A Ôtime–space odysseyÕ: management control systems in two multinational organisations
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Transcript of A Ôtime–space odysseyÕ: management control systems in two multinational organisations
Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764
www.elsevier.com/locate/aos
Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764
A �time–space odyssey�: management control systems intwo multinational organisations
Paolo Quattrone a,*, Trevor Hopper b
a Saıd Business School, The University of Oxford, Park End Street, OX1 1HP Oxford, UKb School of Accounting and Finance, The University of Manchester, Oxford Road, M13 9PL Manchester, UK
Abstract
This paper analyses the effects of implementing an Enterprise Resource Planning system (ERP) upon management
control in two multinational organisations. How ERP was configured in each corporation created different forms of
distance and relations between headquarters and the scattered subsidiaries. The construction of spatial and temporal
separations (i.e. distance) and how they were understood and managed had profound effects on management control.
In one organisation the ERP reproduced existing structures and distance which permitted conventional accounting con-
trols based on action at a distance to be maintained. The second organisation used ERP to collapse distance through
real-time information in a matrix structure. This did not increase centralisation but rather produced constantly chang-
ing loci of control and managerial feelings of �minimalist� control.� 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Introduction
Information technology innovations, especially
Enterprise Resource Planning systems (ERPs) areinteresting sites for examining relations between
distance and management control. ERPs have been
defined as ‘‘enterprise wide packages that tightly
integrate business functions into a single system
0361-3682/$ - see front matter � 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserv
doi:10.1016/j.aos.2003.10.006
* Corresponding author. Tel.: +44 0 1865 278808; fax: +44 0
1865 278958.
E-mail address: [email protected] (P. Quat-
trone).
with a shared database’’ (Newell, Huang, Galliers,
& Pan, 2003, p. 26, drawing on Lee & Lee, 2000).
The belief that integration improves visibility and
control is often taken-for-granted in the ERP liter-ature (Dechow & Mouritsen, 2003). However, as
Bloomfield and Vurdubakis note, information
technologies and accounting should ‘‘be under-
stood as [. . .] attempts to institute particular ver-
sions of the organisation, its members, and their
activities’’ (1997, p. 641). They are not neutral in
defining what is seen. Analogously, how ERP
implementations enact integration (Weick, 1979)influences how distances are created, managed,
ed.
736 P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764
and reduced. ERP configurations can dramatically
affect accounting controls and how actions are
made visible (Quattrone & Hopper, 2001b).
Shared databases, simultaneously accessible
from many locations, fulfil the dream of manymanagement controllers––remote and instanta-
neous control by real-time performance informa-
tion. Some MNOs adopt ERPs believing that
they create a virtual vista of corporate activities
that eliminates distance between the controller
and controlled, and hence provide quicker, inte-
grated control (Granlund & Malmi, 2002; Quatt-
rone & Hopper, 2001b). This is linked tocentralisation vs. decentralisation debates: ‘‘When
computers first came into common use within
organizations there was an expectation shared
among many observers that they would centralise
organizational power. Information was equated
with power and the potent information processing
capacity of computers was seen as an extension of
managerial control’’ (Bloomfield & Combs, 1992,p. 459). On the other hand, Bloomfield and Combs
observe if: ‘‘having a computer was equated with
power then the proliferation of computers
throughout organizations could indicate a decen-
tralization of power’’ (p. 460). The effects of new
information technologies are contentious.
The centralisation vs. decentralisation debate
has preoccupied management accounting research.Two sets of research are pertinent. The first com-
menced with �behavioural� works by Argyris
(1953) and Simon, Guetzkow, Kozmetsky, and
Tyndall (1954), followed by studies such as Hop-
per (1980) and Sathe (1978). All examine where
the locus of control, especially for accounting,
should reside. Should accountants situated at
HQ, distant from operations, report to seniormanagers and reinforce central hierarchical con-
trol or be situated alongside and accountable to
line managers to service their accounting needs?
The second set of research, contingency theory,
matches control systems design to features of
organisations and their contexts. Perhaps the most
consistent and reliable results came from the Aston
studies. They found larger organisations were moredecentralised and had more formal administrative
controls (Child, 1977). This was corroborated by
accounting research. Large firms are more decen-
tralised and emphasise formal controls (Bruns &
Waterhouse, 1975), and large diverse decentralised
firms use more administrative controls (importance
of budgets, use of sophisticated budgets, formal
patterns of communications, and budget participa-tion, Chenhall, 2003; Merchant, 1981).
These results are consistent with Chandler�s ana-lysis (1966, 1977) of divisionalisation. He claimed
that management accounting was amajor twentieth
century innovation making commercial manage-
ment of conglomerates possible, something which
had eluded nineteenth century entrepreneurs (Pol-
lard, 1965). Divisional performance measurementsand delegated budgets enable senior management
to exercise �decentralised centralisation� (akin to
action at a distance discussed later). General man-
agers atHQ, assisted by staff specialists, can concen-
trate on strategy whilst retaining central control
through periodic accounting representations of
scattered units� performance and plans in budgets.
Segments are treated as black boxes: line managersmake operational decisions with little central inter-
vention providing financial targets are attained.
These studies examine centralisation vs. decen-
tralisation with respect to allocating authority,
information processing constraints, representing
and quickly making performance visible, and the
physical distance of personnel and segments from
HQ. However, centralisation and decentralisationis more complex than this.
The first issue is how discretion for tasks is as-
signed to hierarchical positions and organisational
order is created. The centralisation–decentralisa-
tion dichotomy implies this is a conscious design
decision taken prior to action. This can misrepre-
sent how hierarchies and order are achieved, for
power relations and their relation to authority arecomplex and fraught. As Bloomfield and Combs
note, power is not an objective, distributable re-
source: ‘‘We need to avoid the trap of falling into
the ascription of real interests, to avoid simple cause
and effect, and the idea that power is owned, while
seeking to understand the operation of power
through the constitution of the categories of organ-
isational life’’ (1992, p. 466). They argue that powershould be viewed as a ‘‘mechanism constituted by
the multiplicity of power/knowledge relationships
between agents’’ (1992, p. 467). Accounting
1 Latour defines translation as: ‘‘displacement, drift, inven-
tion, mediation, the creation of a link that did not exist before
and that to a degree modifies the original [design]’’ (1999, p.
179). The implementation of SAP as a process of translation is
investigated in Quattrone and Hopper (2001b).
P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764 737
researchers have followed this advice and have iden-
tified how organisational categories such as space
and time (whether physical, or virtual) are crucial
to accounting control (Boland, 2001; Carmona,
Ezzamel, & Gutierrez, 2002; Ezzamel & Willmott,1998; Miller & O�Leary, 1994). They argue that
accounting creates distance, and accounting and
distance shape power and knowledge in organisa-
tions. All argue that technology––be it accounting
or ERP––power–knowledge relations, and dis-
tance, require scrutiny.
The second issue is how contingency studies
imply that distance between organisational units isa function of size: that is large organisations are
more complex or differentiated, hence the greater
the distance between their centre and peripheries,
decentralisation, and formalised controls. Control
is equated with structures and authority, and
authority and distance are collapsed into a single
exogenous variable––centralisation/decentrali-
sation. The �behavioural� studies recognise thatcentralisation/decentralisation has two indepen-
dent dimensions––authority relations, i.e. to whom
the accountant is responsible, and geographical or
spatial distances, i.e. where the accountant is physi-
cally located––but like contingency studies the
time dimension of distance is not studied explicitly.
The third issue concerns how both approaches
conceptualise space and time according to physicalattributes. They ignore virtual distance and how
distance is constructed by organisational practices
and accounting categories. In contrast, recent
accounting studies treat �distance� as socially cre-
ated. Chua and Briers (2001), Kirk and Mouritsen
(1996), Robson (1992), and Cooper (1992) trace
how recursive processes of constructing and accu-
mulating information creates a dichotomy betweencontrollers (the centre) and the controlled (the
periphery) (Latour, 1987, 1999) and thus establishes
distances between them. However, what becomes
real is fabricated: accounting does not reflect reality
but constructs it by providing particular forms of
organisational visibility and power–knowledge
relations. Accounting numbers, as say in budgets,
represent segments and foster �long distance con-trol� in organisations based on action at a distance
(Robson, 1992). Thus accounting categories create
organisational entities such as theHQand peripher-
ies, and then accounting numbers in reports make
performance visible and thence controllable (Quatt-
rone & Hopper, 2001a, 2001b). However, account-
ing data are numerical inscriptions: metaphorical
choices that rely on language. Their claims to repre-sent reality are problematical, as the �terms and con-
cepts of explanation do not unambiguously
‘‘correspond’’ to the real� (Robson, 1992, p. 690).
Moreover, accounting representations, as say in a
segment�s cost report, only emerge after a process
of translation1 involving mediations between vari-
ous interests and existing technologies that redefine
their attributes and why they were introduced.Thus accounting constructs distance and thence
control in organisations (Ezzamel & Willmott,
1998; Miller & O�Leary, 1994). Carmona et al.
(2002), for instance, viewed accounting as a time–
space ordering device linked to factory architecture,
observing that: ‘‘If space is configured in a ram-
shackle and haphazard way this may militate
against the possibility of its partitioning into . . .meaningful centres of calculation from an account-
ing perspective’’ (p. 268). Ezzamel and Willmott
(1998) observed how time recording compressed
time and space in accounting for teams. Ander-
son-Gough, Grey, and Robson (2001) observed
how: ‘‘individuals and organizations both con-
struct and are shaped by amultiplicity of time-reck-
oning modes, not all of which are reducible to thedominant conception of time as linear, uniform
and independent’’ (2001, p. 104). In summary, there
is a growing recognition that space and time are
subjectively created; accounting is integral to this;
and attributes of distance are not merely physical.
This paper�s affinity lies with the accounting re-
search above based on the sociology of translation
(Callon, 1981, 1986, 1991; Latour, 1987, 1999;Law & Hassard, 1999; Star & Greisemer, 1989).
However, accounting work of this ilk, contingency
and behavioural work, and linear depictions of
how ERPs shrink distance, share problems in their
treatment of control and distance. Constructs such
738 P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764
as ‘‘action-at-a-distance’’ and ‘‘inscription’’ (La-
tour, 1987, 1999) have been used in accounting
and organisational research to theorise manage-
ment control (e.g. Cooper, 1992; Robson, 1992).
They illustrate how dichotomies between control-lers (the centre) and the controlled (the periphery)
are created in recursive processes of constructing
and accumulating information (Latour, 1999).
However, these processes rely upon the very
dichotomy they intend to explain, for the ability
to accumulate inscriptions builds on �bringingthings back� to the centre (Latour, 1987, p. 220).
They too rest on a problematical linear notion ofspace and time (Hansen, 2001). Hence this paper
questions whether contemporary theories of con-
trol satisfactorily represent relations between enti-
ties in a MNO, especially when ERPs purporting
to eliminate distances through integrated real-time
information systems are implemented.
This is examined by studying ERP implementa-
tions, namely SAP/R3 (Systems, Applications, andProduct in data processing)2 in two multinational
organisations (MNOs).3 Different ERP configura-
2 SAP (Systeme Anwendungen und Programme in der Data-
enverarbeitung) is a German software package whose selling
point (likemany ERPs) is its ability to integrate operations across
business functions and geographical areas. The package, how-
ever, is not what a common software user might expect, i.e.
packages that work upon installation. SAP does not work that
way: the package is designed with an ideal company in mind (�AGerman company� as some managers interviewed stated). Al-
thoughmodified versions for specific industries have recently been
marketed, SAP still requires considerable customisation before
being operative. This is crucial for defining the functionality of the
system, the information it provides, and the format in which it is
presented. This aspect of SAP is the object of another study based
on the cases in this paper (see Quattrone & Hopper, 2001b).3 MNOs ‘‘account for over 40 percent of the world�s manufac-
turing output and almost a quarter of world trade’’ (Ghoshal &
Westney, 1993, p. 21). The global spread of MNOs has captured
the interest of many social scientists, including economic geogra-
phers (e.g. Clark, 1985; Taylor & Thrift, 1982), and scholars of
strategic management (Doz, 1986; Ghoshal & Barlett, 1990;
Gupta & Govirdarajan, 1991; Hedlund, 1986; Hennart, 1993;
Westney, 1993).Anencyclopaediadevoted toglobalisation reveals
the economic significance and variegation of MNOs (Buckley &
Casson, 1986; Dunning, 1993). Yet research on management
control systems in MNOs is slight and often not analytical (e.g.
Cunningham, 1978; Holzer & Schoenfeld, 1986; Salter &Niswan-
der, 1995): despite other disciplines paying increasing attention to
the MNO phenomenon accounting lags behind.
tions in each MNO defined distances between
headquarters (HQ) and scattered subsidiaries dif-
ferently, with consequences for how order, dis-
tance, accounting controls, and HQ–subsidiary
relations were constructed.The first case, a Japanese MNO (hereafter
anonymised as Sister Act) used ERP to maintain
spatio-temporal gaps between geographical and
functional areas, and the centre and the peri-
phery. Its reproduction of existing boundaries
permitted information delays between entities
and existing control methods to continue. Rather
than re-defining relations between hierarchicallevels, functional areas, and operational activities,
ERP reinforced the status quo. Its configuration
created a unitary notion of space and time en-
abling action at a distance (Latour, 1987) to
continue.4
The second case, in an American MNO (anon-
ymised as Think–Pink) demonstrates how the same
ERP (SAP) produced a different spatio-temporalframework. Think–Pink collapsed distances be-
tween segments to enact the ERP philosophy of
integration based on real-time control. Paradoxi-
cally, control suffered. The reorganisation of
processes and structures failed to match responsi-
bilities to accountability. The collapse of linear
assumptions of distance challenged managers� be-liefs about how control should be exercised, andproduced feelings of diminished control. The mul-
tiple and partial visibility afforded by ERP rein-
forced managers� perceptions that their
management control system (MCS) was incom-
plete and control was ‘‘minimalist’’, i.e. only effec-
tive in momentarily stable spaces (e.g. a factory)
and times (e.g. the monthly reporting deadline).
4 The Sister Act case also illustrates how ERPs do not
necessarily overcome functional separations by bringing the
controller (the HQ) and the controlled (the subsidiary) closer,
and how the ideal of integration underpinning the ERP
philosophy depends on actors� enactment. However, this paper
focuses on control––not ERP technology. It is not concerned
for example with why ERP was implemented in the manner it
was in each case (although this is relevant). The focus is on how
each implementation related to management control and
distance.
P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764 739
The case questions taken-for-granted assumptions
of beneficial, linear relationships between integra-
tion, information, and control, i.e. that integration
reduces distance, increases visibility, and hence in-
creases control (Newell et al., 2003).The paper is organised as follows. The next sec-
tion theorises distance and accounting controls in
large, dispersed organisations such as MNOs.
The third section explains the methodology
adopted during the field studies. The fourth and
fifth sections analyse how ERP implementations
constructed different conceptions of distance and
controls in Sister Act and Think–Pink respectively.The conclusions outline areas requiring further re-
search if MCSs and MNOs are to be theorised as
complex, evolutionary systems.
A B
t1 t2
s2 s1
Fig. 1. A schematic interpretation of the conventional spatio/
temporal framework of �modern� control.
The ‘centre’ and the ‘periphery’: concepts of
distance, space, and time
Immanuel Kant describes the conceptualisation
of a project (the idea) and its realisation (the sche-
ma) as an architectonic project by humans to make
sense of an otherwise confused external reality. He
describes it thus:
By an architectonic I mean the art of sys-tems. [. . .] By a system, however, I meanthe unity of the manifold cognition underan idea. [. . .] For its execution the idearequires a schema, i.e., an essential manifold-ness as well as order of the parts that is deter-mined a priori from the principle of thepurpose. [. . .] A schema that arises only inconformity with an idea [. . .] is the basis forthe architectonic unity (Kant, 1874, p. 574;emphasis in original).
Kant is describing how people gain knowledge
by creating a priori ideas to put order in what
otherwise would be a confusion of phenomena.
Schemas, such as organisation structures––integral
to controls––put order into organisations. Sym-
metry between the idea and its means constitutes
an ‘‘architectonic’’ unity. This is consistent withLaw�s (1997) description of modernity and enlight-
enment as ordering projects that endorse a unitary
and unique view of the world, be it capitalist ideo-
logy or Roman Catholic doctrines (see Quattrone,
in press). In contrast, Law (1997) argues that every
�ordered order�, every ‘‘architecture’’, is incomplete
and destined to fail––all we can aspire to is a ‘‘min-
imalist attitude’’. Control and order are ‘‘always intension’’––feelings of being in control may occur
spasmodically but only on a small scale and never
from an enduring, unique centre. The paper illus-
trates this by demonstrating how relations between
ideas (the ERP project) and their schema (its
deployment) affected order, distance, and, ulti-
mately, control in both MNOs.
Prior to this, distance within MCSs needs defi-nition. A distance, say between the HQ of a
MNO and its subsidiaries, has two dimensions:
the �space� separating the centre from the periph-
ery, and the �time� between devising plans at HQ,
their execution in the subsidiary, and reports of
accomplishments by the subsidiary to HQ. Hoskin
and Macve (1986, p. 114) note that the etymology
of the word �control� draws upon an opposition be-tween two poles: a �role� (role-player) who acts to a
script, and a �contre-role� (counter-role) who mon-
itors the role player�s compliance (Lipari, 1984).
Thus the spatio-temporal framework between
poles can be depicted––as in Fig. 1––as a sequence
of fragmented but well-defined spaces (s1 and s2)
and times (t1 and t2) which rupture what otherwise
would be a seamless flow of organisational life.Quarterly reports, annual budgets, functions, pro-
cesses, cost centres, business divisions, for exam-
ple, are based on and reproduce this simple idea.
Constructing this dichotomy is crucial for hierar-
chical accountability (Quattrone, 2000, in press;
Roberts, 1991, 1996; Willmott, 1996) and Panopti-
cal control (Carmona et al., 2002; Carmona & Gu-
tierrez, 2003; Foucault, 1977).Economic geography, ‘‘the science of the spa-
tial’’ (Massey, 1985, p. 11), pays special attention
to large MNOs for:
Fig. 2. The ‘‘Incredible Shrinking World’’ (Harvey, 1989).
740 P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764
The hierarchy of managerial functions, andof managerial personnel, which stretches,say, from the headquarters in the metropoli-tan region, to a regional headquarters in asmaller city, to an outlying branch plant, isin part moulded in its form by the fact ofspatial separation (p. 15).
Information flows and technology alter percep-
tions of distances (Bingham, 1996; Clark, 1985;Schields, 1991; Soya, 1989; Taylor & Thrift, 1982).
However, assumptions that distances between �cen-tres� and �peripheries� are homogeneously and line-
arly reduced by more information, i.e. that the
world is �shrinking� through quicker transportation
and communications as depicted in Fig. 2, are ques-
tionable (see Kirsh�s critique (1995) of Harvey,
1989). Instead these writers adopt more complex,relative, and evolutionary models where distance
is not an objective measure of preordained features
but is defined by actors, and the instruments of con-
trol and knowledge used tomanage it (Thrift, 1996).
Moreover, intermediaries, information techno-
logies or people, continuously re-define what is
information (Bloomfield & Vurdubakis, 1997) and
hence perceptions of space and time (Brenner,1998; Lash & Urry, 1994; Thrift, 1996). Thus dis-
tance, information, and controls are integrally re-
lated and recursive.
Understanding how peripheries and centres
emerge and how distances between them are man-
aged requires attention to inscriptions. An inscrip-
tion, ‘‘refers to all the types of transformations
through which an entity becomes materialised intoa sign, an archive, a document, a piece of paper, a
trace’’ (Latour, 1999, p. 306). A double entry re-
cord in an account, for example, is an inscription.
However, representing distance by a sign is relative
as Urry explains:
Space and time only exist when there areentities in some sense in space and time.Hence, they do not exist without at leasttwo existent objects, which occupy a rela-tionship within time–space. [. . .] Thus spaceis a set of relations between entities and it isnot a substance. [. . .] There is no �arrow oftime� as though there were something con-
crete which could itself flow or fly or fall orpass us by (1985, pp. 24–25; emphasis inoriginal).
Researchers of distance face a paradox––a spa-
tio-temporal loop. Entities––be they HQs, subsidi-
aries, and departments of a MNO, or a town––are
defined by distance––yet they define distance. La-
tour argues this reciprocity requires making dis-
tance an object of inquiry. For example, he
argues with respect to time:
P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764 741
The obsession with calendar time makes his-torians sprinkle technologies with agricul-tural metaphors referring to maturation,slowness, obsolescence or germination, orelse mechanical metaphors. . . . In fact timedoes not count. Time is what is counted. Itis not an explanatory variable; it is a depen-dent variable that needs to be explained(1999, p. 88).
Latour illustrates this by showing how knowl-
edge of remote areas is gained through maps that
define spatial separations between centres and
peripheries. This gives rise to what he terms �actionat a distance�. He describes how Laperouse, cap-
tain of the Astrolabe on its trip to an unknown
part of the East Pacific in 1787, did not know
the small island he was about to discover (Latour,1987, p. 215ff). This would not be so for subse-
quent sailors armed with a map detailing the is-
land. They ‘‘will see [the] island, for the first
time, at leisure, in [their] own home, or in the
Admiralty office, while smoking [a] pipe. . .’’ (La-tour, 1987, p. 220). Thus:
[t]he first time we encounter some event, wedo not know it; we start knowing somethingwhen it is at least the second time we encoun-ter it, that is, when it is familiar to us(Latour, 1987, p. 219; emphasis in original).
He continues:
Knowledge cannot be defined without under-standing what gaining knowledge means. Inother words, �knowledge� is not somethingthat could be described by itself or by �oppo-sition� to �ignorance� or to �belief�, but only byconsidering a whole cycle of accumulation:how to bring things back to a place for some-one to see it for the first time so that othersmight be sent again to bring other thingsback (1987, p. 220, emphasis added).
This recursive cycle of accumulation constructs
divisions between a centre with abstract knowl-
edge, and the periphery without such knowledge.
For example, in Latour�s example it is the source
of differences between the island�s natives and for-
eign sailors:
. . .at every run [of accumulation] the asym-metry . . . between the foreigners and thenatives grows, ending today in somethingthat indeed looks like a Great Divide, or atleast like a disproportioned relation betweenthose equipped with satellites who localisethe �locals� on their computer maps withouteven leaving their air-conditioned room inHouston, and the helpless natives who donot even see the satellites passing over theirheads (1987, p. 221).
Distances separating controllers from the con-
trolled stem from knowledge fabrication, including
that of accounting. Accounting knowledge too is a
recursive phenomena as it implies (and relies on)
similar divisions.Latour�s insights on how maps orientate hu-
mans have inspired accounting scholars. Kirk
and Mouritsen (1996), for example, argue that
accounting and control systems are maps that
guide managers in the vast ocean of their MNO.
The financial controller of a large American
MNO may not have visited a remote subsidiary
but, thanks to inscriptions, recursively recordedin accounting reports, it becomes familiar. Indeed:
An accounting system creates and presentscertain financial and economic relations fora firm. It portrays headquarters and subsidi-aries as a set of relationships that are pro-duced to facilitate interaction and control(Kirk & Mouritsen, 1996, p. 244).
The remote and unfamiliar is rendered close
and recognisable, and thence controllable, through
action at a distance. However, as Robson remarks,
�translations� modify and displace organisational
actors� intents and worldviews (Latour, 1999, p.
311). Moreover:
The more remote . . . the actor is from the set-ting he or she wishes to act upon, the moretranslations or forms of the setting (‘‘informa-tion’’) need to be mobilised in order to over-come the problem of distance. . . . Action at a
distance implies not merely physical spacebetween two points, but the capacity,through ‘‘strong’’ explanations, to influence
742 P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764
many contexts at the same time (Robson,1991, p. 691, emphasis in original).
Thus, the greater the distance, the more
translations are required. Action at a distance pro-
vided by accounting systems mollifies this by prof-
fering a ubiquitous system. Like cartographers
who make local knowledge of indigenous people
universal and accessible, accounting systems accu-mulate inscriptions, such as records in accounting
books, for those with access. They provide manag-
ers with a simplified and manageable view of what
�happens� across an MNO�s dispersed operations.
Accounting inscriptions render distant segments
homogenous, visible, and simultaneously control-
lable by a centre. Without accounting inscriptions
and translations (Robson, 1991, 1992), managers�ideas of distance would be a vague concept in a
vacuum––an uneasy feeling which cannot be quan-
tified, represented, and ultimately managed. They
offer a neat, generalised model to guide actions.
However, spatial and temporal demarcations
have ideological and practical consequences:
As a fundamental system of spatial division(e.g. subject–object, inclusion–exclusion)and distinctions (near–far, present–absent,civilised–natural), spatialisation [and tempo-ralisation] [provide]s part of the necessarysocial co-ordination of perceptions toground hegemonic systems of ideology andpractice (Schields, 1991, p. 46).
Kirk and Mouritsen (1996) explore this with re-
spect to how accounting helps MNOs conceive
control, space, and time.
The distinction between headquarters andsubsidiary echoes the distinction betweencentre and periphery and illustrates that allspaces do not count equally. [. . .] In MNOs,headquarters often render subsidiaries visiblevia accounting systems measuring their activ-ities and reporting their consequences asbudget performance, profitability, and pro-ductivity. [. . .] Accounting shapes whatcounts and produces an optic by whichevents produced at the subsidiary can betranslated (into profits) and transported
(via information systems) to headquarters(p. 247).
This re-emphasises the immateriality of dis-
tance: it is influenced by the intensity of informa-
tion flows. Indeed, Lash and Urry (1994) argue
that shortfalls––not physical separation––make
places �distant� from each other. Hence corporate
HQs develop surveillance activities such asaccounting to monitor subsidiaries and reduce
distance.
However, assuming a linear relationship be-
tween information volume and distance is simplis-
tic (Mouritsen, 1993, 1995; Mouritsen & Bekke,
1999). What constitutes information, how this
information flows, and from where and whence,
are crucial for establishing centres, subsidiaries,and action at a distance, and how they change.
MCS research cannot be limited to static analyses
of structures and how controls operate, for this ne-
glects how the �periphery� and �centre� are defined
initially (Quattrone, 2004; Quattrone & Hopper,
2001a). This goes to the heart of the problem of ac-
tion at a distance and accounting control––how the
separation between �role� (role) and �contre-role�(counter-role) is constructed and managed. This
is germane for the eruption of real-time informa-
tion technologies and shared databases challenge
the spatio-temporal framework that is the basis
of this dichotomy (see Fig. 1). The issue is theoret-
ical as action-at-a-distance requires a spatio-tem-
poral framework which recognises the possibility
of �bringing things back� (e.g. information on a sub-sidiary) (Latour, 1987, p. 220) from somewhere
(e.g. a subsidiary) to somewhere else (e.g. the HQ
of an MNO). The dichotomy it creates constitutes
the background of its own explanation.
Defining spatial distinctions between the �centre�and �periphery�; �here� and �there�; and temporal cat-
egories of �before� and �after� is not exclusive to
accounting––it is the terrain of ERPs (Newellet al., 2003). ERP�s potential to quicken information
flows and collapse distance is whymanyMNOman-
agers adopt real-time systems (Mouritsen, 1999).
Moreover, ERPs and accounting are not mutually
exclusive: ERPs rely upon inscriptions, often from
accounting systems, to make faraway events famil-
iar and to define �roles� and �contre-roles�.
P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764 743
ERP implementations are a continuous process
of translating visions of the organisation into a
working technology (Bloomfield & Vurdubakis,
1997; Dechow & Mouritsen, 2003; Quattrone &
Hopper, 2001b). They must mediate between tech-nological problems, e.g. programming issues, and
human interests, especially those of employees.
Mediations continually define the ERP project�sobjectives, the ERP, organisational order, and
eventually habitual work routines. However,
‘‘one never travels directly from objects to words,
from the referent to the sign, but always through
a risky intermediary pathway’’ (Latour, 1999, p.40). This can render identical ERP packages very
different after implementation.
However, the focus of the paper is on control––
not ERP technology. It investigates how transla-
tions of ERPs� principles produced contrasting
ways of conceiving and managing distance, and af-
fected control as defined in Fig. 1. Like the Odys-
sey, the journey of a project from an idea to anorganisational schema is perilous and beset by al-
lies, enemies, technologies of destruction and
enablement, competing interests, and natural
forces. Introducing ERP into the MNOs led organ-
isational actors into a �space-time odyssey�––a jour-ney marked by struggles, and changing perceptions
of distance. This paper describes these journeys
and their repercussions for management control.
Research methods
Case study research methodology: its role in
theorising 5
Arguments derived from empirical studies can-not be divorced from the theory underpinning
them.6 Theories can be viewed as, ‘‘an ordered
set of assertions about a generic behaviour or
5 This section largely draws on Quattrone (2002, 2004).6 It is beyond the scope of this paper to review theories in
accounting, organisation studies, and elsewhere, which are
linked to philosophical and epistemological issues. The special
issues of the Academy of Management Review (1989), Admin-
istrative Science Quarterly (1995), Chua (1986), and Hopper
and Powell (1987) are useful sources for organisation studies
and accounting.
structure assumed to hold throughout a signifi-
cantly broad range of specific instances’’ (Suther-
land, 1975, quoted in Weick, 1989, p. 517). This
emphasises generalisation and abstraction: a state-
ment is a theory when it establishes a frameworkto order and represent �instances�.
Latour (1988) argues that scientific methods are
crucial for establishing theories but are not neutral
representational tools. When science is the object
of study, and scientific methods become the,
‘‘means of regulating the connection between our
object and its representations, we then draw upon
a concept which is part of the object we wish torepresent. [. . .] The character of our object (sci-
ence) shapes the character of our investigation
(our method) and hence the nature of our repre-
sentation (portrayal of science)’’ (Woolgar, 1988,
p. 21). Thus in social studies of science (SSS), sci-
entific methods become the problem rather than
the means for investigation.
From a SSS� perspective, Weick�s depiction oftheory typifies modern science�s separation of the
investigator (who creates order through sets of
assertions) from the investigated object (specific in-
stances). Once this separation is constructed, and
if legitimate investigative methods are used (La-
tour, 1987, 1991), �instances� are framed within a
theory that excludes other interpretations. Thus
modern science seeks to dominate �instances� byelevating �theory� over �empirics� using recursive
cycles of knowledge accumulation. However,
creating a dichotomy between investigators and
subjects replicates problems of action at a dis-
tance––the topic of this paper. If this research were
to use case studies to generate theories by abstract-
ing and generalising organisational phenomena,
then the case studies would likewise be both themeans and object of inquiry. To avoid this what
is meant by case studies and theory needs to be
rethought.
With regard to doing case study research, Calas
and Smircich (1999) note that Actor-Network
Theory (ANT)7 gained prominence through case
study research despite an apparent contradiction:
7 For a literature review see Law and Hassard (1999).
744 P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764
ANT is reflexive, because it both constitutes
8 This neologism origins from the fusion of the etymology of
the words �description� (from Latin �de-�, to be about, and
�scribere�, to write) and �explanation� (from Greek �ex-�, out of,from, and Latin �planus�, plane. Literally it means �to make
level�, Merriam-Webster English On-Line Dictionary).9 Theory comes from the Greek teorein, a way of seeing
(Merriam-Webster English On-Line Dictionary). Each way is
partial for it is a form of not seeing something else.10 Latour comments on the term actant as follows: ‘‘ACTOR,
ACTANT: The great interest of science studies that is offers,
through the study of laboratory practice, many cases of the
emergence of an actor. Instead of starting with entities that are
already components of the world, science studies focuses on the
complex and controversial nature of what it is for an actor to
come into existence. The key is to define the actor by what it
does––its performances––under laboratory trials. Later its
competence is deducted and made part of an institution. Since
in English the word ‘‘actor’’ is often limited to humans, the
word ‘‘actant’’, borrowed by semiotics, is sometimes used to
include nonhumans in the definition.
and describes its object of interest. The stud-ies may be conducted through ethnographicresearch in a laboratory, for instance, butboth the way ‘‘things out there’’ are lookedat and the way they are reported back con-tribute to the constitution of those samethings ‘‘in here’’. There is irony behind this.Critics of positivism, many social construc-tionist, and all post-structuralist would saythat [this] is exactly what any other empiricalstudy does. [. . .] ANT scholars [insteadmake this contradiction as] their point ofdeparture, as well as their end. ANT pro-vides a very good way of telling stories about‘‘what happens out there’’ that defamiliarizeswhat we may otherwise take for granted (p.663).
Calas and Smircich argue that ANT case re-
search avoids the object of investigation being
the means of its own investigation by not purport-
ing to empirically test whether relations between
established categories of behaviour hold ‘‘through-
out a broad set of instances’’. Instead it challenges
taken-for-granted explanations with interpreta-
tions drawn from cases. The aim of fieldwork isto gain insights into problematic issues––in this
paper how ERP technologies frame distance and
its relation to management control.
With regard to theory, if there is no distinction
between how an object is investigated (the
method) and the object itself, then dichotomies
between description (i.e. the listing of phenom-
ena�s features) and explanation (i.e. the abstrac-tion of general and common features of these
phenomena) disappear along with oppositions
such as:
The empirical and the theoretical, between�how� and �why�, between stamp collecting––acontemptible occupation––and the search forcausality––the only activity worthy of atten-tion. Yet, nothing proves that this kind of dis-tinction is necessary (Latour, 1991, p. 129).
Each description is an explanation because
observers cannot be detached from their
observations. Thus we term our case study as a
�deplation�8––a description and explanation simul-
taneously––a way of seeing.9 The issue is whether
a �deplation� is interesting and whether other
researchers are persuaded that it sheds fresh light
on issues (see Quattrone, 2002; Weick, 1989, 1999).Having clarified relations between case studies
and theorisation in this paper, the field research
can be described. This is not done to prove that
the researchers collected enough material to repre-
sent the reality observed (an absolute and relative
impossibility given the vastness of MNOs). Rather
the aim is to clarify how the researchers� interpre-tations of events and attributions of significance tokey actants10 were derived to create a story perti-
nent to the research problems under scrutiny.
Details on the two case studies
The mantra of ANT is �follow the actants� (bethey people, technologies, or documents). It is a
‘‘laisser faire sociology’’ (Latour, 1999, p. 170) thatstudies how science and technologies are recogni-
sed as such. To understand how a technology such
as ERP acquires particular characteristics requires
a fluid, adaptive mode of investigation that follows
trails revealed in the field. However, this is time
consuming and expensive, especially in an MNO.
It requires a travel budget beyond most research
grants, including that for this project. Thus the
P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764 745
spirit rather than the letter of ANT was followed.
Personnel in different locations were inter-
viewed and relevant documentation collected. As
far as possible key actors identified in previous
interviews were contacted but interviews oftenhad to be predetermined when arranging overseas
visits. Some return visits were made but e-mails
or correspondence were normally used to follow
up new trails.
The first case, Sister Act, studied a SAP imple-
mentation within the sales and distribution func-
tion at the European HQ (Fig. 3 represents the
corporate structure). The MNO markets officeautomation products and sewing machines for
industrial and domestic purposes. It has manufac-
turing and selling and distribution facilities in
Japan, the Far East, Europe, and the USA. The re-
Japan Japan Far East
US
EU Holding Company
Gulf
EU HQ
UK France Italy
Manufacturing companies
Selling & Distribution companies
JapanHQ
Fig. 3. The Organisational Chart of th
search commenced with semi-structured interviews
with managers directly involved in the ERP pro-
ject (see Fig. 5). These included the Project Direc-
tor (the EU HQ Financial Director), members of
the Pan European Steering Committee, projectteam leaders responsible for project areas (Mate-
rial Management and Procurement, Sales and Dis-
tribution, Service, Finance, Systems, and
Educational Services), and the UK Country Roll
Out Manager. The 12 interviews typically lasted
an hour and half. Some members were interviewed
more than once to clarify aspects of projects as
they developed. External consultants could notbe interviewed but their activity was observed in
weekly team leaders� meetings that discussed the
progress and plans of the ERP project during the
initial research stage (circa three months). Docu-
UK France
Sales & Distribution HQ
Australia US
Germany
Joint ventures
50%
Indipendentdistributors
ese
e Sister Act International Group.
746 P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764
mentary material such as company histories, bro-
chures, and the project newsletter were collected
and compared with interview material. The re-
search continued with a visit to the corporate
HQ in Japan (see Fig. 3) where the board memberresponsible for the corporation�s information tech-
nology strategy and the former Managing Director
of the European HQ were interviewed for three
hours.
The second case, Think–Pink, was in a large
American MNO manufacturing and supplying
products for home buildings and composite mate-
rials world-wide. The case concentrated on linksbetween the UK subsidiary making insulation
products and the HQ in the USA, which operated
via a regional HQ for its European businesses. The
research commenced with a pilot study of an ERP
implementation in the UK subsidiary. This phase
consisted of six semi-structured interviews includ-
ing the Director of Finance of the UK Subsidiary,
the Director of the Shared Service Centre, and theCustomer Service Centre who were directly in-
volved in configuring SAP in the UK subsidiary.
The interviews focussed on accounting and con-
trol, and subsidiary–HQ relations. Interviews
lasted an hour and half on average. The second
phase involved a visit to the European regional
HQ in Belgium to interview the European Director
of Accounting and Finance, the European Con-troller involved in the first ERP deployment in
the UK, and the manager responsible for Informa-
tion Systems (IS) throughout the corporation. The
three managers were interviewed for two hours on
average. A second round of interviews was con-
ducted later to corroborate and explore issues that
emerged during the previous visit. The case culmi-
nated with a visit to the USA HQ. Fourteen man-agers, members of the accounting, budgeting and
planning team, and those responsible for IS strat-
egy and SAP implementation throughout the
MNO were interviewed for one hour each. The
company provided reports produced by the ERP
and material on the corporation. These were ana-
lysed and compared with interviews.
All interviews (except one) were tape-recordedand transcribed. After each interview, the re-
searcher�s first impressions were noted and later
compared with the transcriptions. As the cases
evolved, the researchers iterated theoretical issues
with empirical material and discussed them fort-
nightly. Drafts of papers were fed back to manag-
ers in both MNOs, who were forthcoming in theircomments.
‘Does distance matter?’ Stretching modernity to
its limits in a Japanese MNO
GLOBAL, GROUP, GROWTH, The 3Gs have
entered upon a new phase (front cover of SisterAct�s 1999 annual report).
Sister Act has always been a manufacturing led
company: ‘‘They produce everything they can and
then we have to sell it’’ (ERP team leader). Its orga-
nisation structure, detailed in Fig. 3, separates
manufacturing, and sales and distribution into dif-
ferent companies, with manufacturing directly con-
trolled by HQ in Japan, which is typical of manyJapanese MNOs. The Japanese HQ (the �centre�)integrates the functional and spatial divisions be-
tween manufacturing and sales companies hierar-
chically. Accounting records that trace flows of
goods, bills, and physical products define each
company within the MNO. How these are co-ordi-
nated and ordered is illustrated in Fig. 4. The Euro-
pean selling and distribution (S & D) HQ collectsorders from the European S & D companies. It
then communicates the orders to manufacturing
facilities across the world. The manufacturing
subsidiaries produce the goods and ship them
directly to the S & D subsidiaries. The Japanese
HQ, which owns the manufacturing subsidiaries,
bills the European S & D HQ, which in turn bills
the European S & D subsidiaries for productsreceived from manufacturing. Thus the physical
passage of goods from manufacturing plants
dispersed across three continents to S & D compa-
nies is controlled hierarchically by each S &D com-
pany in the relevant area (in this instance Europe)
and the global operations centre in the Japanese
HQ.
Transactions and accounting inscriptionswithin Sister Act define its organisation structure
and reproduce distinct geographical, hierarchical,
Bills European HQ
Sister act EU HQ
S&D Subsidiary
Receives orders
S&D Subsidiary
S&D Subsidiary
S&D Subsidiary
Communicates orders to
Manufacturing sites
Manufacturing sites
Manufacturing sites
Bills
Send finished products to
Japanese HQ
Fig. 4. The relationships between manufacturing and sales and distribution within Sister Act group. (� � �� � �) Flows of bills; (– -–-) flowsof products; (––) flows of orders to EUHQ; (– - -– - -) communication of orders.
P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764 747
and functional responsibilities. These complicated
transactions, for example between the HQ in Ja-
pan and the regional HQ in Europe, define the
European HQ�s existence. Without this intricate
web of relations the organisation structure of Sis-
ter Act in Fig. 4 would be different. For example,the distinction between manufacturing and selling,
and the hierarchical separation between Japan,
Europe, and individual subsidiaries might be re-
placed by a matrix structure. Sister Act�s organisa-tion structure is characterised by complexity,
distance, and hierarchical accounting controls. If
the �incredibly shrinking world� prophets are cor-
rect, then Sister Act�s decision to implement ERPshould dramatically change its controls and
structure.
The origin of SAP as a strategic act
The ERP project did not mark a discontinuity
in information systems development in Sister Act
but extended a project on group integrated ac-
counts started in the early 1990s. Prompted bychanged legal regulations for reporting overseas
subsidiaries, Sister Act started to homogenise
group consolidation. The Financial Director of
the European HQ explained:
1994, I think it was, Japanese fiscal law chan-ged to allow dividends from subsidiaries topass through a second layer of corporatestructure and still carry the tax credit. Thatenabled us to move from a situation where
748 P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764
we were all directly owned by [the HQ] tobeing owned by a European holding com-pany. . . . That gave us the need to have a. . . different type of emphasis on our report-ing structure. . . . We started to do statutoryconsolidations within Europe and not justwithin Japan and the whole thing startedthen to evolve.
A Microsoft Excel template was created calledJ-consoly (short for Japanese consolidation pack-
age) for all subsidiaries. It offered a simple but
effective way of consolidating consistent with ac-
cepted accounting principles. Each subsidiary used
the same template, shaped by accounting catego-
ries within Profit and Loss accounts, and Balance
Sheets. The Financial Director of the European
HQ explained how the new ERP (SAP) wouldnot replace J-consoly but would provide a com-
mon database for filling it in. This was needed
urgently because in the eighteen European
subsidiaries:
There are 18 different systems out there . . .all operating their own semi-automated orautomated systems . . . they all had to . . . findways of creating information to go intospreadsheet packages that form the consoli-dation exercise.
He explained how:
Over the past 18 months . . . there has been afaster move towards creating a global infor-mation system. Now, how does that mani-fest itself? Globally this spreadsheetpackage, reporting budgeting system isalready in place. But they wanted to gobeyond just the management informationprocess. . . . They wanted to embrace all ofthe supply chain management, the logisticscontrol, and working capital reduction pos-sibilities in inventories in receivables andso on, and so we are embarking on anERP project.
As the project unrolled it was gradually trans-
formed from facilitating consolidation for external
reporting to the global provision of an integrated
database for management information. It became
an important element of the 3G�s strategy extolled
in company reports, i.e. Global, Group and
Growth.
The ERP implementation in European sales,
marketing and distribution subsidiaries attractedconsiderable attention, as the project had a novel
structure (see Fig. 5) and a budget of £16 million
(£17m. by 2000). Managers from the European
HQ of Sister Act based in the UK led the project
(see Fig. 5). The steering committee comprising
of the executive directors from the European HQ
gave the project exceptional legitimacy. The ERP
System Team Leader described his project as oneof the �biggest projects that certainly the European
organisation has ever done [and] is also [its] first
properly organised project. . . . We have never had
an organisational structure like that before�.The ERP project could have been a vehicle for
large, dramatic (and often painful) re-organisa-
tions (see Jazayeri & Scapens, 1999). Newell et al.
(2003) argue that integration means overcomingfunctional barriers. If so, then SAP�s potential con-tribution to the �3Gs� strategy might have been
consolidating the Group by introducing standard,
real-time, integrated systems to collapse distance
and simplify the complex, differentiated organisa-
tion structure. This would enable HQ to substitute
hierarchical control with an integratedGlobal strat-
egy of increased efficiency, greater responsivenessto customers and markets, and ultimately Growth.
This was not to be. The ERP implementation
proved more complicated than the linear journey
inferred by the rhetoric of Sister Act�s 1999 annual
report. As SAP�s implementation began, discrepan-
cies emerged between its abstract philosophy of
integration and its enactment as a working practice
(Hines, 1988; Quattrone & Hopper, 2001a).
Alternative voices and organisational choice
The ERP project was not the only information
systems project in Sister Act––other initiatives
apparently pursuing the �3Gs� strategy were under-
way. For example, the �Warehouse project� soughtto centralise warehousing for European operationsin Belgium, Holland, and France. However, de-
spite being a major initiative for European S &
EU HQ Managing Director
PAN EUROPEAN STEERING GROUP
• EU HQ Managing Director • EU HQ Financial director • Japanese Manager • EU ERP project Leader
EU ERP Project Leader
Project Management Group • ERP Project leader • Systems Team leader • Lead external consultant
Project co-ordinator Country Roll out Managers
Sister Act Europe Sister Act UK Sister Act Germany Sister Act France
Change Management Sister Act Europe Sister Act UK
Educational services
Team leader EU HQ
Systems
Team leader EU HQ
Finance
Team leader EU HQ
Service
Team leader EU HQ
Sales & Distribution
Team leader EU HQ
Material Management
& Procurement
Team leader EU HQ
Fig. 5. The structure of the ERP project organisation at Sister Act.
P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764 749
D operations, this project was treated differently
from the ERP initiative. An ERP project team lea-
der commented:
The regional warehouse project . . . has beenrunning out now for two years and all it�s try-ing to achieve is moving three companies�warehouse operations into one location. Thereis just one person looking at that, just one guy.There is no structure. He has got no budget.
If the globalisation intent described by the
European Financial Director was to materialise,
one might have expected the two projects to be
integrated. The team leader observed how fail-
ures to do so surprised ERP project members:
When the regional warehouse project firstcame out about two years ago one of the big-gest issues was that the first three companiesthey wanted to use were on three differentsystems. . . . SAP was supposed to be the sav-iour of that. What�s quite interesting is thatwhen we defined the implementation schedule
for SAP it hasn�t really taken into account theimplementation schedule for the regionalwarehouse. . . . The implementation schedulewas set up by these guys [the steering commit-tee]. What they said was, ‘‘SAP should go towhere the business is’’, to the offices that aredoing most of the business. So the first fiveoffices we are doing are effectively 70% ofour business in Europe. . . . The regionalwarehouse project will start with Belgiumand go into SAP maybe end of 2001.
Thus two projects started in different countries:Belgium, Holland and France for the warehouse
project, and the UK, Germany and France for
ERP. The two projects were not integrated––in
contravention to the company�s Globalisation,
Group and Growth rhetoric. According to a Team
Leader and a board member this was because
simultaneously changing distribution practices
and control systems was deemed too risky. Oneinterviewee blamed the manager responsible for
the warehouse project, alleging that his views on
11 The researcher was called to an urgent meeting with the EU
Financial Director to discuss issues of privacy when interview
questions gradually but increasingly shifted to this issue. It was
made evident that this incongruity was not to become manifest.
750 P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764
what it should deliver changed daily. Nevertheless,
responsibility for the project could have been
changed or integrated into the bigger, richer, more
officially favoured ERP project. But this was not
done, despite joint meetings of the two projectgroups to identify �best practices� to yield savings
and release resources for growth.
It transpired that Sister Act�s ideal of globalisa-tion and integration was different from the taken-
for-granted meaning purveyed in the company�sannual report. Believers in greater integration
were disappointed to find many colleagues did
not share their ideal. For example, a team leaderstated:
Japan will have the UK manufacturing facil-ity on their system and all the production willbe on their system. They will be able to seethat. They should be able to derive the salesand stock information from our system.
However, this was not as envisaged:
I thought that we were all going to be on thesame server, Japan and Europe because thatto me is the big strategic advantage of goingto a common platform and linking the manu-facturing base. . . . With the end user on acommon platform the computer�s ability ofstocking information is the advantage. . . .We are getting two servers––one in Japanand one in Europe. So our template becomesthe European template and then we have tofind a way of interfacing. Now, in five yearstime we will all be wishing: ‘‘Oh slow down,let�s get a global template’’. . . . We will say,‘‘Wait a minute! It is now time for the twoservers to join. AHA!! But Wait a minute . . .you have got a different standard there, youhave got a different material number . . . whydidn�t we think about that five years ago?’’!
Another team leader, wanting more time to de-velop a common template for Europe, Asia, and
America complained about tight time schedules
for �going live�:
What extra benefit would you get for thatextra cost? . . . It will cost us more in the nextfive years to revisit an urgently needed pro-
ject than it would to have an extra sixmonths of consultants and live time. . . . Ido not think anybody understands, and Idon�t, the full scope of the project.
He illustrated his worries:
The placing of orders is done in differentdepartments, so �fax� do their own ordersand �spare parts� do theirs and so on and soforth. From a SAP point of view the orderprocess entry is the same, so it would be . . .more efficient to have one small departmentprocessing orders. [The European HQ] said,‘‘No, No, No, we don�t do that’’. But [wesaid] ‘‘This is the most efficient way . . . andnow the system allows you to do that’’. [Theysaid], ‘‘No, we have always been that wayand we want to remain that way’’. . . .Nobody is really checking on the businessbenefits. . . . We are going to spend a lot ofmoney and we had some great ideals aboutwhat to do . . . but ‘‘Is anybody really check-ing to make sure we get that?’’
These worries were practical, for SAP is not
easy to re-configure once installed as the ERP Sys-tem Team Leader confirmed: When we looked at
[the different ERPs] we found that SAP is the most
difficult to change once it is implemented.
Managers responsible for introducing SAP
soon found that enacting global in the 3Gs strategy
was different from their anticipations. Integrating
manufacturing, logistics, and finance, predicated
as a feature of globalisation of MNOs, did not cor-respond with the meaning of global within Sister
Act. The ERP Project Steering Committee�s idea
of integration did not embrace changing organisa-
tion structures, combining MIS projects, or even
common servers.11 Instead SAP�s ideology of inte-
gration was translated into an exercise to speed up
communication between functions and divisions.
P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764 751
Managers would not countenance changed rela-
tions between manufacturing sites, S & D compa-
nies, and HQ in Japan. The dynamics of this
change are investigated below.
Translating the idea of global and integration into
SAP: issues of order, distance, and control
The lack of integration between manufacturing
and sales, and the ERP and warehouse projects,
made the 3Gs strategic ambitions questionable.
Why was there an apparent incoherence between
the ambition of becoming a globally integratedcorporation and the ERP design? Was it a matter
of culture? The Financial Director of the Euro-
pean HQ argued that Japanese companies differ
from American and European ones.
Japanese culture is very . . . conservative. . . .Lots of fantastic things have come out ofJapan but . . . decision-making in Japanseems to be a difficult thing. . . . It�s a com-mittee process.
He illustrated this with comments about a
phone call from the Managing Director:
What [the Managing Director] said to me onthe phone, ‘‘When we come over here we aregoing to do this, and we are going to do that’’but [. . .] he would come back . . . from Japanand I would say:
‘‘How was your trip?’’[then the MD would say] (respondent imitating
a Japanese accent)
‘‘Very good, very busy, very busy meeting sche-
dule, meetings all the time’’
‘‘Anything decided’’?
‘‘Of course not!’’
And this is very frustrating!!!
However, this paper is not on how cultural differ-
ences affect change processes, important though
this may be at Sister Act. The focus is on controland distance. Nevertheless, the conservatism of Sis-
ter Act affected how the ideal of being a globally
integrated firm was translated into an operational
technology, namely SAP. Managers at the Japanese
HQ responsible for information technology world-
wide confirmed that Sister Act always pursued
change incrementally, preserved employment, and
maintained hierarchical controls. When Sister Act�smanagers were asked to comment on differences be-
tween SAP implementations in Sister Act and
Think–Pink, they argued that implementing SAP
according to the manuals would flatten hierarchies
and cut jobs, it could take two years for people to
understand SAP�s potential, and changing the spa-
tio-temporal framework people were used to would
create chaos in operations. A metaphor from theEuropean Financial Director is informative:
What are the three things that are most likelyto cause you stress in your personal life?Usually it would be financially related, itwould be divorce related, or it would bemoving house related and very often thosethree all come together and that�s when theindividual can�t cope! . . . If you can takeaway key elements of the stress then youmay have more success in the way you goabout doing the most important thing, whichis implementing a new system.
Sister Act enacted ERP integration through
processes of translation involving less disruptiveoptions, consistent with Sister-Act�s culture of con-servatism and incremental change.
Enacting the ERP philosophy began with the
organisation of the ERP project, which replicated
spatial and functional differentiations between
the European HQ and European subsidiaries with
respect to Material Management and Procure-
ment, S & D, Services, Finance, Systems, andEducational Services (see Fig. 5). It mirrored pre-
vailing organisational relationships akin to the
spatio-temporal framework of Figs. 3 and 4. The
role of managers from the European HQ on pro-
ject teams was to homogenise attitudes and create
a single notion of space and time underpinning
governance. They were expected to filter out and
mediate with other interests (especially Europeansubsidiaries). ERP project teams (see Fig. 5) with
equal numbers of managers from the three biggest
subsidiaries gave the appearance of pluralism but
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each member was expected to return to their sub-
sidiary and convince colleagues of the ERP pro-
ject�s effectiveness. Thus, team members became
allies for preserving the status quo of manufactur-
ing and selling relationships rather than agents ofstructural reform. The ERP project�s hierarchical
organisation constrained the unknown (in this case
SAP) and protected centralised power and control
via the European HQ.
The ERP project structure reproduced the di-
vide between the centre (EU HQ) and the periph-
ery (EU subsidiaries): between those in control
and those controlled. This was apparent when ateam leader described the physical space around
the ERP project leader�s desk as an �oasis of tran-quillity’’ in a chaotic open-plan ERP office. The
interviewer assumed the team leader�s boss, the
project leader, was twenty meters away in a silent
and remote corner making important decisions
about the £16 million budget, while others worked
in turmoil. When the interviewer saw the office, thedistance between the project leader and the team
leader was only a meter and a half. The researcher
realised that distance (like power and control) is
not physical but a social artefact. Given the repro-
duction of existing distances within the ERP pro-
ject organisation, it is unsurprising that the SAP
implementation reproduced and reinforced exist-
ing distances and kept the organisation structureof Sister Act intact.
When the ERP project leader discussed the po-
tential benefits of SAP for Sister-Act, he stated
that it was not just:
. . .a replacement for the existing [IT] systemsbut we aimed to change the process itself. . . .Changing the way the cash management ishandled––changing the stock inventory pro-cesses and going through the people changes.. . . What SAP can do is provide the solutionfor the best practice for the business . . . not toreplace the existing processes but to look toimprove the way we do things. The ideawas to look at best business practices.
Thus initial grandiose expectations that SAP
would facilitate global integration changed to find-
ing the �best� ways of conducting operations. How-
ever, defining a �best practice� was as difficult as
defining integration. The Director of Finance re-
called how consultants hired as advisors on SAP
implementation got, �Headaches in how to deal with
some issues but we didn�t promise them an easy life�.For example, the �best� stock valuation method
was an issue:
Moving averages . . . is theway that [SAP] doesit and therefore they say that that is the bestpractice. I maintain that that may be the waythat you do it but it is not best practice. . . .FIFO is best practice in the warehouse.
Bloomfield and Danieli (1995) claim consul-
tants sell their products to, ‘‘not so much target
themselves at a particular niche, as seek to create
a niche and persuade the client that they are within
it’’ (p. 29). Consultants must convince clients that
they have a problem that the consultant�s tool-kitcan mend. That is, consultants create a space
and a time within which the client�s problems can
be framed. In Sister Act, however, the consultants
did not achieve this: instead a power struggle to
reassert Sister Act�s notion of time and space en-
sued as the European Financial Director recalled:
We are saying, ‘‘Let�s do it [Sister Act�s] way and
that is a good efficient way and SAP will work.’’Gradually the project emphasised making existing
practices more efficient to release resources for
growth: revolutionary change was rejected.
The European HQ was central to this. Collaps-
ing distances between Europe and Japan, and Sales
and Manufacturing, could eliminate or downsize
the European HQ. Mediations between systems
designers and managers facing this threat wroughta translation of ERP different from that originally
sought. SAP was not allowed to challenge existing
organisation structures (illustrated in Fig. 3), or
financial and physical systems tracking orders
(flow-charted in Fig. 4). Senior managers sponsor-
ing SAP ensured accounting inscriptions (albeit
more efficiently) continued to record the compli-
cated intra-company transactions that maintaineddistances (Quattrone & Hopper, 2001b). Before
and after (represented by the discontinuous stages
over time between placing an order and receiving
it), and here and there, (represented by spatially
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separated segments) continued to exist. Thus the
ERP project regulated and reproduced existing dis-
tances between the entities. The poles A and B and
the spatio-temporal distance entailed by the mod-
ern conception of control (t1–t2 and s1–s2) were pre-served: participants in Sister Act did not wish to
abandon them. SAPmay have speeded up informa-
tion flows, and audited and diffused best practices,
but it became an exercise in stretching modern con-
trol, illustrated in Fig. 1, to its limits. Paradoxi-
cally, ERP commonly considered as state-of-the-
art technology for integrated controls came to pre-
serve hierarchical controls using well understoodbut �re-designed� business practices. When the
Material Management and Procurement Team
Leader was asked when the three ERPs would
share a common platform he jokingly replied
‘‘Not at least until 2017!’’
So what did this project do? A paraphrased pas-
sage from Law is pertinent:
[The ERP project] makes a hierarchy. It cre-ates a �larger context� for itself––yes, a con-text which is singular. It creates a flat space:a larger homogeneous world, or container.And then it locates itself, along with the enti-ties which do not belong to it, within the flatspace: within the container. Which is, ofcourse, a description of pluralism. . . . Themaking of a pluralist space in which variousactors, endowed with more or less the sameattributes, work within a larger, topographi-cally homogeneous, context. Which is, to besure, an abstract way of talking of . . . themodern world (1997, p. 9).
Law�s comments capture what the translation of
the ERP project came to represent in Sister Act. As
in a disciplinary regime (Foucault, 1977), it created
separated, analysed and differentiated space and
time by creating isolated cells (the subsidiaries)
which could then be governed from the top. Entities
are located within one space and one time.The Sister Act case captures a neglected aspect
of control––namely that creating order is a politi-
cal task. Mechanistic depictions of ERP projects
based on linear and predictable progress towards
predetermined ends ignore organisational mem-
bers� goals. Organisations must tolerate variety
and negotiate order under uncertainty. In Sister
Act control without distance was deemed unthink-
able. The Financial Director of Sister Act Europe
observed how:
The issue with the ERP project is thatwe have never been there before. The disad-vantage of that is that you lack experience.The advantage of that is that you lackexperience!
Returning to Latour�s analogy, he is like the sai-lor without a map that navigates prudently whenfaced with the unknown. Like others in Sister
Act, he realised that a fully integrated ERP might
produce the benefits claimed by its proponents
but, faced with the risk of disorder, he accepted
the Japanese wisdom of feasible change through
consensus, order, and incrementalism. Thus a pro-
ject was created with a less painful vision of order
that preserved existing spatio-temporal gaps andhierarchies but also offered the controlled the pos-
sibility of controlling the controller. SAP created a
centre of calculation (the HQ) but left room for lo-
cal discretion (Munro, 1999; Quattrone & Hopper,
2001a). Capturing how different rationalities co-
habitat, fight, and collaborate within large organi-
sations when ERPs are implemented require
broader, alternative theoretical frameworks thanthose depicted in Fig. 1. The following case pro-
vides further material on this.
‘Distance doesn’t matter anymore!’ Using SAP to
collapse distance in a USA MNO
Location doesn�t matter anymore. . . . Youdon�t need to be physically close to the plants[and] . . . the customer, you just need goodconnections within the different systems youoperate (International Business Controllerin European Regional HQ of Think–Pink).
This was one of many benefits that managers
in Think–Pink believed they gained from imple-menting SAP. Typical judgements were positive:
‘‘[SAP is] A superb transaction processor––it is
12 The International Business Controller claimed after imple-
menting SAP, ‘‘The IS cost in Europe has been cut by 50% in
three years. We went from, let�s use a rough number, 20 million
to 10 million dollars in three years because we got rid of all the
legacy systems that we had before’’.
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very good at dealing with millions of transactions’’
(UK Financial Controller) and ‘‘[it is] A common
database of information’’ (Director of Account-
ing in USA HQ). Many managers valued its con-
tribution to establishing visibility, clarity, andorder:
SAP has helped us . . . to see the problem, tocome up with a solution. It is giving me data.Instead of working on instinct, gut feel, �Thislooks right�, �That looks right�, I can actuallyquantify it and say, ‘‘That is what is goingon.’’ (UK Customer Service Leader).
Overcoming distances between the corporate
HQ and its periphery was crucial:
SAP will allow you to slice and dice howeveryou want to see it. So if you want to see theconsolidated corporation, you look at all com-panies, all business areas, and it all goestogether. If composites [a business division]wants to look at their global composites thenthey take all company codes and key on thebusiness area, and that gives them all compos-ites. . . . They select certain company codes . . .and that gives them composites Europe orcomposites North America or Brazil. . . . Youcan see what companies or what part of theworld you are dealing with and so you cando different things (Accountant, USA HQ).
Coupling the new ERP to traditional MCS
tools increased visibility and enhanced control.
This brought order, defined by Law as:
It is an order that might be seen (yes, this is acrucial point) from one place, a single loca-tion. . . . It is, yes, a world of order. Of puttingto rights. Of homogeneous spaces, of sizesand scales, of transitive relations (1997, p. 2).
However, this order, this homogeneity of spaces
and times, this apparent feeling of control was only
achieved after a long and difficult SAP implementa-tion. The managers� evaluations of SAP were made
late in 1999, when SAP already managed four fifths
of the MNO�s activities, and was expected to man-
age them entirely by November 2000 (‘‘4.7 or 4.8
billion dollars of business’’, Director of Electronic
Business USA). Implementing SAP, reconfiguring
the spatio-temporal framework, habituating
Think–Pink employees to this, and establishing
new organisational routines was beset with trouble.
The search for a real-time information system tominimise distance by globally integrating activities
disrupted norms of control by action at a distance
schematised in Fig. 1. As in Sister Act, control and
discretion coexisted but in Think–Pink these were
amplified and had no stable endpoint.
The origins of SAP as a strategic act
The International Business Controller from re-
gional HQ in Belgium summarised why Think–
Pink implemented ERP:
We had, before we took the decision to go onSAP, dozens and dozens of different legacysystems all over the world [211––accordingto managers interviewed]. [This] is veryexpensive. . . . The second reason was thatwe were not Y2K compliant and SAP was.
Senior managers believed a new MIS would cut
costs12 but, above all, they emphasised how it pro-
moted Think–Pink�s strategy to be a global corpo-
ration with integrated solutions for customer
needs. They wanted an integrated system for an
integrated strategy (Annual Report, 1998): ERPbecame the centrepiece of company globalisation
aims encapsulated in the slogan, ‘‘common, global,
and simple’’ (Global Development Leader of ERP
Project). Integration through ERP became the
theme for re-engineering business processes
(although ‘‘not as much as I think anybody would
have liked’’, IS Business Relations Manager), and
adopting a matrix structure (illustrated in Fig. 6)where ‘‘centres of excellence’’ served different divi-
sions and geographical areas.
ProcessResults
BusinessResults
Centresof excellence
Fig. 6. The matrix organisation and the new accountability system in Think–Pink. � = Financial targets for the divisions (‘‘P & L
bottom line’’). P = Non-financial targets for the ‘‘Centres of excellence’’ (or ‘‘Process organisations’’).
P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764 755
SAP appeared to collapse distance with com-
mercial benefits but, as an IS support team mem-
ber observed, ‘‘The good thing about [SAP] is
that it is integrated; the bad thing about [SAP] is
that . . . it is integrated!’’ Integrating daily opera-tions produced unexpected forms of control,
accountability, and responsibility.
13 As commented by an interviewee, training had little effect
until employees encountered SAP in practice. A manager
responsible for deploying ERP in the USA roofing business
described the situation during 1997:
We put all the business rules in place. We put all the systems in
place and we fired everything up. And we struggled mightily. . . .
Even though we went through all the right steps, no-one was
really checking to see whether the folks out in the field really
practised on the system, and that they really had used the
training window appropriately, and that they were ready to go
live. . . . We assigned the accountability for training and
monitoring training to someone in the . . . field. . . . But they
did not follow up and make sure that they truly understood
what was there . . . we really, really struggled. It was a very dark
time for us. . . . We ended up with customer disruption issues
and, I mean, could have very easily been to the point of saying,
‘‘Wait a minute, let�s go back to what we have and figure out a
better way to do that’’. The quotation illustrates how learning is
more than memorization. Learning to perform a task cannot be
dichotomised from practice because learning is not just follow-
ing rules but is a creative and constructivist act (Varela,
Thompson, & Rosch, 1991). This is investigated further in
Quattrone and Hopper (2001a).
Chaos, the collapse of distance and multiple
controls
Conditions at the start of integration were often
described as chaos. The leader of ERP deploymentin the UK (now European Continental Business
Financial Controller in the European HQ) com-
mented how:
We underestimated SAP . . . it is so huge toimplement. . . . We were the pilot for the cor-poration and we were overwhelmed. . . . Ittook time to understand and to manage SAP.
Managers needed time to digest the implica-
tions of ERP and the new organisation structure
as information and controls between the periphery
and the centre were no longer based on one-to-one
relations (as in Fig. 1). However, initially people
continued as if nothing had changed. An accoun-
tant at the US HQ commented:
People didn�t realise how unforgiving the sys-tem is . . . you put in bad data and you havegot to whip that bad data out and put properdata in. . . . When we rolled out some of thebusinesses there were problems with gettingthe bills. . . . In the sales area there was aproblem in getting the sales properlyrecorded and the invoices out the door.
There were problems with inventory valua-tions in that some of the numbers inputtedas the units of measure were wrong. Soinstead of having a thousand dollars of mate-rial you had a million dollars worth. Allkinds of things like that––you had a lot ofscrambling.
The ability to understand the effects of direct
accounting entries was missing during the initialstages of implementing ERP.13
According to the Corporate Budget Analyst,
accounts intended for one (global) purpose in the
uniform chart of accounts had been used for differ-
ent (local) purposes in subsidiaries. Events in a
756 P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764
cost centre of an USA manufacturing plant illus-
trate this:
The cost centre is really a sort of an internalcontrol. It is like their control and I knowthere were some plants that were doing cer-tain things in accounts that we weren�tdoing over here. They wanted to include cer-tain cost elements . . . there are accounts outthere that you are not using. You find that itis a very good way to segregate some of thecosts you want to keep track of. If in a plantyou want to keep track of a cost for mainte-nance––of your tow trucks––and there is noaccount for that in the corporate ledgers, thereal temptation is to say, ‘‘Well I will use anaccount here and no-one else is using it foranything’’. Well YOU aren�t using it butsomeone else may be using it. . . . We atthe corporate level get crazy looking atnumbers. [For instance] we go to [SAP], toan account to get certain information. Weassume that that account is what it is sup-posed to be. . . . One of the things that youhave to watch is if you get, especially in aplant location, someone using that accountfor something else because they want to con-trol costs. [The uniform chart of account]tells them NOTHING. They know thataccount means: ‘‘This is my lift truck specialmaintenance account’’! However, it mightbe something else over here in the corporatestructure . . . that was their universe.
Accounting inscriptions used prior to SAP had
temporarily created a local �universe� with its own
space and time at odds to that in HQ post-SAP.
Discretion to create accounting categories locallyallowed the plant cost accountant to treat an ac-
count as say, ‘‘my lift truck special maintenance
account’’. S/he had had up to a month�s grace
prior to closing the books to adjust the account
if so desired. Thus the subsidiary could, to a de-
gree, control the controller by exploiting temporal
and spatial gaps in Fig. 1. In turn, the controller at
the centre knew (if s/he was aware) that at themonth-end the account would revert to its shared
meaning. Under the old regime the local cost
accountant could balance local and global pres-
sures simultaneously. The dichotomy between t1and t2, and s1 and s2, in Fig. 1 permitted mutual
control and some local discretion within a shared
notion of order. The Financial Director of theUK subsidiary fleshed this out, stating how under
the �old� regime:
We could put our spin on things and theyweren�t really able to challenge us, or notwithout a great deal of effort. . . . When Iworked for GEC I had to go to managementmeetings once a month and that was thegame that you played. You held on to thegood news that you didn�t want to give thembecause you knew that there was bad newscoming. . . . So you could always tell liesand they couldn�t prove it. What you havegot to be careful with the type of systems thatyou have got now is that these people rely onyou to tell the truth but you better under-stand that they have got ways of checkingout that information because they have gotthat information.
SAP made dichotomies between controllers and
the controlled, and local and global disappear.
Controllers could access data now, before those
controlled if they wished. As the Director of
Accounting in the USA HQ stated:
A couple of accountants have been [senioraccountants at European regional HQ]––forover 30 years. They were very good . . . theywere the gatekeepers . . . of their data. Therewas no way when I was sitting here in Toledoas Director of Accounting for the whole com-pany that I could see anything in their ledgerspreviously. So I had to rely a lot on their abil-ities and their integrity to do the right thingsin their ledgers. . . . [Now] I can tell you howthe plant in Batisse is running today and . . .how they keep their accounting in Brussels.So we have totally taken that gatekeeper roleout and it�s really uncomfortable for folks inthe field who are used to being able to do whatthey want with their own data. So from a con-trol standpoint I like the change a lot becauseI have an ability to control from here.
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The collapse of s1 into s2, and t1 into t2 in Fig. 1
made boundaries between �here� and �there�, and�before� and �after� confused and fuzzier.
This could imply that the MNO became an ul-
tra-modern form of control––an apex of disciplin-ary practices resembling Bentham�s Panopticon
(Foucault, 1977). However, this was not so. Dis-
ciplinary power ‘‘should not be read in purely
negative terms for though it represents a specific
view of organisational reality and how it should
be managed, it also bears the hallmark of
empowerment’’ (Bloomfield & Combs, 1992, p.
473 ). This was evident in Think–Pink. The col-lapse of �A� into �B� after implementing SAP did
not refine disciplinary practices, rather it replaced
a sequential and ordered fragmentation of space
and time with a more chaotic framework. Multi-
ple roles and counter-roles emerged enabling vir-
tually everyone to create a space and time within
which to act.
Prior to SAP the accounting function wasresponsible for all accounting––from data entry
and discipline to preparing reports to managers.
Thus accountants were masters of the accounts
they were responsible for. Integration through
ERP changed conventional accounting systems
and roles of accountants (Scapens & Jazayeri,
2003). Post-ERP someone selling products, say in
Belgium, could instantaneously and materially af-fect the books of subsidiaries. Multiple posting
points created problems:
The guy on the shop floor who�s doing theshipping document, he�s the accountantnow. When he does the receipt, he updatesthe accounting records. We didn�t realisewhat that really meant. . . . If he messes thatup, which is going to happen from time totime, my ledger is messed up immediately.. . . That was a pretty big change, not onethat we expected (Director of Accountingin the USA HQ).
Everyone became a potential �accountant�––andthe repercussions extended beyond technical mat-
ters of inputting data to how control was enacted.
After implementing ERP the Financial Director of
the UK subsidiary noticed how:
People begin to access things that theyshouldn�t be given access to . . . We got thisnew organisation and we got this new systemand we [were] not really sure who shouldhave access to which part of the system. Iknow, ‘‘We will give everybody access toeverything’’ [is a] GREAT IDEA! to getyou off the ground.
This freedom had consequences. For example,plant financial analysts could try and improve their
unit�s performance by benchmarking its costs against
those of factories across the world without the centre
intervening or the other factory knowing, i.e. there
was no common hierarchically ordered referent (a
common �counter-role�).Amorechaotic formofcon-
trol substituted the linearone. Itwasdifficult toknow
who was controlling whom, and when.Shifting information flows and increased access
to data created problems. Employees could not
connect what they were representing (and creating)
when posting accounting entries to how SAP used
them to represent events. A manager responsible
for ERP in the North American roofing business
stated how:
People knew how to do their task becausethey were trained. . . . What they didn�tunderstand was what the variation wasupstream and downstream. So it was reallya lack of overall understanding of how thingsfed into each other.
This goes to the heart of action at a distance asa workable control practice. The modernist project
assumes a correspondence between reality and its
representation––a ‘‘meeting point between things
and the forms of the human mind’’ (Latour,
1999, p. 71):
Each sequence flows ‘‘upstream’’ and ‘‘down-stream’’, and in this way the double directionof the movement of reference is amplified. Toknow is not to simply explore, but rather is tobe able to make your way back over yourown footsteps, following the path that youhave just marked out (p. 74).
758 P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764
In Think–Pink employees could not retrace
their �footsteps�. They no longer had familiar refer-
ences (e.g. a transaction or a task to perform) with
a referent (e.g. an entry in the accounting system
or a controller who checks them) that made organ-isational events visible and meaningful. Informa-
tion flows between the MNO�s centre and
periphery (A and B in Fig. 1) were no longer or-
dered within a sequential spatio-temporal frame-
work: now centres and peripheries (of �As� and�Bs�), and roles and counter-roles proliferated. This
made tracking events back by tracing information
flows difficult. Coupling accounting to the ERPideology of integration replaced modern notions
of control (linear, segmented and univocal) with
a new form (complex, boundary-less, and multiple)
alien to organisational members.
The translation of SAP and the idea of ‘global’
common and simple: distance, a-centred
organisations, and minimalist attitudes
ERP necessitated rethinking what was �local�and �global�. In the �good old days� accounting
inscriptions may have had different meanings for
different people but they granted local discretion
and people had shared meanings when accounts�were consolidated monthly. Then �Globalisation�was just a fashionable word for many employ-ees––now it was a pressing problem. Most manag-
ers deploying SAP recalled their efforts to regain
control of even simple activities in heroic terms.
The UK Customer Service Leader�s comments
were typical:
The first couple of months weren�t too bad.The next six months were horrendous, andthen slowly, slowly, we started to get thingsback. . . . An implementation that on papershould have taken from conception to deliv-ery twelve months ended up taking nearlythree years to get right.
Re-ordering––to make things tidy again––was
hard. Learning the advantages of controlling byERP and how to track mistakes back took time.
Employees responsible for posting data found they
became visible if they made mistakes––‘‘Everything
that is done has a tag on it . . . ‘‘It has got my name
on it’’ (accountant at USA HQ). Consequently,
managers translated the integration ideology into
something more familiar. For example, they re-
stricted access to data entry and information:many areas became accessible only by passwords
(an example was the Corporate Budget Analyst�stable defining access to the budgeting system).
The Financial Director of the UK subsidiary in-
sisted that anyone inputting data affecting �his�books must email him first. Thus managers made
new ‘‘inscriptions’’ defining who could do what.
Returning to Latour�s analogy of maps and thejourney of the Ariadne (Latour, 1999, p. 43),
organisational members tried to bring order into
the unknown mass of entries in ERP by creating
threads of responsibility for the new multi-post-
ings. However, the resulting ensemble of devices
(passwords, e-mails) to re-establish linear time/
space relations were largely frustrated by contin-
uing multiple access to information and the differ-ent ways people used it.
Only three years after implementing ERP could
the situation be defined as under control. Two
years after this the CEO could proudly announce
that Think–Pink had had a tremendous year.
However, his depiction of a tidy, more ordered
corporation, more easily controlled by the new
IT system is misleading. The matrix organisationin Fig. 6 depicts how new ‘‘centres of excellence’’
(customer services, accounting, shared services,
logistics, etc.) and operating divisions should inter-
act. Like many matrix organisations, managers
experienced conflicts between the service divisions�objectives (set horizontally) and financial targets
(set vertically) by managers responsible for profits.
The International Business Controller based inBelgium stated:
In theory you have one general manager whohas full responsibility for one P & L . . . foroperations, and in theory he has responsibil-ity as well for the cash flow and the balancesheet. But some pieces of that P & L areout of his control, sure. But yes, that is theprocess organisation. The matrix organisa-tion is sometimes a beauty on paper butsometimes it is difficult to manage.
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The European Financial Controller rein-
forced this, arguing that people in process
organisations:
Can affect our business but they have a dif-ferent perspective because they look at theprocess. ‘‘How many transactions per hour?’’. . . They are measured by the processing [but]we are measured by . . . the P & L results. . . .So that�s the permanent conflict we have inthis matrix organisation.
It is difficult to depict relations and controlswrought by the new ERP ideology in the matrix
structure in Fig. 6 on a two-dimensional sheet of
paper as it cannot represent their multi-dimen-
sionality. (Fig. 6 is an attempt at simplifying
the complex set of relationships and controls en-
tailed by the new ERP ideology within a matrix
structure. Being two-dimensional it inevitably
fails to fully represent their multi-dimensionalnature.)
Even new centres of excellence, established to
cut costs, found action at a distance difficult. The
ordered matrix structure of Fig. 6 could appear
to make them centres of calculation. In practice
this was impossible because they were not the only
depositaries for SAP information: virtually every-
one could now access this. Thus the organisationbecame a-centred,14 i.e. there was no single centre
(or series of centres) for accounting inscriptions,
they were no longer accumulated to permit action
at a distance, and they no longer had universal
meanings and functions. Those with access to the
system experienced a dilution of control. The
new ERP supplanted a unique vision of order with
multiple versions. Accounting inscriptions withinSAP exacerbated the intrinsic multiple nature of
accounting (Chapman, 1998; Miller & Napier,
1993; Quattrone, 2000, in press). Their meaning
now depended on who accessed, downloaded,
organised, and interpreted the data: this created
disorder.
14 The definition, description, and illustration of the charac-
teristics of an a-centered organization is elaborated more fully
in Quattrone and Hopper (2001a).
Law (1994, Postscript) argues that the crux of
organising, crucial to establishing order and pur-
pose, is having a ‘‘bottom line’’ expressed as profit
or another numerical measure. Dent (1991) illus-
trates this in a state-owned railway companysubstituted a service ideology with one of profit-
ability. Without the normative symbolism of an
apparently unique, measurable and understand-
able bottom line (be it profit or service),
controlling and organising was unthinkable or
ambiguous: it provided a metaphor for organising
and controlling. However, there is no single,
unambiguous ‘‘bottom line’’ in Think–Pink any-more. Anyone with access to ERP�s database can
create �information� to suit his or her purpose. This
new spatio-temporal regime becomes disordered
because versions are not necessarily coherent with
one another and, most importantly, they change
continuously and unpredictably.
Veering responsibility and accountability less-
ened individual feelings of responsibility. Someinterviewees recalled the �good old days� when:
I knew much more who was doing what, andwho was responsible and can get somethingfixed, while now there is an aggregate of peo-ple doing a process. I don�t know who isresponsible and maybe they don�t knowthemselves where their responsibility goes. Ithink we are losing the sense of responsibilitythat we had before (Continental EuropeanBusiness Controller).
It could be argued that unifying and ordering
the matrix structure just requires someone to
determine what is best for the organisation and
then sub-divide and allocate the necessary tasksto departments. However, the matrix structure�sconflicting demands frustrated this, as a manager
explained:
They [leaders of departments] are measuredon their process so they are tracking whatthey consider to be their key deliverables.. . . You are relying on other organisationsto deliver for you. So you don�t feel likeyou are in control and you have a muchmore difficult time setting their priorities.. . . Their priority is to do the best for
760 P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764
[Think–Pink]. In their mind, if they areworking in another division and generate lotsof savings and then neglect you, it is becauseyou are not as important overall––[Think–Pink] is better off. They feel they have donetheir job. I have a more narrow viewpoint.We all want to have improvements . . . sothere is a dilemma there (Financial Leaderat the USA HQ).
Each division and process organisation (centres
of excellence) has its own idea of what is best forThink–Pink, and there is a seemingly infinite series
of �locals� and �globals�. Managers of service organ-
isations may believe they control processes, and
the Director of Accounting can say, ‘‘I have an
ability to control from here’’ but interactions be-
tween people temporarily accessing information
for contingent and emergent aims are no longer
controllable. SAP allows centres of calculation tomomentarily emerge, which can disappear even be-
fore a manager responsible for a division knew
they existed.
Thus, paradoxically, an implementation to inte-
grate business functions, and to increase control
and accountability, had the opposite effect, as it be-
came difficult to match responsibilities to account-
ability. Now there is a different representation ofthe business where accountability is unclear. Mod-
ern double entry book-keeping systems create one-
to-one relationships between the controller and the
controlled. Fig. 1�s representation of time and
space in modern control matches accountability
and responsibility: B is accountable for its actions
to A who should, according to the system�s archi-tect, understand the entire recursive control pro-cess. This was lost when Think–Pink implemented
ERP because A collapsed into B and loci of control
multiplied. SAP marked a shift from one centre
and one periphery with heterogeneous interest but
shared intents (Quattrone, in press) to multiple cen-
tres and multiple peripheries, with heterogeneous
interests and intents. Now no one could construct
a universally accepted map of operational control.The idea of a centre has less significance because
responsibilities are diffused (‘‘I have at least six
bosses now’’, Shared Service Centre Leader in the
UK). The collapse of conventional assumptions
of space and time transgressed beliefs about how
control between the centre and peripheries should
be exercised and left managers with a minimalist
attitude and beliefs that they had partially lost con-
trol. Some employees struggled to preserve tradi-tional control by restricting postings and access
to data in their area of responsibility but these were
pyrrhic victories. More often order was reached
within apparently isolated islands temporarily
black-boxed by accounting inscriptions from SAP.
Thus it is more pertinent to trace continual
changes in loci of control rather than trying to
identify a specific centre that exerts action at a dis-tance based on modernist presumptions of a
dichotomy between the controller and linear and
uniform time and space. The assumption that
greater integration and visibility afforded by ERP
will enhance centralisation was problematical in
Think–Pink. The case reinforces the need to recog-
nise how multiple spaces and times act concur-
rently on work activities. Management controltheories based on traditional spatio-temporal
dichotomies; centralisation/decentralisation; and
action at a distance, struggle to cope with this.
Conclusions: heterogeneous ways of playing with
information, time and space in MNOs
The two case studies describe contrasting jour-
neys towards organisational architecture and or-
der when implementing ERP. Each MNO
adopted different strategies, which resulted in dif-
ferent configurations, implementations, and usages
of SAP. The key sponsors of ERP in Sister Act
maintained existing distance and constrained inte-
gration to reproduce extant hierarchical controls.ERP information reproduced the iterative and
cumulative reporting of transactions in existing
accounting controls. ERP was not a vehicle for
revolutionary change but was restricted to incre-
mentally improving prevailing practices. Thus
ERP defined the centre and peripheries: the only
space capable of overseeing the MNO was the cen-
tre. However, this did not lead to absolute centralcontrol: leads and lags in the system left spaces and
times for local discretion. In contrast, Think–
Pink�s implementation of the same ERP, SAP,
P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764 761
broke down functional barriers and distances.
Now information could be accessed and inputted
from different locations, for different purposes,
for different bosses: everyone can slice the informa-
tion as they wish. Accounting categories definingcentres and peripheries, and accounting reports
enacting action at a distance disappeared: every-
one is an accountant now. This produced a flatter
organisation structure than in Sister Act but elim-
inating distance did not centralise control. Instead
it marked a proliferation of constantly changing
centres, varied and vacillating reasons for wanting
accounting information, and managers with �mini-malist� control.
This reveals shortcomings of studies examining
distance within large organisations in terms of a
centralisation vs. decentralisation dilemma or ac-
tion at a distance. The research issue in large
organisations is not identifying where centres of
power and control do and should reside but rather
tracing how control is related to integration andestablishing order into work activities. This is a
complex process involving inscriptions, transla-
tions, beliefs, mediation, accounting, and informa-
tion processing technologies, as previous work in
this vein illustrates. However, such work needs to
avoid modernist approaches based on, or leading
to, dichotomies such as principal-agent, control-
ler-controlled, here-there, and before-after to fullycomprehend relations between distance, account-
ing, ERPs, and control. Law�s ideas are apposite:
Is an organisation fully described by a singlemodel? Well we know the answer don�t we?[It is not] that we have different . . . imagesof organisation. It is also that we have . . .different organisations. A series of them.Alongside one another. So to speak a multi-ple reality, not one that is singular. [How-ever] these different organisations do notinhabit entirely separate worlds. They donot happily co-exist in parallel universes.
Instead they support, undermine, and in gen-
eral interfere with one another in complex
and uncertain ways [. . .] they are partiallyconnected. (Law, 1997, p. 7, drawing onHaraway, 1991; italics in original, boldadded).
As Law notes, incomplete order and multiple
foci of control may often be the norm. Under-
standing multiple attempts to create order, spaces,
and times is the uneasy task facing managers and
management control scholars alike. It requiressubstituting linear and unique depictions of con-
trol with ones that recognise how actors with
divergent expectations and beliefs define organisa-
tional spaces and times to exert their own views of
order. Grand, omnipotent designs of corporate or-
der may exist as figments of a CEOs� imagination
(Mazza & Quattrone, 2002; Quattrone, in press)
but Think–Pink�s managers found ERP producedco-existent and intertwined multiple worlds and
‘‘minimalist attitudes’’. We:
Cannot, therefore, take anything that it saysin as many words about the ordering of theworld at face value. Which means that itneeds to take distance from its orderings,even as it orders them (Law, 1997).
Here every �locality� is a unique �universe� withan unstable space and time only partially con-
nected to other localities. Isolating individuals in
calculable spaces (Miller & O�Leary, 1994) and
emphasising differentiation––characteristic of
modern times (Foucault, 1977)––does not neces-
sarily produce unitary, homogeneous, and totali-
tarian control. Instead it can produce an �orgyof totalitarianisms� (Mazza & Quattrone, 2002):
everyone is king, albeit temporarily, if they can
access information to create their own space
and time. Paraphrasing Warhol, in �post-modern�control systems, everyone can momentarily be
corporate controller and gain fifteen minutes of
celebrity. Organisations are an unknown terrain
in constant turmoil, with actors confronted by aspace-time odyssey. A journey mapping the
geography of these unexplored territories
may be as difficult as that faced by our ancestors
who navigated unexplored oceans without a map.
Acknowledgement
This research was made possible by funding
from the Training and Mobility of Researchers Pro-
gramme (TMR) of the European Commission
762 P. Quattrone, T. Hopper / Accounting, Organizations and Society 30 (2005) 735–764
through a Marie Curie Fellowship (contract no.
ERFMBICT983193). The research also benefited
from financial support from the Institute of Char-
tered Accountants in England and Wales (ICAEW,
contract No. 5-392) and CICYT (Spain, grant no.SEC 98-0282). Thanks to Chris Mclean for inter-
esting chats and comments; Jan Mouritsen for ac-
cess to his unpublished work on management
control in MNOs; Hideki Fuji for his invaluable
help in carrying out the case study in the Japanese
MNO; and Heba Al Fayed, Chris Chapman, An-
thony Hopwood, Norman Macintosh, Bob Sca-
pens, the participants at the �ERP technologiesand management control� meeting (Brussels,
2002), and the two AOS reviewers for their con-
structive comments. Last but not least, we wish
to thank the managers who collaborated for their
time and patience. The usual disclaimers apply.
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