A Note on the Nisa Rhytons

22
«Mnème» Documenti, culture, storia del Mediterraneo e dell’Oriente Antico Collana diretta da Antonio INVERNIZZI 9

Transcript of A Note on the Nisa Rhytons

«Mnème»Documenti, culture, storia

del Mediterraneo e dell’Oriente Antico

Collana diretta daAntonio INVERNIZZI

9

Volume pubblicato con il contributo del Centro Ricerche Archeologiche e Scavi diTorino per il Medio Oriente e l’Asia

Mnemei'on

Scritti in memoria di Paolo Fiorina

raccolti da ANTONIO INVERNIZZI

Edizioni dell’OrsoAlessandria

© 2013Copyright by Edizioni dell’Orso s.r.l.via Rattazzi, 47 15121 AlessandriaTel. 0131.252349 Fax 0131.257567e-mail: [email protected]: //www.ediorso.it

Realizzazione informatica di Arun Maltese ([email protected])

È vietata la riproduzione, anche parziale, non autorizzata, con qualsiasi mezzo effettuata, compresala fotocopia, anche a uso interno e didattico. L’illecito sarà penalmente perseguibile a norma del-l’art. 171 della Legge n. 633 del 22.04.1941

ISBN 978-88-6274-489-8

Caro Paolo,non è stato purtroppo lungo quanto avremmo desiderato il cammino percorsoinsieme da un cantiere di scavo all’altro, dove ci sei stato sempre insostituiblecompagno, e il tempo che ci ha riuniti nella ricerca universitaria si è interrottobruscamente. Ma la tua presenza e la costanza della tua collaborazione sono stateper noi ovunque preziose. La tua intelligenza aperta, la disinteressata disponibilitànel prestarti ad ogni lavoro, e la generosità nel prodigarti per ogni necessità sonostate fondamentali per il buon successo delle missioni archeolgiche. E grande pia-cere abbiamo tratto dalla sincerità e simpatia della tua amicizia. È con profondoaffetto che ti ricordiamo e dedichiamo alla tua memoria questi nostri studi. Così tusempre resti fra noi, il sorriso ammiccante negli occhi, la sigaretta tra le dita el’immancabile nuvoletta di fumo aleggiante d’intorno.

Catherine BRENIQUETL’invention de la filature et du tissage. Variations méthodologiques et diachroniques sur l’archéologie du textile p. 1

Lucia CHIOCCHETTI, Franco FORNARISAn Astronomical Interpretation of a Bowl from Arpachiya 27

Maria Clara CONTIUn nuovo frammento del tetto attribuito al “Tempio delle Piccole Metope” di Selinunte 71

Antonio INVERNIZZIA Note on the Nisa Rhytons 87

Antonio INVERNIZZIVitaliano Donati, inviato di Carlo Emanuele III in Mesopotamia 101Giornale del viaggio di Vitaliano Donati da Damasco a Bassora 108

Anna Margherita JASINKThe Lapis Lazuli and Its Use in Glyptics. A brief exemplification from Mesopotamia to the Aergean world, passing by Cyprus 139

Christine KEPINSKIDe Yelkhi à Harrâdum. Aux marges des royaumes Mésopotamiens et des territoires nomades 153

Carlo LIPPOLIS, Marco BENETTIUna coppia di tori androcefali alati da Nimrud 163

SOMMARIO

VIII Sommario

Nicolò MASTURZOLeptis Magna. Note sulla geografia dell’abitato, tra emporio fenicio e città imperiale 185

Roberta MENEGAZZIE lontano, lontano nel tempo … Una figurina fuori contesto dagli scavi italiani di Seleucia al Tigri 213

Roberto PARAPETTI, Roberta VENCO RICCIARDIHatra. Documenti e note sul Santuario del Sole 219

St John SIMPSONSmoking Across Iraq 251

Carlo ZOPPIIl cosiddetto recinto di Zeus Meilichios nella Selinunte di età punica. Osservazioni sulla planimetria 279

Gli Autori 289

The principles of Greek art enjoyed a wide diffusion in the countries subject tothe Achemenid empire1, and in particular in the regions that later fell under Arsacidrule. Greek artists and artists trained in the Greek ateliers of Hellenized Asia wereat work in a number of centres2. The excavations of Parthian Nisa have revealedtheir fundamental importance in the formation of the official art of the Arsaciddynasty in the years shortly after the middle of the 2nd century BC, whenMithradates I was creating the Parthian empire3. A detailed study of the numerousart works brought to light there allows to state that the contribution of these artistsremained determinant also later, in diversified ways.

This specifically concerns the sculptors and artisans that modelled statues andprecious furnishings, while the painters’ contribution remains in shadow becausepaintings have been rarely preserved4. As for the architects, the debts to Greek cul-ture especially concern the decoration of the buildings more than aspects of theirlayout. In fact, both the monumental and service constructions brought to light inNisa fall within the range of traditional Iranian typologies and represent a develop-ment of the architectural practice characteristic of Pre-Arsacid Eastern Iran andCentral Asia5. Structural innovations of Greek origin are of less relevance but aresometimes showy, as is the case of the peristyle of the Square House. By contrast,important novelties are introduced in the architectural decoration in imitation ofwestern forms and materials, which is especially clear for the Corinthian assembledcapitals6.

A NOTE ON THE NISA RHYTONS

1 BOARDMAN 1994; BOARDMAN 2000.2 INVERNIZZI 2012.3 INVERNIZZI 2001; INVERNIZZI 2011.4 PILIPKO 2000; INVERNIZZI 2011.5 INVERNIZZI 2000; INVERNIZZI in press a; INVERNIZZI in press b.6 INVERNIZZI 1995.

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A deeper analysis of the artistic production known to us in Nisa reveals the linesof a stylistic development that presupposes a considerable lapse of time and differ-ent conceptual attitudes in the stylistic utilization of Greek iconographies7. The artworks of Nisa are therefore informative in various degrees and ways of the expres-sion of the Arsacids’ kingship and their dynastic celebration in broadly speakingreligious and funerary contexts. In fact, there is a wide convergence of opinions onthe interpretation of the monumental compound of Old Nisa-Mithradatkert asdevoted to the celebration of the great Arsacid rulers, in proximity of the royalgraves cited by the ancient authors.

In the absence of direct evidence on the religious beliefs and funerary rituals ofthe rulers, the meaning of the choice of the art works and their subjects, and the useof the precious furnishings remain open to speculation, not lastly because theiroriginal setting can be reconstructed only in exceptional cases. We nevertheless canobserve that the Arsacids had recourse to Greek artists of Central Asia, artists mas-tering perfectly the forms of the stylistic and iconographic Greek repertoire in amajor field of activity, that of the celebration of their own royal dignity, so to say,in life and death. It must also be stressed that royal commissions to these atelierscontinued to be made at least until the turn of the Christian era. While the marblesculptures point to a date in the 2nd century BC8, a stylistic development in the claysculpture can be ascertained not only comparing the monumental clay statues dis-played in the Round Hall with those decorating the Square Hall, but even withinthe fragments of the Round Hall9.

Of the greatest importance, among the Nisa findings, for testing the existence ofa chronological development in the general figural taste and style of executionthough in a substantial continuity of production, within specific categories of artworks, are the ivory rhytons10, in spite of the fact that their finding context in theSquare House does not correspond to that of their original use, for this buildingwas originally a meeting place for ceremonies and banquets but was turned into astorehouse, a treasury in the course of time11. In this respect, the detailed study ofthe style, iconography and iconology of these vessels by Eleonora Pappalardo12 is afundamental tool for a better understanding of the questions involved. The mainresults of this study are worth being stressed here.

First of all the chronology. Careful and systematic comparisons with the Greekand Roman repertory confirm the close visual impressions: the considerable differ-ences of style and execution, which are particularly clear in the case of iconogra-

7 INVERNIZZI 1999; INVERNIZZI 2011; INVERNIZZI in press c.8 INVERNIZZI 2009; INVERNIZZI in press c.9 INVERNIZZI in press c.10 MASSON, PUGAČENKOVA 1956; MASSON, PUGAČENKOVA 1959.11 INVERNIZZI 2000.12 PAPPALARDO 2010.

89A note on the Nisa Rhytons

phies with the same subjects, are not simply the result of different hands of carvers,but often imply different times of execution and reveal a general development inthe production of the rhytons, though probably within the same artisanal traditionof carvers’ workshops. E. Pappalardo, in fact, identifies in her study up to 8 stylis-tic groups.

13 INVERNIZZI 2001, 144, fig. 6; BOLLATI 2008, 169, Area A:10, pl. xxi; INVERNIZZI 2011, fig. 9;INVERNIZZI in press c, fig. 9.

14 PAPPALARDO 2010, 279, fig. 12:21.15 PAPPALARDO 2010, 278, figs. 12:19 and 12:20, rhyton 22.

������������������������������������ �Fig. 1 - Nisa, the Round Hall: fragment of the tunic of a clay statue.

The extremely fine drapery of the tunic fragment of the Round Hall13 (Fig. 1)suggests that the original store of iconographic and stylistic means at disposal ofthe Nisa artists pushes its roots deep into the art experiences of the end of the 4th

century BC which spread through Asia in the travelling kit of the artists thataccompanied Alexander. The friezes of the rhytons, too, offer clear proofs of this.Several details of some of them are especially significant: features drawn exactly inthe same way as Alexander’s face in the Pompeii mosaic14 (Fig. 2) appear in morethan one face15 (Figs. 3-4). The mosaic itself was made in Late-Hellenistic times,but is a faithful copy of a painting of the end of the 4th century BC. The period 1st

century BC – 1st century AD is precisely the lower term of reference for severalfriezes.

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An important confirmation is offered by one of the heads aligned in the cornicebelow the rim of rhyton no. 18 (Fig. 5): its hair-style is closely related to a modefashionable in Rome only in the Augustan period16. Also, the naked dancer who isa recurring character in the Dionysiac processions17 (Figs. 6-7), and the old manleaning on his stick, who appears in more diversified scenes18 (Figs. 9-11), closelyrecall similar figures in Late-Hellenistic paintings from Campania19 (Figs. 8 and12).

16 PAPPALARDO 2010, 214, fig. 6:18 and 288, fig. 12:47; INVERNIZZI 2011, fig. 24; INVERNIZZI inpress d, fig. 6.

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Fig. 2 - Pompeii:Alexander’s mosaic,

detail.

Fig. 3 - Nisa: rhytonno. 22, Hermes.

Fig. 4 - Nisa: rhytonno. 22, head from

the cornice.

Fig. 5 - Nisa: rhytonno. 18, head from

the cornice.

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Fig. 6 - Nisa: rhytonno. 43, dancer.

Fig. 7 - Nisa: rhyton no.63, dancer.

Fig. 8 - Pompeii, Villadei Misteri: dancer,

mural painting.

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Fig. 9 - Nisa: rhyton no. 30,Ephestos.

Fig. 10 - Nisa: rhyton no. 47,elderly man leaning on a

stick.

Fig. 11 - Nisa: rhytonno. 29, youth leaning.

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Fig. 12 - Villa diBoscoreale: elderly manleaning on a stick, pain-

ting.

Fig. 13 - Nisa: rhyton no. 18, thegroom.

Fig. 14 - Nisa: rhy-ton no. 18, a female

figure.

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Fig. 15 - Nisa: rhyton no. 18, development of the frieze.

Some figures even have a more Italic-like appearance: the head of the characterstanding close to the horse (Fig. 13) in the frieze of rhyton no. 1820 finds good par-allels in Roman portraiture for its structure and style. Not only, the subject of thisfrieze, the leave-taking of the heroized defunct21 (Fig. 15), is a free and originaladaptation of a subject well known in the funerary art of Etruria, an exquisitely fu-nerary theme known also to Greek art, but amplified by the Nisean carver with anunusually strong narrative desire. Most individual figures of this Late-Hellenisticfrieze maintain close iconographic connections with the repertory of the Etruscanurns22. A female figure stands out among all, however, for the spatial implicationsof her attitude23 (Fig. 14). Presented from the back, she moves aside towards thebackground in a still fresh naturalistic rendering. Which proves that the degree ofadhesion to the Greek naturalistic sensitivity alone is not a good dating criterion.

All this means that the original store of Late-Classical sources in the atelier orateliers of carvers that created the rhytons of Nisa became wider with time, and avariety of new western contributions was added, likely in connection with the samephenomenon that enriched Gandharan art.

No less important are the results of the new study for the interpretation of thesubjects. The prevailing funerary character of their context and rituals of usealready supposed by the Russian scholars who first published the rhytons is con-firmed, and illustrated with a far wider range of arguments, both from the Greekand Arsacid points of view.

17 PAPPALARDO 2010, 188, figs. 4:66-68.18 This is the attitude taken by Ephestos among the 12 gods of Olympus (e.g. Fig. 9; PAPPALARDO

2010, pl. 39). However, the same attitude characterizes also other characters, the old man among thefemmes de lettre of the frieze of rhyton 47 (Fig. 10; PAPPALARDO 2010, 239, fig. 10:8) and the youthon the frieze of rhyton 29 (Fig.11; PAPPALARDO 2010, 244, fig. 10:24).

19 PAPPALARDO 2010, 188, fig. 69 (Pompeii, Villa dei Misteri); 239, figs. 10:8-9 (Villa diBoscoreale).

20 PAPPALARDO 2010, 208, fig. 6:1; INVERNIZZI 2011, figs. 23-24.21 PAPPALARDO 2010, fig. 2:36.22 PAPPALARDO 2010, 207-215.23 PAPPALARDO 2010, 208, fig. 6:6.

93A note on the Nisa Rhytons

Both the terminal figures and the scenes of the friezes were selected with greatcoherence for illustrating metaphorically fundamental religious sentiments playingan important role also in the royal funerary domain. The terminals in form of awinged leogryph24 (Fig. 16) offer a direct reference to the solar context of Iraniankingship. Others, namely the bull-man – who is Acheloos (Fig. 18) for the Greeks,Gopatshah (Fig. 19) for the Iranians25 –, are in connection with the element

24 PAPPALARDO 2010, 264-265, e.g. pl. 25:2 (rhyton 22).25 PAPPALARDO 2010, 251-254, figs. 11:5 (a tetradrachm from Gela) and 11:8 (rhyton 78).

Fig. 16 - Nisa: leogryph, terminal ofrhyton no. 22.

Fig. 17 - Nisa: winged elephant, ter-minal of rhyton no. 66.

Fig. 18 - Tetradrachm of Gela: Acheloos. Fig. 19 - Nisa: Gopatshah, terminalof rhyton no. 78.

94 Antonio Invernizzi

“water”, which finds a literal reference in the hydrophora26 (Fig. 20), clearly a fore-runner of the Sasanian dancers associated with Anahita, the goddes of the cosmicwaters. Here, the hydrophora spills simbolically the content of the vessel in fullharmony with the use of the rhyton. The general reference to water, the water oflife of course, is specifically taken into a funerary context by the centaur riding anymph27 (Fig. 21) – not a lapitess – on his back, a subject once again popular in theart of the Italic milieu. This is clearly proved by the two amphoras that completethe representation of two couples of nymphs riding a centaur in heraldic composi-tion on the reliefs of several urns from Chiusi and Volterra28 (Fig. 22).

26 PAPPALARDO 2010, 255-258, pl. 206.27 PAPPALARDO 2010, 259-263, pl. 8.28 PAPPALARDO 2010 262-263, figs. 11:27-29.

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Fig. 20 - Nisa: Hydrophora,terminal of rhyton no. 11.

Fig. 21 - Nisa: Centaur carrying a nymph, terminalof rhyton no. 4.

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As for the zebu and possibly the winged elephant (Fig. 17), they recall the set-ting of Dionysus’ Indian triumph29. Dionysus, who on the friezes of the rhytons isrepresented in person perhaps only once30, is actually the true hidden protagonist ofthe conceptions underlying the iconographic repertory of the rhytons, as the traitd’union of subjects only apparently unrelated. Dionysus is the god appointed to theprotection of the souls directed to the netherworld, the god who on the Roman sar-cophagi triumphs on death in his journey to India. The whole iconography of therhytons moves between the two poles of the celebration of kingship in life andbeyond death, wich perfectly corresponds to the main purposes of the art works andarchitectural monuments of the citadel.

29 PAPPALARDO 2010, 255, pl. 220.7, and 265-266, figs.11:30-31.30 PAPPALARDO 2010; INVERNIZZI in press d, fig. 21.

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Fig. 22 - Chiusi: Nymphs riding centaurs, Etruscan funerary urn.

Fig. 23 - Nisa: the 12 Olympian gods, development of the frieze of rhyton no. 22.

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The most common subject of the friezes is the series of the dodekatheoi31 (Figs.23-24), the twelve Olympian gods in their canonical iconographies. This subjecthas a universal religious value, but it acquires, more specifically, a determinantimportance in the life of the Greek polis as a socio-political theme of civic cohe-sion. It can have maintained a similar socio-political meaning for the Arsacidmonarchy, recalling the entire pantheon for the protection of the royal role. Atwofold Greek-Iranian reading of the identity of the individual gods here has a less-er importance, for the scene can be seen as a collective term expressing a singleinvocation.

31 PAPPALARDO 2010, 123-159, e.g. fig. 2:6 (rhyton 22, here Fig. 22) and fig. 2:1 (rhyton 2, hereFig. 23). See also PAPPALARDO 2008.

Fig. 24 - Nisa: the 12 Olympian gods, development of the frieze of rhyton no. 2.

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Fig. 25 - Nisa: Dionysiac libation, development of the frieze of rhyton no. 43.

Fig. 26 - Nisa: Dionysiac sacrifice, development of the frieze of rhyton no. 8.

97A note on the Nisa Rhytons

An invocation specifically to an invisible Dionysus is represented by the ritualsof libation (Fig. 25) or sacrifice32 (Fig. 26), peopled of creatures of the god’s ret-inue, satyrs and nymphs; and it is perhaps once again Dionysus who attends thenymphs’ chase on rhyton no. 7633 (Fig. 27), appropriating a subject dear toArtemis. He is a majestic image, characterized by an almost archaic hair-style anda face with almost female features that seem to point to a fusion of the personalitiesof Dionysus and Artemis recalling the case of a Tillya tepe jewel34. Finally,Dionysus as the lord of the theatre offers the link for the general celebration of theletters on rhyton n. 4735 (Fig. 28).

Other two subjects newly identified by E. Pappalardo have a coherent connec-tion with the Dionysiac world: several friezes, of which nos. 10 and 23 are the best

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Fig. 27 - Nisa: chase of the nymphs, development of the frieze of rhyton no. 76.

Fig. 28 - Nisa: celebration of the letters, development of the frieze of rhyton no. 47.

32 PAPPALARDO 2010, 161-191, e.g. fig. 2:19 (rhyton 43, libation, here Fig. 24), and fig. 2:25(rhyton 8, sacrifice, here Fig. 25). Cf. MANASSERO 2011 for a possible influence of the Orphic myste-ries in the carnyx blown by a satyr and MANASSERO 2013 for the possible reference to Cybele’s crio-bolium in the unusual scene of rhyton 8.

33 PAPPALARDO 2010, 217-222, fig. 2:37. For other Dionysiac aspects in the imagery of the rhy-tons see MANASSERO 2008.

34 SARIANIDI 1985, pls. 151-154; Afghanistan 2006, 278, n. 107; INVERNIZZI in press d, fig. 21.35 PAPPALARDO 2010, 237-250, fig. 2:42.

98 Antonio Invernizzi

preserved36 (Fig. 29), represent a rare subject, the myth of Lycurgus, who likePentheus opposed the god and like Pentheus was dramaticaly punished.

36 PAPPALARDO 2010, 193-205, figs. 2:31 (rhyton 10, here Fig. 28) and 2:33.37 PAPPALARDO 2010, 223-230, fig. 2:38.38 PUGAČENKOVA 1958, fig. p. 96-97.

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Fig. 29 - Nisa: the myth of Lycurgus, development of the frieze of rhyton no. 10.

Fig. 30 - Nisa: the labours of Hercules, development of the frieze of rhyton no. 71.

Frieze no. 7137 is very badly preserved (Fig. 30), but is rightly recognized as therepresentation of the labours of Hercules, a royal hero which overcame the thresh-old of death and obtained immortality. The funerary value of the labours ofHercules is confirmed by its choice for the Roman sarcofagi. It is probably not bychance that Hercules’ club is the only Greek divine attribute in the symbolic reper-tory celebrating the dynasty on the so-called metopae38. On the metopae Hercules’club alternates with the rosetta, the solar disc, the lunar crescent, the Seleucidanchor and the Arsacid quiver.

The complexity of the iconographic repertoire of the rhytons, which suggests along time of production, between the end of the 2nd century BC and perhaps the 1st

century AD, foreshadows the enormous diffusion of subjects celebrating the life

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after death in Roman times on the sarcofagi of the Imperial and Late-Antique peri-ods. However, it must be stressed that the scenes of the friezes of Nisa show astrong originality and their iconographies significantly differ from the scenes com-mon in Roman art.

In conclusion, the choices the artists made in the vast repertory of Greek art forthe sculptures and furnishings in Nisa were guided by purposes of celebration ofthe Arsacid kings specifically in the occasion of funerary rituals, according tocoherent programmes which were created at the time of Mithradates I or his imme-diate successors, and were constantly followed and so to say progressively modern-ized with additions until the vulgar era.

Antonio INVERNIZZI

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