Mao has mentioned the concept of the Party of a new

type. In our context, by Party of a new type we should understand

a Party which would be capable of leading People’s War in the era

of imperialist war & proletarian revolution and in the context of a

communist movement plagued by Right revisionism. Because, in the

present barbaric imperialist era, to lead a revolution unequivocally

means to lead People’s war. We should place at number one of our

agenda the task of building a militant & revolutionary Communist

Party of a new type.

A militant Communist Party of a new type cannot be built by

some sweet idealism or through mental exercise alone. For this we

need, firstly, revolutionary ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism;

secondly, revolutionary political line; thirdly, conduction of inner-

Party struggle and two line struggle in a clear & correct manner; and

fourthly, development of class struggle in a revolutionary manner.


It is not possible to build a militant Party of a new type without

resolutely struggling against all forms of reformist and revisionist

trends that refuse to understand the importance of ideology or which

undermine it, that do not accord priority to the task of initiating

struggles by breaking reactionary laws and systems, that refuse to

undertake the task of preparation & initiation of People’s War in a

systematic manner, that hesitate to go to rural areas and lower classes

and raise class struggle, that tend to make compromises and keep

peace between antagonistic trends within the Party and that weaken

disciple.

II. On the Revolutionary United Front

In the Nepalese communist movement there is no dearth of reformist

trends that focus on the legal movement and put emphasis only

on forging unity-in-action with the various reactionary & Right

revisionist political groups and of sectarian & mechanistic trends

that only create noises by mechanistically forging “united front” of

their Party cadres alone. But the task of developing it (i.e. United

Front) under the leadership of the Party and as the instrument of

struggle and the seed of new power has been grossly neglected.

For this the Party has to pay immediate attention to the task of

forging a United Front of anti-feudal and anti-imperialist patriotic,

democratic and leftist forces as an instrument of developing class

struggles primarily in the rural areas and as the seed of (new)

power. Special attention should be paid to the task of organizing

struggle by creating such a revolutionary United Front in the urban

areas, too. The movement cannot be freed of reformism as long

as the task of giving a practical shape to such a United Front is

delayed. Also, the (United) Fronts created just for their sake


without linking them with the concrete plans & programmes of

class struggle would be mechanistic and sectarian and hence useless.

The principle function of such a Front should be to develop struggles

on the basis of people’s problems that would gradually break the

(limits of) law and the system. At the initial stages, the effective

form of such a Front would be confined to rural areas and at the

local level.

III. The Form of Armed Struggle and the Task of preparing its

Ground

Without armed struggle it is impossible to achieve success in the

New Democratic revolution. Even while accepting it in principle,

because of negligence and lack of clarity shown on the question of

its form, organization, preparation and development, the Nepalese

communist movement has not been able to free itself from the merry-

go-round of spontaneity and reformism. Our Party, too, will not be

able to rise above reformism if even today we do not accord primary

importance to the task of clarifying the form and general line of

armed struggle and going into practice with a concrete programme.

Hence we have to think over this subject with due seriousness.

Till now the international proletariat has experienced two

fundamentally different forms of armed struggle in two fundamentally

different conditions as successful & scientifically proved. They are:

(1) the strategy of general insurrection of capturing first the city

and the central power in the capitalist & imperialist countries, and

(2) the strategy of protracted People’s War of encircling the city

from the countryside in the oppressed semi-feudal, semi-colonial

countries. In the current world situation we have to decide upon

a strategy as suited to the general economic, political and social

conditions of our country and carry forward organization, struggle


and propaganda works accordingly. To remain noncommittal or

silent on the question is to fall a victim to spontaneity & inaction

and is merely to move towards the quagmire of reformism. Viewing

from this perspective,

as Nepal is a semi-feudal & semi-colonial country reeling under the

double exploitation & oppression of feudalism & imperialism,

o as a large proportion of population (more than 91%) constitutes

of the pauperized, landless, poor and lower class peasants

scattered over the vast rural areas,

o as the condition of organization, struggle and mass consciousness

is uneven due to the unevenness of Nepal’s condition of

economic, political and social development,

o as the condition of development of industries in the cities is

very backward and hence the modern working class is very

weak both in the qualitative and quantitative sense,

o as the enemy’s force is particularly centralized in the cities,

o as, according to the experiences of class struggle in the era of

imperialism, it is possible to develop a militant & revolutionary

Party, new culture & revolutionary people’s movement and to

bring about radical change in society only by moving ahead

along the path of People’s War from the very beginning,

o as revolution is the main trend in the present world passing

through a process of barbaric imperialist war and great

upheavals and to lead a revolution means essentially to lead

People’s War,

o as the enemy force is much more powerful as compared to that

of the revolutionaries,

Our Party follows the path of protracted people’s war with the


strategy of encircling the city from the countryside, basing on the

principle of people’s war as developed by Com. Mao (which is the

pinnacle of military science attained by the world proletariat to fight

against imperialism). This strategy of armed struggle is the strategy

of defeating a powerful enemy by developing from small to big,

from simple to complex and from a few too many in the course of

revolutionary struggle, particularly rural class struggle or revolutionary

peasant struggle. It develops in the first stage with strategic defence

and tactical offence, when necessarily guerrilla warfare has a strategic

role, and at this stage open or secret base areas do develop. With a

second stage of strategic stalemate and the third stage of strategic

offence & tactical defence, it culminates into victory. This is the

general line of people’s war during the period of New Democratic

revolution. Here we should beware of the tendency of mechanical

& blind copying, too. In the specificities of our country and the

current world situation the significance of urban mass movements

has definitely increased. However, there has been no change in the

strategy of protracted People’s War and the question of according

priority to the works in rural areas. We should also be clear that only

by moving ahead along this general political line we shall be able to

find out and probe into the specific laws of the Nepalese revolution.

Because, the laws of revolutionary warfare can be found out only by

participating in the revolutionary warfare.


ANNEX- 2

TheoreticalPremisesfortheHistoricInitiationofthePeople’s

War Sep.1995

[adopted by the Central Committee of the Party in September

1995.)

This plan of ours would be based on the lessons of Marxism-

Leninism-Maoism regarding revolutionary violence. On the occasion

of formulation of the plan for initiation of the process that will

unfold as protracted People’s War based on the strategy of encircling

the city from the countryside according to the specificities of our

country, the Party once again reiterates its eternal commitment to

the theory of People’s War developed by Mao as the universal and

invincible Marxist theory of war.

A. This plan of initiation of the people’s war would be based on

the principle that everything is an illusion except state power.

While remaining firm on the principal aim of the armed

struggle as to capture political power for the people, the Party

expresses its firm commitment to wage relentless struggle

against all forms of deviationist thoughts and trends including

economist, reformism and anarchism.

B. This plan would be based on the aim of completing the new

democratic revolution after the destruction of feudalism and

imperialism, then immediately moving towards socialism, and,

by way of cultural revolutions based on the theory of continuous

revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, marching

to communism - the golden future of the whole humanity. We

are firm that it is a crime against the proletariat and the general

masses of the people to start an armed struggle without the firm

conviction of carrying it out to the end. We shall never allow


this struggle to become a mere instrument for introducing

partial reforms in the condition of the people, or terminating

in a simple compromise by exerting pressure on the reactionary

classes. Thus, our armed struggle will be totally free of all sorts

of petty bourgeois, narrow nationalist, religion-communal and

casteist illusions.

C. This plan of ours would be based on the great spirit of proletarian

internationalism. The Nepalese revolution is an integral part

of the world proletarian revolution and this will serve the

world revolution. In this context our Party takes it as a serious

responsibility to contribute towards the further development of

Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) (of which our

Party is a participating member), which is marching forward

to advance world revolution under the guidance of Marxism-

Leninism-Maoism and to create a New International.

D. This plan would be based on the theoretical premises of

building a revolutionary united front and a revolutionary

army under the leadership of the Party of the proletariat in

the phase of the new democratic revolution. The Party is

firmly committed to establish the leadership of the Party in

every sphere by maintaining its vitality by way of conducting

inner - party struggle in a dialectical manner according to the

principle of universality of contradictions, to serve the people

wholeheartedly, to maintain close relations with the people and

to adhere to the principle of mass line.

E. This plan would be formulated basing on the principle of the

right of self-determination of the Party of the proletariat. Armed

struggle will be carried out by uniting all strata and categories of

anti-feudal and anti- imperialist masses of the people under the

leadership of the Party. Our armed struggle will be conducted


by taking agrarian revolution as the axis and by relying on

the labouring masses, particularly the poor peasants, and the

Party will never and under no circumstances succumb to the

pressures, threats and enticements of the internal and external

reactionary forces.

F. The war will develop according to its own laws, not in a straight

line but in a complex zigzag path. It is necessary to acknowledge

the importance of Lenin’s saying that the revolution always

creates in its course of development an unusual and complex

situation. The People’s War will triumph after going through

cycles of victory and defeat and gain and loss. We shall be able

to lead the People’s War only by correctly grasping the law of

contradiction of transformation of wrong into right.


ANNEX-3

Appeal of the C.P.N. (Maoist) to the People

[onFebruary13,1996.)

March Along the Path of People’s War to Smash the Reactionary

State and Establish a New Democratic State!

Dear masses of the people,

Today the Nepalese society is in a state of grave crisis, whether

economically, politically, culturally or otherwise. Where has

the present state that has been harping about development and

construction for the last fifty years landed Nepal economically?

It has landed Nepal to the position of second poorest country in

the world after Ethiopia. This state that does not manufacture

even a needle in the name of self-reliant and national economy,

has handed over the whole economy of the country to a dozen

families of the foreign compradors and bureaucratic capitalists.

Whereas these handfuls of plunderers have become billionaires,

the real masters of this country and the national property, the

toiling masses of Nepal, are forced to eke out a meager existence

of deprivation and poverty. The sons and daughters of Nepalese

peasants and workers reeling under unemployment and poverty are

compelled to lead a miserable life of dishonor and neglect in India

and different parts of the world to earn their daily bread. After piling

a massive foreign debt burden even on the future generations of

the Nepalese people, the feudal and comprador and bureaucratic

capitalist rulers are making merry on it. In the name of privatization

and liberalization under the guidance and for the benefit of the

foreign capitalists, the process of mortgaging the whole country

to the comprador and bureaucratic capitalists is in full swing now.

The burden of this economic degradation has been basically


borne by the peasantry, which constitutes 90% of the

population. That every new government formed under this

state structure pushes and will push the country economically

into a further state of bankruptcy has been verified historically.

To maintain the hegemony of one religion (i.e. Hinduism), one

language (i.e. Nepali), and one nationality (i.e. Khas), this state has

for centuries exercised discrimination, exploitation and oppression

against other religions, languages and nationalities and has conspired

to fragment the forces of national unity that is vital for proper

development and security of the country. On the contrary, it has

been prostrating before the foreign imperialists and expansionists

and repeatedly mortgaging Nepal’s national honor and sovereignty to

them. The present state has been shamelessly permitting the foreign

plunderers to grab the natural water resources of Nepal and to trample

upon our motherland. If this process is allowed to continue for some

more time to come, it is no doubt to the patriotic, conscious and self-

esteemed Nepalese that the very existence of Nepal will be in jeopardy.

The present state has declared war against the development of the

national culture of the Nepalese people by flooding (the country)

with the corrupt, licentious and distorted imperialist culture. The

feudal and imperialist forces are doing their utmost to replace the

democratic cultural values and ideals with Freudian, nihilist and

anarchic values. This is a sequel to the conspiracy of the reactionary

classes to corrupt the people culturally and preserve their own heaven

of plunder. These corrupt cultural values are no less responsible

for the burgeoning of drug trafficking, smuggling, thievery, black

marketeering, looting, murder and rape in the society today.

Within this moribund state structure, a coalition government of

Panchas (i.e. royalists) and Nepali Congress, defamed in the Nepalese

history for their anti-national and genocidal deeds, has been ruling


right now. This (government) has forced not only the peasants and

workers of Nepal but also the people of different strata and professions

to live in a state of scarcity, injustice and terror. Whereas this state

has been treating women as second-class citizens for long, now it

has intensified rape, trafficking and the process of commoditization

through advertisements, against them. The whole educational system

is tuned to produce slaves for this state and there is rampant anarchy

in it. Thus, be they workers, or peasants, or women, or teachers, or

students, or small traders, or lower ranking civil servants, or doctors,

or professors, or people of different classes including the national

bourgeoisie, all are victims of this state of feudal and comprador

and bureaucratic capitalists. Except for radical change in all

spheres, any possibility of reform has now become a mere chimera.

Reactionary ruling classes, ever swearing by democracy, have been

repeatedly using their guns against the political activists or the

ordinary masses that hold political beliefs counter to the interests

of the rulers. This state which regards itself as the custodian of

‘democracy’ has been surviving on the blood of innumerable sons

and daughters of mother Nepal ranging from the infant to the aged,

when the people have professed and spoken in favor of nationalism,

democracy and livelihood. Hundreds of thousands of Nepalese people

fighting for justice have been subjected to inhuman physical torture,

confinement in jails and mental torture. Not only during the party

less panchayat (i.e. absolute monarchy) period but also even in the

present monarchical parliamentary period, the fascist genocidal and

repressive acts have been on the increase rather than decrease. This

is a bitter truth experienced by the Nepalese people in their real life.

This process has now developed into an armed repression campaign

against the innocent people favoring truth and justice. The recent

armed operation and state terror let loose in Western Nepal and in


different parts of the country has testified beyond doubt that the

ruling classes have openly embarked upon an unjust war against the

people. The heinous game of the reactionary state of enrolling the

sons and daughters of the poor peasants and workers in the police

and the army as mercenaries and forcing them to use arms against

their own wretched parents, brothers and sisters, is now crystal clear.

With the passage of time those in the police and the army will also

come to know the realities. There is no alternative for the people

other than to raise the banner of just war against this unjust war.

How did we reach this stage of critical condition of nationalism,

democracy and livelihood and a situation of open warfare of the

state against the people? What is clear on the basis of historical and

scientific materialism is that the seeds of this state of affairs were

sown in the Nepalese history long time back. With the advent of the

era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, as in almost all the

oppressed nations.


ANNEX-4

The Great Leap Forward: An Inevitable Need of History

“Correctness or otherwise of the ideological and political line decides

everything. If it is correct, everything is gained, but if it wrong,

everything is lost.” -Mao Tse-tung

International Communist Movement and its Historical Lessons

Some Fundamental Characteristics of the International Situation

On the Situation in South Asia

On National Situation

On the Synthesis of the Nepalese Communist Movement

Additional Points on the Party History and the Process of

Ideological Synthesis

On Three Instruments of Revolution

A Great Achievement

Great Leap Forward and Sketch of Future Plan

With its originality and grandeur, the People’s War has completed

its five memorable years and is entering the sixth. Through its rapid

development process, it is entering an entirely new and higher stage

of achievements and challenges during this period. The ideological

synthesis of the experiences of those five years on the basis of

universal principles of invincible Marxism-Leninism-Maoism has

been necessary for the continuation and further development of

the Nepalese revolution and to serve the world revolution as well.

Needless to say, this synthesis shall be based on lofty objectives of

furthering the world revolution in the 21st century, learning lessons

from both world communist movement and Nepalese communist

movement. Moreover, it shall be the synthesis of achievements gained


through initiatives and active participation of millions of Masses in

the historical and great process of People’s War. Lastly, it shall be

the rehearsal of the great leap forward. This National Conference

held amidst the People’s War shall, in keeping with the gravity and

broadness of the question, draw correct conclusions through broad

and serious discussion in a fully democratic environment, and,

ultimately, be indisputably successful. Hearty Homage to the Great

and Immortal Martyr .

The toiling masses have been forging ahead the struggles for

thousands of years in various forms and levels against all kinds of

discrimination, exploitation, oppression and atrocities by men on

men. The human society has reached the capitalist era from slave and

feudal era in course of incessant process of class struggle, struggle for

production and scientific experiment. As an inevitable consequence,

modem proletarian class emerged together with the capitalist era. The

emergence of this last and revolutionary class of history produced

Marxism, which is, in fact, the supreme synthesis of the knowledge

and experiences of the human beings and ideology of the proletariat.

For the first time in history, Marxism consciously established the

right of the proletariat and toiling masses to rebel against the right

of exploiting classes to exploit, which they had been enjoying for

thousands of years. Besides, it drew a scientific conclusion that the

ultimate result of this rebellion shall be the founding of communism

in the world.

Together with Marxism as an historical invention of the proletariat,

the class struggle began shaking the whole earth. In the process

of the class struggle, the proletariat developed its ideology from

Marxism to the level of Marxism- Leninism-Maoism. During

the turbulent years of class struggle, the proletariat and working

people have set unparalleled records of dedication and sacrifice


for the achievement of lofty goals of communist ideals. And

they are still on their voyage to reach their ultimate destination,

synthesizing the triumphs and defeats of the class struggles.

As an inseparable part of world proletarian revolution, the People’s

War led by Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), a vanguard of the

Nepalese proletarian class, has been going on in Nepal for the last

5 years. Hundreds of Nepalese heroes and heroines have shed their

blood in order to bring the great process of achieving the great ideals

of communism to this height. In particular, more than 1,500 people

including the Alternate Politburo Member of Central Committee

of our Party, Com. Suresh Wagle (Basu), first child martyr Dil

Bahadur Ramtel, Tirtha Gautam, Bijaya Ghale, Lali Roka, Kamla

Bhatta etc. have sacrificed their invaluable lives in this context. This

Second National Conference pays hearty homage to all the martyrs

of the People’s War and resolutely expresses its commitments to

fight till the end against the enemies in order to materialize their

dreams. Moreover, the Conference pays tributes to Chiniya Kaji,

Bhim Datta Pant, Kami Budha, the martyrs of Harre-Barre, Jugedi

and Jutpani, and Rishi Devkota “Ajad”, Rambrikshya Yadav, the

martyrs of Jhapa revolt, and all known and unknown martyrs of

historical mass movements of 1980 and 1990 who sacrificed their

lives in the fight against feudalism and imperialism before the

People’s War was initiated in Nepal.

With full commitment to and solidarity with proletarian

internationalism, the Second National Conference of the Party pays

tributes to all the martyrs of Peru, India, the Philippines, Turkey,

Iran, Columbia, Bangladesh and others who gave their lives in order

to advance the world revolution.

International Communist Movement and its Historical Lessons

Born together with capitalism, the proletariat is the last, revolutionary


and international class of history. In Europe, its emergence and

struggle against capitalism paved the way for founding of Marxism.

Of extraordinary talent, Karl Marx along with his very intimate friend,

Frederick Engels, discovered the world outlook of the proletariat -

the dialectical and historical materialism. Known as Marxism, this

scientific discovery was nothing but in essence a supreme synthesis

of the experience and knowledge the mankind achieved in thousands

of years. This science synthesized with a revolutionary objective of

transforming the world, and not merely explaining it, brought an

unprecedented revolution in the thinking of mankind, and provided

a scientific device to understand and transform the world, and to

fight against all kinds of dogmas, superstitions & evils of the society.

Marxism proved irrefutably how a particular production relation

is established among the people with the development of

productive forces in the process of production and reproduction

for fulfillment of material needs, and how total development

of history after the stage of primitive communism is the history

of class struggle as determined by definite scientific laws. This

is the allegation of historical materialism against total history.

Exposing the real cause of capitalist exploitation and accumulation

of capital in the hands of a handful of capitalists in society, Marx

put forward the great theory of surplus value. Also, Marxism made

it clear how capitalism has created a vicious circle of exploitation by

turning the human labor into a non-living thing in order to make

more profits, and, at the same time, how it is developing huge army

of modern proletarian class and is ultimately digging its own grave.

Considering the unprecedented development of productive forces

and the contradiction between socialization of production process

and private appropriation of production, Marxism explained the

coming into existence of the responsibility for social revolution on

the shoulder of the proletariat and put forward a scientific ideal of


golden communist society by demolishing the classes and states and

ending all kinds of exploitation of men by men. Marx and Engels

laid foundation of basic principles relating to the strategy of the

proletariat to be pursued for the achievement of great ideals of

communist society. In sum, fundamental views on the dictatorship

of proletariat and socialist state as an inevitable need for the

transitional period from capitalism to communism, need of violent

revolution, need of the destruction of the old capitalist state, concept

of development of armed masses, were presented. In his whole life,

Engels fought vigorously against the bourgeois trends appearing in

the worker’s movement to establish this scientific view.

Against the concept of bourgeois nationalism developed for security

and need of the market, Marxism upheld the banner of proletarian

internationalism. Chanting the slogan “Workers of all countries,

unite!” loudly, the first Communist International was founded with

initiative of and under the leadership of Marx and Engels. It spread

the scientific ideas of’ “Communist Manifesto” among the workers

and, simultaneously, fought vigorously against various opportunist

trends appearing in the International Communist Movement. It is

in this context that in Paris (France), the proletariat, for the first

time in history, seized the state through armed revolt. Renowned as

“Paris Commune” all over the world, this historical revolt not only

justified the basic principles of Marxism but also helped Marx and

Engels to refine it with the synthesis of the experiences. Though

lasting for a short period of only 72 days due to its inherent mistakes,

Marx and Engels declared that its experiences would live forever.

It is particularity remarkable that the views of Marx and Engels on

the Paris Commune have been working as a historical inspiration

even today to identify and fight against revisionism and opportunism

in the communist movement. Due to the defeat of Paris Commune


and conspiracy of opportunists within, the First Communist

International was dissolved. However, after the death of Marx and

as per need of new situation, the Second Communist International

was formed again under the leadership of Engels in 1889, which

played a significant role in disseminating Marxism in the primary

stage. But after Engel’s death, the leaders of the Second International,

mainly Karl Kautsky, knelt before the bourgeois parliamentarism

and betrayed revolutionary principles of Marxism. In course of the

hard struggle against reformism and parliamentarism a Bolshevik

Party and revolutionary struggle of a new type developed under the

leadership of Lenin and socialist revolution was completed in Russia

in 1917. During the life and death struggle against revisionism for

the defense of its scientific and revolutionary teachings, Marxism

developed into Marxism-Leninism. Lenin highly stressed that there

can be no struggle against reaction unless it is linked with that against

opportunism. He elevated the philosophy of dialectical materialism

to a new height. The fact that the principle of unity and struggle of

opposites is the only fundamental principle of dialectics was further

explained. By analyzing and researching on the characteristics of

imperialism, Lenin contributed qualitatively in the field of political

economy and defined the new era as the “era of imperialism and

proletarian revolution” which made a great contribution in devising

the strategy and tactics of revolution. His analyses, which were well

justified by later events, are equally correct even today. Lenin not only

enriched Marxism on total aspects of scientific socialism including

the concept of a new party, strategy of socialist revolution, struggle

against revisionism, uniting peasants for revolution in the backward

countries and significance of full democratic revolution, proletarian

view on right of nations to self- determination, proletarian revolution

to lead the national liberation movement in the eastern countries,

development and struggle of the workers and masses in capitalist


countries developed into the imperialist stage, but also elevated it to

a new height of development.

The success of Great October Socialist Revolution created

unprecedented waves in the world. The masses oppressed for

centuries felt that they had found out a new way to real liberation.

Fiercely resisting the outlook of the imperialists and reactionaries,

the Third International was formed with the initiative and under

the leadership of Lenin in 1919 in order to forge ahead the world

revolution in an organized way. Taking Soviet socialist state founded

in a very large part of the earth as a base area, he gave emphasis

on advancing the world revolution. The revolution of Germany

among the developed countries and the issue of the same in the

countries like India, China among the undeveloped countries was

seriously thought over. Declaring that the proletarian revolution in

backward countries with a majority of peasants is “very hard and

great,” he emphasized on applying general principles of communism

in accordance with concrete situation of the country concerned.

Eventually, a concept of “National Democratic Revolution” was

put forward as it required to fight against colonial and semi-colonial

exploitation, too, in such countries. However, Lenin emphasized

that communist revolutionaries of the countries concerned must

work out and develop the strategy of revolution themselves. At this

juncture, particular attention must be paid to the stress given by

Comintern led by Lenin on the significance of creative application

of general principles of proletarian internationalism and Marxism in

accordance with the national characteristics of such countries.

At a time, when the struggles are still needed in the international

communist movement against the trend which, even today,

represents, on the one hand, sectarian nationalism on the

pretext of national characteristics, and, on the other, the


Trotskyist trend which undermines national characteristics

on the pretext of internationalism, its significance is evident.

After the death of Lenin, Stalin led the international communist

movement. He served proletarian movement by undertaking

historical tasks such as defeating the right liquidationism which

emerged in the form of so-called permanent revolution of

Zenoviev, Kamenov and, mainly, Trotsky; establishing Leninism;

strengthening Soviet Union by collective farming and planned

economic development; knocking the Hitlerian fascism to the

ground in the Second World War; synthesizing the experiences

of Soviet economic development, and leading the whole

international communist movement for about three decades.

Nevertheless, the fact that many serious weaknesses prevailed

in Stalin and eventually, they caused some serious problems

should not go unheeded. While doing so, our starting point

should be, of course Stalin’s evaluation made by Mao, in which

he has divided his thoughts and works into two aspects and

declared 70 percent of them correct and 30 percent wrong.

Advancing on the basis of general guideline about revolution in the

colonial and semi-colonial countries of pre-capitalist stage as put

forward by Lenin during the initial period of Third International

and greatly influencing the international power balance, the New

Democratic revolution was completed successfully in China. The

successful revolution in a huge area with the largest population in

the world through struggles of decades, presented a new model for

revolution in the semi-feudal and semi-colonial countries of pre-

capitalist stage. As Lenin had called for, Communist Party of China

led by Mao undertook the “great and difficult” task of revolution

in an eastern country by creatively applying the universal principles

of Marxism-Leninism in their own specificities. In this context,

Communist Party of China led by Mao enriched and developed


the Marxist science. The theory and knowledge of contradiction in

philosophy, analysis of bureaucratic capitalism in political economy,

development of strategy for New Democratic revolution and

universal principle of People’s War, concrete concept of Party, army

and united front, clearly show the enrichment of Marxism-Leninism.

During the process of revolution, Mao had to fight hard against

right and ‘left’ opportunism of various kinds and the elements who

wanted to mechanically copy the foreign experiences, such as Li Li

San, Wang Ming, Chang Kuo -Tao etc. When pondered deeply ,

Mao’s struggle against Li Li San, Wang Ming etc., seems, in essence,

to be related to the struggle against many mechanical materialist

thinking and working styles of Stalin and Comintern, though he

never disclosed it. Mao had called upon the people to be alert against

the threat of mechanical materialist and metaphysical thinking

that existed in the Communist Party of China and international

communist movement not only through his policy of unity and

struggle worked out in the case of united front but also through his

great works like “ On Contradictions”, “On Practice”, “Reform Your

Studies”, “Rectify Working Style”, “On New Democracy” etc.

In the international communist movement, Mao defined the Party

as a unity of opposites, and not as a monolithic and homogenous

unity, and clarified that two-line struggle inside the Party is, in deed,

always the motivating force for the Party life. In addition, clarifying

the inter-relation between class struggle in society and two-line

struggle in the Party, he presented scientific explanation about the

fact that as long as classes are there, the Party exists and as long as the

Party exists, ideological struggle prevails. He declared the concept of

monolithic unity as anti-dialectical and flatly rejected it. His view

on Party added a new dimension to the Leninist view of militant

Party of a new type. According to Mao, a struggle between the right


and wrong ideas always runs inside the Party and at a certain stage,

wrong ideas appear as revisionism and take in turn into a hostile

struggle with the revolutionaries. If non-proletarian ideas prevail

in the Party, the whole Party changes its colour. Therefore, the

revolutionaries should continuously revolutionize the Party through

two-line struggles.

Thus, the Chinese revolution based on Marxist-Leninist thoughts

goaded millions of workers and peasants to be the masters of their

own destiny. Communist Party of China led by Mao put forward

a programme for socialist revolution right after the success of New

Democratic Revolution under the leadership of the proletariat. In this

historical process of socialist revolution, the contradictions between

the revolutionaries and the people who had been influenced by the

bourgeois character of New Democratic Revolution and joined the

revolution, intensified. Right at that period, Stalin died in Soviet

Union. The Khruschovite revisionism seized the leadership in the

20th Congress in a counter-revolutionary coup in the Soviet Union,

and capitalism was restored. The Khruschov clique was successful to

overturn socialism and dictatorship of the proletariat in the pretext

of struggle against personality cult of Stalin. This event shocked the

revolutionaries all over the world. Terrorizing with nuclear arms

the clique rejected the decisive role of the people in the making

of history. The renegade Khruschovite clique advocated class

conciliation instead of class struggle in the name of “three peacefuls”.

He cloaked his blatant advocacy of bourgeois parliamentarism

with the possibility arisen from the changed world situation.

Encouraged by the restoration of capitalism in Russia, the Chinese

rightists intensified their attack on the proletarian revolutionaries

in the Party. The Peng Teh-hui event is a concrete example of this.

In the face of the complex situation, Mao seriously thought over


the class struggle in socialism and upheld the banner of struggle

against modem revisionism of Khrushchov outside the country and

right opportunism inside the Party. During the fierce struggle, Mao

put forward, with a scientific analysis of class struggle in socialism,

a concept of continuous revolution under the dictatorship of the

proletariat as the principle to prevent restoration of capitalism and

led the Great Proletariat Cultural Revolution, which is considered as

an unprecedented mass-revolution in the whole history of mankind.

With this earth-shaking revolution, Mao armed the proletarian

class with a new weapon to prevent the restoration of capitalism

in the socialist society. This great contribution established Mao

as the propounder of a new, third and higher stage of Marxism,

i.e. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. This great revolution prevented

restoration of capitalism in China for 10 years. Notwithstanding

the success of capitalist- roaders to restore capitalism in China

through counter-revolutionary plots due to various national and

international reasons after Mao’s death, the significance of the

principle he developed has not declined at all, but, instead, it has

grown as a beacon for future revolutions.

What is notable here is that Mao, after the Khruschov clique

succeeded in restoring capitalism in the Soviet Union without

any serious resistance, fought, on the one hand, to safeguard the

achievements of the first socialist state of the world, and on the

other, persevered seriously in studying the weaknesses which caused

such an irreparable loss, It is in this context that we must understand

his defense of Stalin against the attack of Khrushchov clique, and

explanation of various mistakes and weaknesses of him. Mao’s

evaluation of Stalin stands apart against both rightist revisionism

that negates him completely, and sectarian dogmatist revisionism

that accepts even his mistakes and weaknesses. In the international


communist movement, the former trend is led by Trotsky, Tito,

Khruschev etc., while, the latter trend is led by Enver Hoxa, etc.

Another important point to note is that the Euro-Communism, on

the pretext of opposing Stalin’s concept of monolithic unity and

bureaucracy, began opposing unified dialectical materialist science

of Marxism itself from bourgeois anarchist pluralist angle.

When the debate was going on in the international communist

movement and Khruschov, the ring-leader of modern revisionism,

along with imperialism was simultaneously defaming Stalin from

counter-revolutionary angle, it was but necessary to defend Stalin

emphasizing his essentially correct and positive aspects. Doing so

did not mean defending him alone but also the whole communist

movement, socialism, and in all, Marxism-Leninism itself. But today

things have changed greatly; the Khruschov revisionism, later turning

into social imperialism, has fallen completely with the dissolving

of the Soviet Union. In China, the Chinese Khruschovites have

usurped power through a counter-revolutionary coup and restored

capitalism after Com. Mao’s death. Today there isn’t even a single

socialist state in the world.

At this moment, the revolutionaries all over the world are free,

without any political pressure, to draw the essence of the experiences

of history, and a great responsibility bas been laid on their shoulder,

to fulfill which they must work hard, no doubt. In this context,

we must go into the depth of what has been mentioned in the very

beginning of the letter entitled “ The Question of Stalin” during the

Great Debate launched by the Communist Party of China led by

Mao against the Khruschov revisionism. It states, “The question of

Stalin is one of world-wide importance which has had repercussions

among all classes in every country and which is still a subject of much

discussion today, with different classes and their political parties and


groups taking different views. It is likely that no final verdict can

be reached on this question in the present century”. The century

as stated by the Communist Party of China led by Mao has ended

and twenty-first century has already started. We must focus our

attention on defending Stalin’s 70 percent positive contributions

and drawing lessons from his 30 percent errors. As elsewhere stated

in the same article, “It would be beneficial if the errors of Stalin,

which were only secondary, are taken as historical lessons so that...

the Communists might take warning and avoid repeating those

errors or commit fewer errors”. Another important point is that his

errors contain two aspects - the errors committed inevitably due

to lack of experience of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and the

errors caused by ideological mistakes. It was not possible to prevent

the former errors but the latter ones could be.

Listing the errors of Stalin, it is stated in the same article of Great

Debate, “In his way of thinking, Stalin departed from dialectical

materialism and fell into metaphysics and subjectivism on certain

questions and consequently he was sometimes divorced from reality

and from the masses. In struggles inside as well as outside the Party,

on certain occasions and on certain questions he confused two

types of contradictions, which are different in nature, contraction

between the enemy and us and contractions among the people, and

also confused the different methods needed in handling them. In

the work led by Stalin of suppressing the counter-revolution, many

counter- revolutionaries deserving punishment were duly punished,

but at the same time there were innocent people who were wrongly

convicted; and in 1937 and 1938 there occurred the error of

enlarging the scope of the suppression of counter- revolutionaries.

In the matter of Party and government organization, he did not fully

apply proletarian democratic centralism and, to some extent, violated


it. In handing relations with fraternal Parties and countries he made

some mistakes. He also gave some bad counsel in the international

communist movement. These mistakes caused some losses to the

Soviet Union and the international communist movement”.

In the background of experiences of the Great Proletarian Cultural

Revolution, Maoism and contemporary international communist

movement, what is evident today is the fact that although he was a

great Marxist-Leninist, Stalin’s ideological mistakes have substantially

influenced the world communist movement subjectively.

Categorically speaking, he had some weaknesses in his thinking of

understanding and dealing with fundamental principles of dialectics,

the unity and struggle of opposite. Taking the Communist Party as

a monolithic unity, instead of unity of opposites, led him to errors

in identifying the nature, relations and ways of dealing of two-line

struggle inside the Party. As a result, it was declared, on the ground

of rapid economic growth through elimination of private ownership,

collective farming and industrialization, that there was no hostile

class- contradiction in the Soviet society, which violated basic

principles of Marxism- Leninism. Such analysis made Stalin think

one-sidedly that threat to the Soviet society may occur from external

intervention and conspiracy only. The emphasis on possibility of

counter-revolution from external intervention and conspiracy,

instead of paying adequate attention on how new capitalism is

produced within the Communist Party itself in the Soviet society

and how to control them, violated at times Lenin’s basic postulates

on the relation between building of socialism in one country and the

development of world revolution, developed at the initial period of

the Comintern. Though there was no ill intention at all, the emphasis

on safeguarding the Soviet society from external threat virtually

undermined internationalism and exaggerated Russian nationalism,


which created a lot of confusions about understanding and advancing

the world revolution and functioning of the Comintern. It is to be

remembered that Lenin, while forming the Comintern, had stressed

the concept of world revolution and world Communist Party and

everything would be subsumed under it, but under the leadership

of Stalin, the world revolution was considered as a part of Soviet

society, instead of vice versa. This is what Mao has pointed out as

wrong advice of Stalin on the international communist movement.

Stalin took collective farming, industrialization and rapid

development of production and productive forces due to centralized

planning in the economic field as enough grounds for the guarantee

of the success of socialism and kept on stressing on it one-sidedly.

It undermined the importance of resolving differences prevailing

in the society and revolutionizing the production relations. This

helped in developing a new bourgeois class, which was represented

later by counter-revolutionary Khrushchovite clique from inside the

Party and thus established the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie by

overturning that of the proletariat.

Drawing lessons from the errors of Stalin due to historical limitations

and ideological weaknesses, Mao studied seriously the economic

policy and pointed out its positive and negative aspects to elevate

the Marxist-Leninist principles regarding the class-struggle in a

socialist society to a new height in order to prevent restoration of

capitalism and presented a new model of socialist economy that

required one to be red and expert and to walk with two legs, etc.

Collective ownership of production alone does not guarantee the

success of socialism because many kinds of differences such as

mental and physical labour, city & village, capitalist stage of the

production of commodities, etc., still exist in the society which

continue to provide material ground for growth of new capitalist


class. Therefore, Mao made it clear that characteristics of both

communism and capitalism exist in socialism and there remains

the danger of capitalist restoration. He aptly presented the scientific

truth that march towards communism is possible by regulating

capitalism through the process of continuous revolution after the

proletariat sizes the political state power.

On the basis of this principle he led the people to exercise the right

to rebel against the capitalist- roaders of the Party who advocated

the Khrushovite line, which claimed that it was good to be rich. He

drew a clear demarcation line between the Marxist revolutionaries

and revisionists with the principle of 3 Dos and Don’ts: ‘Practice

Marxism, not revisionism; Unite, do not split; Be open and above

board, do not conspire and intrigue’. With the slogan, “Bombard

the bourgeois headquarter,” he called upon the people to invade

the fort of the revisionists. During the Great Proletarian Cultural

Revolution, through the struggle against the renegades Liu Shao-chi,

Lin Piao, and Teng Hsiao-ping, he further developed the dialectical

method of achieving new unity on a new basis in the Party through

a process of unity-struggle-transformation and emphasized the need

to form Party committees according to the principle of 3 in 1 with

olds, adults and youths in order to transfuse new blood in the Party.

However, it was not possible to sweep away all the rightists who

had reached higher echelons in the Party and government, because

of several negative impacts of international communist movement,

historical limitation of class struggle and since it had been virtually

late in exposing them. But it has enhanced the importance of the

principle developed. Some people do not realize the complexity of

the Cultural Revolution period and blame Mao for a number of

compromises in the later period, which is completely wrong. He

had been promoting the rise of revolutionaries including Chiang


Ching, Chiang Chun- chiao as a revolutionary core in the Party.

He was in fact, leading the so-called Gang of Four and was the most

farsighted.

In this regard, an important question may be raised: why didn’t

he take any initiative for building a new Communist International,

though he had experience of waging historical struggle against

Khrushchovite revisionism and conducting the Great Proletarian

Cultural Revolution? In reply, several negative experiences of the

Comintern in the latest period might be put forward but that

simply can’t be the major factor. As a matter of fact, Mao had

been ideologically leading the international communist movement

by waging struggle against Khrushchovite revisionism and leading

the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, and by supporting,

co-operating with and disseminating the national liberation, New

Democratic and socialist revolutions all over the world. But objectively

there were some serious practical difficulties in giving them an

organized form. Among the visible ones were dogmatist revisionist,

centrist and chauvinist Communist Parties of Albania, Vietnam and

North Korea etc. who would reject the universal contributions of

Mao. And it was not possible to form the Communist International

by ignoring all of them at that time. But today the situation has

changed greatly. There is not even a single socialist state in the

world. Genuine revolutionaries have upheld Maoism as higher

stage of Marxism-Leninism. New wave of revolution appears in the

horizon. Now, Marxism- Leninism-Maoism is there as an ideological

foundation for the creation of a new Communist International. All

the communist revolutionaries need to march forward seriously to

give it an organized form through class and ideological struggle.

Today RIM has already emerged as an embryo of. Everybody has

to attempt to refine and develop it. Special attention must be paid


to conduct discussions and interactions with revolutionaries outside

the RIM and uniting them in the movement.

While doing so, the communist revolutionaries should seriously look

into the experiences of the Comintern and try to resolve the issues

of evaluation of 7th Congress of Comintern, Second World War

and dissolving of Comintern, suggestions given to the Communist

Parties of several countries to form government with anti-fascist

bourgeoisie and Lenin’s criticism of Millerandism, the position of

Communist Parties of Greece, Italy, France, Spain, India, China etc.

and Stalin’s role, etc. These questions lie in front of the international

communist movement as challenges. Maoism has already provided

the scientific basis for the answers to these questions. Therefore,

the communist revolutionaries of the world need to accelerate the

initiative to learn from the positive and negative experiences of the

past by applying Maoism.

Some Fundamental Characteristics of the International Situation

The analysis of basic characteristics of imperialism made by Lenin

just before the great Russian October Revolution is still correct.

Accordingly, the world is in the era of imperialism and proletarian

revolution even today. In today’s world, there are four kinds of basic

contradictions: the contradiction between bourgeois and proletariat,

the inter-imperialist contradiction for profit and plunder, the

contradiction between imperialism and oppressed countries and

people, and the contradiction between the capitalist system and

socialist system. Among them, the fourth is not in the surface now

but as per the past experience and for future guarantee, we must

take it into account continuously The socialist revolution comes

out of the first contradiction and that is its solution. The second

contradiction leads to world war for re-division of the world but is

not permanently resolved. As Mao has said, the proletariat should


attempt to prevent the world war as far as possible, but if unsuccessful,

they should work out the policy to turn the world war into world

revolution. The third contradiction leads to the national liberation

movements and the contradiction ends with its success.

Among them, the contradiction between imperialism and oppressed

countries and people is the principal world contradiction today

The Party should be clear about some important ideological and

political questions as regards to deciding about the principal world

contradiction, because a wrong trend to undermine and neglect the

historical significance of national liberation movement and label it

as a sectarian nationalism has been prevailing in the international

communist movement. Moreover, the Trotskyist and, chiefly,

Khruschovite revisionism has influenced it to a great extent. The first

thing to note here is that, in the course of development of the era of

imperialism and proletarian revolution while founding of Russian

socialism and forming the Comintern in order to advance the

world revolution and formulation of its strategies, Lenin had stated

that the proletarian revolution and national liberation movement

should fuse into each other and the fusion would be a historically

important task. Imperialism has been blocking socialist revolution

by creating an aristocratic class even within the working class with

a portion of their unaccountable profits extracted through merciless

exploitation and plunder of the masses of colonial and semi-colonial

countries of the world. Therefore, Lenin, paying due attention to the

importance of incorporating national liberation movement within

the proletarian movement, forwarded the slogan, “Workers and

oppressed people of the world, unite!” He concentrated maximum

attention on the national liberation movements of the oppressed

countries including India, China. On the basis of this analysis of

Lenin, Mao developed in the world proletarian movement a total


concept of the significance and the question of leadership of the

national liberation movement.

Imperialism has been maximizing the exploitation, oppression and

political suppression of the people of oppressed countries by using

their reactionary ruling classes. It has been reducing the people poorer

and poorer by making use of the economy of the oppressed countries

as its own integral part and drawing excessive profits through cheap

labour and raw materials. That is exactly what has made the situation

mature for New Democratic revolution in Asia, Africa and Latin

America. This is why Mao declared these regions as storm centres

of world revolution and asserted revolution as being the basic trend

of the world. He proclaimed the contradiction between imperialism

and oppressed nations as the principal contradiction of the world.

Grasping the historical truth that national liberation movement

had become the integral part of world proletarian movement, Mao

developed the strategic method of establishing proletarian leadership

over it. In spite of important changes in the form, Mao’s analysis

stands correct in essence even today. During the cold war, the

Russian social imperialism and U.S. imperialism spent huge amount

of money in arms for the expansion of their influence and eventually

turned into superpowers. They imposed various kinds of regional

wars on the oppressed countries and another world war appeared

very close. But the Russian social imperialism could not maintain its

old form due to the imperialist crisis and collapsed politically and

economically. Ironically, the western imperialism propagated this

collapse as the collapse of communism and celebrated joyously its

unipolar hegemony.

This event definitely enabled the US imperialism more opportunity

for direct plunder, exploitation and intervention in the “third world”

and the entire world. This accelerated the unhindered mobilization


of finance capital in the worldwide scale. This is what has been

hailed by imperialism as ‘globalization’. Through this ‘globalization’

imperialism has entrapped the whole economy of the oppressed

countries and has been dictating and pressurizing the reactionary

ruling classes of those countries to pursue the policy of liberalization

in order to speed up the flow of capital. Through the economic

giants like World Bank, IMF etc., imperialism has created the

environment to play the role of director and controller of economic

affairs of the oppressed countries. Mainly the U.S. imperialism grew

more and more encouraged to amass unlimited profits by combining

the unprecedented progress in science and technology, including

electronics, with the cheap labour of the third world.

After all, what has been the ultimate objective result of the imperialist

campaign of ‘unipolar world’, ‘globalization’ and ‘liberalization’ ?

The experience of the last ten years has already shown the truth.

This is intensifying the contradictions between different classes

and between rich and poor countries. Even according to the data

prepared by the imperialists (which is best manipulated to suit the

interests of the authority concerned) the rich countries with only

25 percent population of the world own 80 percent of the world’s

wealth, meanwhile 85 percent have only 15 percent of wealth in

their hands. Today 2.5 billion people are extremely poor, 1 billion

people are living their extremely miserable life below the absolute

poverty line. 80 million people of the third world are forced to leave

their country for their livelihood every year. More than 20 million

children are forced to labour. Class contradiction is intensifying

even in the imperialist countries. Even in the USA, the number one

bully of the world, more than 20 million people are suffering from

absolute poverty. Racial discrimination, inequality, unemployment,

homelessness, social insecurity, women’s oppression etc. are growing


day-by-day. They bring out the resentment of the people from time

to time, to suppress which the ruling classes are compelled to use

special military force and devise new strategy. In Western Europe,

unemployment has been institutionalized and people resort to street

struggles because of shortage and inflation. Suppression, terror and

religious and communal riots against people’s resentment, national

liberation movement and socialist movement developing everywhere

in the third world countries, have been the daily routine of the

imperialists and reactionaries.

The fact that their political cover bearing the signboard of

parliamentary democracy has been torn to pieces has been splendidly

brought about by the world events and the recently conducted

drama of U.S. presidential elections. If a country advocates even

a little of economic and political freedom, the imperialists take no

time in imposing economic sanction against them, resorting to

political pressure, and military intervention and genocide. Their

intervention in Iraq, Yugoslavia, Palestine, Mexico along with other

Asian, African and Latin American countries, verify this.

Imperialism has built a gigantic mechanism of military force and

strategy in order to maintain the new ‘ world order’. The U.S.

imperialism has developed military strategy ‘to keep up’ its global

economic plunder and hegemony. According to the data of their

defense budget, the U.S imperialism has allocated $262 billions in

the defense alone that is almost half of that of the world. When

the defense budgets of its alliance partners like NATO countries,

Japan, Israel, South Korea, also are included, it exceeds 80 percent

of the world. Today the USA has become the main center for arms

smuggling. The US imperialism, through its military - industrial

complex, has been successfully looting the world and fooling their

people by parting with a small portion of its loots. It has put on


alert a huge military force in the Gulf and Korean Peninsula to

fight against Iran, Iraq, Libya, Syria, North Korea and Cuba whose

total defense budget amounts to $15 billion only. As Lenin has

stated about imperialism, the USA has been giving priority to its

military force to continue its political and military hegemony over

its alliances, and is intensifying the activities with its global military

hegemony in the countries like India, China in order to capture

the huge reserve of cheap labour and raw materials. On top of this

its strategic alliance with the Indian expansionism has been rapidly

growing and dark clouds of massive plunder and genocide in South

Asia are looming larger. The opening of a FBI branch in Delhi is

its evidence. These facts show the importance of Mao’s concept of

three worlds in the immediate tactical sense.

However, the facts have also indicated that objectively the

imperialists, mainly the Yankee imperialism, have been getting fully

entangled in the contradictions with the oppressed countries and

people. Though there is no contention between the super-powers

at present, following the end of cold war, the so-called unipolar

dream is what can never come true as shown by open and disguised

clashes and conflicts of economic and political interests between the

USA, European community, Japan and Russia. With this crisis the

possibility of revolt by millions of masses has seen intensified day-

by-day.

We must pay our serious attention to the following specific situation,

though created by imperialism with an evil intention of grabbing the

profits in the present world. Firstly, it has guaranteed the acceleration

of People’s consciousness to move from the realm of necessity to

that of freedom by linking high technology with cheap labour of

the huge population of the masses. Secondly, with the process of

globalization to grab profits, the unprecedented development in the


field of information technology, mainly electronics, has narrowed

down the world just to a small rural unit. Therefore, it is very likely

that an event of any place will have a great positive or negative impact

on the whole world and vice versa. Thirdly, the worldwide system

of imperialism of producing and distributing the arms has been

indirectly playing the role for technical preparation for the People’s

War in a worldwide scale. Fourthly, the unlimited production and

globalization of the social production process has unwittingly built a

material ground in a rapid way for the communist principle of work

according to the capacity and distribution according to the need.

Fifthly, and mainly, imperialism has been preparing a revolutionary

objective situation for 80 percent people of the world by intensifying

the class struggle, principally the contradiction between imperialism

and oppressed countries and people to the maximum.

The objective situation of the internal contradictions of the

imperialists and unequal development and distribution as per the

inherent character of capitalism, will lead to the revolution in any

country in Asia, Africa and Latin America, and its international

importance is just evident. It magnificently justifies Mao’s analysis

that Asia, Africa and Latin America shall be the storm centres of

revolution. These characteristics clearly indicate that 21st century

shall be the century of People’s Wars, and the triumph of the world

socialist system. Apart from this, it also shows that there has been a

significant change in the prevailing concept of model of revolution

after the 1980s. Today a new fusion of the strategies of armed

insurrection into the protracted People’s War and that of protracted

People’s War into the armed insurrection has been imperative.

Without such a fusion, a genuine revolution is impossible in any

country of the world today.


The historical need of today is to advance the world revolution

through the means of People’s War in accordance with particular

characteristics of each country by developing genuine Communist

Parties on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to lead the

masses in different countries. This historical responsibility can’t be

borne until the universality of Mao’s contributions for the world

revolution is upheld and Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is established

as its ideological commander

The new situation has been preparing ideological and material

ground for the formation of a new Communist International to

advance the world revolution by learning lessons from the past

experiences. RIM (Revolutionary Internationalist Movement),

constituted on the principles of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to

co-ordinate revolutionary movements of various countries and to

advance the world revolution, is a significant step in this direction.

It has been developing through experiences of revolutionary

movements and ideological struggles of various countries. Serious

challenges are posed before the RIM for the development of a

new International, like developing an integrated understanding

through scientific synthesis of the world communist movement,

mainly, Comintern, second world war and Stalin’s role; struggling

against ultra- internationalist Trotskyist deviation that minimizes

the national liberation movement, on the one hand, and ultra-

nationalist deviation that undermines proletarian internationalism,

on the other; co-operating to develop the genuine Maoist Parties

in various countries; and uniting with all existing revolutionary

Parties through struggles, etc. Facing these challenges successfully,

all genuinely proletarian revolutionaries need to accelerate their

initiatives for the development of a new International. What is most

important is to correctly grasp the nature of contradiction between


imperialism and oppressed countries and people, and establishing

proletarian internationalism as the leader of national liberation

movements. A world revolution isolated from the struggle to

establish the worldwide significance of revolution developed in

any backward country of Asia, Africa and Latin America is just

impossible.

Finally, it is crystal clear from the analysis of the world situation

that the world order of the imperialists is the rotten, barbarian and

terrorizing system, which is but a curse for the whole mankind.

Material condition for the establishment of the great ideals of

communism with complete elimination of exploitation and

oppression of man by man has been growing more and more

mature and the political parties of the proletariat need to take

initiatives from new heights in order to courageously advance

the world revolution. Twenty-first century shall be the century

of world revolution. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism shall be its

ideological leader.

On the Situation in South Asia

South Asia, with 20 percent of the world’s population, has suffered

greatly from poverty, scarcity, illiteracy and unemployment due to

feudal and imperialist suppression. The people of this region have

been making for years a series of dedication and sacrifices in the

national liberation and democratic movements for their progress

and liberation. It should be comprehended that both the feudal and

imperialist suppression and the just straggle of the people against it

are reaching to a climax and are heading toward the decisive collision.

The more the revolutionary struggle of the people intensifies, the

more the reactionary ruling classes of Nepal, India, Sri Lanka,

Pakistan, Bangladesh kneel down before imperialism, increase the


exploitation and suppression of the people and heighten the state

terror. Ruling classes of each country of this region are facing severe

contradictions with the needs and aspirations of the masses. Armed

national liberation movements, democratic movements and People’s

War are shaking the whole region. Another positive aspect of this

region is the advancing Maoist revolutionary movement by posing

grave challenges to the reactionary classes and presenting a concrete

alternative for the masses.

The Indian monopoly capitalist ruling class, the true successor of

British imperialism, has been pursuing the expansionist policy of

pressure, intervention and sabotage against the national aspirations

of the people and neighboring countries. It has been endeavoring

to quell with guns and state terror the aspirations of the people of

Kashmir and North -Eastern states and New Democratic movements

in Andhra, Bihar, and intensifying pressure, sabotage and provocative

activities under the strategy of making Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh,

Sri Lanka as new a Sikkim. With an intention to isolate Pakistan after

the end of the Cold War and fulfill its desire for regional hegemony,

the Indian ruling classes have knelt down before US imperialism

and have opened the door for them for merciless exploitation of

the people of this region in the pretext of liberalization. The Indian

ruling class has been abetting the imperialist master plan to encircle

China and make it capitulate completely by taking India in its grip.

It has been making blatant interventions in the internal affairs of

neighboring countries in order to enthrone its agents and advance

the process of ‘Sikkimization’. It has been harboring plots to link the

People’s War in Nepal going on for five years with Pakistan, China

and smugglers and thereby misleading the Indian people.

It has been the characteristic of the Indian ruling class to conspire

to use the common aspirations of national democratic revolution


against the semi-feudal and semi-colonial condition, distinct

nature of geo-political position and economic, political, religious

and cultural relations established among the people since history,

to fulfill its regional hegemonistic aspirations. The Indian ruling

class and its aspirations have been working behind the similar policy

and nature of suppression and terrorist intrigues practiced by ruling

classes of all the countries of this region. This distinct condition

provides a unique nature to the need, possibility and importance

of unity in the just struggle of the people of all countries of this

region. Theoretically, the possibility of direct fusion of national

liberation movement and proletarian movement, as stated by Lenin,

can also be witnessed here. Due to the particularities of economic,

political, cultural and geographical condition and the unchallenged

hold of Indian monopoly capitalism, it will be very difficult for

any single country of this region to successfully complete the new

national democratic revolution and even if it succeeds following the

distinct contradictions, it will be almost impossible for it to survive.

The revolutionaries need to seriously concentrate on the fact that

a particular country or a particular territory of a country shall be

liberated through the force of common and joint struggle of the

people of this region following the unequal stage of development,

and that can play only a particular role of base-area for the revolution

in the whole region.

Right here, all the revolutionaries of the region should pay their

attention to Lenin’s effort to generalize the great Russian October

Revolution of 1917, founding of Soviet Union and their experiences.

It is clear that real liberation is impossible unless it becomes a

part of or serves the world revolution on the basis of proletarian

internationalism. This is the peculiarity of the era of imperialism and

proletarian revolution. The workers have no country and the slogan “


Workers of the world, unite” has been always making the proletarian

revolutionaries cautious about their international responsibility. The

challenge of applying the universal principles of Marxism-Leninism-

Maoism in the particularity of the national liberation and democratic

movements of this region under the guidance of the great idea and

aspiration of proletarian internationalism, remains formidable. The

unification of the struggles for right of nations to self-determination

and the proletarian movement alone can meet this challenge. To

grasp this properly, we should seriously ponder over the concept of

national democratic revolution put forward by Lenin after founding

the Soviet Union and in the initial period of Comintern, and the

concept of New Democratic revolution put forward by Mao.

When we think over this, because of the distinct condition of this

region it becomes clear that it is inevitable for the communist

revolutionaries to devise an integrated strategy against the Indian

ruling classes of monopoly bourgeoisie and their agents in various

countries. This inevitability has knocked the door of the necessity

of turning the region into a new Soviet federation of twenty- first

century. Therefore, the Maoist revolutionaries of various countries

of this region are required to debate from this height and to work

out a unified understanding, integrated strategy, organizational

structure of a distinct kind, and long-term and short-term plans of

struggle.

Apart from the economic, political, cultural and geographical

peculiarities, from the perspective of the growth of communist

movement the region-wide influence of Naxalbari movement led

by Charu Majumdar against modem revisionism, fraternal relations

and exchange of ideas and technical co-operation growing among

the Maoist revolutionaries, and common programmes at the people’s

level, etc., have been preparing concrete basis for the fulfillment


of this historical need. It is clear that the more the revolutionary

struggle develops, the more intensifies the counter-revolutionary

conspiracy, and therefore, there is need to develop integrated efforts

among the revolutionaries .

The process of applying the universal principles of Marxism-

Leninism-Maoism in the regional peculiarity will play an effective

role in waging struggle against the conspiracy of U.S. imperialism

in this region, mainly in India. Thus, the unified initiative of this

region as an integral part of world revolution will make important

contribution to the world revolution. Hence, the co-operation of

mainly the RIM and other revolutionary internationalist forces is

essential in order to advance this process in a natural and scientific

way. However, the important thing is the responsible initiative of

the revolutionaries of the region themselves. The road is difficult

and challenging, but the future is bright; the victory of proletarian

internationalism and that of the masses of the people is guaranteed.

On National Situation

General Review of History

Though formally considered sovereign, Nepal is, indeed undergoing

in a state of semi-colonialism for about 200 years. This state of

Nepal caused by the notorious Sugauli Treaty with the British

blocked the natural development from feudalism to capitalism.

The self-reliant economy with agriculture, trade, exchange etc.

began collapsing from the time when the foreign capital made its

intrusion into the Nepalese society. When some small industries

were established to meet the interest of foreign capital, Nepal

gradually transformed into a semi-feudal stage from feudal stage.

Thus, Nepal is still in semi-feudal and semi -colonial state.

It is necessary to understand this situation of present Nepal from


the historical background. Before the growth of centralized state,

Nepal was divided into many small kingdoms, principalities and

tribal republican states. At that time, the form of monarchy and

state was not as it is today. The fact that Manjushree and Ne-muni,

representing attempts from the north and south respectively to lay

the foundation for patriarchal society from matriarchal one, had

pursued the process of unanimous selection of the king prove that

by ‘king’ it was meant nothing other than a “tribal leader.” The

Nepalese society has undergone a long historical process of changing

the king according to the need, looking for, selecting, and punishing

and sentencing the king to death in case he committed crimes. This

helps to understand the very psychology of the Nepalese society.

Moreover, the fact that the process of inner-struggle, interaction

and fusion with the people coming from north and, mainly, from

south with high skill and technology of production system and war

skill have greatly influenced the progress and psychological set-up of

the Nepalese society, should be taken into account. The process has

contributed to struggles and compromises between several feudal

kings and tribal republics just before the emergence of the centralized

feudal state. With the growth of class-division in the society, some

relatively powerful feudal kings began identifying themselves as

incarnation of god. The king who was not more than a tribal hero

chosen by the people gradually established himself as the incarnation

of god. With the development of divine theory about king and state,

the theory of full right of king over land is found to be established.

In course of time, the previous status of the tribal hero has been

changed into feudal, then to ‘Great Feudal’ from ‘Feudal, to ‘King’

from ‘Great Feudal, to ‘Great King’ from ‘King’, to ‘Emperor’ from

‘Great King’, and to ‘Human God’ from ‘Emperor’. (Pushpa Lal

Shrestha, “The Origin of Monarchy in Nepal”)


The need of new production system as required by the general progress

of productive forces made tiny kingdoms, principalities and tribal

republics unnecessary .The objective necessity gave rise to a single

strongly centralized feudal state in course of time. The success of

feudal state-expansion of Prithivi Narayan Shah of Gorkha, though

a new and weak state at that time, is nothing but the consequence

of this objective need, and to undermine this fact would not be

historical materialism. It is notable here that the Nepalese process

of development of feudal autocratic monarchy tallies with Engel’s

research and analysis as described in his book “Origin of Family,

Private Property and State”.

Thus the monarchy bore a fully autocratic character with the

development of a centralized feudal state in Nepal. Economic,

political, administrative and all powers were centralized in the

palace. With this centralization a series of clashes, violence and

counter-violence started to occur among various feudal warlords

inside the palace for power and property. It developed big feudal

landlords families, on the one hand, and violent clashes for power

inside the palace, on the other. For example, the families like Pandey,

Thapa, Kunwar, etc. and their conflicts and clashes. Along with this,

lingual, religious, cultural, economic, political and all other rights

of the peoples were gradually snatched away. The state established

Hindu feudal ‘high’-caste chauvinism through the policy of reward

and punishment.

Another important point to note is that when the centralized feudal

state-expansion was going on in Nepal, expansion campaign of the

British bourgeois class was also going on to its climax in India. They

had been succeeding in founding their colonial empire by splitting

hundreds of feudal kingdoms and invading them. As such, it was

but natural that they would inevitably clash with each other at


last. The Nepalese campaign, which had been marching forward

by expanding itself to Tista River in the east, Kangra in the west,

and Lucknow and Gorakhpur in the south, had been posing a great

threat to British India. In such a situation, the British rulers declared

war against Nepal with their superiority in capital, technology and

military force. Fierce war broke out between the two sides. In several

fronts Nepal defeated the modem army of the British. In the wars,

the elders, women, and youths set historic records of dedication,

sacrifice and bravery for the country but ultimately, Nepal was

defeated and it signed a shameful Treaty.

One thing to be synthesized here is that supremacy of capital,

technology and military force alone was not what defeated Nepal.

The real and principal factor was the violation of people’s rights and

endless series of violent clashes among the feudal royal courtiers for

the power and luxury developed in the palace with the growth of

centralized feudal state. If, at least, Prthivi Narayan Shah’s tactics

of surprise, way of mobilizing the people and strategy of protracted

people’s war had been pursued, Nepal would not have to be

shamefully defeated. On the contrary, as per the king’s whim and

palatial conspiracy they attacked all the patriots including Bhimsen

Thapa who was relatively more patriot and envisaged a united front at

the Asian level against the British. At last, the Jang Bahadur Kunwar

dynasty, the puppet of British India, was victorious in the palace and

their autocratic rule lasted for 104 years in Nepal. This whole period

was the blackest one from the point of view of democratic rights.

Nevertheless, while discussing the history of Nepal, what should

not be forgotten is a strong sense of patriotism and resistance that

existed amongst the people and even in a section of the ruling class,

along with the war against British India and the shameful defeat.

Even today the strong feeling of national self-esteem against the


external intervention, mainly expansionist intervention of Indian

monopoly bourgeoisie, is linked with that sequence of history. This

patriotic current amongst the people should be specially taken into

consideration in connection with strategy and tactics of national

democratic revolution against feudalism and imperialism. In fact,

this historical inheritance has played an important role in the soft

attitude of several persons of the reactionary classes towards people’s

revolution against Indian expansionism and its agents.

The force of national integration had been weakened in the initial

stage by curbing economic and political rights and destroying the

language, religion, culture of people of various caste and community,

internally, and later by capitulating to the British India, externally.

When we talk about genuine national integration today, it directly

means in the present context, internally, nothing but restoration

of the rights usurped yesterday and externally, opposition to the

national capitulationism.

During the later period of Rana regime the world had entered the era

of imperialism and proletarian revolution. Mankind had witnessed

the grave consequences of First and Second world wars and powerful

undercurrents of national liberation movements and socialist

movement. In India, anti-British movement was marching toward the

climax. In this historical context, political activities grew up against

the Rana regime in Nepal, too. The bureaucratic and comprador

bourgeois class growing within the feudal state, while working

simultaneously as agents for the British imperialism, also began

demanding its ‘proper’ share m the state. Together with the historical

wave of national freedom and revolution, the Communist Party,

which truly represented the people, was also formed during this period.

One should understand the political struggle of 1950 in this context.

Actually in 1950, the desires of the king-compelled by the Ranas to


act as their puppet for 104 years-to be the real ruler, of the Indian

monopoly bourgeois class-which was an heir to the British-to have

for their own agents an ‘appropriate’ position in the state power

of Nepal for the hegemony of the comprador class, and of the

Nepalese people for the liberation from feudalism and imperialism,

had been expressed simultaneously against the Rana regime. When

the people’s struggle was likely to develop directly against feudal,

bureaucratic and comrprador bourgeois classes, the notorious Delhi

Compromise was signed as a conspiracy against the necessity of

history and sentiment of the people. In fact, the Delhi Compromise,

which was signed by the King, the Ranas and the (Nepali) Congress

under the direction of India, was in essence, a compromise between

feudal, and bureaucratic and comprador bourgeois classes for share

in the state-power in the interest of monopoly capitalism. That was

a serious deception and betrayal to genuine need and aspirations of

the people.

In order to understand the reason behind this compromise we must

theoretically go to the characteristics of the era of imperialism and

proletarian revolution. With the development of this era, the capitalist

class lost its progressive role whatever was left and turned totally

reactionary. Politically, its regression was expressed in compromising

even with medieval feudalism against the aspirations of the people

for bourgeois democratic revolution. Basically, there is no difference

in the nature of treaties signed by British India with the Rana regime

and new Indian rulers with the King, the Ranas and the Congress.

Today what the modem revisionism has been trying to confuse the

masses about is inherent in the dissemination of bourgeois form of

parliamentary ‘democracy’, separating the imperialist reactionary

essence from it. Today parliamentarism has been like a torn piece of

rags of the reactionary imperialists, and it has been the daily routine


of the revisionists to serve the feudal, bureaucratic and comprador

bourgeois class for the fascist oppression on the people, covering this

blatant historical truth with empty rhetoric.

The Party must be clear about the fact that feudal, and bureaucratic

and comprador bourgeois classes are not the same. Feudal and

landlord classes are very conservative and they advocate medieval

feudalism and the comprador bourgeoisie serves the interests

of imperialism. The bureaucratic capitalist class acts as a bridge

to combine these contrasting trends into a single thread. That is

why bureaucratic capitalism which emerged together with the

development of the era of proletarian revolution, is called the ‘hybrid’

produced by the unholy alliance of feudalism and imperialism. In

fact, the analysis of bureaucratic capitalism is the great contribution

of Maoism in the context of revolution in third world countries.

It should not be forgotten that today a feudal is a ‘landlord’, an

‘industrialist’, and can be even a high level bureaucrat of the state

at the same time. Similarly, a comprador or a bureaucratic capitalist

also may be all the three at the same time. But the partial difference

between the interests of a landlord and a comprador can’t be

eliminated completely. Therefore, the ‘struggle’ goes on between the

representatives of the same class for particular share in the state and

various imperialist and expansionist groups keep on intensifying it

for their own interests.

In Nepal, whatever changes have occurred in the system of

management of reactionary state-power from 1950 till now, they

are, in essence, only the changes in the shares of partnership of the

state-power between the feudal, bureaucratic and comprador classes.

Feudalism uses the label of ‘nationalism’ and imperialism that of

‘democracy’ in order to deceive the masses. The characteristics of the

era of imperialism and proletarian revolution and the experience of


Nepal have made it clear that imperialism and feudalism do not go

against each other. In this situation, it is important to understand

that the genuine communist policy is that which, strategically,

develops independent revolutionary struggle by freeing the masses

of the illusion of ‘nationalism’ spread by feudalism and that of

‘democracy’ spread by imperialism, and, tactically, concentrates

the struggle against the one which has seized the state-power and

has been directly exploiting and suppressing the people, whether

in the pretext of nationalism or democracy. In Nepal, this is what

has caused serious deviations in the communist movement. The

biggest plague of the Nepalese communist movement of talking

about utilizing the contradictions of enemies without strategically

developing independent revolutionary struggle or of declaring the

slogans of nationalism or democracy of enemies relatively progressive

and advocating it, has been creating grave problems for the success

of the revolution even today.

There is no difference between the revisionism of today which

endeavors to protect the country-selling fascism and corruption of

the Nepali Congress government against the country and people

in the pretext of the danger of revivalism, and the revisionism of

yesterday which would attempt to safeguard the corruption and

state-terror of the autocratic Panchayat regime on the pretext of

threat of Indian expansionism. The Party should understand the

importance of enlightening the people about it.

Only on the basis of this can it be scientifically understood the political

development of 1950 onwards. Incessant struggle for nationalism,

democracy and people’s livelihood has been the characteristic of

the people who have set lofty examples of dedication, devotion and

sacrifice in the peaceful and violent struggles for their progress and

liberation. But due to lack of correct political leadership (which could


lead this stream of the masses to the struggle to achieving class state

power), the feudalism and imperialism, mainly Indian expansionism

in our particular context, have been always successfully using or

rather misusing them for the benefit of feudal and comprador and

bureaucratic capitalist classes. The Nepalese people were exploited

from 1950 to 1960 in the name of ‘democracy’, though the masses

had been vigorously resisting against Delhi Agreement to the Gandak

Agreement, and against feudal land relations to corrupt bureaucrats.

Its height can be witnessed in the martyrdom of Chiniya Kaji to

Bhim Datta Pant, who led the armed struggle in western Nepal,

and peasants’ struggle in the Terai region to countrywide resistance

against the Gandak Agreement.

On the pretext of nationalism, a notorious coup was staged in 1960

by the feudals in order to utilize the great process of people’s resistance

for consolidating their own hold over the state power. The feudal

elements succeeded in imposing autocratic monarchical Panchayat

dictatorship on people in the cover of ‘nationalism’. Shortly the

cover was unmasked and people’s resistance advanced in various

ways and reached the movement of 1990, setting several records of

dedication, devotion and sacrifice. Feudalism and imperialism were

once again successful to betray the aspirations of the people and need

for total change, as they ended up with a compromise for sharing the

state-power between various groups of reactionary classes. The fact

that the 1990 compromise concluded in the palace was, in essence,

nothing but a repetition of the notorious 1950 Delhi Compromise

has been verified by the later events. Reactionaries have turned back

the clock of history and taken it to between 1950 and l960.

However, the people may be fooled for once, twice or thrice but

not for ever. Reactionaries attempt to resolve the problem by

pushing back the clock of history, but nobody has been able to do


so, nor will ever be. The reactionary elements may turn back for

their own interest for power, but can never turn the people back

from their experience and consciousness they have gained during

the struggle. Historical experience clearly shows that the people do

not trust anything other than the new revolutionary options. The

Nepalese people have gathered long experience of waging struggle

against the trend of imposing fascist rule by chanting hollow slogans

of ‘democracy’ and ‘nationalism’. The thunderous launching of

protracted People’s War under the leadership of Communist Party

of Nepal (Maoist) on 13 February 1996 against feudalism and

imperialism for founding a New Democratic system in Nepal was

virtually the centralized and synthesized manifestation of this new

awaking. The height it has gained during these 5 years stands on the

base of the experiences of long struggles of the masses. It is essential

to focus our attentions on the following historical conclusions:

A. The analysis of the reactionaries that the king and monarchy

are deep-rooted in the Nepalese society is not true. It has

been already mentioned elsewhere that before the emergence

of centralized feudal state, democratic system of tribal type

prevailed and had a great influence in Nepal, and the tradition of

electing, changing and sentencing the king to death, if required,

shows that by king it was meant nothing at all other than a

‘tribal hero or leader’ at that time. Therefore, the tradition of

the Nepalese society has not been monarchist but democratic

and autonomy-oriented. It was only after the emergence of

the centralized feudal state in a certain stage of development

of class division that attempts had been made to unnaturally

impose the king and monarchism through the practices of the

system of reward-and-punishment and divine theory.

B. The shameful defeat in the war with British-India and nature


of the treaty signed indicate the contradiction and alliance

of feudalism and imperialism. Though Nepal became semi-

colonial, the war played an important role in exposing the

national capitulationist character of feudal ruling classes and

developing patriotic and national feeling of modern sense

amongst the people. The contradiction of that time between the

Bhimsen Thapa trend that did not want to kneel down to the

British, and the king and Jang Bahadur trend that acted as their

stooges, can still be found among the Nepalese ruling classes

today. At a time when contradiction between imperialism and

oppressed countries is the principle one, it is of great importance

that the proletarian class correctly understands the historical

contradictions and deals with them for the cause of democratic

revolution.

C. The centralized feudal state has imposed Hindu feudal and

Brahmanist ethnic chauvinism on lingual, ethnic, religious,

cultural and traditional rights of people of various communities,

nationalities and religions of Nepal and thereby hindered the

natural development of genuine national unity and power.

Therefore, the New Democratic revolution needs to lay the

foundation of a consolidated national unity on the basis of

equality and freedom in accordance with the right of nations to

self-determination.

D. Following the denial of minimum political rights to information

and activities by the Rana regime for a long time, and very

delicate and fragile economic base of other classes, except the

feudal and bureaucratic and comprador classes, the class-base

and identity of political parties have not been very strong

and mature. This is what has caused the formation of and

disappearance of many political parties from 1950 onwards and


trend of making drastic changes even in the basic policies now

and then. Political difference between the Party of the proletariat

and the elements that represent the feudal and comprador

and bureaucratic capitalist classes is evident. Political fluidity

resulting from the fluidity of economic class base does not only

exist in a Party of the proletariat but also poses a great threat to

it. Therefore, the Party should always make efforts and struggle

to be flexible with due consideration to the fluidity of other

political groups and to protect itself from its influence.

E. The major subjective factor behind the failure in making due

political advancement even after the continuous struggle of

the Nepalese people since around 1950 and their dedication,

devotion and sacrifices displayed in them, is nothing but

the reformism and revisionism dominant in the Nepalese

communist movement. The main characteristic of the Nepalese

revisionism has been the deviation from the historical need

of leadership of the proletariat in the bourgeois democratic

revolution. It always harped on the policy of following various

groups of reactionary classes, instead of developing independent

revolutionary struggle for the workers and peasants under the

leadership of the proletariat with the question of seizing state

power in command. Eventually, the reactionaries have always

been successful to betray the people. After the launching of

People’s War led by Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist),

things have changed qualitatively.

On the Synthesis of the Nepalese Communist Movement

We have been incessantly discussing and making evaluations of the

development process of the Nepalese communist movement. Our

sole objective in doing so is to overcome revisionism by scientifically

synthesizing the history with Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the


new consciousness of class struggle and to guarantee the victory of

revolution by accelerating the process of revolutionary polarization.

For this we have been stressing on making ideological and political

line the basis for the evaluation, because we consider our starting

point the scientific conclusion that ideological and political line

determines everything. Because of new consciousness that goes

on synthesizing together with the growth of the revolutionary

movement and the need of acceleration of the movement, we need

to make such observations repeatedly.

We have regarded the founding of Communist Party of Nepal,

which was inspired by international and national contemporary

revolutionary movements, as an historical event of far-reaching

significance. Also, we consider the preliminary declaration, policy

and programme of the Party on democratic revolution against

feudalism and imperialism basically correct. But later, the Party

leadership deviated from its basic principles of its declaration,

policy and programmes. The main factor for this has been the

nonproletarian petty-bourgeois thinking of the leadership, as

stated by the Party. Emerging in the First Congress of the Party

in 1953 and getting well-organized and come into open in

1955, this petty-bourgeois reformism remained dominant in the

Nepalese communist movement for decades as tailism. Giving up

the necessity of developing independent revolutionary struggle

on the basis of the leadership of the proletariat and unity of the

workers and peasants in the bourgeois democratic revolution,

has been the main characteristic of the Nepalese revisionism. It

violated fundamental principles of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism on

proletarian leadership in the bourgeois democratic revolution and the

characteristics of the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution.

As a consequence, the Party changed into a device to make reforms


and fulfill the strategic objectives of various reactionary groups.

The impact of international communist movement, mainly that of

India, may be taken as another reason for this. It is notable that

Communist Party of India had decided, on the advice of Stalin,

to withdraw the historic Telangana armed struggle. A revisionist

thinking of regarding protracted People’s War as an ‘ultra-leftism’ had

developed among the leaders of the Party. Communist movement is

an international movement. So it is but natural that ups and downs in

the international movement influence the Communist Party of every

country. On top of it we should not forget the influence to be generated

by continuous relations between the communists of India and Nepal.

Thus, when the Party leadership was entrapped in tailism abandoning

the necessity of proletarian leadership in the democratic movement,

the Khruschovian revisionism emerged in Russia as modem

revisionism with parliamentary theory of peaceful transition in the

international communist movement. As expected, it had a serious

impact on the Communist Parties all over the world. This dreadful

international revisionism helped the revisionism developing in the

Party leadership in Nepal to grow more blatantly and rapidly. It is

then that the Rayamajhi trend emerged as naked capitulationism.

When the Communist Party of China led by Mao upheld the

banner of struggle against Khruschovian revisionism, debate on

ideological and political line began in Nepal, too. The international

communist movement was clearly seen divided into two camps:

the Khruschovian revisionist trend and Maoist revolutionary trend.

In the beginning, Com. Pushpa Lal Shrestha played an important

role for an organized and systematic dissemination of the Maoist

revolutionary political trend. (Please note that he had been opposing

the revisionism developed within Rayamajhi, Manmohan, etc.

right from the First Congress but he lacked strategic and tactical

clarity required to break off decisively with revisionism and


lead the revolutionary movement). Shortly thereafter, the Great

Proletarian Cultural Revolution against the bourgeois revisionists

was launched in China under the leadership of Mao shaking

the whole world. Naturally, the great revolution had its direct

influence in Nepal, too. It played an important role in generating

waves of zeal among the youths, students and revolutionaries.

Actually, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and Mao’s

struggles against Khruschovian revisionism had provided a solid

ground for reorganizing the Party in Nepal on the basis of a

revolutionary line. Right then, attempts for the same were made

from various angles. Among them, the attempts made by Pushpa

Lal through Gorakhpur Conference, by the Central Nucleus in

1970 and by young revolutionaries through Jhapa revolt, are the

most important ones. All these three attempts carried similar

basic principles in them, like accepting Marxism-Leninism and

Mao Thought as guiding principles, supporting Great Proletarian

Cultural Revolution and opposing Khrushchovian revisionism,

completing New Democratic revolution under the leadership of

the proletariat against feudalism and imperialism, necessity of

armed struggle to make the revolution a success, and, therefore,

that period of history particularly draws the attention of all

revolutionary communists today. The principal question we should

specially pay our attention to is: in spite of the great international

environment of Mao and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution

in China, and ideological similarities in all the three attempts

mentioned above, why could not there be a single united Party?

On the basis of our present experience and thinking, we firmly opine

that a single united Party could be formed at that time and should

have been. If it had been so, the condition of the Nepalese communist

movement and people’s revolution would certainly have been in a

higher stage. Hence, it becomes the duty of sincere communists


of the country to endeavor to seriously think over and study that

period of history, and link the disconnected chains. We, as a Party

that has been leading the great People’s War, are committed to make

the most responsible initiatives to discharge our duty. At the same

time, we appeal to all sincere and genuine communists scattered in

various groups to deeply ponder over the issue and create new waves

of polarization.

As far as the question relating to the main hurdle in the Party unity

at that time is concerned, we should look for it in the ideological and

political line and working style of the then leadership concerned.

Thus, despite lacking in experience and containing some element

of mechanicalism in thinking, the Co-ordination Centre emerged

together with the Jhapa revolt was much more correct and superior

to others in the ideological and political line, mainly in revolutionary

spirit. It had upheld the banner of revolt, in accordance with the spirit

of GPCR, against revisionism that was dominant in the Party since

1953. It had been striking at veiled revisionism, that is, revolutionary

in words but revisionist in practice. Therefore, the Jhapa revolt has

occupied a historical place of pride in the Nepalese communist

movement. The Jhapa revolt had, in essence, played the same role in

the Nepalese communist movement as what the Naxalite revolt had

done to expose revisionism in the Indian communist movement and

establish the universal contributions of Mao. Therefore, the Jhapa

revolt can’t be accused of splittism. In fact, it had provided a ground

for unity of the revolutionaries.

From the perspective of ideology, political line and commitment

to the goal, the efforts of Puspa Lal in reorganizing the Party also

had been positive. Indeed, the ideas and political line of Pushpa Lal

have helped, in totality, the revolutionaries, and not the revisionists.

Pulling him to the revisionist camp by the revisionists is nothing


but sheer dishonor to him. His works and contributions such as

the dissemination of Marxism, historical leading role in founding

the Communist Party, view on the proletarian leadership in the

bourgeois democratic revolution, devising preliminary manifesto,

policy and programme, emphasis on revolutionary peasants struggle,

continuous stand for republican system, view on protracted People’s

War, opposition to modem revisionism and support to universal

contributions of Mao, dedication for revolution throughout his life,

genuine effort to materialistically explain the history of Nepal, etc.

prove the fact that Pushpa Lal Shrestha was a sincere communist

leader of the Nepalese communist movement. Since the communist

revolutionaries have degraded him as a rightist, the revisionists could

dare to distort his contributions and thereby use them for their own

vested interests. Definitely, he suffered from some ideological and

some circumstantial weaknesses. Of them, a liberalist weakness in

practical implementation of political line, mechanical materialist

weakness in the analysis of class character of Nepali Congress, lack

of seriousness about total planning for the development of armed

struggle and people’s army are the major ones. But these mistakes

alone do not suffice to label him as a rightist in the relative context

of that time. In comparison to his total contributions, his errors

stand far below and, in all, in spite of some weaknesses, he was a

sincere communist leader. Therefore, the communist revolutionaries

of today should firmly struggle against the revisionism of various

forms, but with the same essence, which either uses his personality

for lowly parliamentary interests, or defaces him by declaring him as

an agent, renegade and rightist, and, must honor Com. Pushpa Lal

without any hesitation.

At that time, the Central Nucleus was ideologically in the most

ambiguous and disputable state. Firstly and most importantly, the


Nucleus was completely unclear about the Russian model of general

armed insurrection and the Chinese model of protracted People’s

War in regard to the New Democratic Revolution and armed

struggle and this represented eclecticism. Secondly, it declared the

New Democratic Revolution as the maximum programme and

presented the Government of Patriotic and Democratic Forces

as the minimum programme as regards to the principal political

line and, thereby, displayed a kind of neo-revisionism. Thirdly, at

that time, it assailed, theoretically, Pushpa Lal and Jhapa rebels,

and practically, Nepali Congress and thereby, helped autocratic

monarchy and the then Panchayat dictatorship. Fourthly, as regards

to the principal contradiction, it declared equal contradiction

of the Nepalese people with both domestic reaction and Indian

expansionism, and, thereby, indirectly, blunted the struggle against

the Panchayat autocracy. In totality, the thinking of Manmohan

and Mohan Bikram at that time would ideologically represent

eclecticism, neo-revisionism and pro-king line in the Nucleus. It

is to be remembered that Manmohan played main role in turning

the Party towards the revisionist and pro-king direction right from

the First Congress. Besides, Mohan Bikram also would advocate in

favour of the king. If they talked about Mao and armed struggle,

it was merely a cover to conceal their revisionism. But later,

Manmohan disliked even that cover, exhibited naked revisionism

and pro-king thinking and turned completely passive. But, Mohan

Bikram actively embellished this eclectic neo-revisionism with

revolutionary phrases and institutionalized it through the Fourth

Congress. It created an enormous ideological confusion in the

Nepalese communist movement for over a decade. The only positive

aspect of the Fourth Congress was the correct analysis of the class

character of Nepali Congress. But it should not be forgotten that in

doing so, the then leadership of the Fourth Congress was motivated


by the objective of opposing the revolutionaries and not by any

revolutionary objective. It is evident in Mohan Bikram’s policy and

conduct towards parliamentarism and Congress fascism today1.

The above mentioned state of ideological and political line and

working style make it clear that what struck at the possibility of

formation of a unified Party on the basis of revolutionary political

line developed by the influence of the GPCR in China was none

but the eclectic neo-revisionist line institutionalized by Manmohan,

Mohan Bikram and, principally, the Fourth Congress led by Mohan

Bikram. This is the most splittist line of the Nepalese communist

movement. The books such as “The Renegade Pushpa Lal” and

“Refutation of the Ultra-leftist Thoughts” written by Mohan

Bikram from the neo-revisionist angle were mere devices to hit at

the possibility of Party unity.

It is true that in the beginning, a large section of the sincere

revolutionaries ignorant of political line had been united under the

banner of Fourth Congress due to the so-called personality of Mohan

Bikram, revolutionary phrases and eclectic politics with double

meanings. Revolutionaries including immortal martyr Com. Azad

had made efforts to explain and apply it in their areas as per their

revolutionary objectives. But, without overcoming the eclectic neo-

revisionism existing in the basic ideological and political line, the

revolutionary spirit, intention and attempt to partially correct it alone

could not resolve the problems and they were not. As was inevitable,

the Mohan Bikram trend unleashed a series of splits inside the

Fourth Congress. Wherever this trend prevails, it is bound to recur.

When the internal struggle was intensified in Nepal after the end

of possibility of formation of a unified Communist Party on the

basis of correct line at a very crucial bend of history, Mao died

in China. Within one month thereafter, bourgeois revisionists


conspiratorially seized the state power in China . Naturally, it had

extremely negative impact all over the world and in the Nepalese

communist movement as well. It consequently led the leadership

of the then Marxist-Leninist group , which had been vacillating

after the severe setback of Indian Naxalite movement following

the death of Charu Majumder, to revisionism. But the Fourth

Congress opposed the counterrevolution in China and led the

Nepalese revolutionaries to rebel against revisionism. With this

historical event, on the one hand, the M-L group which emerged

from the Jhapa revolt and led the revolutionary trend in the

Nepalese communist movement for about one decade degenerated

into revisionism and gathering all new and old revisionists has now

turned into the gendarme of the state and system of the feudal

and comprador and bureaucratic capitalists, and, on the other, the

sincere and genuine revolutionaries of the Fourth Congress fighting

against and rebelling from old and new revisionism, devising correct

ideological and political line, and uniting all the revolutionaries,

have been leading the great People’s War in Nepal today. Moreover,

they are resolutely marching forward to rejoin the disconnected

chains of history with initiative for revolutionary polarization

and to make the New Democratic Revolution in Nepal a success.

At last, while synthesizing the Nepalese communist movement, it

can be said that it is marching forward by forging new unity on a new

basis in accordance with the dialectical principle of unity-struggle-

transformation, or thesis-antithesis-synthesis. The founding of the

Party, its preliminary manifesto, policy and programme was unity

or thesis. In the process of development, various trends, internal

conflicts, ups and downs, splits and factions was struggle or anti-

thesis in the Nepalese communist movement. The great People’s

War led by CPN (Maoist) going on for 5 years is a manifestation

of the transformation and synthesis or a new unity on a new basis.


The whole process of the Nepalese communist movement can also

be seen as a negation of negation. The initial correct policy of the

Party was negated by the revisionism and later the revisionism by

the correct revolutionary policy, and, eventually, the great process

of People’s War emerged. But it would be against the dialectical

principle of development to understand or take it as perfect and

final. The process of unity-struggle-transformation will continue.

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism has provided us with a key to handle

this dialectical process of development in favour of the proletariat

and lead mankind to the apex of communism.

Additional Points on the Party History and the Process of eological

Synthesis Today we are synthesizing our ideas in the background

of the experiences of 5 stormy years of the great People’s War.

After the death of Mao and counter-revolution in China thereafter,

the international communist movement had to face an extremely

strenuous and challenging situation. Consequently, revisionism

turned dominant all over the world.

Imperialism and revisionism intensified their assault on the universal

contributions of Mao in the science of proletarian revolution and

achievements of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. This

situation was like a situation of life and death struggle for the genuine

revolutionaries of the world. In this hard and complex situation, the

proletarian revolutionaries of the world including Nepal had been

upholding the banner of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and GPCR,

and conducting ideological struggle against world revisionism

including the Chinese one. This struggle led to the formation of

Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM). This inspired

the People’s War in Peru and armed struggles of people accelerated

under the leadership of communist revolutionaries in various

countries of the world. In this context, RIM Committee kept on


playing important role in synthesizing experiences of the world and

disseminating experiences of the parties through great ideological

struggles against centrist revisionism and rightist liquidationism of

various types in the international communist movement. Among

all of them, those of People’s War in Peru initiated by Communist

Party of Peru led by Com. Gonzalo had been the highest and most

important. Also, the document and articles written and prepared

by Revolutionary Communist Party, USA and its Chairman Bob

Avakian played an important role in lifting the debate to a new

height. At the same time, positive and negative experiences of

armed struggles in various countries including Turkey, India, the

Philippines, Bangladesh, Iran had been the agenda for direct debates

and interactions.

In spite of serious setbacks and losses in the developing international

communist movement by the capture of the leaders including

Com. Gonzalo in Peru by the enemies, and capitulationist rightist

opportunism emerged simultaneously with the conspiracy of the

enemies, the struggles waged by Communist Party of Peru, RIM

and revolutionaries of other countries of the world raised the

understanding of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to another new

height in the later period.

The international reality that the later two decades of our Party

history have been closely linked with the international communist

movement, which had played a significant role in the preparation

of the great People’s War, its launching and development, shows

the importance of our ideological synthesis. This makes it clear that

we are not only synthesizing application of Marxism-Leninism-

Maoism in the particular context of Nepal but also the international

communist movement to some extent. This process of synthesis

grows much more serious and responsible particularly when the


international importance of the People’s War initiated after drawing

lessons, mainly from Peru after the great setback to the People’s War

there, is naturally evident.

A. Struggle Against Neo-Revisionism of the Fourth and Fifth Congress and Party Unity

It has been already mentioned above about the first three decades

of the Party in reference to the Nepalese communist movement.

We, therefore, concentrate on the struggle against eclectic neo-

revisionism of the Fourth Congress and growth of ideological and

political line. Please remember that at the end of the analysis of the

line of Fourth Congress, it is stated, “It is true that in the beginning,

a large section of the sincere revolutionaries ignorant of political

line had been united under the banner of Fourth Congress due to

so-called personality of Mohan Bikram, revolutionary phrases and

eclectic politics with double meanings”.

Revolutionaries including immortal martyr Com. Azad had made

efforts to explain, and apply it in their areas as per their revolutionary

objectives. But without overcoming the eclectic neo-revisionism

existing in basic ideological and political line, the revolutionary

spirit, intention and attempt to partially correct it alone could not

resolve the problems and they were not resolved. Another aspect to

pay attention to is that the rightist reformists had also been united, as

is natural, inside the Party as a result of the eclectic neo-revisionism

of the Fourth Congress. When the revolutionaries started explaining

the line in a revolutionary manner, the rightists, as an inevitable

reaction to it, put forward reformist explanation of it as suited

to their interests. Mohan Bikram Singh, the chieftain of Fourth

Congress line, came forward to stand against the reformist line

sincerely led by Nirmal Lama and co. by displaying some mysterious


revolutionary hypocrisy like the ‘Tiger cave’ (i.e. a guerrilla training

camp-tr.) and intensifying his eclectic neo-revisionism with a design

to salvage his sagging ‘image’. It seemed there existed three trends,

though there were only two in essence. It was not possible for the

sincere revolutionaries to fight firmly on the basis of ideological and

political line against Mohan Bikram’s neo-revisionism. As a result

there was no solid ground for unity of the revolutionaries. In this

situation, the Fifth Congress was convened.

During the Fifth Congress, several sincere and genuine revolutionaries

were also illusioned and divided, though they were in the majority,

in the Central Committee and in the house. Because the discussions

were focused only on issues like ‘hiding the mistakes’, and ‘sexual

scandal’, instead of ideological and political line, and Mohan

Bikram presented himself as the principal planner and author

of the documents that disguised neo-revisionism as theoretical

struggle against centrism. The expulsion of Mohan Bikram from

the Congress hall on the charge of indiscipline in sexual conduct,

for which any action against him could have been taken whenever

required, before or after the Congress, undermined the ideological

and political status of the Congress, on the one hand, and, on

the other, helped him to draw attention and sympathy of several

sincere revolutionaries. Since there was no struggle on ideological

and political basis, clear and firm view could not be formed even

inside the Party. Eventually, the leadership of the majority was

constituted as proposed by the minority. Because of serious

weakness of the majority group and the Congress, Mohan Birkram

was successful in confusing several sincere revolutionaries, and

preparing a separate group, and to split the Party within one year.

It is to be noted that in the Congress, present General Secretary of the

Party, Com. Prachanda, had, on behalf of the majority side, vigorously


assailed Mohan Bikram declaring, for the first time, that the question

of his sexual conduct is minor but major question is serious deviation

in his outlook and political line. Com. Prachanda had prepared

a document enlisting Mohan Bikram’s ideological and political

deviations, which of course, was not likely to be adopted officially.

But that note was handed over to the then elected General Secretary

Com. Kiran. Afterwards, young revolutionary comrades including

Com. Badal had made attempts to advance the discussions based

on ideology. The fierce attack on Mohan Bikram’s ideological and

political line, however, could not unite all sincere revolutionaries

because it was not well-organized and developed to the level

of a correct line, but the discussions created a new wave and

indicated future possibility of formation of revolutionary

thought against eclectic neo-revisionism of Mohan Bikram.

Though ideological and political line was the same, the Party

split after one year as stated above. As a matter of fact, the split

played an important role negatively in the ideological development.

A period of four years thereafter, in which Com. Prachanda had

discussions, interactions, joint works, studies and organizational

activities with other young revolutionary comrades including Com.

Kiran and Com. Badal, was extremely fruitful for the ideological

development of Com. Prachanda. He played an active and

leading role in laying the foundation for ideological and political

development of far-reaching importance by grasping and expressing

the guiding principles as Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, changing the

reformist view on political power, determining the basic nature of

protracted People’s War and organization and struggle, linking the

reactionary election with the need of the People’s War, emphasizing

all activities of organization and struggle with the preparation of

People’s War in command, changing the eclectic view on principal


contradiction, defining rural class-struggle and four preparations

and engaging in the preparation of armed guerrilla warfare, stressing

on the Party unity and new polarization declaring that the splits

in the past were not on the ground of ideology and politics, etc.

It is to be noted here that the progress in the ideological and political

line expresses its complete splitting away from the original line of the

Fifth Congress and both Mashals formed after the split. This new

line, in fact, expresses the synthesis of the experiences basically of

the whole Nepalese communist movement, not only of a particular

group, and to some extent, of the international communist

movement. Indeed, Com. Prachanda was selected for the post

of General Secretary of Mashal for his active and leading role in

developing a new line2. In the context of evolution of this line, there

was a long and fierce struggle against rightist opportunism in the

Mashal. As the ideological and political line determines everything,

the new line led the leadership to the realization that it was essential

to unite all communist revolutionaries on a new basis, to further

improve it and establish it among the people. This consciousness

inspired one to realize the fact that the People’s War in Nepal could

not advance under the leadership of a particular group alone split

on non-political basis in the past. Consequently, in a propitious

environment created after the historic people’s movement in 1990,

a concrete and conscious initiative for Party unity was advanced

under the leadership of Com. Prachanda. Ultimately, Party unity

took place with its own originality, particularity and complexity3. In

the Unity Congress, the line led by Com. Prachanda was extensively

refined and established by conscious efforts of all unified communist

revolutionaries. It boldly overcame the liquidationism that had

entered into the unity process with a rightist reformist objective.

After the split, as stated above, the Mashal led by Mohan Bikram did


not attempt to transform and develop the ideological and political

line, it rather took a more rightist form. Measures like conspiracy,

suppression, disciplinary actions etc. began to be used against the

sincere revolutionaries who emphasized on advancing the Party

towards the revolutionary direction. Nevertheless, revolutionary

struggle against rightist neo-revisionism of the leadership continued

further. But, as was natural, it was impossible to defeat the revisionism

of the Nepalese communist movement, which had seized the main

leadership from inside, and to lead the whole group towards the

revolutionary direction, and it didn’t happen either. Eventually, as

expected, the process of revolt by the revolutionaries against rightist

neo-revisionism of Mohan Bikram followed after some time. In this

regard, the very first revolt was by Dynamic Youth League under the

leadership of Com. Anukul and others. This faction joined itself in

the process of refining the line developing within the Mashal.

The second great revolt took place under the leadership of Com.

Sheetal Kumar and Com. Jeetbir etc. and a new Communist

Party of Nepal (Mashal) was formed. After the historic

people’s movement in 1990, it joined the unity process and

participated in refining and establishing the line led by Com.

Prachanda, and in defeating the rightist liquidationism. We

will discuss later about another significant revolt in the group

led by Mohan Bikram, and Party unity with the rebel Mashal.

The fact that the former Fourth Congress and Proletarian Workers’

Organization had also joined the historical unity process is well

known. In this context, what is important is that the revolutionaries

associated with former Proletarian Workers Organization rebelled

again from the Unity Centre formed by the rightist liquidationist

after their expulsion from the Party, and they joined the Party unity

again and are actively working for the cause of great People’s War.


B. Struggle Against Rightist Liquidationism and Evolution of StrategyandTacticsoftheNepalesePeople’sWar.

After the adoption of revolutionary political line by the Unity Congress

following the collective efforts of all communist revolutionaries, the

reformist and liquidationist group led by Nirmal Lama, Rup Lal etc.

began laying hurdles on the way when the line was to be applied into

practice. It was crystal clear that the line could not be implemented

unless a decisive struggle was launched against the reformist and

liquidationist trend that wanted to turn the limited use of the

first parliamentary election held in a particular situation, after the

historical people’s movement in 1990, into parliamentarism. This

liquidationist clique was maintaining unholy alliance with some evil

elements outside the Party and making the application of Party line

impossible by its immoral activities such as exposing all secrets of the

Party, indulging in open groupism and conspiracy. After strenuous

struggle for three years after the Congress, the Party succeeded in

expelling the liquidationists and reformists from the Party under the

leadership of Com. Prachanda. Behind this success, the important

role of resistant rural class struggle developing in the Western region,

mainly in Rolpa, Rukum, should not be forgotten. The new triumph

in the parliamentary and non-parliamentary political struggle,

externally, and hard and challenging two-line struggle, internally,

remarkably developed the ideological and political maturity of the

whole party and Com. Prachanda. Thus the expulsion of rightist

liquidationists through the First National Conference opened the

practical door for the implementation of Party line. The National

Conference of the Party qualitatively increased the zeal of whole

Party and determination to implement the revolutionary Party line.

The Conference directed the Party to prepare for People’s War and

focus on its initiation. All these express the historical significance of


the First National Conference.

Shortly afterwards, an Extended Meeting of the Central Committee

was held which took an important decision to boycott the

parliamentary election and conduct primary resistance struggle.

The significance of this Extended Meeting lies in the fact that it

practically took out the Party mechanism from the parliamentary

swamp, which had been heavily polluted by parliamentarism for

four years. It is to be noted that Com. Prachanda had to work very

hard to take the Party to this stage. The role RIM committee played

in this regard is also very important. Ultimately, as per the decision,

the boycott movement turned successful with completely new

experiences of new types of resistance struggle. The success built a

concrete ground for preparation and initiation of the People’s War.

Because of its securing the highest number of seats in the so-called

parliamentary election, the extremely revisionist UML clique was

enthroned as the gatekeeper of the reactionary state. It had been

intensifying the steps of leading the whole Nepalese communist

movement to a reactionary path. This would also express, on the

one hand, the attraction of the Nepalese people to the communist

movement and, on the other, the danger of liquidation of the same.

At this very crucial juncture of the movement, the Third Extended

Meeting of the Central Committee was held, which turned out

historical and far-reaching.

The Extended Meeting and its decisions was a milestone of

historical importance, as Politburo Member Com. Jeetbir has put it

while summing it up, in the whole Nepalese communist movement

in general and in our Party history in particular. The meeting

presented a Maoist synthesis of the experiences of Nepalese history,

communist movement and armed struggle for the first time. The


historic meeting enlisted the class-analysis of Nepalese society and

its characteristics, and then on their basis devised plan for final

preparation and scientific outline of strategy, tactics, stages and sub-

stages of the Nepalese People’s War. Today the synthesis and outline

has been proved correct even by the five years of experiences of the

great People’s War and in fact represents the higher understanding

of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism developed in the whole Party and

mainly Com. Prachanda.

The meeting dropped the term ‘Unity Centre’ from the name of

the Party as it smacked of compromise and groupism and named

the Party, “Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)” in its place.

The change in the name was not a simple technical change but it

expresses, in essence, the revolutionary idea, ideological uniformity

built on the basis of development of Prachanda’s leadership and the

end of factionalism. The change manifests the historical declaration

of the Party to make GPCR against revisionism and universal

contributions of Mao the starting point of its task. It objectively and

finally expresses the new unity on new basis established in the Party.

The importance of comprehending it correctly is equally valid today

as before for the revolutionary polarisation.

After the great and historic Third Extended Meeting of the Central

Committee, the whole Party and all organizations under it involved

with full zeal and confidence for the last preparation. Inside the

Party, several training camps for the cadres were held under all

bureaus with the direct participation of the General Secretary. It

played an important role in comprehending uniformly the essence

of decisions taken by the Third Extended Meeting and in making

a firm resolution to score victory over death for the great People’s

War. The then United People’s Front led by Politburo Member

Com. Jeetbir played a historic role in spreading the essence of the


decisions of the Party and message of the final preparations to the

general masses outside the Party. Through the mass-meetings held

countrywide, appeal was made to hundreds of thousands of masses

to rise in rebellion. Moreover, Com. Prachanda, in his capacity

of in-charge of the Central Military Commission, directly led in

various technical and military trainings of primary level and the

arrangement of minimum war logistics.

After the internal and external preparations were completed, in the

last meeting of the Party Central Committee before the initiation

of the People’s War, Com. Prachanda presented a historic plan

for the initiation and the commitment of the Party. After serious

discussions, the Central Committee adopted the plan. However, it

should be noted that the Central Committee could not fully succeed

to reach the height of centralization acknowledging the role and

importance of leadership as required by the initiation of People’s

War. Instead, the discussions on it led to some doubts and coldness

among responsible comrades at the Centre. But as the leadership

was fully conscious about preventing any mistake or weakness to

occur in the commitment to the plan for initiation, it could not

create any problem.

Lastly, all the leaders and cadres of the Party left for their working

field with resolute determination to shed their blood and fight until

the victory of the people is achieved and great beacon of communism

is reached. At last, the historical day of February 13, 1996 arrived

when the revolt was thunderously launched in a cautious and

planned manner as directed by the revolutionary principles of

invincible Marxism-Leninism-Maoism under the leadership of the

political vanguard of the proletariat in accordance with the distinct

condition of the country. The sentiments of the people suppressed

for thousands of years were superbly manifested through the revolt


that represented a new war in the history of New Democratic

revolution against feudalism and imperialism.

C.StruggleofthePartyaftertheInitiationofPeople’sWar

After having entered into the armed struggle from the peaceful one,

with a great leap, old contradictions ended and new ones emerged

which is but a dialectical principle. The initiation of great People’s

War struck the old state of the reactionaries and ‘heaven’ of their

benefactors with a powerful earthquake and posed a grave threat

to them. It rang a danger bell to the parliamentarian dream of old

and new revisionists. It created new waves of new curiosity and

attraction among the masses. But the enemies tried to nip in the

bud the great initiative of the masses and turned extremely fascist

by unleashing a reign of terror, massive arrests, suppression, raping,

torture, and genocide. The revolutionary fighters and masses set

new records of dedication, devotion, bravery and sacrifices in their

resistance. Unmasking the reactionary and revisionist hypocrisies,

the Party focused its attention on synthesizing the new situation and

devising new plans.

Even before the completion of one month, political and military goals

as specified by the First Plan were achieved. Then-after Politburo of

the Party adopted the Second Plan for People’s War presented by

General Secretary Com. Prachanda with serious evaluation of the

situation. The full meeting of the Central Committee extensively

explained the plan with some serious ideological synthesis as

complementary plan to it. With its ingenuity and grandeur, the

People’s War entered the Second year.

At the very beginning of the Second year, some highly responsible

comrades of the centre suffered from serious anarchist deviations.

The anarchism, which appeared in a very sensitive period, shocked


the whole Party. The deviation of the responsible comrades, who had

been very intimate and co-operative for the Party and movement for

two decades and played a significant role in the ideology-building

after the Party unity, damaged the natural growth of psychology of •

General Secretary himself. This unexpected central accident caused

on several occasions doubts more than necessary. In this context,

broad interactions of General Secretary with Com. Jeetbir helped in

resolving the problem. But as the whole Party was united under the

leadership of General Secretary Com. Prachanda, and the deviated

comrades had expressed their commitments to stay disciplined after

serious repentance and self-criticism, the problems were resolved in

a relatively easy way. No doubt, this event incurred a great loss to

the Party but though negatively, played an important role in the

growth of dialectical method of comprehending the inner-struggle

of the Party and dealing with it.

It helped in the development of revolutionary alertness, carefulness,

and sharpness in the whole Party. The fact that the comrades

concerned have been holding central responsibilities and working

sincerely with full zeal and self-confidence and playing significant

role in the development of the revolution displays the spirit of the

comrades concerned on the one hand and Maoist view of the whole

party and leadership on the other.

In the middle of the second year of People’s War a meeting of Party

Central Committee was held which reviewed the Second Plan and

worked out the Third. In one year of implementation of Third

Plan, political and military efficiency of the People’s War grew up

and expanded. This growth and expansion indicated a need of a

qualitative leap in the plans. At the end of this plan, the government

launched an extremely fascist and genocidal ‘Kilo-Sera-2 operation’.

Series of killings all over the country followed. Thus, the Party was


compelled to think qualitatively for both positive and negative

needs. Taking into account the seriousness of the situation, Fourth

Extended Meeting of the Party was organized on the other.

The cent percent presence of the comrade’s concerned crossing over

the fascist campaign of the enemy called ‘Kilo Sera-2’ proved the

efficiency to break the circle of the enemy. The historic nature of the

Fourth Extended Meeting lies, mainly, in developing concepts and

conditions of the growth of base area in Nepal, making Party alert

about probable reformism in the army, creating qualitativeness in the

concept of formation of people’s army, theorizing the distinct needs

of political and military intervention on local and central level in

the particularity of Nepal, and laying emphasis on the centralization

and establishment of leadership as required by the development of

People’s War etc. Also, the process of resisting against the enemy

with countrywide shock program was initiated since the Fourth

Extended Meeting.

The resolution of the Fourth Extended Meeting synthesized in the

slogan “March Forward to the Direction of Building Base area”

provided far-reaching directives for progress of total People’s war.

The decision on the centralization of the leadership is, in essence,

indivisibly associated with the great objectives of building base

area. Those decisions of Fourth Extended Meeting, which have

been proved essentially correct, indicate Marxist-Leninist-Maoist

ideology being synthesized in the Party. However, one major thing

to note here is though the Fourth Extended Meeting unanimously

adopted the resolution on centralization and establishment of the

leadership, there was no uniformity in its comprehension. Trends

to take it as a victory or defeat appeared in the Party. Some public

expressions of some responsible Comrades made the situation more

serious. Distrust and doubts started growing in the very sensitive


level of leadership in the Party. As is natural, the reactionaries

and revisionists outside the Party intensified their conspiracy and

propaganda to worsen the situation. Opportunist trends of various

kinds started activating within the Party.

Former group mentality raised its head slowly. In order to overcome

such a negative situation that lasted for about one year, and resolve

the problem through open and clear discussions, a meeting of the

Central Committee was held. Extremely serious, high and open

discussions turned the negative situation into positive one and

touching another height of dialectics it not only drew general

solution to the problem but also founded new unity on a new basis

through the process of unity-struggle-transformation. It was really

a hard blow at the face of the opportunist trend inside the Party

that did not want unity and reactionary and revisionist elements

who were dreaming of our split. The new unity founded on a new

ground through open discussions generated the self-confidence of

the leadership on the efficiency of using dialectics in the Central

Committee and the whole Party. In fact, the solution to such serious

problem reflects the height of the ideology developed in the Party.

The founding of new unity on a new basis laid a concrete ideological

and organizational ground for conducting “Rectification Campaign”

as directed by the Fourth Extended Meeting of the Central

Committee. The same meeting worked out the Fifth Plan for the

PW. The Fifth Plan period which had succeeded in lifting the whole

People’s War to a new height of development occupies an important

place in our Party history for the following reasons-

1. In the very beginning of this plan implementation, alternative

Politburo Member Com. Suresh Wagle (Basu) was martyred in

Gorkha. His great martyrdom set up new and high records of


sacrifice in the People’s War and intensified the resentment of

the masses against the enemies all over the country. It further

established the revolutionary image of the Party among the

people.

2. In the middle of the Fifth Plan “Rectification Campaign” was

conducted by the Central Committee, which strengthened

ideological and emotional unity of the Party. The campaign,

which was conducted to the lowest level, developed substantially

the ideological level and efficiency of the Party to fight against

the opportunism.

3. During this plan period, qualitatively high-level military

successes were achieved in all regions in general and the Western

region in particular. The successes achieved in the military field

and political interventions at the central level on issues including

negotiation opened the doors of new possibilities for the People’s

War.

4. At the final stage of this period, all mysteries and characteristics

of the Alok trend appearing as ‘left’ liquidationism were exposed

through strenuous and incessant efforts of Com. Prachanda and

others. Indeed, the exposure and synthesis of the Alok trend is

a great success of “Rectification Campaign” which negatively

educated, enlightened and warned the whole Party and masses.

In essence, this is yet another triumph of the proletarian line led

by Com. Prachanda.

A need of ideological synthesis of the experiences of class-struggle

and two-line struggle, together with the basic successes obtained

during the period of Fifth Plan arose. In order to meet this need, the

Central Committee decided to conduct discussion on ideological

synthesis in the Party, international communist movement and, to


a certain extent, in the masses also. A transitional plan was adopted

for a period of discussions conducted with a view to taking final

decision in the National Conference. During the implementation

of Sixth Transitional Plan, the overall situation of the country was

reviewed and a decision was taken to attack a district headquarter

in the meeting of Western Regional Bureau under the direction of

Com. Prachanda. Besides, concrete programmes for military actions

and mass-mobilization were formulated as the extension of the Sixth

Plan.

In this regard, the successful military raid on Dunai, headquarter of

Dolpa district, raised new questions in the total political scenario

of the country. This military action represents high-level military

action of universal significance among the successes gained under

the leadership of the Maoist revolutionaries after the restoration of

capitalism in China. Together with the success, the mass attraction

to the Party increased qualitatively. Contradictions and crises in

the camps of the enemies accelerated. Right then the new policy

on negotiation and united front put forward by the Party Centre

played an important role in dividing the enemies politically. The

so-called consensus of the enemies against the People’s War was

shattered by the military and political success mentioned above and,

as a matter of fact, the consensus turned (in the immediate sense)

against the fascist Girija government. The reactionary government

was ultimately compelled to stage a drama of negotiation.

The situation developed as expected by the Party centre. The

possibility of holding national programmes of the Party, army and

front in a grand manner in the political environment of negotiation

drew closer. But capitulationist cowardice of Com. Dinesh Sharma,

who was over-highlighted by the Party, had an extremely negative

impact on the total situation, which was developing in a conscious


and planned way. The Dinesh episode unmasked the governmental

conspiracy and his capitulationist thinking. Therefore, the Party

decided to expose the governmental conspiracy and expel Dinesh

Sharma from the Party. The decision indeed ended the confusion,

doubt and frustration emerged in the Party, revolutionary fighters

and masses, and generated new self-confidence. The decision to

expel Dinesh from the Party and publicly expose his capitulationist

cowardice is the manifestation of yet another success of the proletarian

line led by Com. Prachanda.

Though the Dinesh case disrupted the possibility of holding

certain programmes in a certain way by creating a certain political

environment, the party decisions taken in this regard and

countrywide military actions continued. In this context, the historic

success of nationwide general strike called by students’ fronts, and

countrywide mass meetings in third week of December last are of

great importance. Thus by the end of implementation of the

Sixth Transitional Plan, ideological development and maturity of

the Party have been further elevated, the synthesis of which should

be done from the same height.

D. Party Unity Between Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and Communist Party of Nepal (Mashal) and its Significance

On December 26, 2000 or l0th anniversary of Mao Tse-tung, the

profounder of Maoism, Party unity was held between Communist

Party of Nepal (Maoist) and Communist Party of Nepal (Mashal) led

by Com. Dinanath Sharma on the ground of similar ideological and

political lines. The example of revolutionary political polarization

set by Communist Party of Nepal (Mashal) forwarded under the

leadership of Com. Dinanath Sharma, a veteran, experienced and

renowned personality in the Nepalese communist movement, after


having rebelled against Mohan Bikram group’s revisionism, has,

no doubts far-reaching significance. The courage as displayed by

CPN (Mashal) with full sense of responsibility of the historical

need for revolutionary political polarization standing loyal to the

revolutionary principles of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, at a time

when all the reactionary and new and old revisionist elements

have been intensifying their attacks on the People’s War from all

corners, shall remain unforgettable in the history of the Nepalese

revolution.

There can be no doubt that the Party unity held during the fierce

fighting of great People’s War will play a leading role in the process

of new revolutionary polarization in the Nepalese communist

movement. This unity had been entirely different from the ones

in the past in which group-oriented unity and bargaining would

be dominant. It has been a real unity of the revolutionaries from

all perspectives such as ideology, political line, and spirit. The

unity guided by high, scientific understanding that great People’s

War and the ideology upheld by its leadership are the assets of not

only a single particular group but are collective assets of the whole

international proletariat, all true and genuine revolutionaries and the

masses, expresses the first and important success gained in meeting

the objectives of ideological synthesis to link the disconnected series

of the history.

In essence, the unity has been a hard blow against reaction and

revisionism and has generated additional self-confidence and zeal

for the revolutionaries. Upholding the ideas and sentiments as

expressed in the unity process, we have to accelerate our efforts and

initiatives in order to unify the revolutionaries still caught in the

illusions of various revisionist leadership and, thereby, create new

waves of polarization, and link all disconnected chains of the history.


Without a collective effort of the revolutionaries and revolutionary

masses, no great revolution of history has been successful, nor shall

be. Great need of the revolution demands from the true and genuine

revolutionaries to be free of personal and factional conceit, and to

unite all revolutionaries and masses with a broad mind.

Present unity should be taken as a continuity of the historical Party

unity held in 1990 on the basis of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist line

developed under the leadership of Com. Prachanda in the history

of the Nepalese communist movement. The ideological synthesis

being completed in the Party will lead to a serious and responsible

initiative for another advancement in the process. We need to

seriously grasp the scientific truth that ideological and political line

determines everything. If it is correct, everything is gained but if

wrong, everything gained is lost. We can see the live picture of the

scientific truth right in front of us as produced by the fact of how the

revisionist line of Fourth Congress led to factions, conspiracies and

series of splits but, on the contrary, how the line of Unity Congress

led to unity, People’s War and series of revolution. But we should

not be conceited, or be content. Serious problems and challenges

still lie ahead of the revolution. Lack of proletarian consciousness,

tradition and working style required for the success of revolution

still exist in us. Struggle against them should be advanced. We

can serve well the world proletarian revolution by developing the

struggle, linking all disconnected chains of the Nepalese communist

movement and uniting them and making revolution successful. For

that, we must be very serious.

Present Party unity has indicated positively towards the direction

of fulfilling that historical responsibility. Now the whole Party

standing on this point of unity should unite to accomplish another

new unity on another new basis. We need to strongly grasp the ideas


and sentiments expressed in the context of unity in order to uproot

the heritage of sectarianism, conspiracy and split.

It is quite essential to particularly focus the attention of the whole

Party on the following conclusions of the total analysis made on the

international and Nepalese communist movement and Party history.

The unity in comprehending these conclusions shall determine the

level of unity of today.

1. Regarding the evaluation of Com. Stalin’s role in the international

communist movement, there are 3 different views- revisionist,

dogmatist and Maoist. Modem revisionism rejects Com. Stalin

totally, and dogmatism upholds him totally. But Maoism

evaluates him as 70 percent correct and 30 percent wrong. In

the Nepalese communist movement, however, there prevails a

unique cocktail revisionism made up of Khrushchovian modem

revisionism and Hoxaite dogmato-revisionism. Nepalese

revisionism that has been expressed as tailism abandoning the

leadership of the proletariat in bourgeois democratic revolution

holds a Hoxaist view on the question of Party. Stalin viewed and

managed the Party not as a unity of opposites but as a monolithic

and homogenous mechanism and, thereby, committed

metaphysical errors. Mao not only rejected the metaphysical

errors but also developed qualitatively Marxist-Leninist theory

of the relations of class struggle and two-line struggle and the

methodology to deal with them. But the Nepalese communist

movement neglected great contributions of Mao for a long time.

In practice, the Hoxaist trend of imitating Com. Stalin’s errors

on the question of Party remained dominant in Nepal.

Consequently, metaphysical concept of monolithic and

homogenous unity gave rise to a series of factionalist sectarianism,


splittism and conspiracy. In the Party, practice of proletarian

democracy and dialectical method of building up centralization

on its basis were encroached upon. In Nepal, the Mohan Bikram

trend has been the most glaring representative of the Hoxaite

revisionism that refuses to learn from Stalin’s mistakes.

As a result of decisive struggle against and breaking away

from such cocktail revisionism the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist

conception on the question of the Party has been developed

under the leadership of Com. Prachanda. The more strongly

the Party grasps Com. Mao’s appeal to learn from Com.

Stalin’s mistake, the greater would be its capacity to lead the

revolution.

2. In the background of Great Debate with Khrushchovian

revisionism in the international communist movement and the

GPCR in China, enormous ideological basis and possibility

for building a unified Party consisting of the Pushpa Lal

group, revolutionary current of the Jhapa revolt and sincere

revolutionaries of the Fourth Congress prevailed in the Nepalese

communist movement. But the possibility was shattered and for

this, the neo-revisionist pro-King and pro-Panchayat thinking

and activities of Manmohan and Mohan Bikram were wholly and

solely responsible. This evaluation of the Nepalese communist

movement is expected to inspire all the sincere revolutionaries of

the countries, who were equally active yesterday for the cause of

revolution in different groups, to re-think .It should be clear that

this ideology-based scientific evaluation of history also expects

to unite all the disjointed chains of history for the success of

New Democratic revolution against feudalism and imperialism.

Moreover, this evaluation hopes that our Party itself, which has

been leading the great People’s War, would elevate the struggle


to a new height against all kinds of factionalist sectarianism,

conceit, and splittist trends and would take serious initiatives to

unite the whole Nepalese communist movement.

3. The lesson of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and experiences of

the Party history teach us that the Party unity led by Com.

Parchanda one decade ago was a great leap in the direction of

revolution and entirely a new beginning, and not any plus-

minus change or transformation of any of the former groups

of the Nepalese communist movement. The ideological and

political line adopted by Unity Congress under the leadership

of Com. Parchanda was not a natural result of the development

of Fourth or Fifth Congress or any group under them, but

virtually it was the outcome of long struggle waged by the

revolutionaries against eclectic veiled revisionism that existed in

them and breaking away from it. The ideological and political-

line, in its essence, and in the relativity of that time, reflects

the synthesis of the experiences of the Nepalese communist

movement and, to some extent, contemporary international

communist movement. Objectively, this unity with its originality

and specificity represents, as stated above, the far-reaching,

historical and important process of linking the disjointed chains

of history. It is not a mixture of insoluble elements but a process

of chemical reactions, which produces a qualitatively different

matter. If this scientific truth is not grasped correctly, it will

be impossible to drive the chariot of revolution up to the last

destination. Distrust, doubt and petty-bourgeois sectarianism

will weaken the Party from within.

4. We learn from the experiences of the Party history that Third

Extended Meeting of the Central Committee holds historical

importance from the perspective of the developments of


indigenous ideas, strategy and tactics of the Nepalese revolution.

Evolution of the Party in the form of Communist Party of

Nepal (Maoist) and its synthesis provided the real and genuine

key to turn the strength of the Party unity into physical strength

against enemies and apply the universal principles of Marxism-

Leninism-Maoism in the particularity of Nepal. The internal

and external preparation for People’s War made on this basis

laid the foundation for the historic initiation of the People’s

War. Just before the initiation, the Central Committee enlisted

commitments of the Party in accordance with the idea and

spirit of the decisions of the Third Extended Meeting. These

commitments issued fundamental directives for the distant

future of the People’s War, which has not only national but also

international significance.

5. We clearly see that all Plans, from the first one prepared for the

historic initiation of People’s War to the Sixth one, have been

proved basically correct and were implemented successfully. By

the end of the implementation of the Fifth and Sixth plans,

Dolpa military raid and its political implications, base areas

developing in the Western region and the state of the local

people’s government, countrywide military actions and mass-

mobilization, and the impact of the Party’s political intervention

at the central level, point out the fact that total People’s War has

reached a qualitative stage of development. Right here, what

should not be forgotten is the fact that behind these successes,

there have been indescribable dedication and devotion of the

leaders, cadres and revolutionary fighters of the Party and masses,

and sacrifices of lives of the thousands in the face of fascist

terror and atrocities of the reactionary state and innumerable

conspiracies of various revisionist elements. Also, it should not


be forgotten that behind the development, implementation and

success of the plans, there has been tremendous struggle against

various kinds of capitulationism and adventurism, bureaucratic

and anarchist deviations, splittist and factionalist sectarianism,

blind servility and skepticism, rightist, ‘Leftist’ and centrist

tendencies, parochialism and war-lordism, ‘left’ liquidationism,

and meanest Alok trend etc. within the Party.

The experiences and successes achieved in the internal and

external struggles have prepared the preconditions for ideological

synthesis of the Nepalese revolution. Through negative and

positive experiences of every struggle, the whole Party and its

supreme leadership have matured ideologically and politically

and definite ideas about the Nepalese revolution have developed.

We should be clear that the concretization of the ideological

synthesis has been quite essential because the Party has been

achieving successes in all the important struggles from the Party

unity till today under the leadership of Com. Prachanda.

6. The above analysis makes it clear that it is highly necessary to

learn lessons from, generally, the whole international communist

movement, and particularly, the Comintern, and positive

and negative experiences of Stalin’s role in order to advance

the revolution in any country of the world today. The Party

has attempted to evaluate the history basically relying on and

moving further ahead from Maoism and the GPCR. Hence, it

should be perfected amidst struggles with a view to advancing

the world revolution in the 21st century.


On Three Intruments of Revolution

1. On Party Building

We have been continuously struggling hard to enable the Party to

lead up to communism through democratic, socialist and cultural

revolutions in accordance with the revolutionary principles of

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. In this regard, the long ideological

struggle against tailist revisionism that abandons the proletarian

leadership in the bourgeois democratic revolution but was dominant

in the Nepalese communist movement, has been the most important

one. This ideological struggle is linked with the struggle against

metaphysical thinking that practices factionalism on the pretext of

monolithic unity instead of dialectical method of developing the

Party through unity of opposites and two-line struggle. Indeed, the

historic Party unity and its line led by Com. Prachanda upholding

the views of Mao on party and two-line struggle developed while

leading the GPCR divorced decisively from the tradition that

regarded faction as Party but was still dominant in the Nepalese

communist movement, and laid strong foundation for a real Marxist-

Leninist Party.

The Unity Congress set up a scientific method to conduct two-line

struggle on actual and genuine ideological and political basis instead

of hypocritical tradition of addressing the individual and factional

dispute with ideological struggle within the same revisionist line.

Accordingly, the very first struggle was with rightist revisionism that

wanted to turn the Party into a legal parliamentarian mechanism

with freedom of factionalism, and not as a unified leader of the

revolution based on a certain ideology. The strenuous ideological

struggle, which lasted for three years, and victory gained in it further

refined the concept of a militant communist Party of new type.


The entire decisions of the Third historic Extended Meeting of

Central Committee transformed the Party into a Maoist one that

was able to lead the People’s War. The Meeting strongly raised

the fact that the policy, plan and program should not be based on

gradual evolutionist concept but that of the revolutionary concept

of leap, shock, discontinuity, break up from the old etc. From the

perspective of the party building, the development of this concept

decisively hit hard at the reformist tradition and set up scientific

and revolutionary concept of unity-struggle-transformation.

The Party had been laying great emphasis on the significance of

linking the revolutionary thought, policy and program of the Party

with the general masses since the unity process. Extensive exercise

of legal and illegal, open and underground, country-wide urban

mass-struggle and rural class-struggle exemplify the specificity of

our view on Party building. In fact, this view manifests the scientific

application of the Maoist view of mass line on the Party building.

The commitments of the Party as adopted by the Central Committee

Meeting held just before the initiation of the People’s War armed the

Party ideologically against any reformist deviation likely to emerge

in the future. They have, indeed, projected the general line of the

Party up to communism. Every Party member should continuously

study and ponder over those commitments so as to draw inspirations

to lead the Party and revolution up to the ultimate destination, the

importance of which is universal.

The storms of both internal and external struggle before and

after the People’s War qualitatively changed the old structure and

working style of the Party. New and young Party members from

poor peasants, women, depressed communities, oppressed nations

and nationalities, and backward regions rapidly came out of the

crucible of the People’s War in an unimaginable number. Today


in almost all the districts of the country there are a majority of the

Party members developed in the process of the People’s War. As

Lenin had said, the process of revolution has made several old party

members to waver and even degenerate but electrified thousands of

others. Even today, the old factionalist remnants can be witnessed

in the thinking, conduct, behavior and working style of several old

Party members, but there is not even a semblance of old biases and

prejudices in the new ones. The Party honors the healthy blood

transfusions of the new members.

In the meanwhile, the historic Fourth Extended Meeting of the

Central Committee was held which took three important decisions

on Party building. They are: to conduct rectification campaign,

to centralize and establish the leadership at various levels, and

nomination of youths to the Central Committee. All these three

decisions manifest the development of Party’s Maoist view on the

leadership building. What is noteworthy here is that through these

decisions attempts have been made to implement the concepts of

Revolutionary Committees developed during the GPCR on Party

building. The Party emphasizes to institutionalize it as a scientific

method to keep the Party committees lively and healthy through

new blood transfusion by maintaining appropriate balance of

the old, adult and young revolutionaries. Firmly grasping the

principle of continuous revolution under the leadership of the

proletariat, the Party has, through the decisions, endeavored

to develop the revolutionary successors. Against bureaucratic

centralism and bourgeois anarchism, the three decisions express

high understanding of proletarian democratic centralism.

With the solution to the problem emerged in the Party centre after

Fourth Extended Meeting through open discussion, central initiative

undertaken for rectification campaign, exposure of the Alok trend,


and, lastly, expulsion of Com. Dinesh Sharma from the Party on

account of his self-protectionist cowardice and the new Party unity,

a qualitative maturity developed in understanding dialectical method

to build the Party through class-struggle and two line struggle. Due

to all these struggles and victories gained, a strong headquarter led

by Com. Prachanda developed as a core of the Party unity. On the

basis of struggle against and victory over right, ‘left’ and centrist

trends, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist ideology was synthesized in the

HQ. To defend this HQ from the attacks of all kinds of enemies

and opportunists has been the duty of all Party members.

Nevertheless, it would be wrong to think that the progress of Party

building has been completed. According to the principle of class-

struggle and two-line struggle, new needs, problems and challenges

appear and facing them requires continuous revolutionization of the

Party. For the development and success, the Party should concentrate

on the followings:-

A. The Rectification Campaign has not been complete even

relatively. The Party must stress to give relative perfection

to it. We are afraid the campaign will be merely a formal

process of ideological interaction, and criticism and self-

criticism. The problem exists more in the upper committees

than in the lower ones, which must be ended. In fact, the

quintessence of rectification should be reflected in physical and

organizational proletarization. For this, the Party centre should

forward the process of organizational rectification and physical

proletarization with concrete plan and policy.

B. On the basis of the current new synthesis of the Nepalese and

international communist movement, the Party should accelerate

its efforts for a new revolutionary political polarization. The


Party should not underestimate that a large section of the

revolutionaries are still kept in illusion by various reactionary and

revisionist leaderships. A true revolution cannot be successful

until they are united. Without any conceit and bias, we should

continuously make serious and responsible initiatives in order

to link the disconnected chains and develop a unified Party.

C. In the Party, there has been substantial inadequacy in the

studies of history of international communist movement. As

synthesized above, it is particularly necessary to evaluate both

positive and negative experiences of international communist

movement to draw correct lessons from them for the success

of revolution in any country of the world. Hence, the Party

should increase its study and research in a planned way.

D. It is necessary to take seriously the suggestions, complaints and

criticisms of various quarters that the dealing and relation of

the Party with people has been like that of a master, instead of

servant, on several occasions and places. As per Mao’s teaching,

we should accept correct things told by even the enemies

and the Party must emphasize on standing resolutely on the

principal duty of serving the people in any difficult situation

and not imposing pressure, interference and or load of any

kind, anywhere.

E. It is essential to develop the proletarian style of simple living

and hard working. Ample economic and physical resources

centralized in the Party with the emergence and development

of the People’s War and new state power is likely to slacken

the proletarian life and working style of the cadres. Moreover,

it provides a picture of the danger of emergence of new

bureaucratic capitalist class within the Party. Hence it is


imperative that the Party should more deeply acknowledge the

experiences of Russia, China, and, mainly, GPCR and advance

the struggle against those trends.

F. Taking into account the future development of the war, more

emphasis should be given to the security of the leadership of

various levels, chiefly, the central level, and underground

structure of the Party should be made more organized and up-

to-date. Admitting the fact that our security system is not that

much scientific and strong, all Party committees should make

planned efforts to take concrete initiatives in this direction.

2. On the Formation of Army and Military Line

Synthesizing the scientific teachings of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism

on the universal character of revolutionary violence, armed struggle,

protracted people’s war and the formation of army in a class-divided

society, the debates on them in the Nepalese communist movement

and the practical experiences, the Party has been developing the

formation of People’s Army and Nepalese military line. Making

serious observation of the semi-feudal and semi-colonial situation

of Nepal, and the need of the new democratic revolution, the Unity

Congress of the Party, under the leadership Com. Prachanda,

adopted the military line of protracted People’s War, with strategic

role of base areas and guerrilla warfare based on the strategy of

encircling the city from the countryside.

After having defeated and expelled from the Party the rightist

liquidationists who slandered the military line of People’s War as

‘extremist’ and ‘militarist’, doors were opened for the development of

the strategy and tactics of People’s War. From the perspective of the

formation of army and development of military line, the decisions

synthesized by General Secretary Com. Prachanda in the Third


Extended Meeting of Central Committee hold the most significant

position. With a general review of the Nepalese history it proved the

fact that Nepalese people are used to violent struggles since long,

and there has been major role of dedication, sacrifice and violent

struggle of the people behind whatever reforms and freedom they

have been enjoying today. The Meeting presented an orientation

of future military line with an objective evaluation of the positive

and negative experience of the Nepalese communist movement

and armed struggle. Also, the Meeting drew a concrete outline of

building the army and strategy and general line of the People’s War

on the basis of evaluation and definition of class conditions and

fundamental characteristics of the Nepalese society and international

situation. Accordingly, it defined four sub-stages under the stage of

strategic defensive in the Nepalese particularity.

Opining that today the People’s War can be advanced only as a total

war and it is essential to do so, the Meeting formulated the necessary

tactical steps as follows:

“Stress on rural works, but do not leave the urban ones, too; stress

on the illegal works but don’t give up legal possibilities, too; stress on

certain strategic areas, but don’t leave other areas, too; stress on the

works of war, but don’t leave the mass-movements, too; stress on the

underground works, but don’t leave the over ground ones, too; stress

on the rural class-struggle, but don’t leave the countrywide struggles,

too; stress on the guerrilla warfare, but don’t leave the political

propaganda and exposure, too; stress on the dissemination inside

the country, but don’t leave the worldwide publicity, too; stress on

the works of the formation of army, but don’t leave the works of the

formation of fronts and other organizations, too; stress on relying on

one’s own organizations and forces, but don’t give up tactical unity

and taking support and cooperation from international community,


too”. This tactical principle was sure to provide a specific character

to the process of development of the Nepalese People’s War and the

experiences have proved its objectivity today

In accordance with the spirit of the decision of the Third Extended

Meeting, the Central Committee meeting held before the People’s

War took the hilly regions from east to west as the backbone of

People’s War and according to the economic cultural, historical

and geographical characteristics and North-South flow, Regional

Commands were specified. With a view to turning the People’s

War as a storm of the armed masses, a concrete policy of developing

the military organization in the form of Fighting Group, Defense

Group and Volunteer Group was devised at that time. As expected,

they have been developing now as people’s Main (military) Force,

Secondary Force and People’s Militia. Also, the meeting fixed quota

for military actions of various levels throughout the country. At last,

disseminating throughout the country the principal slogans like “It

is right of the people to rebel”, “ March on the path of People’s War

to establish a New Democratic state against the reactionary state”,

etc. the People’s War was initiated as a rebellion on February 13,

1996.

The balance maintained between centralized plan and decentralized

execution, countrywide actions along with focus on certain strategic

areas, political intervention at the Central level and military actions,

military activities and mass-mobilization and mass-struggles, displays

the specificity of the Party’s military strategy and tactics. After the

implementation of three plans under this process, the acceleration of

the People’s War demanded new and qualitative plans. Accordingly,

Fourth Extended Meeting of Central Committee put forward a plan

for building base areas. The Fourth Extended Meeting not only

specified conditions for building base areas, the strategic backbone


of the protracted People’s War, but also provided theoretical

explanation of guerrilla zone and base area and cautioned the

Party about possible reformism in the military field. The Meeting,

stressing most on the issue of the formation of army, developed the

concept of Main Military Force, Secondary Force, and People’s

Militia. It formulated a unified military policy of combining all

three military forces in centralized and decentralized actions as per

the need. Taking decision of far-reaching significance in military

line, the Fourth Extended Meeting divided the whole country into

proposed base areas, guerrilla zones around them, and the areas of

general actions around them, and the cities including the capital as

propaganda zones.

Strategically the decisions of the Fourth Extended Meeting have

been mainly directing all the activities up to the end of Sixth Plan.

In the background of the development of military force all over

the country, including Dolpa military raid, their influence on the

national politics and the need of facing the main military force of

the enemy, a challenge of developing a qualitative plan, in the special

context of army formation, has occurred in the Party. On the basis

of correct synthesis of the experiences of the past, the Party needs to

devise plans for future.

While synthesizing the characteristics of international and national

situation and the great People’s War today, the Party needs to

further develop its views on serious theoretical questions regarding

the military line. The question is principally centralized on the

strategies of protracted People’s War of encircling the city from the

countryside, and that of the general insurrection. It is quite clear

these two military strategies, generally known as Russian and Chinese

model of revolution, are two different strategies of two countries

with two different stages of development. But today there has been


an important, if not fundamental, change in nature of differences of

these two military strategies. Without grasping this change properly,

apt development of the formation of army and military line will be

almost impossible in any country of the world.

As a result of the end of the cold war, condition of the so-called unipolar

imperialist world, domination of imperialist capital in the oppressed

third world countries in the pretext of globalization, direct control

over the economy of every country of the third world in the pretext

of liberalization and privatization through financial institutions

such as World Bank, IMF, world military strategy prepared by the

imperialist on the basis of progress in the information technology

and science including electronics etc., it has become necessary for

the proletariat to synthesize more seriously about military strategy of

the People’s War in the 21st century. Objectively the new situation

clearly indicates the change in the nature of strategic difference that

occurred between armed insurrection and protracted people’s war

generally by the Eighties of 20th century.

There should be no confusion at all that basically the developed

imperialist countries must pursue the path of armed insurrection and

the oppressed countries of the third world that of protracted People’s

War even today. But the change occurred in the world situation as

mentioned above has created a situation that necessarily links the

characteristics of armed insurrection and protracted People’s War

with one another, and, moreover, there is a need to do so. Because

of this situation of the development, it has been almost impossible

to successfully advance the strategy of protracted PW of encircling

the city from the countryside and building base areas in any third

world country, without pursuing several characteristics of armed

insurrection from the beginning.


The military line of general armed insurrection contains some

fundamental characteristics such as continuous intervention by the

political party of the proletariat at the centre of reactionary state on

the basis of political propaganda right from the beginning, training

the masses including the workers with continuous strikes and street

struggles on the basis of revolutionary demands, developing works

in the military force and bureaucracy of the enemy in a planned way,

waging intensive political struggle against various revisionist and

reformist groups from the central level, and, lastly, seizing the central

state power through armed insurrection in appropriate international

and national situation, etc. It is evident that the proletariat of

a third world country should incorporate the above-mentioned

characteristics of general insurrection from the beginning.

What we can witness from this situation is, generally, as a result

of distinct impact on the development process of strategic stages of

the protracted People’s War and when there is no external military

intervention, the base areas should be developed and preparation

for the final insurrection should be advanced even under the stage

of strategic defense, and the stages of equilibrium and offensive are

relatively very fast, short and insurrectionist. The seriousness of this

subject can be understood in the background of the latest setback to

the Peruvian People’s War. In case of external military intervention,

it will turn into a national war and even then its development process

will basically follow the same direction.

When we view the experiences of the Nepalese People’s War, a

distinct manifestation of this process can be seen. Continuous

political intervention in the central reactionary state, incessant strikes

and street struggles, and other mass-movements by various classes

of the people, political propaganda against various revisionist and

opportunist elements, rebellion-like initiation of the People’s War,


countrywide shock-program, general strikes, and, simultaneously,

military actions, army formation, and development of base areas

and military line etc. make clear the distinct relation between the

two strategies. Therefore, what can be pronounced clearly is that

protracted People’s War can be advanced and army formation and

base areas may be developed qualitatively, only by raising the strategies

of preparation for the insurrection to a new height. It is guided not

only by the particularities of the national situation of Nepal but

also by that of the international situation. Hence, the importance

of the synthesis will be not only national but also international.

The international situation and development of South Asian and

world revolution, which we have discussed above, point towards the

same conclusions. In fact, it is impossible to move forward without

developing highly centralized and offensive political and military

plans against the enemy under every Plan. From this perspective, the

Party needs to develop qualitative military plan against the enemy

by integrating the preparation for the insurrection.

For this, central military HQ and general staff should be developed

in order to mobilize the people’s army of the country under an

integrated and centralized command and a provision for handling all

activities of defense and offense should be ensured. The Party Central

Committee shall pursue a distinct mechanism to institutionalize

the process with a central nomenclature, which will elevate the

development of army formation and military line to a new height.

3. On the New Democratic State and Development of the United Front

It is the characteristics of the Nepalese revisionism to speak

of united front without making the development of independent

revolutionary struggle led by the proletariat a starting point. In the


course of struggle, the revolutionary concept of the Party concerning

the united front has been developing against such revisionism. The

question of political power is the central question of the revolution. If

struggle is not waged for the sake of state power, the development of

genuine revolutionary united front becomes impossible. In the New

Democratic Revolution proletarian leadership and joint democratic

dictatorship of the people on the basis of worker-peasants alliance

is the only class ideological basis for state and united front. The

doors of its development opened only after the party led by Com.

Prachanda grasped firmly the above-mentioned fundamental Maoist

concept. This concept has established the scientific proposition that

prior to the initiation of war the aims of all sorts of organizations and

struggle should be to assist for its preparation and after the initiation

of war for the purpose of serving it.

For the first time after the historic initiation of People’s War in

Nepal, the question of state power and united front required a creative

development as per its particularity. Along with the study of total

nature of its impact in less than one year of People’s War, the Party

proceeded by adopting the resolution presented by Com. Prachanda

that the New Democratic state in Nepal shall take the form of a

class, national and regional United Front under the leadership of

the proletariat. The theoretical essence of this concept is inherent in

the necessity of integrating the national liberation movement in the

proletarian movement as stated by Com. Lenin and Com. Mao. In

fact this concept expresses the creative development of the principle

regarding revolutionary united front in the particular social structure

of Nepal and India where Hindu feudal high-caste chauvinism is

dominant.

With the beginning of the Second year, the People’s War created a

situation of power vacuum, mainly in Western Nepal and in various


rural areas. In this situation, through its Third Plan the Party took

some concrete decisions to exercise local people’s power in the form

of United People’s Committees. United Front in Nepal obtained

practical shape in the form of concrete expression of the state power

from below through the development of local United People’s

Committee and the process of formation of various national and

regional fronts on the basis of the recognition of the right of oppressed

nations to self-determination and program of national autonomy.

Central political intervention, countrywide mass-mobilization and

development process of people’s struggle in various forms are other

specificities that should not be lost sight of.

In the Fourth Extended Meeting of Central Committee, the Party,

synthesizing the above-mentioned total situation, as proposed by

Com. Prachanda, propounded concrete policies for the defense,

consolidation and extension of local New Democratic power

founded in the Nepalese particularity. The dialectical relationship

between central United Front for the central political intervention

and local United Front in the process of exercising state power was

defined accordingly. According to this definition it was clarified

that it was essential to develop a United Front that emphasizes on

developing a structure of local democratic state power from village

through ilaka (area) up to the base area level, and at the central level,

too, one that plays the role of an embryonic state for the defense,

development and co-ordination of the local people’s power.

According to the ideas developed by the Fourth Extended Meeting,

today, in Western zones, open state power at various district levels

and undeclared one in base area level is being exercised. A situation

of preliminary exercise of people’s power at various levels under all

of the regional commands has been developed. Development of

various nationalities fronts is taking place gradually. At the same


time, the Party’s political intervention against the old state from the central level is rising constantly up to the level of ‘dialogue’, ‘constitution’ and ‘United Revolutionary Government’.

It is now imperative to think qualitatively about the above-mentioned experiences as developed by the People’s War and the current national and international situation as synthesized above. The experience has made it explicit that both the strategic process of people’s power and United Front and the tactical steps as it’s complementary needs to be elevated to a new height.

Strategically, the development of revolutionary United Front as an Organizing Committee of New Democratic Government for the co-ordination of entire local people’s power and base areas and an organized political offensive against the enemy is quintessential. Defending the achievements of the PW, this sort of Government will follow the process of preparing the masses for general insurrection taking into consideration the characteristics of current international and national situation. The Organizing Committee of the New Democratic Government led by the proletariat and founded on local people’s state power and base areas shall take the form of a class, national and regional United Front against feudalism and imperialism. According to the New Democratic program it would be primary agenda of the new government to formulate concrete policy, rules and laws about all aspects of nationality, democracy and livelihood and implement them in base areas and local state power, and to take a firm initiative to develop struggle in other areas on their basis. The new Government Organizing Committee will develop various central departments and ministries as per need in order to meet the purpose. As a legal representative of the Nepalese people this Organizing Committee will emphasize on developing national and international relations and publicity. While making


such a strategic front, special importance should be given to the patriotic trend in accordance with the historical characteristics of Nepal. Party Central Committee will issue concrete policy and directives in order to undertake the tasks mentioned above.

Apart from the development of the above-mentioned strategic process of the state and UF, the Party under the leadership of Com. Prachanda has been developing tactical theory on the questions of utilizing the contradictions among the enemies, developing the tactical united front to centralize attacks on the main enemy, building people’s broad national unity against the so-called national consensus of the enemy, etc. Unless the importance of the tactical theory is grasped properly and a proper attention is paid to its total development, the achievement of the strategic goal becomes impossible. The development process of tactical theory expresses, in essence, the capacity of the Party under the leadership of Comrade Prachanda to apply the dialectical and historical materialism in the Nepalese context. The importance of this tactical theory has increased greatly in the current imperialist world situation and the condition of universal defeat faced by the proletariat in the struggle for state power today.

The development of Party’s tactical theory is being expressed in the series of tactical United Fronts from top to bottom in order to attract broad masses in the revolution, handling process of the weapon of negotiation, debate on making a new people’s constitution, slogan of United Revolutionary Government, discussions with various political parties, social organizations, institutions and national personalities, coordination of central and local struggles of different mass organizations, method of study and utilization of contradictions within the enemy and opportunist groups for the benefit of the movement, etc. Its use according to new necessity would be discussed in future plans.


4. On Party Mass-line

Acknowledging the well-known Marxist-Leninist-Maoist principle,

“The People are the creators of history”, the Party has been

developing total mass line in accordance with the particularity of

Nepal. Synthesizing the historical process of general mass rebellion,

the Party has laid great emphasis on organizing the aspirations for

rebellion of the masses. It is revisionism to speak of mass mobilization

and mass line without a political goal to seize state power by means

of PW. Virtually, revolutionary mass line of our Party is inseparably

linked with the tough ideological struggle against revisionism deeply

rooted in the Nepalese Communist movement that talks of the so-

called mass struggle on the basis of reformist demand revolving

around the old reactionary state . The revolutionary mass line started

to speed up only after the revolutionary line led by Com. Prachanda

was modified, adopted and established by the Unity Congress.

Development of this line gave a forceful blow to the decades-old

reformism that had been deceiving the masses by misusing mass

rebellion and their aspirations for total change, for ordinary reform

or minor cosmetic change within the reactionary old state. This

signified that the mass line before the initiation of PW meant

preparing for the PW and afterwards rendering service to the PW.

In the context of developing Party mass line the struggle against

sectarian dogmatism, that undermines the scientific truth, ‘trust

the masses and be in the midst of the masses in the harsh hours’,

cannot be forgotten either. Because of the attempts to grasp deeply

the Maoist idea of mass line, the Party did not have to face isolation

from people in the harsh moments. Hence the Party has been ever

laying emphasis upon the conception that correct line always exists

for the supreme cause of the people and the line cannot be correct

unless it merges with the supreme cause of the people.


The mass line of Party has been based on the dialectical inter-

relation between preparing ground for initiation of PW through mass

struggle and mass mobilization of various forms before the initiation

and greater mass mobilization through it after the initiation and it

has been elevated to newer heights through constant development.

To seize the state power by revolutionary violence has become the

main objective of mass work set by the Party today. In accordance

with this, military organization of various levels has been the main

form of organization and military actions at various levels the main

form of struggle. Development process of armed masses as the main,

secondary and basic forces and the diversity of guerrilla actions

elucidate it.

The Party has been laying emphasis constantly on the task of the

development of people’s struggle and various people’s organization

on the basis of various demands along with the development of this

main form of organisation and struggle, as an important part of

mass-line. The basic policy of the Party is to accelerate this process

with an objective of organizing general masses. In this regard, in

base areas proposed today mainly in Western region, the task of

organizing general masses in any of the organizations is being done

as per need. For us, it is essential to urge constantly to put into

practice the scientific exhortation that ‘organized mass is the iron

fort in the struggle against enemy’.

Taking into consideration the class specificity of the definition

of the people according to the nature of revolution, our another

characteristic is to develop mass line on the basis of class outlook.

Accordingly, to grasp the reality that the people of other classes or

strata except feudal, bureaucratic and comprador capitalist classes,

are the masses in the present phase of NDR, and to make mass


mobilization and build organization, has become the basic task of

the Party today. In this connection, organizing and revolutionizing

the general peasants, mainly, poor peasants should be accepted

as activity of primary importance. The fact that after the historic

initiation and development of the PW the process of organizing

the general peasants including the poor ones has taken a qualitative

speed can be easily noticed. The role of peasants in NDR gets clear

from the fact that peasants are the source of main, secondary and

basic military force developed under the leadership of the Party

and are the base for their defense and development. The utmost

important objective of the Party’s mass line is to effectively organize

and revolutionize the peasants by firmly grasping the historical fact

that ‘no power in the world can stand the united peasants’ uproar’,

and accept the directives of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism regarding

the invincibility of the organization of the poor.

After the historic initiation of People’s War in Nepal, the glorious

achievement advancing forward with surprising rapidity is the

development of revolutionary women’s movement. The old state

and its managers have been entrapped in the whirlpool of surprise

and terror by the impact left by People’s War on the other half of

the population which is grinded doubly under class and gender

exploitation and atrocities. The rapidity in the extension of rural

peasant women’s organizations, increasing series of higher records of

devotion, dedication, bravery and sacrifice revealed against enemies

countrywide and mainly in the areas of struggle have guaranteed

the victory of total People’s War and revolution. In comparison to

men the higher resistance capacity of women against repression and

atrocities of the enemy including sufferings, brutal tortures and rapes

has explicitly displayed the miraculous power inherent in women to

rebel.


Upholding more firmly the Marxist science that women’s

participation is the measuring rod for the success of any great

revolution in the history, it is another significant aspect of the

Party’s mass line to assist in elevating the process of this revolt to

the consciousness of the proletariat. The basic policy in this regard

of the Party would be to march forward by grasping the historical

reality that the new democratic and socialist norms and values may

be established only when patriarchal, feudal values, conceptions

and norms, including bourgeoisie values on family, sex, marriage,

personal property, are completely uprooted with participation of

women in the revolution.

Serious studies of the development of the historical peculiarities of

Nepalese society and formulation of national and regional policies

on the basis of the scientific theory of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism

and their implementation is another important part of the Party

mass line. The guarantee of progress and emancipation of a great

majority of total population victimized by exploitation, suppression,

and discrimination of Hindu feudal ‘high’ caste chauvinism

of century-old reactionary state and deprived of economic,

political, religious and cultural rights, is the objective of national

and regional policy of the Party. The honour and recognition of

the right of oppressed nationalities to self-determination and the

program of the establishment of national autonomy clarifies the

proletarian policy of the Party on the question. It has already

been stated that this policy expresses the characteristics of the

era of imperialism and proletarian revolution about the fusion

of proletarian revolutionary movement and national liberation

movement into each other in the peculiarity of Nepalese society.

The policy which aims at developing fronts and organizations of

the oppressed nationalities and regions, and guaranteeing their


participation in the local and central New Democratic states has

been playing a role of historic importance and will do so in making

the huge part of the Nepalese society jump into the political process.

This policy represents the only scientific method to make

oppressed nationalities including Magar, Gurung, Tamang, Rai,

Limbu, Tharu, Newar,etc. and millions of people of Karnali

Pradesh (region) participate in the great journey of revolution.

Acknowledging the economic and political importance of the Terai,

the Party is laying emphasis on the program of regional autonomy

for the Madheshee community as against the discrimination and

oppression of the old state. The Party gives high priority to involving

Madheshee community in revolution. Its historic importance lies

in the development of Nepalese national unity against Indian

monopoly capitalism.

The Party is stressing on the policy to organize and revolutionize

the Dalits, i.e. depressed community, who are the masters of basic

labour and number more than 20% of total population, but are

most suppressed by the inhuman atrocities of old state, for a battle

of equality and freedom. The particularity of our Party policy related

to the Dalits is to ensure their liberation and participation in the

state with special rights. After the initiation of People’s War, this

part of the masses has also been rapidly advancing in the process of

revolt. The Party wants to lay further emphasis on the necessity to

put into practice more effectively the correct policies on the mass

line, which it has developed in the Nepalese particularity.

Policies of the Party on students, workers, intelligentsia, teachers

etc. elucidate another significant expression of revolutionary mass

line. The Party has been continuously urging to develop students’

movement as the bearer of radical change synthesizing the experiences

of struggling traditions of young students in the revolutionary


movements of all countries in general and in Nepalese history in

particular. There has been the unforgettable role of the students’

front in the past both in preparing the nationwide ground for the

initiation of People’s War and later on rendering service to it. It has

been the essence of the Party policy to advance in a planned and

conscious way in the revolution the physical and mental capacity of

the young students, who assimilate the new consciousness, necessity

of change and the very essence of revolt in a most natural way. A

week long successful general strike recently called by the students’

front, proving the whole educational machinery of the old state to

be a paper tiger, reveals its strength. Even now the Party feels the

necessity to add more emphasis on advancing the work of students’

front by linking the preparation of future general insurrection and

its role as a reserve force in constant development of People’s War.

The specific indivisible relation between students and peasants

throughout Nepal indicates the historical role students can play in

the preparation of insurrection.

The Party has been developing the line of revolutionary workers

movement during ideological struggle against trade unionist

parliamentarianism and economist reformism in the workers

movement. The worker’s front has been, along with its revolutionary

transformation, providing direct help in the process of People’s

War right from the beginning. Because of the strong trade unionist

influence of reformism and dual relation of an overwhelming

majority of workers in Nepal with rural agricultural system and

modem (industrial) productive system, it has not yet attained

qualitative rapidity. The Party will put its special efforts in advancing

the worker’s front, like that of the students, by linking it with the

preparation of future general insurrection.

The Party has been urging continuously for revolutionary


transformation of the intellectual’s and teacher’s fronts according

to the political line and revolutionary idea. The essence of the

Party’s policy is to acknowledge the significant role of intellectuals

in revolution and struggle continuously against vacillating and

anarchic, individualistic character persistent in the intellectuals

trained by the old state. Prior to the historic People’s War, and even

afterwards, intellectual’s and teacher’s fronts have been certainly

playing important role. But in comparison to the needs, that is

lacking immensely. The problem of proletarian revolutionary

transformation is the main problem of development of this sort

of front. The Party will lay emphasis on advancing these fronts

effectively with such transformation.

From the very beginning the Party is stressing on advancing the

cultural front as its another important organ of mass line. The Party

attaches high importance to the publications and mainly the historic

role played by the cultural front through cultural groups and teams

scattered throughout the country for the initiation of the People’s

War. Such cultural activities have directly contributed in involving

millions of masses in the great process of revolution, ideologically and

emotionally. After the historic initiation of People’s War virtually a

huge cultural army has been developing today by means of continuous

production of articles, composition and publication of poets and

actors at the central level and through waves of development of

cultural teams and programs all over the country. The Party stresses

on the question of revolutionary transformation of the leadership

of the fronts by learning lessons from the experience of history and

the teachings of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. With regard to the

need of rapid development of People’s War, the Party gives primary

importance to the production and publication of novels, video or

audio cassettes based on organizational consolidation, experience of


the war etc. The experience has proved that if we manage the task of the cultural front properly by ascending to another new height, qualitative progress shall be made in the preparation of future general armed insurrection. And the Party will focus its attention in this direction.

The Party has acknowledged the emigration of millions of Nepalese in search of jobs in India as a significant characteristic of Nepalese society. In fact, the success of Nepalese People’s War and revolution cannot be imagined if Nepalese dwelling in India are separated from it. Acknowledging this reality in the Third Extended Meeting of Central Committee led by Com. Prachanda, the Party has mentioned the role of Nepalese residing in India as the strategic characteristics of the country. The front of the Nepalese in India has been playing the role of far reaching importance in the process of historic initiation of People’s War and in its total development afterwards. The Nepalese front in India has made its contributions to the Party and People’s War with several important technical and organizational assistance and other activities such as organizing and revolutionizing the Nepalese people according to the spirit of People’s War, disseminating the People’s War of Nepal among the Indian people in alliance with various fraternal parties, organizations and institutions, organizing protest meetings, demonstrations and other resistance programmes against the state terror created by reactionary state, and going back to the country for activities like direct participation in the movements, if needed. The Party will continue its endeavor in making it broader and effective along with the revolutionary transformation in the form of expression of Party mass line.

The Party has been urging continuously to organize YCL in the form of a factory producing cadres to participate ideologically and physically in the process of revolution.


The Party has been attempting to make its mass line effective through

development of various departments, forums etc. along with the

above-mentioned basic fronts for the purpose of mass mobilization.

Its positive result has been established in the revolution. The Party

policy of developing various departments, forums will continue

according to the need of the revolution. In this connection,

acknowledging the significance of propaganda war, the internal and

external publications have to be made more systematic. According

to the new characteristics of the age, the Party will emphasize

upon the management of the publication and propaganda more

scientifically.

Thus, the Party has been developing Maoist mass line to awaken,

organize and revolutionize more masses in faster and better ways for

the success of People’s War and revolution. Five Years’ experience

of People’s War has been goading this process to move forward

from another height. No enemy of the world will be able to defeat

us as long as the Party continues this revolutionary mass line.

A Great Achievement

As an inseparable part of the international proletariat, the Party

determined the line of the Nepalese revolution in the midst of class

struggle and two-line struggle, based on the universal principle

of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. This was the first important

achievement in the direction of development of ideas of the Nepalese

revolution. A new epoch was initiated in the Nepalese history on

February 13,1996 with the historic initiation of People’s War in the

guidance of the same line and with the great aim and determination

of reaching to Communism through New Democratic, Socialist and

Cultural Revolutions. Under the leadership of the Party, this historic

attempt in itself was another great qualitative leap in the direction of

upholding and application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the


revelation of specific laws of the Nepalese revolution. Today, the

synthesis of experiences of five stormy years of PW has developed

into a set of ideas guiding the Nepalese revolution on the basis of

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and it is a great achievement of five

years of the PW.

This great achievement stands on the great foundation of the

historical records of untold grief, pain, dedication, bravery, courage

and sacrifice of millions of masses and the revolutionary fighters.

This achievement has been acquired at the cost of blood shed

by thousands of best sons and daughters of the Nepalese people.

This great achievement has been attained through consistent

contribution of the whole Party, all leftist, progressive, patriotic

and democratic forces and all the communist revolutionaries of the

world including the RIM. In this whole process, the Party has been

leading successfully on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism,

resistance against genocidal campaigns of reactionary regime,

exposure of the revisionist conspiracy and lies and struggle against

deviationist trends inside the Party itself. Because of the successful

leadership in this struggle, today, not only the Party’s set of ideas

but also a team of worthy leaders at the central level and a promising

section of thousands of cadres as revolutionary successors have

been developing. Because of the correct and continuous leadership

of General Secretary Com. Prachanda, ever since the Party unity

up to the present height of synthesis of ideas a strong proletarian

headquarter, as a centre of gravity of unity of the Party has been

developed around Com. Prachanda. So, the Party names the set

of ideas that have developed in the form of centralized expression

of collective leadership, as ‘Prachanda Path’. Developed in the

background of prolonged discussion inside and outside the Party

and International Communist Movement, most importantly high


level of theoretical interaction with the RIM Committee, Prachanda

Path while enriching MLM expresses the specific set of ideas of the

Nepalese revolution. This set of ideas crystallized in the form of

Prachanda Path, will act as a significant guide in the onward march

of the Nepalese revolution.

MLM is the science of social revolution of the proletariat. Being

a science, it always obligates its development through practical

application in the class struggle to change the world. The synthesis

of experiences of the Party as ‘Prachanda Path’, finally expresses the

specificities of the application of the universal principles of MLM in

the practice of Nepalese revolution. This synthesis of the Nepalese

experiences, based upon the indivisible dialectical relationship

between international essence and national form, universality and

particularity, whole and part, general and specific, objectively serves

the world proletarian revolution and proletarian internationalism.

This synthesis of experiences has been acquired through the process

of “practice-knowledge-again practice-again knowledge” based

on the theory of knowledge of dialectical materialism. MLM has

taught us that this is a never-ending cycle. Through practice of class

struggle and ideological struggle, our Party developed the Party line

as initial knowledge, and applying that knowledge again in practice

to change the world attained present synthesis as a new knowledge.

It is clear that this process is not going to end and complete over

here, it is bound to continue to develop all the way, through the

process of again practice and again knowledge. The communist

revolutionaries should continuously try to be expert in applying the

universal principles of MLM to correctly grasp and apply the law of

this dialectical motion of development.


Great Leap Forward and Sketch of Future Plan

Ideologically, the synthesis of idea of the Party by itself represents a

great leap forward. From this height of thought, the importance of

evolution of a totally new plan with regard to the country’s concrete

condition is obvious in itself.

The series of high military successes that has been achieved through

the execution of Party’s Fifth Plan while arriving at the end of the

execution of Sixth Plan has yielded into a qualitative jump with

the successful military raid at Dunai, Dolpa. During this period

many qualitative successes in the field of Party’s political central

intervention were also achieved. These successes and mainly the

successful Dunai operation made a qualitative influence in the

national politics. The masses were rapidly drawn towards the Party

and the People’s War whereas the reactionaries and revisionists had

to face a new challenge of red terror.

Today the country is moving forward with increasing clashes between

the old state’s parliamentary fascism and the New Democratic state

founded and growing through People’s War. The old and the new

states have become the present political reality of the Nepalese society.

The old state, caught in the vortex of economic, political and social

crises, has got down to prepare for genocidal fascist exercises against

the country, its people and growing people’s state.

This is made clear by the immense effort put up by the enemy to

develop the so-called armed police force and regional administrators

simultaneously. The conspiracy of reactionary and revisionist

alliance against our Party and People’s War has reached the climax

of nastiness. The enemy has invested millions of rupees to misguide

the masses with penetration, sabotage actions and planned false

propaganda. The enemy and the revisionists have been hatching


new forms of conspiracies to arrest and murder the revolutionary

leaders and cadres.

In fact, this situation is the result of terror and defeated mentality of

reactionaries and revisionists because of the qualitative development

of the People’s War. Strategically, the Party sums up this to be the

result of victory of People’s War. But from tactical point of view,

it considers the enemy’s conspiracy and exercise as new challenges

posed by the old state and feels necessary to face it seriously. In

accordance with the famous proposition of Mao that ‘it is the

nature of reactionaries and revisionists to create trouble till the end

and that of the people to continue the struggle until a complete

victory is attained’, the country’s state of affairs is taking its

course today as per the very law of development of class struggle.

In this situation, according to the above-synthesized idea, it is

essential today to develop a political and military plan to attack the

enemy from newer heights. In new situations, it has become urgent

to advance this type of plan from both strategic and tactical levels.

Principle slogan of the strategic main plan will be “Consolidate

and expand the base areas, March towards the direction of forming

New Democratic Central Government”. Under this great slogan,

the Party Central Committee will develop a concrete plan related

to the political and military objective and its preparation. From

tactical point of view, the policies like centralizing attacks on the

main enemy, continuing the Party policy for negotiation, stressing

on the development of tactical united front etc. will be retained.

But this alone will not be enough to achieve the above-mentioned

strategic objectives today. For this the Party needs to advance in a

planned way the issues like organizing a conference of all political

forces to be participated by representatives of all political parties


and people’s organizations of the country, conducting the election

for an interim government by the conference and guaranteeing the

formation of constitution by the people under the leadership of this

elected interim government. The Central Committee will develop

a concrete program and plan for its initiation.This outline plan

will incorporate the tactics of general insurrection in the protracted

People’s War, in according with the characteristics of international

and national situations today, and will have great importance in

mobilizing the whole Party, Army, United Front, class and mass

fronts and the masses.

• Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and Prachanda Path!

• Long live the Proletarian Internationalism!

• Long live the World Revolution!

• Long live the Great People’s War!

• Long live the New Democratic Revolution!

• Glory to the Fallen Heroes!

• Long Live Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)

Foot-notes:

1. Today what the experience has proved irrefutably is that Mohan

Bikram trend is a feudal trend that strangles Marxism and

revolution in the pretext of upholding them. Its characteristics

are to be softer towards and to defend the group of reactionaries,

which has seized the state power and rules the country and

people in an anti-national and fascist way, but to assail with full

force those who wage revolutionary struggle against that rule.

Its policy of assailing the Jhapa revolutionaries, Pushpa Lal and

Nepali Congress in the past, and the Maoist People ‘s War and

the forces supporting it, today, proves this.


2. Actually, the publicity that the then leadership of Mashal was changed because of a technical mistake in the Sector case is a mistake of presenting the secondary issue as the principal one. It created confusion in the then Mashal and even after unity for a long time. Com. Kiran has clarified it in his Preface to The Problems of Nepalese Revolution, Part-ll

3. Before discussing the development any further, it is essential to be clear about some wrong thinking. Among them. the principal one is the bias and sectarian factionalist thinking. Even this thinking is expressed in two ways. One views the improved line and leadership with the vision of the same old particular faction and rejects or undervalues the historical importance of unity, evolution of thought and its role in establishing it among the people, and the other claims that everything happened after the unity and thereby rejects or undervalues the objective process and reality of ideological evolution. The former fails to understand the scientific fact that the evolution of thought is not the asset of former groups only but of the general masses, and to accept that the evolution of new thought in our condition is a result of fierce struggle against all factionalism and spliticism in the Nepalese communist movement and their so-called line and a break with them. The latter also ultimately expresses a factionalist, sectarian view, which attempts to separate the line and leadership from each other and views the leadership with the eye of previous groups and unnecessarily links the line alone with itself. Indeed this kind of thinking is the remnant of petty-bourgeois sectarianism, personal biases, factionalism and spliticism prevailing in the Nepalese communist movement since long. It fails to acknowledge the universal character of science. Therefore, the whole Party should struggle against and be alert and conscious about such thinking.


ANNEX-5

Present Situation & Our Historical Task

(Adopted by Central Committee Meeting of CPN (Maoist) in

June 2003.)

On World Situation

The Present Domestic Situation

On the Experiences of History and Development of Democracy in

the 21st Century

The Party

The Army

On the State

Today the great Nepalese People’s War (PW) is in a specific stage

of strategic equilibrium and in preparation for strategic offensive.

Theoretically this stage is very complex and sensitive step by itself. In

imperialist era, whenever any country’s people’s revolution advances

up to this stage of development then it becomes obvious that it starts

clashing with the world imperialism. Development of this stage

obviously brings about the possibility of realizing the new challenges

and opportunities of the respective people’s revolution. On top of

this, particularly in today’s world when there exists not one single

genuine socialist country and American imperialism is trying to bring

the whole world under its grip by openly bullying in the name of

“globalization” and “liberalization”, “expansion of civilization” and

“war against terrorism”, it is obvious, the Nepalese PW at this stage of

development and its future course of advancement, will particularly

become more complex and hence will become even more momentous.

Together with the ideological synthesis of the Party’s 2nd National

Conference and its application process, qualitative progress started


showing up in the development of the PW. In the dawn of the

21st century, along with the expansion of quality and quantity

of PW the interventionist activities of imperialism, particularly

American imperialism, started intensifying. By pushing forward

the fascist feudal forces through the palace massacre, imperialism

is trying to dig its teeth and nails into Nepal by openly helping

them socially, economically and politically against the great PW.

Realizing the strategic importance of Nepal’s geo-political position

and the long-term effect of the victory of PW as a big challenge, the

imperialists have declared their strategy of preventing the Nepalese

Maoist movement from capturing the state-power. The fact that

American imperialism which is imposing naked aggressive war on

those oppressed countries and people who are opposing imperialism,

in the name of so-called war against terrorism after the September

11 episode, is now looking at cease-fire and negotiation process in

Nepal as part of its same strategy and propagating it as its victory

and that it has included the Maoist movement in list of international

terrorism, all these reveal the level of advancement of the PW and

the challenges that lay ahead of it.

In spite of overwhelming opposition of the world public opinion,

American imperialism is arrogantly declaring it as a warning to all

those small and big forces of the world, which dare to talk of rebellion

by citing example of its “success” in suppressing Iraq and Iraqi people

through the strength of ultra-modern military technology. In this

context it is paramount to develop the Party’s strategy and tactics

most seriously when the old state and the main parliamentary forces

of the country are showing their national capitulationist character

and imperialism is bullying as aforesaid.


I On World Situation

All the basic contradictions of the world have now sharpened proving

the claims of ‘end of history’ and ‘rise of new world order’ by the

imperialists as utter rubbish. Not only has the principal contradiction

of the world between imperialism and oppressed nations and people

become explosive but inter-imperialist contradictions, too, have

sharpened. This situation has developed with the increasing plunder,

intervention and terror of US imperialism under the strategy of

establishing an unchallenged domination over the whole globe after

the fall of the erstwhile Soviet Union.

Proclaiming the so-called US prosperity and civilization based on

exploitation, capture and plunder of overwhelming human and

natural resources of the earth as an ideal model of the world, the

Bush clique of the imperialist moneybags has claimed and practiced

its privilege of attacking any nation, organisation, movement and

people raising their voice against it. It has become the main trend of

imperialism to impose war on the people in the name of this or that

excuse in order to save its economy from collapse, which is based on

war industry manufacturing weapons of mass-destruction that has

the power of destroying the human race.

Since the last decade there has been deep recession occurring in the

imperialist economy in general and American economy in particular.

Financial capital has domination over industrial capital, and financial

capital is in turn controlled mainly by the Americans through

organizations like “World Bank”, “International Monitory Fund”.

The monopoly of financial capital and its unlimited centralization

has created unequal wage distribution, unequal development, and

unemployment and has dangerously intensified the gap between the

rich and the poor. The development of science and technology and


the concentration of capital is unlimitedly increasing the productive

capacity of imperialist economic units, but the demand and market

is not only not expanding at the same pace but in fact becoming even

more limited because of inequality in development and distribution.

Because of this inherent logic of the imperialist economic system

there is bound to be clash between the imperialist factions for the

capture of market.

Today the background of the Iraq war, which is indicating a big

turning point and change in the world situation, is proving that

point. Because the dollar is the international medium of exchange

the Americans are arbitrarily printing dollars in order to cover up

more than five hundred billion dollars of trade deficit. And if the

Europeans and other imperialist forces that control nearly half of the

American currency start using other medium of exchange instead

of dollar then it is certain it will ruin American domestic economy

that is sustaining itself by obtaining cheap credit. It is this situation,

which is actually behind the collapse of big companies and banks

belonging to the Americans. At present the growing development of

Euro is giving challenges to the future of the dollar. In this situation,

Iraq was beginning to receive money for its oil through Euro from

2000 on wards. Venezuela had been doing this right from the

beginning. Many imperialist countries were slowly converting their

foreign exchange deposit into Euro from the dollar. Many countries

closely affiliated to America started showing interest in reserving

their limited foreign exchange deposit in Euro currency. On top

of that for the last seven years, the oil producing countries started

refraining to invite American companies to develop the oil resources.

Under such a situation, if Euro captures the huge world market

of oil and if dollar gets left behind (of which clear indication was

beginning to show) then it would have ruined American economy


and it would make sure that its hegemony in the world would end.

Thus objectively even before the event of September 11 there had

already arisen a great danger on American economic domination.

In such a situation it is but natural to occur clashes among NATO

country members themselves as a manifestation of the contradiction

between excess production and limited market. Then the American

imperialism saw no other alternative than to wage war with its huge

military might which has given it its superpower status in order to

safeguard its economic hegemony.

It is in this background that the incident of September 11 occurred.

This incident, in fact became a very big excuse for the crisis ridden

American imperialism to launch a war. The Bush clique of the

oil business that was looking for a lame excuse to wage a war has

now declared protracted war in the pretext of so-called war against

terrorism on the basis of huge military built-up in order to establish

unipolar economic and military hegemony.

Although the real strategic aim was to capture oil in order to

ward off its competitions and to tighten its control over the world

economy, tactically it gave the name of war against terrorism and

started by attacking Afghanistan. When this trend lead to initiate

war by the American and the British troops on the sovereign nation

Iraq, which has second largest oil deposits in the world, in the

pretext of destroying the so-called mass-destructive chemical and

biological weapons in its possessions which was never proved, then

big upheavals and changes started appearing in the world situation

and is continuing to do so.

In the course of preparatory phase of war, mainly in Europe, America

and including the whole world, unprecedented waves of people’s

movement started developing. The huge and mammoth anti-war


people’s rallies right at the heart of imperialist countries, alleging

war as “crime against humanity” and comparing Bush and Blair

as “Hitler of 21st Century”, have created a revolutionary objective

condition for the new wave of world revolution. Although the

unified anti-war and such initiatives taken by the people all around

the world, including Europe and America, could not stop the war

against Iraq immediately, but it created strong base for alternative

people’s power and future resistance against imperialism. This war

that was waged despite vehement protest by tens of millions of

people around the world, has in fact exposed the mask of democracy

worn by the imperialists. Their real military fascist character has once

again become exposed before the whole world. This world situation,

which developed in course of war on Iraq, is a very positive aspect.

Iraq war has not only brought to surface the contradictions between

imperialist countries but it has also intensified it to a large extent.

France, Germany and Russia were openly seen to oppose the war

policy of America and Britain. The threat of France to veto against

the war in United Nations and the declaration that American

‘unipolar world hegemony is not tolerable’, all these explain the

level of contradictions existing between the imperialist countries. It

is clear that this kind of resistance reached such a height, primarily

because of one’s economic self-interest and secondly because of

the pressure exerted by the rallying people on the streets. But,

these imperialist countries very well know America is the only

force that can save today’s imperialist world system, and hence in

their opposition one can easily smell the tendency of aligning with

America and to appease it. These countries while advocating UN

and opposing war not only undertook no concrete steps to stop it

but they helped the war indirectly and in their propaganda they

made clear that America should not lose. Whatever may be, there


is increase in competitions among the imperialist forces for the oil

and the market and that the Iraq war has all the more intensified

and deepened that contradiction. This development in the world

situation is another important change.

Those Third World reactionary rulers who are competing with

one other to gain American blessing by supporting America’s

monopolistic hold over the world after the end of cold war are now

realizing that their position has weakened because of the experiences

of the last decade. At present all the reactionary rulers of the Third

World are at one end facing increasing fury and resistance of the

people and at the other end are under the dual pressure and threat of

world imperialism, thus being squeezed from both the sides. Despite

the disapproval of the United Nations, massive opposition put up by

the people and innumerable appeals, requests made by most of the

Third World rulers, gruesome attack made on a sovereign country,

Iraq, by the American and British imperialists has reminded and

revived the almost forgotten non-alignment movement. It is through

this movement that the Third World rulers have become compelled

to oppose this war. But, because of their own reactionary nature, they

are not able to take any strong stand against imperialism and there is

no possibility for it, too. While many fascist rulers of the Third World

are openly and nakedly hobnobbing with imperialism in order to

prolong their life and existence, some others are looking for a middle

road of compromise with a terrorized mentality. Whatever it may

be, the very fact that inter-imperialist contradictions are sharpening

and in the same proportion the non-alignment movement is getting

revived; all these indicate a change in the world situation.

The so-called military success in Iraq war has increased even more

the arrogance of American imperialism to maintain its hegemony


over the world. They have haughtily declared the so-called “ success”

as a warning against those small and big forces of the world that

dare to raise their voice against America. They are now centralizing

their threat on Syria, Iran and other countries under the strategy of

controlling the whole world through their hold on oil by installing

puppet governments all over Arab countries who are willing to kneel

down before them.

American imperialism, which has been strengthening its military

hold on Afghanistan and Pakistan, is now implementing the strategy

of tightening its noose in South Asia. Because of the capitulationist

nature of the present reactionary governments in this region, they

are getting successful in this strategy. American imperialism, which

has been playing the game of cat and mouse among the Indian

and Pakistani rulers using the weapon of Kashmir conflict, is now

concentrating its attention in containing the Nepalese people’s great

democratic movement that has been gaining success one after the

other through the People’s War. It is by realizing the consequences of

21st century’s forward-looking movement from an ideological point

of view and the geo-strategic position of Nepal (being in between

the vast China and India), and by assessing the possible success of

Maoist movement as a spark of new world revolution against world

imperialism which could ignite a prairie fire on world imperialism,

that they have been intensifying their interventionist activities in

Nepal for the last past three years. In order to sustain the most

reactionary feudal autocratic elements, they have been increasing

strategic, economic and material aid against the People’s War. The

conclusion of a so-called agreement against terrorism for the period

of five years between American imperialism and the old state of

Nepal, while formal negotiation was going on after the cease-fire,

and the recent listing of the Nepalese Maoist movement among the


terrorists, all these indicate the seriousness of the present situation.

Even this brief analysis of the present world situation makes it amply

clear that, despite ups and downs in history, the basic features of

imperialism and the compulsions for Bush to wage war remain

the same and proves that comrade Lenin’s analysis is scientific and

relevant even today. For the masses of the world, there is no other

alternative than resisting the war through revolution. The situation

up to the Iraq war is preparing objective ground for bringing a wave

of world revolution in the 21st century. An historical duty has been

placed on the shoulders of the international proletariat to prepare

itself boldly for undertaking leadership of world revolution based

on the fundamental principles of MLM in the 21st century. There

can be no other military strategy than the People’s War to smash

imperialism. World Situation and the Nepalese Revolution.

The unprecedented development in communication technology has

made today’s world unbelievably small. Because of the development

of the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, the favorable

and unfavorable international situation will be playing strategic

role in determining the success of any specific country’s democratic

revolution. On top of it the development of science and technology

in the 21st century has qualitatively enhanced the importance of

international situation for determining the success of revolution

in any country. In today’s condition, any ups and downs in the

revolution of any country are related with the ups and downs that

occur in the world situation. The development of revolution in the

last seven years amply explains this reality.

Had world imperialism, particularly American imperialism in today’s

context, not helped the old state directly, the Nepalese revolution

would have by today developed further ahead with relative ease


and somewhat differently through the use of the thought, strategy

and tactics synthesized in the Party’s historic Second National

Conference. The Nepalese revolution has been affected by the

activities of American imperialism, like bringing the most brutal

and fascist feudal elements through the infamous palace massacre to

take on the Nepalese People’s War to intensifying its interventionist

activities in Nepal with the declaration of the so-called war against

terrorism after the September 11 event. We can clearly and with

experience say that had the old feudal state and its royal army not

had direct involvement of American military advisors in planning,

construction, training and direction in the post “emergency” period

and that had it not received financial and military assistance from

foreign reactionary forces including America, the old rotten feudal

state in Nepal had no chance of surviving in the face of People’s

War till today. The very fact that it was able to defeat the feudal

state in various fronts despite unleashing fierce military atrocities

and terror with direct imperialist assistance and direction and was

able to develop People’s War up to strategic equilibrium, proves the

great victory of the Party’s political and military line.

To advance by “giving birth to powerful counter-revolution”

and “creating unusual complex situation” is the law of revolution

according to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. The law of development

of Nepalese revolution could not have been outside this law. There is

no doubt that the imperialist forces are now in preparation for even

more vicious assault as the Nepalese People’s War is in preparation for

strategic offensive from its current position of strategic equilibrium.

The entire complexities, opportunities and challenges of Nepalese

revolution are the manifestations of this objective condition. From

the ideological and strategic point of view, Mao has correctly said

that imperialism is actually paper tiger. But, from immediate and


tactical point of view it is also real tiger that devours human beings.

Till the Iraq war, imperialism is proving itself as both paper tiger

and real tiger. From strategic point of view it proved itself to be

paper tiger because imperialism generated hatred, resistance and

anger against it in Iraq war. But, tactically it is drinking the blood

of people of Afghanistan and Iraq and is roaring towards the masses

of the world by baring its bloodstained fangs. Iraq war has indeed

made revolutionary condition ripe all over the world. However,

at present there is no revolutionary wave under the leadership of

the proletariat. But, in Nepal, the development of revolution has

reached a very sensitive stage of preparation for strategic offensive. It

is essential to understand that the series of tactical steps undertaken

by the Party such as cease-fire, negotiation, political way out etc.

are based on this strategically favorable and tactically unfavorable

world situation and the condition of strategic equilibrium inside the

country.

In the present context, when along with the restoration of capitalism in

China there is no other socialist state existing, when despite objective

condition turning favorable currently there is no advancement in

any strong revolutionary movement under the leadership of the

proletariat, and when world imperialism is pouncing on people

everywhere like an injured tiger, is it possible for a small country

with a specific geo-political compulsion like Nepal to gain victory

to the point of capturing central state through revolution? This is

the most significant question being put before the Party today. The

answer to this question can only be found in Marxism-Leninism-

Maoism and on this depends the future of the Nepalese revolution.

It is the correct or wrong ideology and political line that determines

everything. It is worth remembering that historic initiation of


People’s War was undertaken by the Party even when in the West

imperialism was celebrating victory both ideologically and physically

after the end of the cold war, and even the People’s War in Peru’s

had met with a serious setback in a very unfavorable international

situation. All reactionary and rightist revisionist forces, inside and

outside the country, were forecasting that the initiation of People’s

War was an “extremist deviation” devoid of objective condition and

that it would be smashed within a few months. But, the People’s

War has developed to the present challenging situation within 7

years, against such allegations and forecast. It is quite clear that

behind this fast development are the correct thought, line, plan and

program of the Party.

Today the challenge before us for leading the People’s War to

victory, while facing current imperialist intervention and national

capitulationism, is in essence the challenge of developing the

ideological and political line. If the Party based on concrete analysis

of concrete condition fails to develop ideological and political line

in order to face the new situation and falls victim to dogmatism or

pragmatism, then it will become impossible for the revolution to

attain victory. It is important here to discuss three kinds of deviations

that may come from present world situation in the revolutionary

movement.

It is imperative for the Party to be clear that in the present day

revolutionary movement the first and the main danger is the rightist

capitulationist deviation that overestimates the strength of the

enemy and underestimates the strength of the people. This kind

of deviation can be manifested in different forms, such as seeing

cease-fire as a form of absolute peace process, to see negotiation as

a process of compromise at all cost instead of taking it as another


front to fight against the enemy, to show disinterest in the essential

and painful work of consolidating the people’s army and mobilizing

the masses and to be involved in diplomatic engagements with

different sections of the enemy and be unduly hopeful from such

interactions, to be ready to change the Party’s strategic goal in the

name of applying creative tactics in order to suit world situation and

to face its pressure, to be content with repetitive cycle of status quo

rather than developing the thought and the leadership, to consider

breakdown of cease-fire so as to advance the revolution as a self-

destructive act, etc.

Against the above deviation, another deviation can be seen in the

form of “leftist” adventurism, which underestimates the strength of

enemy and overestimates the strength of people. These are manifested

in the form of seeing cease-fire and negotiation as unnecessary and

irrelevant; it dismisses, in the name of conforming to the goal

of strategy, the need of tactical maneuvering in order to face the

complexities brought about by the development of revolution; it

considers recognition and utilization of contradiction among the

enemies as opportunism; it suffers from one-track-mindedness

which considers that revolution can be concluded in a straight

line; it understands thought, line, plan and program synthesized

in the past as completed rather than taking pain to develop them

continuously,etc.

Against the above two contradictory deviations, there can be seen

another deviation in the form of vacillation and escapism. This

kind of deviation prevents oneself from taking any firm stand

on rightist, ‘leftist’ and revolutionary lines. Ultimately escapism

becomes its destiny. Against these deviations the Party advocates

continuous ideological struggle on the basis of MLM and Prachanda


Path. According to the demand of the new situation, it considers

the necessity of developing to higher height, the Party’s established

thought based on strategic firmness and tactical flexibility. The

victory of Nepalese People’s War is neither impossible as thought

by the rightist capitulationists nor will it is so straight and simple as

thought by the leftist adventurists.

After the Afghanistan and mainly Iraq war, it is certain that the eyes

of world imperialism together with that of anti-war world public

opinion (including revolutionary communists) are getting focused

intensely on Nepal, and in the coming days this will all the more

get focused. After the Iraq war it has become all the more clear that

neither the religious fundamentalist rulers or organizations nor the

reactionary fascist rulers of the Third World countries are actually

able to resist imperialist military interventions. We should be clear

about the three reasons behind it. First, such reactionary rulers are

alienated from their own people, and as a result they fail to organize

the unlimited energy of people’s active initiatives in the resistance

war. Second, such rulers use same war-fare tactics as used by the

imperialists, in which the super power imperialism is thousand times

stronger; as a result these rulers or religious fundamentalist groups of

the Third World countries cannot sustain the war for long. Third,

even while resisting against the imperialist war it is impossible for

the world public opinion to remain in full and continuous support

of such reactionary rulers or religious fundamentalist groups.

It is obvious that in the context of the Nepalese People’s War such

a situation will be fundamentally different. War against imperialism

can only be successful through the technique of People’s War; this

is an irrefutable fact based on fundamental ideology of MLM and

historical experience. In today’s context when the world opinion is


going against imperialism, there is increasing probability of Nepalese

revolution creating a new wave of world revolution and playing a

role of global historical importance. If the Nepalese People’s War

undergoes a set-back due to rightist liquidationism and leftist

adventurism or due to some other reasons, then it will play a big

negative role for the advancement of world revolution. Because of

our impressive victory campaign for the last seven years and the

present stage of strategic equilibrium, the imperialist enemies are

compelled to invent new strategy one after another. Building upon

the experiences of Indonesia, Chile, Vietnam, Nicaragua and in the

later period, Peru, imperialism is trying to develop open and hidden

strategies to smash the Nepalese People’s War. Among these the

best option is seen as to prepare for a massive military strike by

establishing the charge of terrorism. Under such a situation the future

development of People’s War is certainly not going to be smooth and

simple. However, if it advances on the basis of correct strategy and

tactics by mobilizing world opinion and by tiring imperialism, there

is full possibility of leading the revolution to victory. Certainly, for

this the Party will have to go through many changes in tactics, and

turnings and ups and downs. Here the main question is to remain

firm in the strategic commitment of not letting the revolutionary

flag of 21st century to fall down. It is imperative to establish the

strategy of People’s War as an opposite and alternative pole to

American imperialism and to advance ahead by moving forward

or backward, and right or left, based on the concrete analysis of

concrete condition. In this context the Party needs to pay special

attention to the following points.

It is important to emphasize no making the relation between world

proletariat and the Party all the more concrete and broad. In today’s

world when it is impossible to achieve victory without collective


effort of international proletariat on war against imperialism, it

becomes all the more important to initiate live contact between

different proletarian revolutionaries of the world and to make them

more motivated for struggle through the RIM. The Party should

give first priority to the work of organizing and mobilizing for the

struggle under the collective effort of international proletariat.

The question of linking the Nepalese revolution with the increasing

world opinion against imperialism is a question of great importance.

The activities of the Party so far have certainly prepared a good

ideological and political base for linking the Nepalese revolution with

the anti-imperialist world opinion. With a collective and planned

initiative the Party and international proletariat this relation should

be made more lively, organized and struggle-oriented.

Along with the efforts of advancing the above two main relationships,

it is important to make further efforts to utilize different imperialist

and reactionary forces who have contradictions with American

imperialism. It is important to note that Party’s capacity of utilizing

inter-imperialist and inter-reactionary contradictions will increase

in proportion to the degree of consolidation of relationship between

the proletariat and anti-imperialist world opinion.

It is only thus that we can fulfill our historical role of serving world

revolution and continuing the Nepalese revolution.

II The Present Domestic Situation

The present political situation of the country is going through

transitional crisis period. Our Party with utmost seriousness,

responsibility and flexibility, has been trying to bring forth forward-

looking solution through peaceful means by declaring cease-fire and

going for negotiation based on the specific situation of strategic


equilibrium in civil war, the aspiration for the peace by the people,

and increasing foreign intervention. Although international power

centers and their Nepali stooges formally welcomed cease-fire and

negotiation, in reality they also started conspiring against it as soon

as cease-fire was declared. Incidents such as repression, arrests and

killing spree let loose by the old state and its army, the campaign

for military consolidation and the deliberate propaganda made by

various reactionary parliamentary cliques that there was a secret pact

between the Maoists and the palace, all indicate such conspiracies.

Right from the very beginning, our Party has been exposing all

these conspiracies and has been emphasizing to make cease-fire and

negotiation a success in keeping with the aspirations of the people.

In this context our sincerity, seriousness and responsible behavior

was expressed not only in setting up of our negotiation team and the

discussions and interactions we boldly and openly had with different

political forces, intellectuals, journalists and people in general but

also through our bold and open presentation of the agenda and our

firm stand on it at the time of formal negotiations with the ruling

side.

But the more it was found that not only the rural but also the

urban middle class masses were getting clear and attracted towards

our political actions and our commitment for the peaceful political

solution, the more it became clear that conspiracies of foreign

imperialists and their Nepali stooges started increasing in the

same proportion. The incidents such as the conclusion of five-year

agreement against so-called terrorism between American imperialism

and the old state right at the threshold of formal negotiation, public

declaration of the supply of war logistics worth Rs 300 crore by the

Indian military chief in the name of “fighting against terrorism”

to the old state, and in the later period, open announcement of


the inclusion of the Maoist movement in the list of international

terrorism by the State Department of America, open threats given by

American ambassador in Nepal, the activities and open statements

issued by the royal army and the misleading propaganda made by

main parliamentary groups, etc all prove the above facts.

Right from ceasefire to present political developments have made

it clear that our minimum and consensual agenda which seeks to provide a forward-looking political solution through round table conference, interim government and constituent assembly has been rejected by not only the palace clique that dreams of an autocratic monarchy but also the main parliamentary groups singing the tune of parliamentary democracy. Objectively, by this rejection they are proving that they are neither for peace in real sense nor they want real political solution in the country. In form it may appear as a triangular struggle involving monarchy, parliamentary forces and revolutionary forces, but in essence and if one looks from a class point of view, the struggle involving only two forces (reactionary and democratic forces) are seen. It has been practically proved that the differences between the autocratic monarchical and parliamentary groups are nothing other than that of share of power within the old state. It has been time and again proved in Nepal that monarchy in the name of nationalism (fake) and parliamentary forces in the name of democracy (fake) want to occupy the seat of power and betray the nation and the people on identical class basis. Despite the present crisis ridden state of the country and our serious initiative, their refusal to come to term with constituent assembly, which is a mere bourgeois democratic practice, has once again proved how hollow and hypocritical their slogan of nationalism and democracy is. From this the objectivity of our policy that nationalism and democracy cannot be separated from each other in bourgeois democratic

revolution has become all the more clear.


What we have been saying from a class and theoretical point of

view and what has become all the more exposed in the present

cease-fire and negotiation process is that it is the clash of interests

between different international reactionary centers which is

behind the mutual recriminations and contradictions between

different reactionary groups in Nepal. As the royal army and the

palace elements are being manipulated and protected by western

imperialism, particularly American imperialism, and the main

parliamentary forces by the Indian rulers who seek special hegemony

in South Asia, they are having a continuous tug of war between

them. Hence the whole Party should be clear that, in the background

of political development particularly after the palace massacre, the

idea of seeing either the monarchical or the parliamentary forces of

Nepal as more democratic or more nationalistic than the other, will

be specially harmful and wrong. It has become all the more clear

in the present day Nepal that we can never have any ideological

and political relationship with either monarchical or parliamentary

groups except to manage contradictions in a particular situation.

The chain of events is proving that the monarchical elements are

moving ahead with the strategy of strengthening the state and

smashing our movement with the backing of American imperialism

by using us in the name of peace negotiation. Similarly, the main

parliamentary forces are moving ahead with the strategy of using

us, in the name struggling against regression, in order to reach the

seat of the old state and destroying our movement with the help of

foreign reaction. In such a situation, there can be no other strategy

for the revolutionaries except to expose their strategic conspiracies

and strive to raise people’s revolution to a new height by mobilizing

the masses and using contradictions among reactionary forces.


Will such conspiratorial methods adopted by international forces and

reactionary elements of the country end the relevance of our serious,

responsible initiative towards cease-fire, negotiation and peaceful

political solution ? To many people this may seem so. But, from

factual and scientific point of view, these conspiracies of the enemy

have all the more widely proved the relevance of our initiative. First

of all, our initiative has not only established our movement’s political

superiority amongst rural populace, urban masses and people all over

the country but also amongst quite a many people all around the

world. It has also played an important role in exposing the military

fascist misdeeds of imperialism and its Nepali stooges. To put it in

concrete terms, the war mongering and unjust intervention resorted

to by American imperialism even when serious initiative for arriving

at political solution through negotiation was taking place, has led

American imperialists and its Nepali stooges to at once fall down

in the eyes of urban intellectuals to general masses and progressive

people all over the world. We should deeply acknowledge that this

would play a big national and international political role for the

future counter-offensive. Secondly, initiative and naked intervention

of American imperialism will increase our Party’s chance of using

inter- imperialist contradictions and the ones between reactionary

rulers of different countries. Thirdly, our initiative and the naked

conspiracy of the enemy has widely intensified the contradictions

among different reactionary and revisionist groups of the country

and brought them out on the surface. From this we have got good

opportunity to make clear our position amongst those cadres and

masses that have been under the illusion of reactionary and revisionist

groups. According to the Party’s principle theoretical understanding,

negotiation is also one of the fronts of the struggle and hence we

must stress on taking it to a logical conclusion. But, we must firmly


grasp that this tactics is invariably inter-connected with the strategy

of political preparation for counter-offensive. In the end, while

firmly adhering to the aforesaid analysis of the monarchical and

major parliamentary groups from a strategic and class perspective,

we should strive from an immediate and tactical point of view to

make necessary adjustments, understandings and tactical unity with

other imperialists, foreign reactionaries and major parliamentary

forces inside the country against American imperialism and its

Nepali stooges as far as they are prepared to go. Only thus can we

effectively carry forward our offensive against the main enemy.

III On the Experiences of History and Development of

Democracy in the 21st Century

“Marxism is not lifeless dogma, not a completed, readymade immutable doctrine, but a living guide to action” - Lenin

The main essence of the teachings of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism

is to advance ahead through continuous revolution by scientifically

synthesizing world proletarian movement enriched by the great

experiences of revolution and counter-revolution. In giving leadership

to the democratic revolution against feudalism and imperialism in

Nepal, our Party has been from the very beginning laying emphasis

on applying the teachings of MLM, not in the form of dogma but

in the form of creative application and development as a “guide to

action”. In this great process of applying and developing the teachings

of MLM based on the concrete condition of the Nepalese revolution,

we have been waging continuous struggle against rightist revisionists

as well as the dogmato-revisionists. The process of ideological

struggle that is invariably linked with the necessity of class struggle

has brought the People’s War to this level of development within

the period of 7 years through one leap to another. The Party has


already synthesized the discovery at “Prachanda-Path” as a special

chain of ideas in the Nepalese revolution based on this development

process of class struggle and ideological struggle.

Here what is important to note is that the starting point of the Party’s

ideological and practical struggle has been the Great Proletarian

Cultural Revolution that has developed Marxism-Leninism-Maoism

as the highest synthesis of the science of proletarian revolution. This

means, to uphold continuous revolution under the dictatorship of

the proletariat as a theoretical basis to prevent counter-revolution

and to carry forward ideological struggle based on the principle of

“Three Dos and Three Don’ts” for the continuous proletarization of

the Party. Our Party has been firm that any deviations from this will

mean deviation from the proletarian movement. But, if it is taken

to mean readymade and complete answers for the requirement of

revolution in the 21st Century then one should be clear that it is

against the teachings of MLM and the Great Proletarian Cultural

Revolution.

The synthesis up to the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution

definitely equipped the world proletariat with the ideological

weapon of MLM. But, after the demise of Com. Mao, capitalism

got restored in China and there is now not a single socialist state

in the world. It would be a subjective deviation to deny the fact

that this has given a big setback to the world proletarian movement

and that it has brought big negative change in the world situation.

Objectively there is no change that this is the era of imperialism and

proletarian revolution and that revolution is the main trend of the

world. This does not mean that we should underestimate the big

loss proletarian class has faced through counter-revolution in China

in the struggle for power and that we should not take seriously our


effort to stop such counter-revolution in future by taking lessons

from these defeats. In the present context of world revolution or in

the context of revolution in any particular country, it has become

very necessary for the political vanguard of the proletariat to give

answer to this big question.

In the same way, with the entry into 21st century, there has been

unprecedented development in science and technology, particularly

in electronic communication technology, in the world. Just as

this intense development has been affecting the world in different

ways, similarly this makes necessary demands for improvement and

development in the political and military strategy of the proletarian

revolution. Any positive or negative incidents in any corner of the

world has so rapid, intense and direct repercussion in the world

that such phenomena has never occurred earlier in humankind’s

history.

This way, the experiences of counter-revolution give us inspiration to

learn lessons from the limitations and weaknesses of past revolution,

and the advancements made in science and technology inspire us to

make creative development in the strategy and tactics of revolution.

From the point of view of epochal development of human society

it is still the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution; however,

because of above important changes that have come in subjective

and objective conditions it has necessitated today’s proletariat to

develop and refine their ideology and strategy based on concrete

analysis of concrete situation.

On the basis of experience of history, analysis of present world

situation and five years’ enriched experiences of the Nepalese

People’s war, the Party’s Second historic Conference has made many

important political and military syntheses. The qualitative result


brought in the development of People’s War due to the application

of that synthesized idea in the past two years, has not only proved

its scientific basis but also it has prepared a strong base for higher

ideological, political and military synthesis. On the basis of these

developments in the world situation, including the development

of Nepalese class struggle from the Second National Conference

up to today, and from the September 11 event up to the Iraq war,

it is necessary to develop and refine the strategy of the democratic

revolution. In this context it is specially worth considering following

points on relationship between the Party, Army, State and the

People.

IV The Party

The experiences of revolution and counter-revolution in the 20th

Century have glaringly showed that the work of defending and

developing the revolutionary proletarian character of the Party

becomes all the more difficult in the period after the capture of the

state power. Why is it that those victorious Parties in the world which

have undergone intense ideological struggle against the rightist, leftist

and centrist deviations inside and outside of the Party and which

have created unprecedented example of earth-shaking bravery and

sacrifice by fighting against the enemy in class war while identifying

itself with the needs and interest of the people, after they capture

state power become transformed into bureaucratic, revisionist, and

counter-revolutionary Parties, alienated from the masses within a

short period of time? Certainly, basic theoretical answers for this

have been given by MLM by the time of the Great Proletarian

Cultural Revolution. But, these basic theories need to be developed

into an organizational theory, methodology and system so that they

can stop counter-revolution, and this is valid even today. This is


the problem of application and development of the theory of two-

line struggle within the Party and continuous revolution under the

dictatorship of the proletariat.

Experience has proved that after assuming state power, when various

leaders and cadres of the Party are involved in running the state

affairs, then there is strong chance that physical environment may

swiftly reduce the Party into a bureaucratic, careerist and luxurious

class. With intensification of this danger the Party will become more

formal and alienated from the masses, in the same proportion. This

process when it reaches to certain level of its own development, it is

bound to be transformed into counter-revolution. In order to prevent

such danger as counter-revolution to happen, it is important to

develop further organizational mechanism and system so that Party is

constantly under the vigilance, control and service of the proletariat

and working masses according to the theory of two-line struggle

and continuous revolution. For this it is very important that there

should be a mechanism to guarantee overall people’s participation

in two line struggle and that one section comprising of capable and

established leaders and cadres should be constantly involved in mass

work and another section should be involved in running the state

machinery and that after certain interval of period there should be

re-division of work thereby strengthening the relationship between

the whole Party and the general masses. Right from the beginning

it should be stressed that the Party and the state under its leadership

should adopt a policy and methodology of keeping lively relations

with the masses, working hard and living in privation and to be wholly

devoted to the cause of communism. It should present Party, leaders

and cadres as ideal and inspirational examples. It should emphasize

to develop policy and structure which will help in waging intense

ideological struggle and will expose before the masses those leaders


and cadres who misuse their position, dictate over the masses and

who are luxurious and careerists. In this context, it should be stressed

to discourage the tendency of using coercive measure of state power

in two-line struggle in the Party and to emphasize in establishing

and encouraging scientific methodologies of judging between right

and wrong through ideological struggle with the participation of the

masses and the cadres. It is important to guarantee the system of

reserving the right of judgment to the cadres and masses in deciding

if certain rebellion inside or outside the Party is justified or not.

V The Army

The experience of revolution and counter-revolution in the 20th

Century has clearly shown that if the proletarian class advances

ahead with correct revolutionary ideology, policy and programme

then the people can develop from almost zero to the level of an

invincible people’s army which can reduce to dust the ultramodern

and powerful army of the enemy. But if wrong ideology prevails then

the same army can become a weapon of counter-revolution. The

experience has shown even in the context of the people’ army that

before the revolution, it has been in unison with the masses, full of

devotion, bravery, sacrifice and ideological commitment, thus being

invincible before the enemy; but after the capture of state power

the same starts staying in barracks under special management and

the material condition for turning into a bourgeois modern regular

army gets intensified. If one is not able to guarantee the development

of methodology and structure which will keep the army under

the supervision, control and service of the masses and proletarian

ideology then such tendencies will go on multiplying till it reaches

a specific point when it will automatically get transformed into a

weapon for serving counter-revolution. In order to stop repetition


of above condition it is necessary right from the beginning to pursue

ideological and political work amongst the people’s army with great

importance and to make conscious the whole people’s army and

the masses to rebel against counter-revolution. Together with this,

it should be guaranteed that the people’s army of the 21st century

is not marked by modernization with special arms and training

confined to a barrack after the capture of state power but remains

a torch-bearer of revolution engaged in militarization of the masses

and in the service of the masses. It is only by developing armed

masses from both ideological and physical point of view that one

can resist foreign intervention and counter-revolution; this fact must

be made clear before the armed forces right from the beginning.

The main thrust of work for the 21stcCentury people’s army should

be to complete the historical responsibility of developing conscious

armed masses so that they may learn to use their right to rebel.

VI On the State

The capture of state power through people’ war under the leadership

of the Party of the proletariat has been the central and difficult

question of revolution yesterday and today. But the experience of

20th century has clearly proved that the question of continuous

democratization of the state power, so that it starts withering away,

is thousand times more difficult and complex than capturing state

power. The importance and rigor of the subject can be judged

from the fact that at one point of time within a century successful

revolutions in Russia, China and other countries had shaken the

whole earth, while at the other end the events of big counter-

revolutions in those powerful socialist countries lead to a situation

of no socialist state.


It is a fact that while capitalist imperialists are successful in camouflaging their military fascist essence by covering it with the so-called democratic mask, at the other end, the proletarians despite having a democratic essence are not able to consolidate their hold on the state. There may be many historical and theoretical reasons behind this, but today the problem of developing democracy has become very complex before us. What are the main obstacles in maintaining the balance between the need of resorting to dictatorship over the defeated class enemy and the necessity of exercising democracy amongst the people? Why is it that people’s democracy or proletarian democracy under people’s democratic dictatorship or dictatorship of the proletariat have in essence become formal, mechanical and conservative? Here our question has nothing to do with those revisionist and capitulationist renegades of the world who have fallen back to bourgeois formal democracy by condemning people’s democratic dictatorship or dictatorship of the proletariat. Here our question is centred around the development of state power as an organisation to facilitate continuous revolution. In the end it is the broad and vigorous democratization process, which will in essence consolidate real people’s dictatorship or proletarian dictatorship. There can be no other meaning than this of the great scientific theory of democratic centralism. Why is that these parties that were able to exercise democratic centralism correctly before the capture of state power have now fallen pray to formal democracy and bureaucratic centralism after they have succeeded in capturing the state power? That the party is dominated by revisionism cannot provide full answer to this question. In the end the responsibility lies with this or that weakness committed by Marxists in the application of dialectical materialism. A Party, which may be proletarian revolutionary, and a state, that


may be democratic or socialist, at a particular time, place and condition, may turn counter-revolutionary at another time, place and condition. It is obvious that the synthesis of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, namely the masses and the revolutionaries should rebel in such a situation, is fully correct in its place. However, as if a particular Communist Party remains proletarian for ever once a New Democratic or Socialist state is established under the leadership of that Party, there is either no opportunity, or it is not prepared, or it is prohibited, for the masses to have a free democratic or socialist competition against it. As a result, since the ruling Party is not required to have a political competition with others amidst the masses, it gradually turns into a mechanistic bureaucratic Party with special privileges and the state under its leadership, too, turns into mechanistic and bureaucratic machinery. Similarly, the masses become a victim of formal democracy and gradually their limitless energy of creativity and dynamism gets sapped. This danger has been clearly observed in history. To solve this problem, the process of control, supervision and intervention of the masses over the state should be stressed to be organized in a lively and scientific manner, according to the principle of continuous revolution. Once again the question here is to dialectically organize scientific reality that the efficacy of dictatorship against the enemy is dependent upon the efficacy of exercising democracy among the people.

For this, a situation must be created to ensure continuous proletarization and revolutionization of the Communist Party by organizing political competition within the constitutional limits of the anti-feudal and anti-imperialist democratic state. Only by institutionalizing the rights of the masses to install an alternative revolutionary Party or leadership on the state if the Party fails to continuously revolutionize itself that counter-revolution can be effectively checked. Among different anti-feudal and anti-imperialist


political parties, organizations and institutions, which accept the constitutional provisions, of the democratic state, their mutual relations should not be confined to that of a mechanistic relation of cooperation with the Communist Party but should be stressed to have dialectical relations of democratic political competition in the service of the people. It should be obvious that if anybody in this process transgresses the limits legally set by the democratic state, he would be subjected to democratic dictatorship. From the very beginning it should be stressed to end a situation of not having to prove the correctness of one’s ideas, the need to get united with the interests of the masses, and dedication, devotion and sacrifice and loyalty to the masses to establish the leadership capacity of the Party once the state power is captured. Special care should be taken to ensure that centralization of thought and leadership in the state would not lead to a situation of curtailing the rights of self-determination of the masses.

In the context of democratic revolution in Nepal, we have been talking about the liberation of the masses from class, national, regional, and gender oppression. We have also pledged national and regional autonomy along with the rights to self-determination. Similarly we have been talking about Party freedom for anti-feudal and anti-imperialist forces. In this situation it should be stressed on correctly organizing the masses’ right to self-determination for the continuous democratization of the state.

Thus, only through the appropriate development of the Party, Army and State as stated above that democracy in the twenty-first century would enhance the process of continuous revolution and counter-revoluConcentrate Total Force to Raise Preparations for the Offensive to a New Height Through Correct Handling of Contradictions


ANNEX-6

Supplementary Resolution to “Present Situation and Our

Historic Task”

[adopted by the Politburo of the Central Committee of the

CPN (Maoist) in October 2003]

Review of the World Situation

Review of the Domestic Political Situation

Review of the Military Situation After the Breakdown of Ceasefire

Refinement in the Practice of Military Actions

On the Future Military Plan

On the Presentation of the People’s State Power.

This meeting of the Politburo has been organized with a view to

introduce necessary refinement to the policy & plan for the coming

days by making a general review of the political and military

situation after the last plenum of the Central Committee (CC),

in general, and after the breakdown of ceasefire, in particular.

Review of the World Situation

The analysis and conclusions of the CC (meeting) on ‘World

Situation’ have been all the more relevant and correct today. After

the Iraq war, the US imperialism has been, with every passing day,

isolated politically and caught in the quagmire of greater crisis

militarily. This is getting confirmed not only by the contradictions

manifested in the recent United Nations General Assembly meeting

and the world conference of the W.T.O. held in Cancun, Mexico,

but also by the increasing resistance against US troops even in Iraq

and Afghanistan and the bankruptcy of the so-called ‘Road Map’

for peace in the Middle East. In the background of this crisis its

(i.e. the US’s) strategy to tighten its hegemony in South Asia is also


facing newer problems. In this context, the objectivity of our policy

to concentrate ideological, political and military attacks on the US

imperialism and the royal military dictatorship surviving on its (i.e.

the US’s) leftovers has been proved in a grand manner. As a result of

the initiative of the (Party) Center on the basis of the above policy,

not only our relations with the communist revolutionaries and

anti- imperialist masses the world over have been strengthened and

expanded but also the diplomatic relations with reactionary forces

having different levels of contradictions with the US imperialism

are getting expanded. Hence, the Party should stress on to make the

implementation of the said evaluation of the world situation and the

formulated policy more extensive and effective.

1. Review of the Domestic Political Situation

The Party has attained a new offensive position politically, due to

the flexible tactical stand of making the masses sovereign through

a Constituent Assembly and the overall initiative taken for this

during the negotiation process. Party’s political supremacy has been

established not only within the country but also outside along with

the declaration of cessation of relevance of ceasefire & negotiations

and appeal to go ahead with the resistance (struggle) after the

presentation of the retrograde “Concept Paper” by the old state

during the third round of negotiation and the massacre at Doramba

at the same time. In this whole process the Party has been successful

to exercise its strategic firmness and tactical flexibility from a new

height.

The political existence of the old state, which has become a puppet

of Western imperialism, particularly the US imperialism, is now

reduced into a royal military terrorism against the people. The

Party’s analysis and conclusion that the old state has degenerated into


military fascism dictated by imperialism after the palace massacre,

has now been vindicated all the more sharply. The fact that the

so-called commitment of the feudal elements towards multiparty

democracy is nothing but hypocrisy is thoroughly exposed by their

unwillingness to co-opt even the parliamentary political parties

begging for their co-option even within the old state. By exhibiting

the extremity of imperialist and feudal obstinacy, the old state is

now making utterly ridiculous nominations to the so-called local

bodies and is insanely advocating the organization of parliamentary

elections. It is clear that a crafty conspiracy to put a veil of legitimacy

to the military fascism of the old state by obliterating the existence

of even the parliamentary political parties is inherent in all this. The

political inaction of the major parliamentary parties is gradually

turning into a cause of their own extinction. The political extinction

of such elements that cannot gauze the impossibility of constitutional

monarchy in the specificity of the present world situation of the 21st

century and the development of civil war in the country are quite

natural. The inability to grasp the fact that in Nepal there is no other

alternative to either rally behind the leadership of the proletariat

to complete the bourgeois democratic revolution or to completely

capitulate to the military fascism based on the coalition of feudalism

and imperialism has become the destiny of the parliamentary forces.

The decision of the last CC that even though it may appear triangular

in form but in essence and in class terms the political struggle in the

country is bipolar, has been proved correct.

In this context it is clear that it is necessary to carry forward firmly the

Party policy of concentrating attacks on military fascism by making

political exposure of parliamentary capitulationism presenting

itself as a middle-roader and by uniting with the broad masses and

classes.


2. Review of the Military Situation After the Breakdown of

Ceasefire

The strategic plan chalked out by the last CC as part of the preparations for strategic offensive and general insurrection is still in the process of implementation. Hence it is not possible to have its comprehensive review right now. However, as the initial stage of the new initiation projected in that plan has been completed, it is both possible and necessary to make an initial summing-up and to refine & concretize the plan for the future.

It may be recollected that the main spirit of the plan devised by the CC was to carry out decentralized actions in the first phase, relatively centralized ones in the second and big centralized ones in the third. As part of the decentralized actions in the first phase the stress was on inflicting damage to and blocking the speed of the enemy through small or big ambushes in rural areas and small or big raids, commando attacks and small or big sabotages in the cities and the Madhesh (plains).

As per the said forms and goals of the actions fixed for the first phase of the new initiation, this part of the plan has been a complete success. The decentralized but a countrywide chain of varied, intensive and daring actions has shocked and disarrayed the enemy and forced it to remain in a defensive position. The most important and gainful aspects of the new initiation were the successful and daring commando attacks, raids and sabotages in the capital, Madhesh and small & big cities. As a result of these intensive actions, it was amply testified that the enemy was not secure even in the capital and other cities and the rural areas in the Terai (Plains), as in the hills, were cleared (of the old state machinery). This consequence of the new initiation is an important achievement towards the goal of preparing grounds for the insurrection.


Road mining and ambushes have been carried out as per the

expectations in numerical terms. However, the expectations of

some qualitative ambushes have not been as much materialized

except in the Seti-Mahakali region. In terms of accidental positional

skirmishes, the encounters in Handing and Korchawang in Rolpa

were noteworthy.

In totality, the new initiative under the new strategic plan has

been accomplished successfully. In view of the big shock-oriented

attacks in a centralized form carried out in the beginning of every

new plan in the past and even the enemy and the people having

been accustomed to them, this new strategic plan has been a matter

of surprise for everybody. Despite its own heavy loss internally the

enemy has made false propaganda of self-indulgence on this new

process in the form of ‘weakening’ of the Peoples Liberation Army

(PLA) and the ‘success’ of its own (royal) army. On the other side, as

a result of the deliberate propaganda of the enemy and the ignorance

about the essence of our plan, a section of the masses, particularly

urban middle class intellectuals, are seen to be in some confusion

and apprehensions. Even some revolutionary cadres seem to be

disappointed in the absence of big shock-oriented actions.

In spite of some such illusions and confusions, what we should be

clear about is that, in view of the entire national & international

context after the breakdown of the ceasefire, our own political

initiative, a definite kind of preparation by the enemy and our

strategy of preparations for a nationwide counter-offensive, our

policy of decentralized actions in the first phase was quite correct and

objective. We should be clear that there was the danger of a negative

consequence both politically and militarily if we had proceeded in

the old fashion in the given context. The contrary propaganda of


the enemy that it is “winning” and in the “offensive” while it is in

the process of defeat and in the defensive, will ultimately benefit the

People’s War.

However, in the new context the existing forms of actions should be

continued and stress should be placed on organizing centralized big

actions, so that it may exercise a qualitative role in the preparations

for counter-offensive and insurrection.

3. Refinement in the Practice of Military Actions

Not only in the hills but also in the plain areas of the Madhesh the

old state power in the entire rural areas of the country has been

basically destroyed. All such areas have come under the leadership

and influence of the Party. This reality has been acknowledged not

only by us but also by our enemies inside & outside the country.

In such a situation resulting from the development of the great

People’s War the general masses would naturally expect from us all

the more seriousness and sense of responsibility. On the contrary, the

practices of certain forms of our military actions in certain contexts

have now been inconsistent with the level of development of the

movement, (our) responsibility and expectations of the masses. If

we are not able to refine the practices of forms of military actions

in time, it will ultimately give rise to negative consequences. Hence,

it is necessary to clarify our concept & practice in the context of

immediate military actions as follows:

A. On Destruction & Construction

The principal goal of a revolution is to destroy the old state power

and to construct a new one. Until the old state power is completely

destroyed or until the revolution is successful, strategically the


destruction is the principal (aspect). However, tactically and

practically in areas and levels where the old state power is destroyed,

the construction (aspect) gains priority in those areas & levels.

Generally the process of construction starts with the destruction and

there is a dialectical relationship between the two. Nevertheless, in

the context of our practices of some forms of military actions, this

dialectical relationship between destruction & construction has not

been properly expressed. For example, continuation of activities like

setting fire to the earlier Village Development Committee (VDC)

buildings in rural areas already in our control and influence, blasting

the buildings vacated by the enemy police forces with no chance

of their return, sabotaging the economic establishments of traders,

small industrialists and others willing to follow our policies & rules,

etc, smack of assuming, destruction in an absolute sense. This raises

the danger of increasing people’s grievances against us and the

enemy’s capitalization on it.

Hence it is necessary that we take the responsibility of development

and construction activities and security of physical infrastructures

and natural resources in the rural areas where the old state power

has been destroyed and mobilize the masses for it. We should stress

to carry forward the developmental and construction activities in

a new style by making use of the buildings, land, forest and other

economic establishments utilized by the old state & its functionaries

in the past, for the new state power, and by standing against their

possible sabotage by the enemy. It is essential to prove this through

both our words and deeds in the rural areas in the coming days.

B. On Annihilation of Class Enemies and Spies

As per the physical liquidation of class enemies and spies, our

Party’s policy has been: to practice it on the selected ones and to


the minimum, by informing the masses and obtaining their consent

as far as possible and by not resorting to any ghastly methods. The

current need of the development of the movement, particularly in

the rural areas, has necessitated introducing refinement even in this

method. Of course, we should not be unduly carried away by the

vicious propaganda of the enemy and the opportunists about the

physical annihilation of the enemy. However, while annihilating

somebody if we fail to develop and observe concrete policy on class

analysis, nature of his/her crime, democratic legal process to establish

the crime and the method of annihilation, it may have negative

consequences. It can’t just be dismissed as a baseless charge of the

enemy & the opportunists that in the past some of the annihilations

have taken place flimsily on the grounds of not giving enough

donations, not providing shelter & food, having politically opposed

our movement, suspicion of being a spy, or having enmity with our

local team members. Hence, if one has to resort to annihilation

in the rural areas henceforth, it is essential to ensure that it is not

done directly by a particular team or its definite members but a

certain minimum legal method is adhered to. It should be strictly

expressed in both our policy and practice that red terror does not

mean anarchy.

C. On Action Against Enemy Soldiers and Police Forces

It is axiomatic and there is no question of any debate that the

central and highest function of any revolution is to destroy the

armed forces acting as the main organ of the old state through the

People’s War. However, while practicing common and known

forms of military actions we do and should apply different methods

in different situations. For example, during encounters in actions of

ambush, mining, raid, commando attack etc, it is, and should be,


stressed on defeating the enemy by inflicting maximum damage.

Nevertheless, our known policy towards the surrendered enemy

soldiers and policemen is to deal honorably with the prisoners of

war, to convince them and provide them opportunity either to join

us in the fight or to return home. It is against the principle and

practice of the People’s War to liquidate someone when encountered

alone, or at home on leave, or anywhere on the spot just because he

happens to earn a living in the enemy’s army or the police force,

and ultimately its consequence is to unify rather than disintegrate

the enemy. Hence, primarily in the rural areas, when someone

serving in the enemy’s army or police forces returns home on leave

he should not be terrorized or annihilated but indoctrinated and

persuaded to abandon the (enemy) service. The manifestation of a

correct policy, as we have been hammering since the beginning, is to

enlighten the family members of those serving in the enemy’s army

and police force, to organize them and protect them. From now

onwards we should strive to assure and make them realize that their

family members would be safe when at home either after or without

leaving the (enemy) service.

In the case of those who have committed numerous and heinous

crimes in the past, or higher officers in the enemy army or police

force, they should be captured and dealt with as mentioned in

Section ‘B’ earlier.

D. On Dealing with Opposition Political Leaders and Cadres

Generally our policy towards the various reactionary and opportunist

political parties has been to give precedence to their political exposure.

We have been asserting that any physical action against somebody

should be not because of his/her membership of a particular political

party but due to his/her crime against the people and the People’s


War. Moreover, as the parties in power or in the opposition have

different immediate tactical behavior, we have been accordingly

dealing with them differently and should continue to do so. We

should strive to have amicable relations with those political parties

that are objectively closer to us politically even if it is only in the

immediate and tactical sense.

In the past some of our actions have gone against the correct and

total evaluation of the contradictions and the said policy of the Party.

In the new situation we should on the one hand, strive to strictly

implement the above policy and, on the other, strive to follow the

earlier mentioned democratic legal process in the context of such

persons deserving any kind of punishment or physical action. In

case of somebody’s arrest the reasons for the same should be made

public without delay.

E. On Collection of Donations

The enemy has been making a big issue of our method of

collecting donations to spread illusion amongst the middle classes.

To deprive the enemy of this weapon and to prevent the middle

classes from getting mislead and terrorized, it has been necessary

to make our donations policy more systematic and refined.

In the past, while collecting donations there have been some

lapses in making adequate class analysis of the related persons,

organizations, etc, in studying their background and in dealing

with them accordingly. As a result a lot of anarchy has been seen in

the field of financial collections. Hence in the future this anarchy

should be ended and to make the financial collection process more

systematic a concrete criteria for collecting donations from the

people on a class basis should be fixed and, on the other side, a

system of punishing and taxing the enemy should be developed.


It is essential that the (Party) Regional Bureaus should control the

activities of collection of donations and taxes.

F. On Various National & International Non-Governmental

Organizations

Even though in the past we made marginal differentiation in the

context of ending the hegemony of the old state in rural areas,

generally we had an offensive policy against all types of NGOs &

INGOs. However, in the changed current situation it is necessary

to refine this policy.

It is essential to deal positively with such NGOs, which are not

straightway linked politically with the old state and are desirous of

working in tandem with our policies and plans in the rural areas.

Similarly, except for those INGOs directly financed by the US

imperialism that has been most hostile towards the People’s War at

the international level, we should not carry out any physical action or

exercise coercion against the INGOs related with neutral countries

or those not hostile against the People’s War like the European

Union and others and should strive to solve the problem through

dialogue, interaction and coordination.

It has been particularly essential to demonstrate maturity in this

policy in the light of the global watch on our minor activities and

the totality of the contradictions.

4. On the Future Military Plan

It has been already mentioned that the military plan prepared by

the last meeting of the CC was correct and it is still in the process of

implementation. As the use of ‘relative centralization’ terminology

has objectively created some misgivings and pressure on the PLA,


while refining this plan the policy of relatively centralized actions

needs to be excluded for the time being. We should be clear that

objectively relative centralization would be automatically present

within the decentralized actions. Hence, in the coming plan

decentralized actions should be resolutely carried forward without

any pressure and preparations should be made for centralized and

definite big actions.

5. OnthePresentationofthePeople’sStatePower

In the light of the current situation of the total rural areas of the

country having passed on to the influence and control of the People’s

War and a noteworthy rise in the international publicity and

influence, the following steps should be taken to raise the political

intervention against the old state to a new height:

0. To appeal to the United Nations and other international forums

for the representation of the people’s power while opposing the so-

called representation of the military fascist old state.

a. To request through formal communication with all the countries

of the world affiliated to the United Nations for support and

cooperation to the new state power against the old state.

b. It is necessary to systematize the policy, plan and program of

the new state power so as to assume responsibility for the entire

rural areas in the country. For this, a concrete program of the

people’s power in all the economic, political, social and cultural

spheres should be implemented and the preparations for the

final insurrection be hastened.


ANNEX-7

Present Situation and Historical Task of the Proletariat

[Document adopted on 2010 after unconstitutional step of

President]

Dear Comrades,

Today, our great and glorious party, the Unified Communist

Party of Nepal (Maoist), has arrived at a serious and extraordinary

juncture of possibilities and challenges.

The way how people's revolution, in the external struggle, is

advancing amid immense possibility of victory and serious danger

of defeat, in the same manner, party's internal life, as a reflection

of the former, also lies in the midst of potentiality of advance and

danger of anarchism

and chaos as well. The height to which we can create new unity,

voluntary discipline, self-confidence and vigour by means of a

correct line, strategy, tactic, plan and programme to ensure as far as

possible the decisive victory of revolution in this complex crossroads

of class struggle, to that level will we be able to make victorious

the revolution and party by safeguarding them from the danger of

defeat and anarchism. In order to develop that kind of line and plan,

we, by abandoning all kinds of subjective prejudices, must be able to

have objective estimation of the situation and balance of class force

based on the universal theories of MLM. The plan and programme

prepared on the basis of objective analysis will enable our party

to lead the decisive victory of revolution. Expressing high regard

and esteem to the entire known and unknown martyrs of Nepalese

people's revolution including those of ten years of people's war and

admiring the entire disappeared, injured fighters and their family


members, this plenum of the central committee will be able to bring

about a new dynamism in our party.

1) A short evaluation of present situation

a) On the international situation

After the dissolution of erstwhile Soviet Union and so-called "end"

of cold war, the academic pundits of western imperialism widely

propagated that capitalism had become "absolute", communist

ideology and communism had "ended" and the "unipolar" world

had been established. The premeditated propaganda is going on,

but the whole imperialist world order has now entrapped into a

dreadful global economic crisis. To have emerged an epicentre of

new global economic crisis in the United States of America that had

been presenting oneself as a leader of the world imperialism after the

Second World War imparts a special meaning and implication.

When the imperialist moneybags were celebrating "victory" of

capitalism before the dreadful cyclone of the current financial crisis

had come up, right then too it was clear from the statistics of the

World Bank itself that the gap between rich and poor had been

surprisingly widening. Consequently, after the 90s the living standard

of about a 1.75 billion of the people has severely dropped. About

a 30,000 children, who could be cured by primary healthcare, are

dying daily and about 1 billion people victimized by malnutrition

cannot reach their 40. Children ranging from 250 million to 300

million in number from poor countries of the third world are being

used as child-slaves for their bread and butter. Millions of young

women are being pushed into prostitution daily. Tens of millions

of youths of the third world are being forced to be sold as modern

slaves in the globalized labour market for their livelihood. It is a


short glimpse of so-called victory of capitalism after the cold war.

On top of that the present economic crisis has given rise to a more

horrendous outcome. The bourgeois economists the world over are

now bound to realize that the present global economic crisis is of

several times deeper and wider nature and of far-reaching significance

than the crisis that had emerged around 1930, before the Second

World War. Big banks, financial institutions and industries of the

United States of America have been declared to be bankrupt over

night. In America, about 7 hundred thousand workers had lost their

job merely in the last February; 6 hundred 50 thousand workers

have been now loosing their jobs in every three months. Only after

the economic crisis has started, 4.4 millions of people have lost their

jobs. The industries that produced about 20 millions of cars before

are now forced to produce only half of that. This Tsunami of severe

economic crisis is going ahead engulfing not only the United States

of America but also the third world countries, including Europe.

The imperialist ringleader who used to publicize that the open

market economy was a non-missing target are now forced to take

such a policy that provides financial support in different forms

including nationalization of banks and bail of out industries by the

government. It has been to the extent that some of the bourgeois

economists are now referring to adopt some of the aspects of

socialist economy to put the instantaneous crisis on hold. From this

what has been proved once again is that it is the capitalism that

is the main reason to bring crisis one after another for humanity

and it is socialism only that can bring about a bright future for the

human beings. The dream of unipolar world with which America

as a gangster had come forward the world over is now becoming a

daydream as a result of inter-imperialist contradictions along with


the resistance carried by Russia, which is consolidating internally,

and China, which is an upcoming economic super power. However,

the proletariat must not minimise imperialist globalization and

military strategy of capturing the whole world and the unjust wars

which are being imposed upon Iraq, Afghanistan, Middle East,

South Asia and the world over and the stratagem of military bases

being established there as well. Rather, in order to resist that it is

urgent to go forward seriously with immediate and long-term plans

to handle inter-imperialist contradictions, to resolve the principal

contradiction between imperialism and oppressed people and

nations by building, on the basis of proletarian internationalism,

a worldwide united front amongst the communist revolutionaries.

Finally, the imperialist globalization and hooliganism of the US

imperialism is bringing the world revolution closer and proves that

revolution is the main trend today.

It is necessary to be clear on the background and reason behind

this economic crisis that has exploded after about 70 years in

United States of America, the centre of imperialist world order.

The capitalism always creates a problem of overproduction because

it pays no attention to the basic needs of the masses but always

emphasizes on production that produces super profit to investors.

The development of huge industries and worldwide apparatus to

earn super profit results in creating a socialist base and mechanism

and consequently it creates a contradiction with the private

ownership of the capitalists; which is the inborn reason behind

the fall of capitalism and rise of socialism. A question arises here,

what reason caused to stop for so long years the process of fall of

capitalism and rise of socialism that was intense during the period of

the First World War to the advent of the Second World War? In the

advent of the Second World War, one of the main reasons behind


it was, in view of economic recession and inevitability of war, to

centralize the main strength and investment in war-centred military

economy on the part of the United States of America. From Second

World War to Vietnam War and the cold war to different levels

of wars till now made it possible to sustain capitalist economy in

general and American economy in particular. Production of fighter

planes, submarines, tanks, rockets and other military equipments

in an extensive way and enormous wealth plundered thereof helped

maintain that situation. Another important reason behind this is the

temporary respite that they gained by expanding finance capital all

over the world and increasing domination in the big markets like

China, India and Russia. But, as a result of inherent unproductive

and speculative nature of finance capital, it was unavoidable on the

part of world imperialism to get trapped soon into a new crisis and

so got trapped too.

In the period following the collapse of former Soviet Union, the

imperialists deliberately developed worldwide mechanism for

globalization of finance capital and extraction of profit to exploit

and oppress the labourers and working class people the world

over. As a result of the development of globalized production and

oppressive structures, today the outburst of crisis and unemployment

is spreading everywhere whether it be the US or Europe or Asia or

Africa or Latin America. Special attention to be paid here is that the

capitalist economy, on which war and military industries sustained,

is now entrapped into a worldwide severe crisis. In order to protect it

from being ruined the imperialists should develop terribly destructive

technical weapons and impose qualitatively disastrous genocidal

wars. Now, traditional and scattered wars and usual war economy is

not sufficient to safeguard capitalism. Right at this point, a danger

of imperialism staging a most severe destruction in the history of


mankind is hidden behind it. Therefore, it has become especially

necessary for the people, who are in favour of justice, equality, peace

and independence, to come forward together against the imperialist

crisis and terror of wars. In fact, this situation in the final analysis is

creating a qualitatively favourable situation to build a people's new

world through world revolution

India is gradually surrendering to the US imperialism. As a result

of this, America is intensifying its economic, political and military

activities all across the region. Entrapping India in its strategic

web, the US imperialism is going ahead along its master plan of

suppressing the entire national liberation, new democratic and

socialist movements in this region and encircling and dividing

China, the strong competent of the 21st century. In spite of this,

the need to pay attention on is that there exists contradiction too

between the US and India in view of mutual shares in South Asia.

In the context of Nepal, India wants to extend its border up to the

Himalayas, where as US wants to establish a special base in Nepal

and go ahead on its own. The proletariat in this region should

determine its strategy and tactic paying attention to both the aspects

i.e. collusion, the principal aspect, and contention, the secondary

aspect, existing in between US and India. In general, Asia, Africa

and Latin America remain as the storm centres of revolution, but as a

result of firstly, the special nature of contradiction against feudalism

and imperialism, secondly, the wideness of revolutionary national

liberation and democratic movements and thirdly, huge number

of exploited and oppressed masses living in South Asia, make it a

main storm centre of world revolution in the first decade of the

21st century. In this context, proletarian revolutionaries should take

up a policy to go ahead by uniting the entire national liberation,

democratic and socialist movements and building a broad united


front against imperialism. What is necessary to pay attention

here is that the wave of victory of anti-imperialist leftists in Latin

American countries in the elections attracts a special significance.

The left opinion there will have a special role in developing an anti-

imperialist front in the world level.

b) On the International Communist Movement

Aforesaid brief analysis of the world situation clarifies that the

objective condition to build up communist parties based on MLM

and develop revolution is speedily getting favourable in various

countries of the world. However, compared to the objective situation,

the subjective condition of the world communist movement is very

weak.

MLM, the only scientific and revolutionary world outlook and

principle, has developed as an ideological weapon of the proletariat.

As a science, communist revolutionaries must grasp the question

of defending, applying and developing MLM very seriously. In

the context of defending, applying and developing MLM, right

revisionism remains as the main deviation and ideological foe of

the communist movement even today. Real defence, application

and development of MLM is not possible without undergoing

strong ideological struggle against right revisionism that backs class

collaboration, reformism and national capitulation. While waging

this struggle, the proletarian revolutionaries must remain vigilant on

the danger of mechanical and sectarian dogmato-revisionism and

eclecticism and centrist deviation as well. Finally, in the communist

movement, Marxism has developed to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism

in the midst of struggles against all sorts of deviations.

We can correctly accomplish our historical task only by waging


struggles against mainly the right revisionism and also dogmatism

prevailing in the international communist movement today. For

this, maintaining relation with MLM parties in and outside of

Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM), we should go ahead

on the way to building a new international amidst lively ideological

struggle. In the context of defence, application and development

of MLM, we, as a party that has acquired experiences in the midst

of 10 years of people's war and a range of mass movements and as

a big force against feudalism and imperialism and also accepting

heartily that we have a historical responsibility upon our shoulder

to develop ideological struggle and international movement, should

step up initiative to that direction.

Present National Political Situation

The main specificity of the present Nepalese political situation is that our country is being pushed towards a matured state of revolutionary crisis from the sensitive state of transition. Consistent with the tactic and demand that the revolutionary communists had put forward, by way of fusion of people's war and historical mass movement, the constituent assembly election has taken place, and through that election the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has been established as the most popular party in the country, and bringing to an end the 240 years old monarchy, the federal democratic republic has been established as a result of the initiative and the strength of our party. Gaining experience of a very new front to drive the new democratic revolution forward against feudalism and imperialism, this party has already led a nine months long people-elected first government of the Republic of Nepal. Certainly, these are the achievements that have far-reaching importance in the context of Nepali democratic revolution. True proletarians must have high evaluation and regard to these achievements.


But in spite of aforesaid achievements, there has been no basic change

in the semi-feudal and semi-colonial condition of the country.

The fundamental problems of the country and people related with

nationhood, democracy and people's livelihood are not basically

solved. There is no basic change in the class character of the state.

Even today, there is a sole control of comprador, bureaucrat and

feudal classes in the state. Seizing the achievements of great people's

war and historic mass movement or by means of counterrevolution

this class wants to retract into status quo. Certainly, these challenges

clarify the reality that Nepalese democratic revolution has not yet

been accomplished rather its final completion along with decisive

struggle still remains waiting. True revolutionaries must take these

challenges and realities seriously.

In this way, what is clear from the aforesaid facts is that to devaluate

the present political change as insignificant or overestimate it as equal

to revolution are both wrong. Protecting the achievements, to go

forward for the success of democratic revolution is the responsibility

of genuine proletariats.

For the feudal monarchy has come to an end, the principal political

contradiction of Nepalese people with monarchy has also ended.

Now the comprador, bureaucrat and feudal elements that favour

status quo have taken that position. Changed political context and

the latest political events, in particular, have clarified that a drama of

building puppet government comprising of diehard rightist elements

has been staged against the spirit of interim constitution, the basic

democratic norms of civilian supremacy, people's mandate expressed

in the election, peace and the process of constitution building in

the naked intervention of foreign reactionaries. What this situation

clarifies is that not only has the contradiction of Nepalese people


with compradors, bureaucrat capitalists and the feudal classes that

favour status quo and national capitulation intensified but also the

Nepalese nation's and people's basic contradiction with imperialist-

expansionist forces that prop up the aforesaid classes has also been

sharpening. Because the status quoist domestic reaction has been

proved weaker compared to the revolutionary forces in Nepal, the

special situations, on which one should also pay attention is that any

time there is a possibility of contradiction of Nepalese people with

both the domestic and foreign reactionaries becoming simultaneously

principal or the possibility of national liberation becoming principal

after there is direct military intervention on the command of foreign

power against the Nepalese people, predominantly exists. Party must

remain prepared to confront both of the aforesaid eventualities, but

right now grasping the fact that internal contradiction is principal

it is seriously necessary to build up prerequisites for tomorrow by

way of exposing and resisting different forms of ongoing foreign

interventions.

Politically, there is a serious debate on two questions now. They

are: firstly, which is the main obstructing or inspiring idea and force

behind the 12-point understanding? And secondly, whether to limit

the present federal republic within the regressive and status quo

republic that represents the interest of compradors, bureaucrats and

feudal or establish a people's republic of entire patriots including

workers and peasants and oppressed class, nationality, region and

gender? Now in answer to these basic questions naturally two

different ideas are coming up. The proletariat, which defends the

interest of oppressed classes, nationalities, regions and genders

including workers, peasants, patriotic intelligentsia and national

bourgeoisie, claims that the main thinker and inspirer behind the

12-point understanding is the people's war and the mass movement


led by itself, where as compradors, bureaucrats and feudal and

their foreign masters present themselves as the major force and the

inspirer. Likewise, the proletariat is making effort to step up the

federal democratic republic to People's Republic and institutionalize

it where as the reactionary class is making effort to entrap it into or

step down to status quo republic. From the viewpoint of class politics,

the key reason behind the present political tussle, contradiction and

confrontation lies in it.

It can be understood in another way also. Yesterday, absolute feudal

monarchy had come forward as a common enemy of both of the

class forces that favoured parliamentarian status quo and People's

Republic. A common necessity to fight against it created a base for

12-point understanding. The election of constituent assembly and

complete democracy (i.e. federal democratic republic) could become

a common programme at that time. When this kind of understanding

was being made, both the political forces, parliamentarian status

quoist and communist revolutionaries, had seen advantage on

their part. Had not both the forces seen advantage on their part

no understanding was possible too. It is a general law of political

process.

As a result of limitation in their class outlook, it is in general the

specificity of bourgeois reactionaries to underestimate the strength

and ability of the masses of the people including workers and peasants

and the communist revolutionaries as well. Having concrete analysis

of the concrete condition and objective estimation of class forces,

to decide correct policy is the speciality of the revolutionaries.

Constituent Assembly election and its result have proved the said

specificity well. Proving to be wrong the analysis and estimation of

imperialist, expansionist and domestic reactions, Nepalese people


made the communist revolutionaries reach to the highest position.

Although the Nepalese people placed the revolutionary forces in

the first position against expectation, effort and estimation of the

reactionaries, only after their entire plots to stop that force from

leading the government failed, finally the Maoist-led government

was formed. Formation of the first elected government of Republic

of Nepal under the leadership of Maoist revolutionaries was a matter

of surprise for both the reactionaries and democratic forces the

world over. The class contradictions of the state power are soundly

displayed in this event, which has come up as a particular expression

of balance of class forces developed in the course of 10 years of

people's war and historical mass movement. In this situation, it

is obvious for the leadership to seek its own dictatorship and the

dictatorship to seek its own leadership. Clear class difference and

speciality is that the proletarian revolutionaries present themselves

responsible and honest towards the nation and people where as the

reactionary and revisionist elements prove themselves to be very

totalitarian, national betrayers and anti-people.

As a partisan force of people's federal democratic national republic

i.e. People's Republic, naturally the Maoist-led government, not

in any support or gesture of foreign reactionaries or domestic

status quoist forces, remaining honest to nation, people's war,

mass movement and the mandate of constituent assembly, started

going independently and lawfully ahead as to institutionalize and

address the changes. All the way through struggles pursued in

preparing policy, programme and budget of the government to

Prime Minister's formal visit to China, India, America, Norway

and Finland, the government tried to address the necessity of the

changed situation and Nepalese people's struggle and sacrifice for

epoch-making changes. In the process of institutionalizing changes,


the government presented several important programmes as to make

the masses avail immediate respite to strategic plans to build a new

Nepal and it adopted a policy to gradually transform bureaucracy

and security mechanism corresponding to the essence and necessity

of the federal republic. In this process, the government lawfully

took action upon the "commander", who used to time and again

challenge the republic and the supremacy of civilian government,

speak against the peace agreement, advocate feudal monarchy and

serve the foreign reaction.

It was natural to become government's aforesaid activities intolerable

to the reactionary elements that were conspiring not to allow

forming the Maoist-led government and making it fail in case it was

formed. In spite of innumerable conspiracies to make the Maoist-

led government topple down, as well as fraudulent and deliberate

propaganda to defame it, when they saw that Maoist popularity

was growing and were going ahead firmly along their strategy, then

the reactionaries heightened their conspiracies further. By means of

deliberate and subjective propaganda like "Manipulating the army,

the Maoists are seizing power according to their strategy", "Maoists are

implementing one party totalitarian rule" the reactionaries, who talk

of constitutional supremacy, democratic values, rule of law, civilian

supremacy, finally displayed their real despotic nature. Justifying

that democracy is a show tusk of an elephant for the reactionaries;

they hatched a midnight counterrevolutionary conspiracy by using

the president as a mask.

In the gesture of foreign lords, turning down the decisions of the

civilian government in an unconstitutional and despotic manner, not

only has the drama of a commander's reinstatement exposed national

capitulationist and undemocratic nature of the old parliamentarian


and revisionist political parties but also has it shown their defeated

and humiliated mentality.

The reality that behind this unconstitutional move of the president

lies a ghastly conspiracy, on the part of domestic and foreign

reactions, of pushing the country towards war and confrontation,

disrupting constitution writing and peace process, slaughtering the

throat of federal democratic republic by means of military terror and

finally attacking upon the national existence and chastity of Nepal

is evident. At this particular historical crossroads, a revolutionary

prudence and courage was anticipated from the vanguard of the

proletariat to defeat counterrevolutionary conspiracy and show

honesty and responsibility towards nation, people and the class. Our

great and glorious party and its central leadership proved its prudence

and courage through aggressive but balanced attacks in succession

against reactionary conspiracies. Raising high the banner of right

of national self-determination (i.e. national independence and self-

respect) and civilian supremacy, the events from the action upon

Katuwal to the resignation of Prime Minister, from the resignation

to Prime Minister's last address in the constituent assembly, from

the last address to struggle going on in the legislature and street,

have exhibited the aforesaid historic truth. Our party rank and file

and the broad masses as well are proud of it and should be too.

While making comprehensive objective evaluation of the first

coalition government of Republic of Nepal constituted under the

leadership of our party, we must humbly admit that we could not

attain the expected and possible achievements as a result of, on the

one hand, the obligatory situation in which we had to work within

the limitation of old reactionary state machinery and our lack of

experience to run the state, lack of planned coordination among the


tasks of government, legislature and the street etc. On the other,

in spite of aforesaid limitations we must not loose sight the key

achievements for example our success to raise optimism towards the

future and the revolution among the broad masses, make conflict-

affected people avail relief even though a few, initiate effective

intervention for forward looking transformation in several organs

of the old state power and take some positive initiative to protect

and promote national interest and self-respect etc. In total, the

positive and negative experiences of this short period have provided

important reference material to establish and run the state power of

the proletariat in the days to come.

As a result of prudence and courage exhibited by the revolutionary

party, today the process of polarization of genuine patriotic, leftist,

progressive and democratic forces and the broad masses on one side,

and a handful of national capitulationist compradors, bureaucrats

and feudal elements on the other side is intensifying. A flame of

serious debate and contradiction has ignited mainly within Nepali

Congress and UML, the political forces that formed a puppet

government. Even there, honest patriots, leftist and democratic

leaders and cadres are, in an organized and extensive manner,

opposing capitulationist character of the national leadership and

their act of kneeling down before military supremacy. Right at this

time, given the atrocity carried out by the Indian security forces

upon Nepalese people along the bordering areas of Dang district and

the events of border encroachment in different parts of the country

including Bara district, the awareness and initiative of defending

national self-respect and territorial integrity has been qualitatively

expanding among the entire political activists including the broad

masses, except a few compradors. By transforming this awareness

and initiative into a material force, to come forward to liberating


our country from the semi-feudal and semi-colonial condition is the

historic task of the proletariat at present. This liberation will be the

completion of democratic revolution. However, it will be a serious

mistake to think that this historic task will be accomplished with no

trouble. For that, there must be untiring labour, sacrifice, endurance

and conviction in all the fields of ideology, organization and struggle;

which we will discuss in another chapter. The question to pay

attention here is that the reactionaries are now seriously involved in

the conspiracy of making Maoist revolutionaries commit a mistake

through provocation, alleging Maoists through an artificial incident,

killing political leadership, creating split in the party and movement

to disrupt peace-process, weakening the constituent assembly and

pushing the country into war. Reactionaries, in and outside of the

country, have clearly understood that the ideological, political and

sentimental relation of the peace-process and constituent assembly is

inseparably related with Maoist people's war and the revolutionary

movement. In the special context of Nepal, for the reason that

peace-process and constituent assembly are the fruit of people's war

and revolutionary movement, victory of reactionaries in this arena is

impossible. From the result of constituent assembly election, from

the programmes related to nationhood, democracy and people's

livelihood that the Maoist-led government had put forward and

mainly from the political superiority of the Maoist revolutionaries

and also from the increasing popularity proved by the past mid-term

poll, the reactionaries have clearly understood this reality.

In this backdrop, without falling in enemy provocation, the urgent

necessity to develop independent proletarian policy, plan and

programme that defeats their strategic aspiration is evident. At this

time, we must not search imaginary and bombastic slogans but

centre our attention on the slogans that emerged in the midst of


lively struggles against reactionaries and make them reach to the

masses in a systematic and planned way. Enemy is trying to isolate

us, our slogan must isolate the enemy, enemy is trying to push the

country into war, our slogan must be able to rally the whole country

around the banner of peace, enemy is trying to make the constituent

assembly powerless, our slogan must make it lively, enemy is trying

to make the peace agreement and interim constitution a worthless

piece of paper, we must respect them as a common mandate of the

people's war, 12-point understanding and the mass movement,

enemy is abhorrently conspiring to malign people's verdict expressed

in the constituent assembly and impose puppet government upon

the Nepalese people, our slogan must fully respect people's opinion

expressed in the constituent assembly, the enemy is finally and mainly

trying to wreck national independence, sovereignty and territorial

integrity of Nepal and our slogan, uniting the whole country, must

be able to shatter the enemy's ambition. For that, tactically peace,

constitution, national independence, 'civilian supremacy' and

'Maoist-led national government' must be included in our slogans.

Based on these slogans, the planned struggles carried from legislature

and the street, by defeating the reactionary conspiracies, broad

masses can be led to the completion of strategic goal of democratic

revolution.

2) On the party line and polarization of revolutionary

communists

As a result of correct implementation and synchronization of party's

clear ideological and political line, strategy, tactic and plan of action,

today our glorious party the Unified Communist Party of Nepal

(Maoist) has been developing as a main stream of the communist

revolutionaries. The process of revolutionary polarization that


came forward with the historic initiation of people's war has now

qualitatively attained a new height.

When the great people's war was advancing towards its climax,

the party unity with CPN (Masal) organized under the leadership

of comrade Dinanath Sharma after rebellion against dogmato-

revisionism and the unity, 2 years later, with Kirat Workers Party

led by comrade Gopal Kirati set off the process of revolutionary

polarization in an organized way.

It is clear that the scientific outlook regarding strategy, tactic and

tactical unity has made our party achieve an important and leading

role of realizing 12-point understanding, fusion of people's war and

mass movement, peace process, constituent assembly and establish

federal democratic republic.

From our first position in the constituent assembly election to

the popular programmes on the part of the people-elected first

republican government under party leadership and programmes

of agitation, from prime minister's resignation in order to struggle

in favour of national independence, civilian supremacy, peace and

constitution to the important decisions taken in the legislatures and

the ongoing programmes of mass movement as well have imparted

new dynamism for the revolutionary polarization.

From the unity taken place between CPN (Maoist) and CPN (Unity

centre-Masal) that were carrying out joint activities ever since the

great process of people's war to the unity with CPN (MLM) led by

comrade Krishnadas Shrestha, Democratic Front led by comrade

Bhim Bahadur Kadayat, CPN (Masal) led by Keshav Nepal, CPN

(ML-Revolutionary) led by comrade Tek Bahadur, dozens of cultural

fighters, who rebelled in group from UML, dozens of intellectual


and political personalities that rebelled from various groups and the

ranks of thousands of revolutionary cadres, who joined the CPN

(Maoist) before and after the constituent assembly election, all has

clarified the fact that the Unified Communist party of Nepal (Maoist)

that has a revolutionary line, strategy and tactical thinking to go

forward to socialism and communism after the accomplishment of

new democratic revolution in Nepal has become a main stream of

communist revolutionaries today.

3) From the latest peace process to the present: on party's

problems and Weaknesses

From the viewpoint of class struggle as a whole and the objective

political initiative there has been a good advance. But, from the

subjective and organizational point of view there have been scores of

serious problems and weaknesses. If we could not develop concrete

policy plan and programme to identify the problems, reasons behind

them and the ways to resolve them howsoever bright future may be

seen objectively in fact no achievement can be obtained even if these

are not implemented in practice. In this context, first of all problems

should be discussed.

a) MLM has taught us and we have clearly understood that it is

not possible to lead revolution to a decisive victory without the

leadership of a militant and disciplined communist party, vanguard

of the proletariat, based on the unity of ideology and resolve. In spite

of numerous limitations and weaknesses, for the whole period of

people's war party's principal aspect was militant political vanguard

of the proletariat. There was dominance of high proletarian spirit

of ideological consistency, resolute unity, voluntary discipline and

sacrifice. But, after the peace process and mainly after the party

has come open, unfortunately the party not only did not remain


a militant and disciplined political vanguard of the proletariat but

also a danger of it being gradually transformed into an anarchic

crowd has come into sight. The process of achieving new unity

on a new basis by means of ideology-centred debate and unity-

struggle-transformation is being gradually replaced by the danger of

individual interest-centred unhealthy competition and new factions

and splits. Bringing this situation to an end, we must allot utmost

emphasis to drive the party forward as a political vanguard of the

proletariat in a true sense.

b) Today party committee system is going towards the direction

of becoming lethargic, burdensome, chaotic and messy. The

committee system of a communist party ought have been swift,

orderly and proficient to provide lively leadership to the committee,

organizations and masses of the people under one's responsibility,

but our committees have become so huge that firstly there can be

no meeting and secondly very difficult to take up decisions in case

there is meeting. Consequently, the position of collective decision

and individual responsibility, the organisational concept of MLM, is

being occupied by individual decision and collective responsibility.

This situation must be changed. Committee system cannot be

improved without reactivating the method of conducting committees

based on the organizational principal of democratic centralism and

making them lively and strong by way of criticism and self-criticism.

In a genuine communist party, in case there is no practice of regular

criticism and self-criticism from the central committee to the cell

committees, naturally different kinds of confusions, whisperings,

propaganda, factionalism and anarchism emerge within the party

and they make the party hollow and indolent.

c) Now, there has been rapid deterioration in party's proletarian


conduct and working style. The competition of individual concern,

interest and return is trying to replace collective concern, initiative

and sacrifice for party and revolution. Mutual help, reverence and

healthy criticism among comrades is gradually being replaced by

the trends of non-cooperation, intolerance and unhealthy criticism.

The economic anarchy and opacity, on the one hand, is rapidly

making the party slide down from the communist ideals and, on the

other, it is making the mutual relation among comrades very much

suspicious and unhealthy. A communist system of unconditionally

depositing cash or appliances obtained from any source by a

comrade of any level of the party has been disappearing and a very

bourgeois process of piling up and using them personally by those

whoever can is burgeoning. From this, thousands of honest and

revolutionary cadres have been victims of desperation, humiliation

and discomfort, for they are entrapped in the problems of solving

their own daily subsistence, minimum supply of daily necessities,

family problems and basic problems of the local people, where as a

trend of taking individual benefit by a few party officials and some

'actives' is growing. This situation has created wide dissatisfaction

among the revolutionary cadres and it has time and again given

rise to natural unrest and fury before the party leadership and the

party centre. In order to bring this situation to an end, there is no

other way than sorting out plan to develop proletarian conduct and

working style and implementing them firmly in the party.

d) Regular ideological and political training and schooling, which

is very much necessary, has become messy. Daily political events,

parliamentarian tug-of-wars and their ebb and tide and premeditated

materials that are publicized by big media houses, controlled by

reactionaries, have become the major political training materials

for the entire party ranks and supporters. Naturally, as a result of


this, proletarian ideology, politics and strategic issues are falling

under shadow and everyone is running behind the daily events

and is getting confused by it. By bringing this situation to an end,

and taking publication, publicity, political training and schooling

seriously it is necessary to push the tasks forward in a planned way.

e) The great people's war gave birth to thousands of professional

revolutionary fighters. In the course of people's war, a huge number

of fulltime and part-time cadres were actively involved in party

works, people's liberation army, militia, war front, democratic state,

people's courts, communes and democratic schools. Thousands of

martyr's families, disappeared fighters, wounded fighters and their

families had active participation in either of the aforesaid tasks.

After we entered into the peace process, as a result of dissolution of

people's power, people's court and militia, and centering of PLA in

cantonments and no formation of local bodies after the constituent

assembly election also, thousands of district and local level cadres

had to become unemployed. Also the lack of management of fulltime

cadres, families of martyrs, disappeared and wounded fighters and

regular plans and programmes of mass mobilization and struggle,

caused to develop obvious confusion, doubt and dissatisfaction

among the cadres. On the one hand, emergence of that situation in

absence of plan and programme in the local level and, on the other,

differences in opinion among the responsible members of the central

committee broadly also caused to emerge symptoms of pessimism.

Without raising to a new height the process of management and

mobilization through correct policy, plan and programme this

problem will have no real solution.

f) Thousands of youths, in the course of people's war, involved in

revolution by leaving their study in campuses and schools. Even after

the Party-led government was formed after the constituent assembly


election academic certificate became compulsory in governmental

and non-governmental jobs and when they saw their age-group

friends studying in different levels, naturally apprehension about

their study and future started growing. Besides, uneasiness has widely

grown after some of the cadres, by any means, started reading and

taking examinations. Although party had brought forward a concept

of Open University and tried to solve it but that has not yet been

effective. Now, party has certainly taken up some concrete initiatives

on behalf of the government to teach sons and daughters of martyrs

and disappeared fighters and it has given a positive impact too. But,

party should take up clear policy on education of the whole cadres.

g) Inability to push forward the tasks related to four preparations and

that of government, legislature and the street also increased distrust

and doubt within the party. In the days to come, it is necessary to

carry forward these tasks in a planned way.

Behind the aforesaid problems, the acts like, 'loose talking', 'back

biting', 'rude comment' against this or that comrade of the party

leadership contrary to the party system of democratic centralism

have become in itself a serious problem before the party. It has

been urgent to resolve these problems through open discussion and

criticism and self-criticism. While doing so, even if there remain

differences in opinion in certain issues, there must be commitment

to conducting ideology-centred debate in a systematic way and

implementing the decision in a unified manner.

Behind increment of the aforesaid kinds of problems in the party,

our attention should focus on the following main reasons.

a) To jump into this complex front without developing, as far as

possible, clear policy, plan and programme on the organizational and


practical problems that could arise while coming from war to peace,

seems to be one of the main reasons behind the aforesaid problems.

After coming into this front, it was apparent that there would have

been compulsion on the part of main leadership to engage in day

to day national and domestic works. By having prior estimation

of that kind of situation, clear concept and overall work division

must have been done on the tasks of party, army, state power, mass

organizations, front etc.

b) After party acquired victory in the constituent assembly election

in contrary to domestic and foreign reactionaries' analysis, estimation

and expectation, our inability to pay adequate attention to maintain

uniformity, through thorough discussion in the CC meeting, on the

issues like -- whether the party should join government or not, in case

it was decided to join what could be the overall plan, what could be

the party policy, plan and programme to mobilise masses compatible

with the programmes of the government, how to crush conspiracy

and encirclement on the part of imperialism, expansionism and

domestic reaction after the government was formed etc. caused the

aforesaid problems to arise.

Owing to aforesaid main reasons, no concrete plan to resolve

aforesaid problems including the management of cadres could

be developed. Consequently, a contradictory situation, in which

there was enthusiasm among the people but mistrust among the

cadres, arose. Chairman should take the main responsibility for such

situation to arise in the party and then other comrades respectively, in

accordance with their hierarchical status, should do. And, refraining

from such weaknesses in the future, planned initiative should be

taken up to make the party go ahead.


4) A rough sketch of the immediate plan

Aforesaid analysis and review clarifies the possibilities and challenges

before the party. From this it is apparent that the forces of revolution

and counterrevolution are going ahead towards the direction of

decisive confrontation. The objective situation is allowing neither

the people's revolutionary force nor the counterrevolutionary force

of feudalism and imperialism to linger in status quo. The reactionary

force, domestic and foreign, is now seeing their superiority in war,

autocracy, national capitulation and military supremacy while quite

contrary to it the force of proletariat and the revolutionary masses is

seeing their interest and superiority in peace, constitution, national

self-respect, democracy and civilian supremacy.

It is not so easy for the reactionaries to instigate war owing to our

leading position in the constituent assembly, situation of federal

democratic republic and growing support, on the part of civilian

movement and the broad masses, to our commitment to peace

national self-respect, democracy and civilian supremacy, rather

a possibility, in which initiative and victory remains in the hands

of mainly the proletariat and revolutionary masses, has increased.

Yet, we must not minimize the danger of counterrevolution because

the restless reactionaries are intensely conspiring to trigger off war.

In this sensitive situation, the only basis and condition for the

victory of proletariat and masses is to develop strong unity within

themselves with clarity towards the goal. Only by remaining united

can the proletariat and the revolutionary masses, after completing

the historical task of democratic revolution, open the way to go

ahead towards socialism and communism.


a) Form and direction of the immediate movement

To develop wide-ranging peaceful mass movement around the issues

of civilian supremacy, national independence, peace and constitution

and formation of Maoist-led national united government must be

our main task at present. Where one must be clear is that national

united government means, in the present context, the government of

those forces that favour civilian supremacy, national independence

and federalism. When carrying out this movement, if the civilian

supremacy is established, we must remain prepared to form national

united government, but we must be clear on the fact that to

participate in the puppet government without civilian supremacy

will be a political suicide. Until the situation of civilian supremacy

and national government is built up, we should take a policy of

raising movement from one height to another.

-- Paying attention to the special political significance of Madhesh,

recent conspiratorial division in Forum, sensitivity arisen out of

continuous events of border encroachment and the necessity of

national movement, we should emphasize to go ahead with a special

plan that focuses on the questions of developing strong movement in

the whole Terai (Madhesh, Tharuwan and Kochila) in general and

Madhesh (Mithila, Bhojpura and Abadh) in particular. Objectively,

the situation is getting favourable to develop movement in Madhesh

under the leadership of our party.

-- In order to resist foreign intervention upon the national

independence of our country, it is necessary to consolidate internal

nationhood. For this, autonomy and federalism must be taken to

implementation strongly.

-- In the context of solving the problems of people's livelihood, the


issue of revolutionary land reform should be carried forward with

special emphasis.

b) On the broad united front and mass mobilization

-- A broad united front should be established under the party

leadership to effectuate the movement of civilian supremacy

and national government. We should endeavour to build up

that kind of united front in two levels. First, a front made up

of various mass organizations, national and regional fronts

inclusive of prominent personalities under the leadership of

our party and second, a broad united front comprising of entire

leftists, progressives, patriots and other parties, institutions and

individuals favouring civilian supremacy should be built up.

-- Mobilize masses to declare Sherpa autonomous region in the

east and Bhote-Lama autonomous region in the west along the

entire Himalayan range of the north.

-- Develop movement to declare the establishment of national and

regional autonomous regions.

-- Take initiative to organize without delay the local bodies in

accordance with the spirit of interim constitution.

c) On peace process and writing of the new constitution

Although our party is in opposition, we should play an active

role to succeed the process of peace and constitution writing.

We must justify through policy and practice that we are honest

and responsible to make the peace process reach to a logical

conclusion and build a constitution in line with the necessity

and interest of the nation and people. The fact that the elements

that defame democracy by defying the interim constitution and

disregarding the mandate expressed in the constituent assembly


election are against peace and constitution building must reach

to the people in a planned way.

-- The army integration and rehabilitation should be carried

forward simultaneously in parallel with the task of constitution

writing. Party must remain very careful to the reactionary plot of

weakening and disarming party by integration and rehabilitation

before people's constitution is written.

-- The constitution that is being submitted on behalf of the

party must include the essence and concept of anti-feudal and

anti-imperialist democratic constitution. Not a constitution

for constitution, party must remain clear on the fact that the

constitution must be able to protect and consolidate country's

sovereignty and territorial integrity along with national

independence and self-respect and ensure right of the masses of

entire oppressed class, nation, region and sex including workers

and the peasants.

-- It must be ensured that the constitution should provide

sufficient democratic right to the autonomous regions, however

paying attention to the sensitive geo-political location of Nepal,

particular state of population distribution and also to the main

necessity of the socialism-oriented democratic structure, the

system of democratic centralism should be consolidated taking

into account of building an appropriately strong executive body

at the centre also. In the constitution, federalism with Nepalese

particularity and provision of the oppressed class, including the

workers and peasants, acquiring priority in representation and

leadership must be guaranteed both in the autonomous region

and at the centre. In the case of leadership of autonomous region

a policy of providing leading right in the first election and then

to priority should be taken up.


-- Food, shelter, cloth, education, health and employment

including multi-party competition, people's supremacy, rule of pro-people law and freedom of expression in line with the spirit of "Development of democracy in the 21st century" must be guaranteed as the fundamental rights of the people.

d)Onparty,massorganizations,frontsanddepartments

-- Considering the situation and necessity of political struggle existing in the country, it is necessary to consolidate party by organising its Congress soon. The Congress is equally necessary to clarify the ideological ambiguity noticed in the party, relatively systematize and consolidate the bulky and chaotic organizational structure and style of work.

-- Keeping at centre the necessity of movement, the task of relatively consolidating mass organisations and departments by means of gathering, training, constitution, reconstitution and other organizational works should be completed till mid-September to prepare and mobilize them in a unified way.

-- Taking seriously the issue of collecting real data of fulltime activists, mobilizing them in a planned way for their management, the upcoming mass movement and the main preparation in the capital, big cities and headquarters and erecting a special mechanism at the centre, initiative should be taken to fulfil it without delay. This mechanism will also sort out concrete programmes to mobilize martyrs' families, families of disappeared fighters, wounded fighters and their families in the movement along with necessary help to them.

-- A special working plan should be chalked out to bring major mass organizations including worker, peasant, student, women, Dalit and culture well in order, expand organizations up to the masses and mobilize the major regional and national fronts in a unified way.


e) On solving the financial problem

-- Make all the state committees and district committees along

with collectives involve in production work including labour,

and collecting financial support from them.

-- Emphasize to regularize levy and quota.

-- Collect special donation at the centre, states and the districts for

the movement.

-- Reactivate the central financial department to chalk out

concrete policy and find out ways in relation to collecting funds,

accounting and maintaining transparency of the expenditure.

f) On the sketch of programmes of the mass movement and its

general routine

Central committee will prepare entire programmes and the general

routine of the mass movement.

Comrades, we are at a very much glorious but challenging juncture

of Nepalese democratic revolution. We have to accumulate energy

by remembering the dream of great martyrs and disappeared and

wounded fighters. We, grasping the hope and expectation of the

millions of people, have to develop unity and confidence within

ourselves. Defending, applying and developing the fundamental

principles of MLM, we have to serve the world revolution

and the internationalist proletarian movement. Finally, as a

scientific and revolutionary communist, we, maintaining the

high records of patience, prudence and courage, have to crush the

counterrevolutionary conspiracies. If we failed to do that Nepal and

Nepalese revolution will undergo a big accident. Therefore, let us

unite, let us go ahead, people's victory is guaranteed.


Chronological diagram of Maoist party


Timeline

EMERGENCE OF COMMUNIST PARTY OF NEPAL

1949 COMMUNIST PARTY OF NEPAL

1974 CPN FOURTH CONGRESS

1984 CPN FOURTH CONGRESS 1 LED BY MB SINGH, 2 LED BY

NIRMAL LAMA

1085 CPN-MASHAL LED BY MOHAN BAIDYA

1986 CPN MASAL LED BY MOHAN BIKRAM

1989 CPN MASHAL-NATIONAL CONFERENCE ELECT

PRACHANDA

1991 CPN MASAL-NATIONAL CONFRENCE CREATED DIFERENT

GROUPS

1991 CPN[UNITY CENTER] [CREATED BY MASHAL,REBEL

MASAL,CPN-FOURTH CONGRESS AND PROLETERIATE

WORKERS ORGANIZATION]

1994 CPN[UNITY CENTER] LED BY PRACHANDA AND LED BY

NIRMAL LAMA

1995 CPN[MAOIST] LED BY PRACHANDA

2008 UNIFIED CPN[MAOIST] LED BY PRACHANDA

2012 UNIFIED CPN [MAOIST] SPLITED BAIDYA AND CLAIM

CPN[MAOIST]


REFERENCES MATERIALS:

Historical documents of CPN{Maoist}

Published by CPN Maoist 2006

OrganizationalprinciplesofMarxist,LeninistandMaoist

published by Raktim Publication Nepal, 2005

Prachanda the Unknown Revolutionary

Published by Mandala Book Point, 2008

Devkota,Khimlal; Constituent Assembly and

Transformation of nation published by Pairavi Publication

2007

Devkota,Khimlal; Maoist movement of Nepal Development

oftacticandstrategyfeelingsandexperiences;

Paper presentation at Oxford University, UK 2011

Devkota, Khimlal; Resolving Armed Struggle Legal and

politicalaspect;

Paper presentation at Kyoto University Japan , 2012

Devkota, Khimlal; On Secularism Paper presentation at

Jakarta South South Symposium Indonesia 2009

InterimconstitutionofNepal,

Law book Management committee, Ministry of Law and

Justice, Government of Nepal,2006

Comprehensive Peace Accord

Ministry of Peace and Reconstruction, Government of

Nepal,2006

AgreementonArmsandArmiesManagement2006,

Ministry of Peace and Reconstruction, Government of Nepal.


LegalCodeofPeoplesRepublicofNepal,

published by United Revolutionary Peoples Council 2002.

General Guidelines for Regulation of Peoples Power Legal

Code2002,

published by United Revolutionary Peoples Council 2002.

Minimum Programme of United Revolutionary Peoples

Council 2002

DraftconstitutionofFederalPeoplesRepublicofNepal,

UCPN Maoist 2010.

Election Manifesto of CPN[Maoist

Published by Central department of Publicity CPN[Maoist]

2008

Official website of UCPN[MMaoist]

www.ucpnm.org

Official website of Government of Nepal

www.nepalgov.np

A Perspective on Maoist Movement in Nepal

Documents

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