8. Chapter Ei g ht

8, 1. At S£ VlJC''t'c: LaL UfLwV fL~ €C''rwC'av fLE'ra. 'rWV c - , ,\.' I afJ.. J " U7tOXPL'rWV· VlJcr'rEUOUC'L yap OEU'rEPCf uctl"'l"'IX'rWV XlXt 7tEfL7tT7J· UfLELe; Se: VlJcr'rEucra'rE 'rE'rp&.Sa xat 7taplXcrxEu~V. 2. M YJSe: 7tPOcrEUXEcr6E we; ot U7tOXpL'ra(, &M' we; ExEAEUcrEv 6 XUpLOe;

5 EV 'ri;) EuaYYEAL<p au'rou, o\hw 7tpocrEuXe:cr6e:·

IIcl-re:p ~fLwV 6 ev 'ri;) oupavi;), C AyLacr6~Tw 'ro OVOfL&. crou, 'EA6ETW -Yj ~aC'LAda crou, re:vYJ6~'rw 'ro 6EAYJfL&' crou we; ev oupavi;) xat E7tt yYje;.

10 Tov IXP'rOV ~fLWV 'rov emoucrLov soe; ~fLLV a-1jfLe:pov, Kat IX<pe:e; ~fLLV ~v o<pe;LA~v ~fLwv, cile; xat ~fLe:Le; &<pLe:fLe:v 'rOLe; o<pe:LAETaLe; ~fLwv, Kat fL~ dcre:vEyx7Je; ~fLCi.e; de; 7te:LpaC'fL6v , 'AMa. pucraL ~f!Ci.e; &7tO 'rou 7tOVYJPOU·

15 "O'rL crou Ecr'rLV ~ ;)UvafLLe; xal. ~ S6;a de; 'roue; IXLWVIXe;.

3. T pte; -rYje; ~f!Epae; o{hw 7tpocre:uXe:aOe:.

8, 1 ILETOC H Ca : we; e Ii 3 vlja,>dlactTE He : ii TOCe; 1tivTE vljaTdloctTE lJILEpcte; ii Ca II 4 tX£AEUCJEV He: IlLETct~ctTO Ca II lJILLV post XUPLOC; add. Ca II 5 ct\JTOU Hom. e Ca II 6 TC;> OUpctvC;> H : TOLe; OupctVOLe; Ca Matth.11 8 ti..6ETOO H Ca: EA6ctTOO Matth. Lc II 9 Y£Vlj6ljTOO Ca Matth.

Lc : Y£VVl)6ljTOO H II T'ije; ante iiie; add. Ca Matth [aDe] LcJJ5.1· . 11 T7)v OCPELA~\I H : TO: OCPELAljILctTct Ca Matth. TOCt; aILctpT(ctC; Lc II

12 cicp(e:ILEV H Ca Matth. [i\.] : cicpljXctILEV Matth. [£~] cicp(oILEV Matth.

[De] Lc 1115-16 "OTL- ct[(;i\lIXe; H Ca Matth. [L~e] om. Matth. [.1QD] II 15 lj ~ctCJLAdlX XIXL ante lj 8U\lctILLe; add. Ca Matth.[!£\.el II 16 ciIL~\I post ctL(;ivlXC; add. Ca Matth.[lke] II 17 oihoo H : olhooc; Ca.

168

As has already been observed by Knopf [1] and Rordorf and

Tuilier, [2] this chapter appears to be an interruption to the logical

progression of the liturgical section of Didache, in which baptism is

followed by the eucharist. Moreover, the teaching is not introduced by TCEP~

o€, indic·ating a new subject. Thus Did. 8 may well belong to a lat~r stage

in the evolution of the work. The mention of the baptismal fast has led to

the addition of material from the Jesus trad ition on fasting, and this in

turn has led to the inclusion of material from the same source on prayer,

with which it is closely linked in Jewish thought, together with

almsgiving. [3] Bultmann has suggested that Mt himself took over an

already existing collEj!ction of rules on ·alms, prayer and fasting. [4] The

Ethiopic version of Did. puts 8: 1-2 after 11:3-13, and it is possible that

this indicates an uncertain status in the tradition, although it may

equally reflect the work of an eC¢lectic compilator. In any case, the

chapter presents close parallels to the synoptic tradition and an appeal

to the authority of the "Gospel". Thus Did. 8 belongs with 1:3-2:1 and 15:3-

4, and represents the latest stage in the redaction of the work.

8.1 Didache 8:1

eLL. M vnon:'CeLL: This section is cltrnsily joined to what precedes by

the conjunction o€ , while the context is quite different. 7: 4 describes the

baptismal fast of the candidate, officiant and any others who are able, for

[1] [2] [3]

[4]

Die Lehre, p 23-La Doctrine, pp 36f. See ~ore, Judaism II, p 230. Cf Knopf, Die Lehre, p 23; Audet, La Didache, pp 171, 369f; Koster, SynoptisCheUberlieferung, p 20~Cf the textually uncertain addition in Mt 17:21 (cf~. 9:29), where prayer and fasting are also linked together. Synoptic Tradition, p 133.

169

one or two days before the event. 8: 1 talks of the so-called "stationary

fast" kept by pious Jews and now enjoined on Olristians, albeit on

different days of the week. Note that the reference to fasting is in the

plural UL. 6t vncrTE:LUL , although the Ethiopic version gives the singular.

The tendency to cite the topic in the singular appears to be later, cf the

variants at 6:3; 7:1.

: Streeter [5] sees this as in

agreement with the written letter of Mt 6:16, but "in flagrant discord with

the spirit", but R. Glover [6] is surely right in rejoining that it is not

according to the letter but breaches "letter as flagrantly as spirit". The

only thing this has in common with Mt is the worduno}{pvrwV and even there,

~E:T& TWV UnO}{pLTWV gives a different focus from the w~ of the Gospel,

(inserted by Eth. at this point also in Did.). The focus is not on the

manner of the fast, but only on the timing of it, which is intended to

delineate Christians from Jews. Even the sense of UnO}{pLTWV is different.

Mt 6:16 attacks some Pharisees for doing things for the sake of

appearances onl y. Such a meaning would be absurd in the contex t of Did. [7]

It seems more likely that Did. uses UnO}{PGTn~ in a different sense to Mt,

one which has roots in the LXX, where the word can render Cl.) n • [8] 1QS 4: 10

shows that Cl.),n -J'" can be us~d as a very general accusation against

[5] Four Gospels, p 508. Cf Lake, NT in Apostolic Fathers, p 28. [6] "Didache's Qlotations", p 18. [7] So Massaux (Influence, pp 616-618) who sees the sequence of the whole

block of Jesus material in 8: 1-2 as proof of such a dependence. KOster sees it as a free use of the tradition represented also by Mt and "eine nicht mehr verstandene Reminiszenz" (Synoptische Uberlieferung, p 203).

[8] See P. Jouon, "YPOKRITES dans l'Evangile et hebreux HANEF", Rech. de Se. ReI. 20, 1930, pp 312-316, and Audet, La Didache, pp 344, 368f. Cf Did. 4: 12; 5: 1. -

170

opponents. Cf ;'!J 1.) n in 4QTest (175) 28; [9] Ps. Sol. 4: 7 uses the word to

describe a ld.nd of religious fifth column, and thus combines both meanings

of the word. Ba. 21:4 seems to use VTC6}(PLOL~ in the general sense of

faithlessness or ungodliness. UTCO}(p~Tn~ can mean "interpreter" or

"expounder", although it is usually used in the Apostolic Fathers to mean

"actor" or "hypocrite". [10] Did. does not seem to be using the word in the

sense of "play-acting", but rather in the sense of "teaching", al though no

doubt the unfavourable connotations of the word were felt. Did. appears to

be attacld.ng the Pharisaic teachers of the synagogues.

vnOUUOUOL yap oe:u-dpq. oa88<lTwv }(a~ TCE\.lTCT-r;l: Weekday worship in the

synagogue took place on Mondays and Thursdays, as well as on the

Sabbath. [11] The men of the lay Maamad who supported their priestly

course on duty in Jerusalem with worship in the, synagogue, also fasted

from the second to the fifth day according to MTaan. 4:2; bTaan. 12a, Cf 10a.

No such evidence is available concerning regular weekly fasting in the

extant OL, although it is not lmlikely.

are attested in Hermas, Sim. V.1, where their value without a life qf goOd

works is rejected. Later attestation is provided by Clement of Alexandria,

Strom. VII.12; Tert. De ieiunio 14; Crigen, In Levit. Hom. x.2. Ca VII.23

[9] ;'!J'Jn can mean either "hypocrisy, dishonesty, flatterY" or "faithlessness to religion, apostacY". (Jastrow, p 482). Harnack (Die Lehre, pp 24f) and Audet (La Didache, pp 3670 think that there is no need to see Pharisees in particular in this expression, but Jews in general, who refuse to accept the Gospel. Rordorf and Tuilier (La Doctrine, pp 360 see a reference to a group of Judaising Christian dissidents, but this is unlikely: if Did. nowhere else condemns Judaism, it everywhere shows its own closeness to Jewish roots.

[10] Liddell and Scott,p 1886; Lampe,p 1450. [11] See MMeg 3:6; 4: 1; Cf MMeg. 1:2, 3; 3:6, where it follows after the

instrUctions to read the blessings and curses of Lev. 26:3-46 on Fast Days. The two things may well be linked. See also Strack-8illerbeck II, p 241; IV.1, p 89.

171

requries the fast on Wednesday and Friday as a symbol of the betrayal and

crucifixion of Jesus (Cf Didasc., Lagarde p 89, 11 13-15). Did., however,

remains silent on. the reasoning behind the choice of days, except that

they were in opposition to the "hypocrites". They marked off the O1ristian

community from its Jewish rivals. [12] In any case, the fast on Friday

could only represent a deliberate flouting of the Sabbath, cf MTaan.

4:2. [13]

A. Jaut>ert [14] suggests that the Wednesday fast originated in the

ancient priestly calendar used by OJmran, which she claims was used also

by Jesus and his disciples. H. Braun [15] rightly cautions against such an

assumption, since Wednesday in this calendar had a festal character, and

the date of Easter in the O1ristian tradition was determined according to

the Pharisaic tradition. There is insufficient evidence to make any

deductions about OJmran practices.

The ascetic tradition represented by the Liber Graduum VII.20, which

accepted Did. as "Scripture" ~L), rej ected the twice weekI y fast in

favour of a continual fast every day, which was claimed to be true

perf~cti0!1 ~Lo~. This makes it unlikely that Did. itself was written

as an ascetic manual.

[12] [13]

Cf Taylor, The Teaching, pp 58-62. See Audet, La Didache, p 369. Connolly ("Montanism", pp 343-6) makes the rules for fasting in Did. a major plank in 'his theory of the Montanist origin of Did., since Tert., De ieiunio attacks the "Catholic" O1urch for having an optional fast, whereas the Montanists have a compulsory fast. However, Montanism was essentially a reactionary movement, and may well be re-asserting the tradition found in Did.

[14] "Jesus et Ie Calendrier de OJmran", NTS 7, 1960-1961, pp 1-30, esp. 27f.

[15] QUmran und das Neue Testament, II, Tubingen, 1966, pp 51f.

172

8.2 Didache 8:2 _ .

~nM T[pocrE:UXE:cr~E: lOs; OL tJ1[o}{pvra~:The prohibition against praying ws;

OL UT[o}{pLTa(implies that the community of the D.ld. was in close contact

and rivalry with other Jewish groups, and that some Olristians were still

using the Jewish da1l y prayers, the Slemoneh Esreh and the Slema, for which

D.ld. urges the Lord's Prayer as a replacement. [16]

T[POo'E:UXE:cr~E: : This need not refer to a written gospel, but could refer to

the oral material which constituted the Kerygma. [17] It should, however,

be noted that the E:UaYYEALOV in this case is rather a matter of parenesis

than of "kerygma". Moreover, since this chapter forms part of the latest

redactional stage of D.ld., it may also attest the beginning of an

authoritative written Gospel in some form. [18]

IICXTE:p n~wv : The text of the Lord's Prayer is the same as that

presented by Mt 6:9-13, with minor variations: €V T4J oupav4J for the plural

in Mt, €V TOLS; oupavo'Cs; • KOster [19] points out that the plural is

characteristic of Mt's editorial activity (5:12:Lk 6:23; 7:11:Lk 11:13;

[16] See Knopf, D.le Lehre, p 23; w. D. Dav ies, Setting, pp 309-315. [17] See KOster, Synoptische Oberlieferung, pp 203f; Audet, La Didache, p

173. [18] Audet (La Didache, p 176) has argued that the emergence of a written

Gospel intervenes between the first and second redactions by the same author. This is an unnecessary elaboration. If, as is likely, D.ld. is a composite work which has undergone several redactions, the latest redaction would be in a different situation with regard to the developing Jesus tradition. The. important question is whether one of the canonical Gospels had emerged and attained an authoritative position in the D.ld. community by the time of the final redaction. Nothing allows such an assertion to be made without reservation. Audet sees D.ld. 8 as part of the first redaction, but it is more likely that it represents the latest stage of redaction.

[19] Synoptische Uberlieferung, p 206.

173

19:21::Mk 10:21). Thus the Did. form may be older here. [20] Did. hasTnv

ocp€AnV for the plural in MtT& ocpE:L.AnWHa. It is difficult to decide which

should be seen as the more ancient form of the text, except that the more

natural tendency would be towards the plural, understood as the number of

particular sins, and away from the remission of sin collectively at the

breaking in of the kingdom of God. [21] Lk has T&S; O,J,.JaPTLas; nllw'1 which is

clearly secondary, since he keeps OCP€LAOVTL in the apodosis. It is easier

to envisage a progression from the singular to the plural and finally to

the substitution of the explicit nllapTLas; than the reverse. The third of

the variants is acpL€ll€V in the Present Tense for the Aorist in Mt,

acpnxall€v • . In this Did. is close to lk acpLOll€V • KOster thinks that the

agreement of Did. with lk, of which it is independent, indicates this to be

the older version in "Q" which Mt has changed. Did. would have obtained

this form from the liturgy ,of his community. Mk 11:25 with acpL€T€ provides

some additional support for this supposition. It is significant that Mt

follows the Lord's Prayer with 6: 14f. Mt shows a specific interest in

forgiveness as a context for the Prayer, and acpn}{all€V represents a

heightening of the sense, making God's forgiveness dependent on man's

forgiveness of his neighbour. It may thus be an editorial touch by Mt.

Al though .the texts of the Lord's Prayer in Did. and Mt agree so

closely, it is unnecessary to suppose literary dependence. According to

Did. 8:3, the Prayer is repeated three times a day by every Christian, and

it is absurd to imagine that Did. would need a written source for a prayer

[20] Lk omits this detail from the Prayer, and it is likely that it is an addition from Jewish piety, as suggested by E. Lohmeyer (The Lord's Prayer, London, 1965, pp 18f; 57-62). -

[21] Mt 18:32 hasoqJ€LAn in the parable of the Unmerciful Servant, but Lohmeyer (The Lord's Prayer, p 160) argues, "His deviation here probably means that 6cp€L Anlla Ta is original; the plural seems to give a more concrete colour to the expression than the commoner and unobtrusi ve singularoqJE: LA nv".

174

so familiar to his commtmity. The Prayer would already have had a fixed and

tenacious liturgical form [22] such that even minor variations would be

significant. [23]

OTt., ooD EOTt., V n 6uvcq.lL.!; ){a.~ n 661;0. E:~!; ToD!; a.Uliva.~:The doxology is a

sign of the liturgical use of the Lord's Prayer in the commtmity. [24] The

textual variants which add a doxology in varying forms to Mt's text of the

Lord's Prayer show how widespread and ancient this usag'e was. T. · W.

Manson [25] has shown that from earliest times the Lord's Prayer was

linked to the reception of candidates into Church membership. In the

teaching of Cyril of Jerusalem (AD 350), the Lord's Prayer is recited in

the part of the eucharistic prayers reserved for the participation of the

baptised, the missa fidelium. Ca VII.44 envisages the newly baptised

candidate rising from the water, facing East and reciting the Lord's

Prayer. This agrees with the position of the Lord's Prayer in Did., after

baptism and before eucharist. The teaching is thus post-baptismal. [26]

Manson attributes its absence from the Apologists to the same reserve.

Liturgical rubrics also seem to require such a situation, as Jeremias has

pointed out. [27] Thus the presence of the text of the Lord's Prayer in the

Did. at this point is far from accidental.

[22] See Lohmeyer, Lord's Prayer, p 16; K5ster, Synoptische Oberlieferung, p 205.

[23] See Lake, Nt in Apostolic Fathers, p 29; Glover, "Didache's QJotations", p 19.

[24] See T. W. Manson, Sayings of Jesus, p 171, and "The Lord's Prayer", BJRL · 38, 1955-1956, pp 107f.

[25] "The Lord's Prayer", pp 99-113. Cf J. Jeremias, The Prayers of Jesus, pp 82-85.

[26] Manson ("Lord's Prayer", p 102) sees the use of the prayer as reserved for full church member s.

[27] Prayers of Jesus, p 85. Particularly important is the fpresence of "audemusdicere" in the Western rite and a similar sentiment in the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom.

175

The closing doxology to the Lord's Prayer is not derived by the

redactor from a literary source, but was the one used by his community.

This can be seen from its repeated use in 9: 4 and 10:5, although the form

was somewhat fluid, as the formulae in 9: 3, 10: 2. 4 show. The absence of aflnv

is surprising, since it is present in Ca and in the Mt variants. HO'wever,

the Amen is the response of the congregation, and could perhaps be

assumed. [28] The literary tendency in the redaction of such prayers would

be ' to write it · in. Thus, while aflnV is present only at 10:6 in the

eU9haristic 'prayers of Did., as part o~ a more ancient fixed formula wxpa.v

a~a. afln~ the Coptic version inserts the Amen after each of the doxologies.

No do'ubt it would have done the same with the Lord's Prayer. Audet is wrong

in seeing this as the more primitive form of the text~.

QL throws very lithe light on this section of Did. beyond what is

already known from Rabbinic sources. A parallel to,. the address to God as /

Father is provided by 1QH 9:35f: ;,Jnnl< ("J.:J) ?,:l? .:JI< ;,N< ":l (Cf 1QpGenAp

2:24), although it could not bear the same interpretation as the "Abba" of

the Lord's Prayer. [29] The blessing of the Name of God is a common feature

of QJmran prayers, in a way similar to the synagogue "Kaddish". The form is

either ;':lnl!J ;';;;'1< (1QH 12:3; Cf 1:30; 3:23; 11:24f; 4Q 503 40-41.ii.6) or ~~';.:JI<

;':lnl!J (1QH 2:30; 11:6; Cf 17:20; 4Q 511 63.iv.1-3: '''nn ;,:l"l!Jyn ?D '.:J1.:J"

1lJI< 1nl< ,y m?,y? ;':llJl!J ,'1.:J,;4QDibHam a (504) 1-2.vii.4f). Reference to the

Kingdom of God appears in 1QM 12:7; 4QSI 39.1,1,25; 1QSb 4:26. (Cf the

"Kingdom of Belial" in 4Q 286 5, 8). Attribution of might and glory to God

in the form of prayer is seen in 1QS 11:20, though not in a form close to

the Lord's Prayer. The response of the Congregation to the recitation of

Blessings and ' Curses at the Covenant Renewal Ceremony is the double Amen

(1QS 1:20; 2:10; 2:18; 4Q 286 (and 287) 1, 5, 6, 10), which features in all the

[28] See Schurer-Vermes, History, II, pp 449f ~ [29] See Jeremias, Prayers of Jesus, pp 11-65.

176

Qumran liturgical writings (eg 4Q 507 3:1f; 4Q 50820:1; 4Q 509 4:4f; 4Q 511

63.iv.1-3 ).

8.3D1.dache 8:3

Prayer in the context of. the regular Jewish practice of prayer. [30] The

obligation to recite the Shema in the morning and the evening was laid on

all men and boys from the age of twelve, and combined with the prayers

three times a day, which were laid even on women, children and slaves. [31]

The content of the dail y Tephilla had crystal ised by the end of the First

Century at least into the Shemoneh Esreh, the Eighteen Bened ictions. Thus

the Lord's Prayer is here laid on O1ristians as a replacement for the

recital of the Shemoneh Esreh which is prayed by the UltO}(PLTCl.t-. [32] Later

Christian tradition required a thrice daily recitation of the Lord's ,

Prayer by catechumens in the preparation for baptism (H'. p., Ap. Trad. 18,

19). Ca VIII.44 (cf III.18) envisages the recital of the Lord's Prayer by

the newly baptised on their arising from the water.

QL has much to say on prayer. According to 1QS 6:3, the community

prays together (in') and part of the watch for a third of ever y night is

spent in prayer (1QS 6:7). In contrast to the Rabbinic practice of prayer

[30 ]

[31 ]

[32]

See ~ore, Judaism I, pp 291f; II, pp 212-238. Cf Jeremias, Prayers of Jesus, pp 66-72; Scharer-Vermes, History II, pp 447-463. -See bBer. 26b; Tos. Ber. 3:6. The practice is justified from !:an. 6: 10; Ps. 55: 17. Cf Klein, ~l teste Katechismus, p 215. See Drews, "Untersuchungen", pp 74ff; Klein, ~lteste Katechismus, p 215; Knopf, Die Lehre, p 23; Rordorf and TuHier, La Doctrine, p 175. Audet (La Did"ach~, p 371) sees it as a later imitation of the Jewish practice. ~gmore, Influence of the Synagogue, p 59-70) denies the origin in Jewish prayer practice and claims it comes from the "hours on the Cross". this is unlikely.

177

three times a day, 1QS 9:26-10:2 seems to envisage prayer two times in the

day (cf 1QS 10:10, 13). T. M. Weise [33] sees the section 9:28-10:8 as

closely connected to the Covenant terminology of 1:8-2:18 and sees 10:3-5

as the provision for daily prayer. It should be noted that the

instructions concerning prayer in QL all concern communal prayer. Nothing

is said of private prayer, which may have resembled the practice in other

Jewish groups.

The mod ,el for the morning and evening prayer every day was probably

provided by the · twice dail y sacrifice of a lamb in the Temple (Ex. 29: 38-

42; Num. 28: 3f; Cf Jub. 6: 14) which infl uenced the development of the prayer

time in Rabbinic Judaism also, and led to a controversy about the basis for

the prescribed third prayer time. [34] In QL the insistence on a two-fold

daily prayer time is emphatically based on the way the whole universe has

been structured by God. [35] Indeed the rule is re-iterated three times in

different ways in 1QS 9:26-10:3 [36] and seems to have been a specific

point of sectarian teaching (Cf 1QM 14:12-14; 1QH 12:4-11). The community

of the Therapeuts described by Fnilo, which seem to have been in some way

related to the Essenes, also pray twice daily (De vito contemp. 27).

Josephus describes the early morning prayer of the Essenes (BJ II.128), but

says nothing of the evening prayer. The importance of the morning and

evening prayers has been underlined by the cycle of dail y prayers entitled

"Prieres Q.iotidiennes", [37] which provides for a twofold cycle of prayer,

carefully marked for liturgical use, for the evening and morning of every

[33] Kul tzei ten in kul tischer Bundesschl uss und der "Ordensregel " ~ Toten Meer,SP-B III, leiden, 1961.

[34] See l-bore, JUdaism II, p 220; Leaney, The Rule of Qumran, pp 237f. [35] Cf leaney, The Rule of Qumran, p 239. - -- -[36] The contention of Talmon ("The 'Manual of Benedictions' of the Sect of

the Judaean Desert", RQ 2, 1959-1960, pp 475-500) that this refers to prayer three times in the day and three times in the night, is not very convincing.

[37] DJD VII, pp 105-136 (4Q 503).

178

day of the month. In this cycle the symbolism of light and darkness is

important, with the sun determining the natural cycle. A relati vel y well­

preserved example is provided by the prayers for the fifth day (4Q 503 1-

6.111.6-17).

8.4 Summary

This chapter comes from the latest redactional phase of Did., in

which "Gospel" teaching has become the final arbiter for the conduct of

the community, as in 1: 3-2: 1; 15: 3-4. The insertion of the material on

fasting and prayer is occasioned by the mention of the baptismal fast in

7:4.

The choice of Wednesdays and F~JidayS for the Christian fast is not

explained in the text but was motivated by the desire to differentiate the

Christian community from other Jewish communities and probably drew on the

tradition of the betrayal and crucifixion of Jesus on those days. CL shows

the same concern to define its religious calendar in opposition to other

Jewish groups. "Hypocrites" in Did. could well refer to teachers in

Pharisaic communities, and has a general unfavourable connotation. It is

not used in the same way as Jesus uses it to refer to saying one thing and

doing another. The Hebrew word '1.Jn ,which is translated VTt:6){PL'0L~ in LXX,

is also used in a general way in CL and has overtones of apostacy.

The citation of the lord's Prayer results from its reservation to

full members of the community, so that it formed part of the special

catechism before baptism. The text of the prayer is close to that i Mt 6:9-

13, but the differences, though small, are significant in a liturgical

text, and argue against direct literary dependence. Did. may well represent

179

an older tradition than Mt in the words EV T4l oupav4l and Tl'lV O<P€ATlV • The

doxology at the · end of the prayer is the result of congregational use,

al though the congregational response "Amen" has not yet been added to the

text. CL throws little light on the Lord's Prayer.

The thrice dail y recitation of the Lord's Prayer is commanded in

opposition to the Jewish thrice daily recitation of the Shemoneh Esreh and

the Shema (twice). It attests a commtmi ty which is living in close contact

wi th Judaism.

QL also considers daily prayer important. The commtmity prays

together for a third of every night and twice daily, probably when they

gathered for the commtmal meal. A liturgical cycle of daily prayers for

the morning and evening has been fotmd in Cave 4. QL has no instructions

for private prayer, and this may have been practiced, as among other Jews.

180

9. Chapter Nine

9, 1. TI Epl i3E: ''fie; EU/.CXptCrTLCXe;, olhwe; EUXCXpt(JT~(JCXTE· 2. TIPWTOV rrEpl TOU rroTYJpLov·

Eux.cxptCrTOufLtv (JOt, mhEp ~fLWV, 'Yrr~p T~e; ~YLo:e; cifL1tEAOU 6.o:ulo TOU 1to:t06c; aou,

5 7Hc; eyvwptcrcxe; ~fLLV i3ta. T~crou TOU rrcxt06e; crOU· 2:ol ~ 06~o: de; TOUe; o:1wvcxe;.

3. IT Epl OE: TOU xAacrfLo:,oe;· EUXO:PtcrTOUfLtv crCt, rraTEp ~fLwv, 'Y1tE:P T'fje; ~w'ije; xo:l yvwcrEwe;,

10 7He; eyvwptcrcxe; ~fLLV Ota. 'I-~crou ,au mxt06e; GOV· 2:ol ~ 06~o: de; TOUe; o:LWVo:e;.

4. "QcrrrEP ~v TOUTO <TO> xAacrfLO: i3tEcrxopmcrfLtvov erravw TWV optwv xcxl cruvO:X8E:v eytvETo EV, OUTW auvcxx8~TW crou ~ exxA"I)crLO: cirro TWV m:paTwv

15 T'fje; y'ije; de; TIJv CTY)v ~o:crtAdo:v·

"0" crou EcrTtV ~ W;o: XO:L ~ OUVO:fLtC; Ota. 'I"I)crou XptcrTOU de; TOUe; o:1wvo:e;.

5. M"I)i3de; OE: <po:yhw fL"I)OE: mtTw ci1to T'ijC; EUXo:ptcrTLo:e; t - 'I."'\.' t A 8' '" I \, \ UfLwv, CXI\I\ Ot I-'cxrrTtcr EV,Ee; Ete; OVOfLcx XVptOU· xo:t yo:p rrEpt

20 TOUTOU dp"l)XEV (; XUptOe;· « M~ OWTE TO rxytOV TOLe; xvcrl . »

9, 1 Ilt H : fJ.tv Ca II ou.w<; Bryennios : ou.w H Ca 9 xcd "('Iwcrzw<; om . Ca II 12 <.0> Bryennios om. H Ca II uc1crfLct om. Ca II 13 e:v H : d<; a.p.o<; Ca II 14 ou.w H : ou.w<; C~ 1117 ~fJ.~~ post ctlWVct<; add. Ca II 18 'Pctyhw H : ecrfht.w Ca II 19 ciM H : ctMct fL6vo~ Ca

181

The prayers of Did. 9-10 have been much debated in the history of the

interpretation of the work. P. Drews [1 J saw these prayers as describing a

religious meal held on any or every day of the week, with the blessings

reci ted by anyone unless a prophet was present. He saw 14, on the other

hand, as describing a liturg ical eucharist celebrated by bishops and

deacons on Sunday only. He denies. that there is any theological difference

between the two eucharists. [2J H. Connolly [3J argues that 9-10 refer to

the Agape, while 14 refers to a quite conventional Sunday eucharist. [4J E.

Peterson [5 J sees the eucharist in Did. as reflecting late ascetic

practice.

On the other hand, the close relationship between the instructions

concerning the EUXapl.,O T La in Did. and the Jewish Berakah has often been

noticed. [6J A perceptive and convincing analysis of the literary genre of

the Jewish Berakah is provided by Audet. [7J At its heart is a recognition

of the great deeds of God, which arouse the response of praise and

thanksgiving from man. "C'est un cri d'admiration devant Ie "merveilleux"

du signe accompli. L'essentiel de la "bma:iiction" est lao Mais on comprend

aussi que cette admiration, dans la circonstance, n'aille pas sans

gratitude." [8J Thus the Berakah is exclamatory in form, and it contains

[1 J "Untersuchungen zur Didache", ZNW 1904, pp 74ff. [2J Cf E. von der Golz, "Tischgebete und Abendmahlsgebete", TU nf 14, 1905,

pp 13-15, 31-37. [3 J "Agape and Eucharist in the Didache", Down. R~ ns 36, 1937, pp 477-489. [4J SO too G. Dix, The Shape of the Liturgy, Glasgow, 1945, pp 90-95. [5J "Einige Probleme", pp 169," 170, 181. [6J This was argued already by C. Taylor, Teaching,. ad loc.; C. H. Turner,

History, pp 6f. [7J La Didache, pp 372-398. See also, Audet, "Literary Forms and Contents

of a Normal EUCHARISTIA in the First Century", SE (TU 73), 1959, pp 643-662; L. Clerici, Einsammlung der Zerstreuten, , LQF 44,Munster, 1966, pp 5-47; J. Betz, "Eucharistia", pp 23f. Connolly ("Agape", pp . 488f) denies the val id ity of the comparison of Did. with Jewish berakoth, because the prayers are "Christian and spiritual", but this begs the question.

[8J La Didache, p 380.

182

something of a confession of faith. When this ancient form was absorbed

into the Jewish cult, it comprised three elements: the "benediction

proper" ("Blessed be Thou etc."); the remembrance of the particular divine

act which evokes the bened iction, and an encapsulating return to the

original benediction. [9J Once absorbed by the cult, a berakah came to be

required in response to every good gift of God. According to Audet, the

genre use either of the roots il" or ,.,.:1 in Hebrew, and may be rendered in

Greek by €UAOyt:LV, €UXO'.Pl.,01€LV , or E:i;O~OAOyt:LO~O'.l., interchangeably. This

may be an overstatement, since · il" and ,.,.:1 are not generally used in the

same way in the Scrolls, although there are occasions when they stand

parallel (eg 4Q 508 1:2). Audet's analysis seems to offer

hope of a solution to the nature of Did. 9-10. Audet is, however, misled by

his theory of the literary genesis of Did., since, for him, these prayers

belong to the work of a Christian "apostle" without interpolation. He does

not even consider the possibility that the prayers may be Jewish and only

slightly modified by Christian usage. Moreover, Audet's liturgical

presuppositions lead him to posit a further liturgical act, which is not

even mentioned in the text, to follow this initial "breaking of bread",

after what he designates "une rituel de passage" in 10:6 (p 415). [11 J

Certainly the term "breaking of bread" is less anachronistic than "agape"

[9J La Didache, p 382. [ 10 J Klein (1tlteste Katechismus, pp 215f) takes €UXO'.Pl.,O T LO'. as representing

the Hebrew il',1il, a reflection of messianic speculation that in the Messianic time all prayer will cease except thanksgiving prayer, but he cites late texts to support his contention (Yalkut Ps. 56:13 no. 774; Tanhuma Emor 96). It is unlikely that a hard and fast rule on the use of il,' and ,.,.:1 can be made.

[11J See M. Dibelius, "Die Mahlgebete der Didache", 2NW 37 , 1938, pp 22-41; E. von der Goltz, "Tischgebete und Abendmahl skelch", TU nf 14, pp 13-15, 31-32; J. Betz, "Der Abendmahlskelch im Judenchristemtum", in Abhandlunden uber Theologie und Kirche, Festschr . K. Adam, OOsseldorf, 1952, pp 109-137, esp. 112, and"bie Eucharistie in der Didache", Archiv flrr Liturgiewissenschaft 11 , 1969, pp 10-39, esp . 13f , 16f . Betz claims that these prayers were originally eucharistic prayers which have been reworked to form simple agape prayers, with the bread-cup order transposed for the agape.

183

to describe the meal of Did. 9-10, but there is no need to assume that

there was a "Dominical synaxis" to follow it. The latter developed out of

the former under Hellenistic influence and replaced it, although the two

forms of the community meal continued to ex ist uneasil y side by side in

some communities.

H. Lietzmann [12J sees the background to the Agape meal in the

Jewish Kiddush, which has s\.lrvived as the prayer for "ushering in the

Sabbath" at home, but was originally part of every meal held in a circle of

Haburim. In this Kiddush, the Berakah is spoken first over the wine, and

only then over the bread. [13 J The meal is concluded with a further

benediction. In all these respects the Did. matches the Kiddush meal. The

service for the Sabbath also requires the recital of the first four

benedictions of the Shemoneh Esreh, which comprise benedictions for the

Patriarchs and for Israel and its history, for life, for the Name of God,

and for knowledge. It is surely no co-incidence that these themes recur

also in the prayers of Did. 9-10. The ceremony of the double Sabbath loaf

(bBer. 39b) shows that the origin of the meal was in a daily fellowship

meal. In Babylon, the Sabbath Kiddush was transferred to the Synagogue, but

still "required a meal (bPes. 101a). The modern rite has two cups, one

before and one after the meal. It seems likely that the two cups are the

result of a compromise between two conflicting traditions. [14J The Jewish

Prayer Book itself c~~ins contradictory evidence, since, although the

breaking of the bread is placed before the meal and the blessing of the

cup after it in normal circumstances, [15J the table of blessings (Seder

[12J Mass and Lord's Supper (ET with notes by R. D. Richardson), Leiden, 1979, pp 165-171.

[13J Singer, AJPB, p 124. [14 J Cf the same phenomenon in l.k 22: 17 -20. [15J See bBer. 35a. The rule was not rigid, and thanksgiving for wine could

be given also at the beginning of the meal, if there were more than one cup.

184

Haberakoth) gives the blessing over the wine, followed by those for other

foods (MBer. 6:1). [16J Lietzmann denies any connection between Did. and

the Jewish Berakah, [17J without real evidence to support this dismissal,

simply stating that it is "unzweifelbar" because of the expressions used

and its position in the work as a whole. To support his contention,

Lietzmann argues for a textual dislocation, and transposes 10:6 to before

9:2-4. [18J Both arguments are unconvincing, and depend on analogies from

later Christian tradition. It is, on the contrary, very likely that the

prayers of Did. 9-10, stripped of the superficial Christian accretions,

present a core of Jewish Berakoth . [19J If the present study is correct in

asserting the Jewish origin of the rr€pL 6E formula and the existence of a

core of pre-Christian material in the instructions which follow, then this

is to be expected. Great emphasis appears tq have been placed by Jewish

proselyte propaganda on the need for God- fearing Gentiles to give thanks

to God at meals. 4fff Sib. Orac. IV. 24, gives the same cup-bread sequence as

Did.: [20J €UAO YEOV T€<; rrp Gv HE€LV cpa.yE€LV Td cf Lk 22:17-20). The concern

with the purity of the wine, which was required in religious observance,

was pronounced, since it is especially liable to ritual impurity. [21 J

According to Tos. Ber. 5: 15 (Zuckermandel, p 13 11 15ff), the Berakah is

required even of proselytes, slaves, bastards, eunuchs, women and children.

Even the heathen may say a valid Berakah, according to Tos. Ber. 5:22

[16 J Singer, AJPB, p 287. [17J Mass andLOrd's Supper, p 190. [18J Messe und Herrenmahl, Berlin, 1955, p 232. [19J Cf Knopf, Die Lehre, pp 24f; Klein, 1tlteste Katechisma, p215; 9:3-4 as

the Birkath Hammazon. J. Betz, "Der Abendmahlskelch", in Abhandlungen tiber Theologie und Kirche, p 112.

[20 J Justin, who cites the tex t in Coh. 16, reverses the order, but one would expect this from a Christfan writer of the Second Century. Nevertheless, the fact that Justin and al so Clement of Alexandria in Protr. IV.62, cite this oracle, shows that it was considered an important tex t.

[21 J See Gerim 1:9, and the comments of Polster on this text ("Traktat", p 26 ).

185

(Zuckermandel, p 14 11 15ff). Perhaps this is the reasoning behind Gerim

3: 2, where the bread (or dough), oil and wine of a Ger Tosheb are declared

clean, since thanksgiving and tithing would be required 'for the food to be

considered ritually clean. [22J

The nucleus of the Did. t .ext may be the product of Jewish proselyte

catechism. The element in both of these prayers, which specifically

relates the thanksgiving to Jesus as the Messiah, 6Ga lnoou TOU rraG66~ oru ,

is loosely attached to the prayers, [23J which would in any case be

flexible. Only the framework is laid down, and scope is left for the

particularising of the prayer on each occasion.

9.1 Did. 9:1

: The Greek words

EUXapGOTELV and EUXaPGOT(a have no direct LXX equivalent, but they are used

for the Hebrew roots ili" andli:l • [24 J QL uses both roots extensively, but

ili" is used mostly in hymns and poetry, eg 1QS 11:15; 1QH 2:20, 31; 3:19, 37;

4:5; 5:5, 20; 7:6, 26, 34; 8:4; 11:3, 15; f 10:8; 4QDibHam a (504) 1-2.vii.4. [25J

. The root ili" is not used in liturgical formulae in a structural way,

al though it may be used in the contents of the prayers, as in 4Q 503 3: 8;

4QDibHam a (504) 1-2.v i.15. It is the root li:l which is the terminus

technicus for the prayer of thanksgiving in liturgical usage. This can be

clearly seen in 4Q 508 1:2, where the two roots are used together. The set

[22J It is no accident that Did. 13 also emphasises the importance of the first-frui ts.

[23J Cf C. H. Turner, "The Early Christian Ministry", pp 6f. [24J See H. Conzelmann, "EUCHARISTIA", TDNT IX, pp 407-415. [25 J Cf 4Q 502 2:2; 9: 10; 4Q 508 1:2. In 1Q 34 3.i.6; 4QTest 21, the word is

used in the response of thanksgiving~o the saving acts of God.

186

formula for daily prayer [26] is 7/X11!P 7/x ;,n/X 1'1.:1 ,eg 4Q 503 3:2, 6, 18;

4:6,8; 8:22; 10:20; 11:11,22; f 15-16:6,8; 19:1; 45-47:6; 48-50:7; 51-55:6,12;

65:1,4; 69:2; 74:3; 80:2; 109:1; 131:1; 4QDibHam a (504) 3.ii.2; 4Q 512 4:6; 7:1,

8; f 41:3; 42-44:3; 4Q 511 16:4; 1QM 14:4; (4QM a (491) 8-10.i.2); 1QS 11:15

("7/x ;,n/X 1'1.:1); 1QH 11:29 (0"7/x ";"7/x ;,n/X1'1:l\; f 4:15 (my,;, 7/x ;,n/X 1'1).

other formulae include ",J11/X 1'1.:1 in 1QSb 1:3; 3:25; 1Q 34 2:3; 4QDibHam a

(504) 6:20; 4Q 507 2:3; 3:1; 4Q 509 3:9; 206:1, and 7/x ;'~l:lV 1'1.:1 in 1QH 5:20;

10: 14; 11:32; 16:8; 1QM 14:8. [27]

Despite this technical use of 1'1.:1in the communal liturgies, the

noun ;'~1.:1 is rarely used as a technical description. Possible examples are

1QH 17:20 (0"7'Y7 ;'~1.:1;' ;'~l:lV7'); 4Q 502 f 45:1; 98:4; 4Q 510 1:1; 4Q 51152-

29.iii.3. It refers mostl y to the blessing of the community by God, rather

than to ~ its blessing God: 1QS 4:7; 1QM 1:9; 12:3, 12; 17:7; 19:4; 1QSb 1:1,

5; 3:22; 4Q 502 19:2; 4QDibHam a (504) 1-2.iv.13; v.16.

QL, like Rabbinic Judaism, uses the verb 11.:1 to describe the blessing

given at the community meal, on the two occasions when it is mentioned: 1QS

6:5f and 1QSa 2:19 (Cf 10:13-15). The first of these references reads:

[28] Almost exactly the same description is

given in 1QSa 2: 17-22, except that here the Messiah of Israel is ex pected

to be present and to participate in the blessing, though only after the

priest. The same description is given by Josephus in BJ II.131, though with

the further information that the Essenes gave thanks after the meal as

well. [29] The words Josephus uses are npoxa TE uXETa~ , np l v Tn~ Euxn~ , and

[26] See above on Did. 8:3. [27] Audet, La Didache, p 381, rightly observes that the benediction in the

Jewish consciousness "ne fut jamais bien loin d'une certaine proclamation du nom divin". Cf 11QPsaPlea 19:7; 1QM 13:7; 1QH 17:20.

[28] The text is somewhat confused here by a dittography. [29] See further the discussion on Did. 10: 1.

187

E:n:E:UXE:TCiL rrct;\vV • Thus the Scrolls use the Hebrew ,.,~ to describe the

blessings over the community meal, which Josephus renders with the Greek

EUXEo{JaL and Euxn. There is, consequently, no justification for seeing ,in

the word EuxapLoTLa of Did. 9: 1 anything specifically coined by the early

Christians. It need refer to nothing more than the blessings over the

communal fellowship meal as at OJmran, where the insistence on the

presence of a minimum of ten coincides with the general requirement for a

congregation in . Judaism. The nature of the meal at OJmran will be

discussed under Did. 9:5. Here it need only be noted that the Scrolls bless

the bread before the wine, unl ike the Did. They differ from Rabbinic

practice, however, in reciting both blessings before the meal, as in

Did. [30 J

9.2 Didache 9:2

lnooD ToD rraL66~ oou : The basic Rabbinic Berakah over the wine is ~.,~ ~"1~

'~Ail (MBer. 6: 1). The thanksgiving in Did., however, would be rendered in

Hebrew: 'I~Y 11'1 VilPil '~A n~ 1J? Y~Ilil , which echoes the fifteenth

benediction of the Shemoneh Esreh: nl.,n lj"Pl n~n~n il"il~ 'I~Y III n~~ n~

• [31 J The text in Did. has Messianic

connotations, especially with the addition of 6L& lnooD ToD rraL66~

[30J The significance of this is discussed by K. G. Kuhn, "The Lord's Supper and the Community Meal at OJmran", The Scrolls and the NT, ed. Stendahl, 'pp 65-93 (esp. 71f). Kuhn draws too close an analogy between the Essene meal and the early Christian meal, as is pointed out by J. Gnilka ("Das Gemeinschaftsmahl der Essener", BZ nf 5,47-51) and J. Jeremias (The Eucharistic Words of Jesus, London, 1966, pp 31-36). Kuhn's supposition depends on hisuse of Jos. and As. as an Essene or Therapeut document, which is uncertain • .

[31 J Cf Klein, ~lteste Katechismus, p 217; Betz, "Eucharistie", p 23f.

188

00 U • [32 J Yet it is not certain that this reference to Jesus as the

Messiah stood in the earliest stratum of the text , or that the vine refers

to him. [33J It is difficult to envisage Jesus the messiah revealing the

holy vine of David if that image refers to himself. [34J The vine is the

symbol of Israel in the aT, eg Ps. 80:9, 15; Ezek. 17:6, 7, 8; Hos. 10: 1; Cf Isa.

5; .Ezek. 19: 10; Jer. 2:21; 6:9; Hos. 14:8; Mk 12: 1ff. The natural sense of

CqlIT EAOU lIaus L6 would be the "Israel of which David is king". If Jewish

catechetical instruction to proselytes does indeed lie behind this

blessing, then this sense would be fitting, "We give thanks to you, our

Father, for the holy Israel of David your servant, which you have made

known to us (proselytes) " . The proselyte is brought near to Israel and

blesses God through Israel. The image of the vine is called for by the

context of the blessing of wine, and the blessing is a reminder to the

proselyte of the privileged position of Israel. (Cf Paul's image of the

ingrafting of the Gentiles in Rom. 11:17-21). [35J Voobus [36J relates this

text to Gen. 49:11, and there may be some validity in this, since the text

achieves significance in the Rabbinic interpreta"tion. [37 J However,

Voobus's suggestion that it refers to the "eucharistic vine" is surely

anachronistic, even if that is how the concept came later to be understood

(eg by Clem. Alex., Q.lis dives salvo 29; Paed. 1:5; 2:2; Justin, Dial. 75). The

origin of the image is as a metaphor of Israel. Cf 2 Bar. 36; 39:7; Ps. Philo,

[32 J See Klein, Das ateste judische Katechismus, p 217; Betz, "Eucharistie", pp 25-29. Cf Jn 15:1, 4ff.

[33J Klein (~lteste Katechismus, pp 216ff) claims that the content is not Jewish, and that only "holy" and "vine" are from the Jewish Kiddush. However, we cannot be sure that the content of the present Jewish prayers matches the prayers of the First Centur y AD exactly. In any case, these prayers were particularly intended for proselytes.

[34 J As claimed by Bet z, "Eucharistie", pp 30f. [35 J See further Behm, "AMPELOS", TDNT I, p 342. [36J Liturgical Traditions, pp 124f. [37 J Thus TgOnk. sees the vine as a reference to the Law; TgPal. sees the

Messiah as "like the juice of the winepress"; TgNeof. as "like a presser of grapes". Gen. R. XCVIII.9 refers it to Israel: "I, [said GodJ, am bound to the vine and the choice vine [Israel] " .

189

LAB 18:10. In Herm., sim. V.5:2, "the vines are his people which he planted"

(Cf Mk 12:1-12:). In the Martyrdom of Matthew, the great tree and the vine

still seem to relate to Israel. (38J

lIaud6 TOU Tta1..,66~ aou : As has been seen, David is called God's I:lY

in the tenth Berakah of the Shemonen Esreh. (39J The expression is used of

David also in 1QM 11:2 ( i1:lI:lY 1"11 I.,j in a reference to his victory over

Goliath. The wordl:lY is usually used in QL to refer to the prophets (eg

1QpHab 2:9; 7:5; 1QS 1:3; 4QpHos a 2:5), especially Moses (eg 4QDibHam (504)

1-2.iii.12; v.14; 9:12; 4QDibHam b (505) 122:1). It is also used by the author

of the Hodayoth to refer to himself in his relationship with God (eg 1QH

5:15,28; 7:16; 9:11; 10:29; 11:30, 33; 13:18; 14:8,25; 16:10,12,14,18; 17:11,

23,25,26; 18:6, 10; f 4:16), but this does not seem to represent a Messianic

consciousness, since it is used to define the weakness and frailty of the

poet and his total dependence on God. It does, however, reveal a

consciousness on the author's part of a special relationship with God.

61..,& Inaou TOU Tta1..,66~ aou : The effect of this addition is striking.

Jesus is now the mediator of entry into the Davidic vine, the Kingdom of

God, as he is al so the med iator of life and knowledge and of the Divine

Name, according to the other Berakoth in 9-10. In the Christian fellowship

meal, Jesus has become central to its meaning. This forms a striking

contrast to the meal of the Congregation in the Last Days at Q..tmran at

[38J ANCL VIII, pp 528ff. Cf the Piyyut from the Cairo Genizah, "A vine from Egypt our God has brought up. He drove ouf nations and planted it. From Sinai He gave it water to drink, yea running water from Horeb. Praised are You, 0 Lord, who loves Israel". (Heinemann­Petuchowski, Literature of the Synagogue, New York, 1975, pp 217f. Betz ("Eucharistie", pp 21f) argues for a background to "vine" as also to "life" and "knowledge" in the Wisdom tradition (eg Sirach 24:17). This is plausible, but it does not exclude the reference of the vine to Israel.

(39J See also Acts 4:25; Lk 1:69.

190

which the Messiah of Israel is present (1QSa 2: 11-22). [40J Here the

Angbinted High Priest comes at the head of the Congregation and sits

first. The Anm)inted of Israel enters only after him, and may only say the

blessing after the High Priest. Thus the text envisages two Anrybinted Ones,

of whom the priestly messiah takes prec~dence. The only sense in which

this could be called a "Messianic Meal" would be that the Messiah is

present at it. There is no justification for seeing in lQS 6:4-6 an

anticipatory sacramental Messianic Banquet, which the community saw ..

prefigured in every community meal in the manner of (later) Christian

thinking. [41 J J. Gnilka [42J is right in rejecting such ideas, seeing the

Qumran daily meals as holy in the sense of ritually pure only. He sees the

future eschatological meals as a simple projection of the daily meals into

the future time, when the Messiah( s) would be present. [43 J The addition of

this formula to the Jewish prayers must have taken place at an early stage,

since the formula is an early Jewish title for Jesus as the Davidic

Messiah, which was early abandoned in the Gentile Church (See Acts 3: 13, 26;

4:27, 30; 1Clem. 59:3).

[40J See J. F. Priest, "The Messiah and the Meal in 1QSa", JBL 82, 1963, pp 95-100.

[41] As asserted by Allegro, The Dead Sea Scrolls, pp 130ff; Cf Cullmann, "The Significance of the Q.lmz::an Texts for Research into the Beginnings of Christianity", JBL 74, 1955, pp 213-226 (esp. 215); Danielou, "La communaute de Q.lmran et I 'organisation de 1 'fgl ise ancienne", RHPR 35, 1955, 104-115 (esp. 107); E. F. Suttcliffe, "Sacred Meals at Q.lmran?", Heythrop Journal 1,1960, pp 48-65 (esp. 48ff). Even the theory of Kuhn that these meal s have cuI tic and sacramental significance as mediating forgiveness goes too far ("Meals", p 68).

[42 J "Gemeinschaftsmahl", passim. [43J Gnilka, "Gemeinschaftsmahl", p 54.

191

9.3 Did ache 9: 3

rrEp~ M TO\) }i'\aO\lcn o~ : The Rabbinic expression is il01.,£) 0.,£). [44] It

is a technical term already in Acts 2:42, 46 (cf Did. 14:1). [4S]

urrtp Tn~ 1:;wn~ : Did. 1-S, 16: 1 characterises the Way of obedience to

God's ethical injunctions as the Way of Life. The Gentile who walks in this

Way can give thanks for the life which the Lord has made known to him, and

the theme of life is further suggested by the context of a blessing over

bread, which is closely associated with life. [46] The theme is found also

in the second benediction of the Shemoneh Esreh: 'J1iN O?1Y? "1~~ ilnN

o'nl:) il'~.[47] In Jos. and As., the heroine is repeatedly promised the

"blessed bread of life and drink the blessed cup of immortality" (8:S, Cf

8:11; 1S:4; 16:1Sf). In Jn 6:33, 41, 48, SO, Jesus is "the bread of life" which

has come down from heaven like manna. Jn probabl y draws on eucharistic

motifs in his description of the Feeding of the Five Thousand, and it is "tom.,

thusl likelY that he draws on material preserved also by Did. than that Did.

is literarily dependent on In. For the QL use of 'n see above on Did. 1: 1

(Cf al so 1 0: 2; 16: 1) •

[44] See bEer. 39b; bPes. 116a; S. RoshH.29b. Klein, ~lteste Katechismus, p 218.

[4S] Cf Betz, "Eucharistie", p 25. [46] Klein (~lteste 'Katechismus, pp 218-221) explains these prayers in

terms of Jn 6 and Ex. 20:11; 16:4; Ps. 78:2S. The bread and wine are images for the manna which came down from heaven, that is Jesus who gives knowledge and life. It is, however, unlikely that Did. knew In. The connection between the Berakah and manna could, in any case, have been there already in Jewish thought, eg bEer. 48b, "R. Nahman said: Moses instituted for Israel the bened iction "Who feed s ( 1T il)" at the time when manna descended for them".

[47J In Rabbinic thought, life is equated with the Torah (cf Provo 9:Sf LXX; Gen. 2:9). Betz ("Eucharistie", p 26) deduces from Gen. 2:9, 17; 3:19, 22, that the meal in Did. was seen as a parad is al meal. This is fanciful.

192

xaG YVWOEWS; : Ca omits this but it is likely that the omission is

theologically motivated by a desire to avoid the associations of the

Gnostic heresy which troubled the Church from the middle of the Second

Century. The theme of God's special revelation is alread y present in

EyvwpLoa~ and is part of the thanksgiving in 10:~

In QL "knowledge" plays an important part, and a variety of words is

used to convey the concept. [48 J The most important word is n)n or i1Y1,

al though it is not employed uniformly. It refers sometimes to God's

knowledge, where it is equivalent to his wisdom and omniscience (1QS 3:15;

1QH 1:19,26; 11:8; 12:10; f 4:15; 1QMyst (27) 1. L7; 11:11; CD 2:3, 4). It can

also refer to man's knowledge, often parallel to jJ1~ or \J£l~m, and referring,

it seems, to knowledge of the Law. [49J Hence it needs to be "purified" by

being brought into the community and subj ected to the discipline and

interpretation of the community (1QS 1:11, 12; 3:1, 2; Cf also 2:22; 4:11,6;

10:9, 24; 1QH 1:35; CD 10: 10). It is once used to refer to an offence

committed "knowingly" (1QS 7:4). However, the overwhelming use of nY1 is to

describe special knowledge revealed by God to the community, often through

the medium of the Teacher of Righteousness. In the QJmran development of

the Levitical blessing, this knowledge is seen as a gift from God: "~'1

O'l'J~;l)ynY1.1 i1:JJ1n'1 o"n ;:JV.1 i1:J.1; (1QS 2:3). God is also the source of

knowledge in 1QS 10:12; 11:3, 6,16,18; 1QH 10:29; 11:28; 12:29; 14:23; 18:23

(Cf 3:23); 1QSb 5:25; ·12:13f; Cf 1Q 36 12:~ The Teacher mediates knowledge

to the community (nY1 '?';l'J) according to 1QH 2:13; he is the one into whose

heart God has "put teaching and understand ing, that he might open a

fountain of knowledge to all men of insight" (2: 18; Cf 1QS 10:25; 1QH 1:35;

4:11, 18; 10:20; 12:32). Hence true knowledge is only to be found in the

[48J See the study of F. Notscher, Zur theologischen Terminologie der Qumran- Texte, BBB 10, Bonn, 1956, pp 15-79; also M. Wilcox, "Pre­Pauline Trad ition", The Scrolls and Christianity, ed. Black, pp 88- 93.

[49 J See Wilcox, "Pre-Pauline Trad ition", p 89.

193

community, where it is guarded and revealed only to members of the

community (eg 1QS 4:22; 8:9; 10:19; 1QM 17:8). This is the task of the Maskil,

according to 1QS 9: 17, or of the priests, according to 1QSb 4: 17. This

knowledge is, above all, related to correct interpretation of the Torah

(1QS 1:12) and to "perfection of Way". [50J

The synonyms for n)l'"T are used in the same way: JJV (eg 1 QS 2: 3; 4: 3,

18; 5:21, 23, 24; 6:14, 18; 9:13, 15; 1QH 1:31; 9:31; 11:25, 28; 12:13, 22; 13:13;

14:19, 27; 17:21; f 7:8; 10:4; 11:4; 18:3; 1QSa 1:17; CD 13:11); n:1vnr.l oril:1Vnr.l

(eg 1QS 2:24; 3:15, 16; 4:4; 5:5; 11:11, 19; 1QM 13:2; 14:14; 1QH 4:13; 11:7;

18:22; f 17:3; 20:4, although this word is often used with a negative meaning

to describe the scheming of the wicked against the righteous);il)':1 (eg

1QS 4:3; 11:1; 1QM 10:10, 16; 1QH 1:21; 2:10,17; 5:26; 11:12; 14:8,12,13; 15:12;

f 4: 12; 15:8, and negatively of what those outside the community lack, eg

1QH 1:23; 2:19; 4:7; CD 5:16, 17), and ilr.lJn (eg 1QS 4:3, 18,22,24; 1QH 1:7, 14,

1 9; 9: 17, 23; CD 2: 3 ).

Although knowledge, understanding and wisdom play such an important

part in QL, it does not seem to show any direct links with what has come to

be known as Gnosticism. Its roots lie firmly in JUdaism and are directly

related to a divinely inspired special .understanding of the Torah claimed

by the community and given in instruction to its members. It is the same

understanding which lies behind the fourth benediction of the Shemoneh

Esreh: JJVil1 il)':1 ny, ,n~r.l 1))n il)':1 V)~J 'r.lJr.l1 ny, D'~J 1)1n iln~ • There

is no need to look beyond this Jewish background for an explanation of

YVWOL.S; in Did. 9:3; 10:2. It refers to God's revelation to the community of

his will, especially as it relates to the Torah. If the origin of the

prayer in Did. 9 lies in Jewish proselyte catechism, then the proselyte

gives thanks because, through the instruction in ethical teaching and

[50J Cf Wilcox, "Pre-Pauline Tradition", p 91.

194

Torah, he has received "life" and "knowledge", which are as basic to his

needs as bread. [51 J A particularly close parallel to the Did. prayer is

provided by 1QS 11:15f: l'~Y ny,~ n,n9n '~K nnK l"~

9.4 Didache 9:4

The hope expressed in this prayer (cf 10:5) for the eschatological

gathering of the Church echoes the tenth bened iction of the Shemoneh

Esreh, and also in the Mussaf Prayer for Festivals IV. [52J The image of

the loaf gathering together grain sown in the mountains is also found in

Rabbinic thought to refer to the gathering of the diaspora. In bPes.

87b [53J R. Eleazar (T2) says, "The Holy CA1e, blessed be He, did not exile

Israel among the nations, except that proselytes might be added to them, as

it is said, "And I will sow her for myself in the land". Surely no man sows

a seah except to harvest many kor?" (My translation). This teaching of R.

Eleazar is very illuminating. The proselytes are those who have benefitted

from the dispersion and are now to be gathered with the Jewish diaspora,

into God's eschatological harvest, to the kingdom. There is no need to look

for a literary dependence on In 6. [54 J Nevertheless, the connection

[51 J "Man shall not live by bread alone, but by every word that proceeds from the mouth of God" (Deut. 8: 3; Mt 4: 4=L, 4: 4).

[52 J See further L. Clerici, Einsamml ung der Zerstreuten, Liturgiewissenschaftliche Quellen und Forschungen 44, 1966, passim. Cf Betz, "Eucharistie", pp 18, 36f. See below on Did. 16:6.

[53J Already cited in this connection by Taylor, The Teaching of the Twel ve Apostles, pp 71 f.

[54J As does C. F. D. Moule, "A note on Didache ix.4", JTS ns 6, 1955, pp 240-243. Cf L. Cerfaux, "La multiplication des pains dans la liturgie de la Didache", Bib. 40, 1949, 272-281; H. Riesenfeld, "Das Brot von den Bergen. Zu Did. 9:4", ErJb 54, 1956,. 142-150. The idea is rightly rejected by Bartlet, "The Didache Reconsidered", JTS 22, 1921, P 241, who sees it as more Hebraic than In, and Voobus, Li turg ical Traditions, pp 146f; "Regarding the Background of the Literary Traditions in the Didache", Vig. Chr. 23, 1969, pp 81-87.

195

between the Johannine material and the language of Did. 9-10 is strong. It

may indicate an origin within the same tradition stream. [55J The image of

bread scattered on the mountains is replaced in ?s. Clem., re virgo 13, by

bread scattered upon the table, probably because it is misunderstood. [56J

The only parallel in QL is 4QDibHam 6:11-14, lILook on [our

afflictionJ and trouble and distress, and deliver Thy people Israel [from

all] the lands, near and far [to which thou hast banished themJ, every man

who is inscribed in the Book of Life ll • It is significant that even here,

the exclusivism of the Q.lmran community asserts itself.

9.5 Didache 9:5

the usual sequence of food then drink. The word €UXapLOTLa here seems to

refer to the elements, a quite different sense from 9:1, where it refers to

the prayer. Telfer [57J interprets the word from this text to refer

throughout to the elements. However, \l n6E: ITL€TW ano Tns €UXapLOTLas U\lW'lis

probably a gloss, since it is absent from Ca, and since it returns to the

familiar bread-cup sequence. An original text of \ln6ds 6E: (jlaysTw aU ' Ol

SanTLO.\JSVT€S €LS ovo\la }{UPLouwould, moreover, fit better with TO aYlO\) of

9:5.

The baptismal formula here

diverges from the trinitarian formula in Did. 7: 1. J58J There seems little

[55J See Betz, lIEucharistie", pp 20f. [56J Cf also Gospel of Fnilip (NgH 11.3) 79: 19-34. [57J lIApostolic Synod", p 260f. [58 J See above on 7: 1.

196

doubt that 9:5 preserves the older formula, which has escaped emendation

because it comes in material concerning the eucharist. [59J This

instruction also confirms the direct relationship between the

instructions on baptism and those on the eucharist. Iri Justin, Apol. I.61-

65, the description of baptism is followed by the description of a

baptismal eucharist. Did. 9-10, thus represents a purity meal of the

community from which outsiders are excluded. [60J The exclusion of the

unbaptised from the eucharist is further attested in Ap Trad. xxvi.5 (27).

(cf Ps. Ath., De virgo 13;Ps. Clem., Hom. VIII.22:4).

xa ~ yap rrEp~ TOUTO ELpnxEv 0 XUPLO~ : The exact reference of XVPLO~

is uncertain here. While the saying is spoken by Jesus in Mt 7: 6, the

formula used in Did~ is not usually used to introduce Sayings of Jesus

earlier than Justin Martyr, and even he only uses it four times in this way

(Dial. 49:3; 93:2; 51:3; 105:6). The root' ptE or . pn is used overwhelmingly for

"Scripture" (the Old Testament), and its later use for the Sayings of

Jesus may well indicate their emergence as written sources. [61 J In Did.

1fu7 the formula is used to introduce a quotation of Zech. 14:~ and in Did.

1:6 .to introduce what is probably a text from Sirach. [62J Since the

context here is so different from that in Mt 7:6, it seems not unlikely

that the formula introduces a wisdom saying or mashal which was considered

to be "Scripture".

-------------------- L [59J Cf Herm. Vis. III.7:3; Sim. IX.16:3; 17:4. Audet's ?rgument that l..JP0>

means the same as "God" and thus includes the trinitarian formula, simply clouds the issue (La Didache, pp 190f).

[60J See also R. Pillinger, "DieTaufe nach der Didache. Philologisch:­arch~ologische Untersuchungen der Kapitel 7, 9, 10 und 14", Wiener Studien ns 9, 1975, pp 152-160, esp. pp 156ff. Her conclusions concerning archaeology are not convincingly linked to the text of the Did.

[61 J See KOster, Synoptische Oberlieferung, p 200. [62J See above on 1:6.

197

This short saying has far-reaching

implications in its present context. It refers to the bread and wine aS TO

aYLOV . The use of the singular shows that it has not yet become simply a

formula to denote the eucharistic elements as in later liturgies. [63J TO

aYLOV in Did. refers to the condition of cultic holiness as in LXX, where

it is used for food offered in sacrifice which only the 'priests may

eat. [64J Because the meal is eaten in a state of cuI tic purity, those who

have not been purified and sanctified by baptism are excluded. Holiness

entails separation. The unbaptised are here described as }{UVE S; , a word

commonly used by Jews in the First Century AD to describe Gentiles,

because dogs, like swine, were regarded as especially despicable and

unclean animals. [65J A particularly apposite parallel to Did. is provided

by Pirqe R. EJ,. 29, "Cne who eats together with an idolator is like one who

eats together with a dog". [66J

[63J R. Knopf (Die Lehre, p 27), claims that TO aYLOV refers to the eucharistic elements in the later liturgies, but the later liturgies use T& aY LCl, and Knopf seems to have missed the importance of this difference. Cyril of Jerusalem writes in his Catechese mystagogicae, "After this the Priest says, "Holy things to holy men ( T& ayLC:l. ToIs; ay ~oL ~". Cf The Liturgy of James 40; Liturgy of St. Mark 20; Liturgy of the Holy Apostles 19; Chrysostom, fum. in Mt.. vii.7. In all these -instances, it is the elements themselves which receive emphasis, and not the cultic state of holiness, as in the Did. The strength of the liturgical tradition is such, that it has interfered with the text of Mt 7:6, where the Miniscules 118, 157, 209, 243, 245, 1689, and the text in Ephraem of Edessa have substituted TO aYLo. for TO aYLOV . Methodius, Symp. IV.4, has T& aYLo. even though he interprets the saying to refer to the word of the Gospel. Cf also Test. D::>m. 1.18, 31. Ca alters the whole section and omits the saying altogether, so that unauthorised communion is seen as a breach of Law, not of holiness ~s; ou -&E~ L.g.

[64J See Ex. 29:33; Lev. 2:2f; 22:10-16; Num. 18:8-19. Note especially Le v . 2?: 1~: }{o.~ lIaS; Ct.HoYEv n S; ou <paY ET o.L aYLo. ••• on E:yw }{UPLOS; 0 aYLa1:;wv o.U TOUS; . Cf Ps. Sol. 1:8; 2:3; 8: 12.

[65J 'See O. Michel, "KUON, KUNARION", TDNT II, pp 1101-1104; Strack­Billerbeck I, pp 722-726; O. ~cher, "Wolfe in Schafspelzen: zum religionsgeschichtl ichen Hintergrund von Matth. 7: 15 " , TZ 24, 1968, pp 415-419. For examples see 1Enoch 56:5; bMeg. 15b; bBek. 20b; Gen . R. 81:3; Lev . R. 5:6; Midr. Ps. 4.11.

[66J Cf also Mt 9:11 (=Lk 15:12); Acts 10:28; 22:15; Phi l. 3:2, and POx. 840.

198

While the saying appears verbatim in Mt 7:6, it has a quite different

context, which applies it to the teaching of Jesus, which must be

safeguarded from abuse. However the pericope sits uneasil y in this

context. [67J Bultmann [68J argues that it is among the sayings which

"belong to the secular meshal im which have been made into domini cal

sayings in the tradition", and "do not have a specific meaning until they

appear in a concrete situation". When the saying about holy things and

dogs is combined with another saying about pearls amd swine, it is given a

hew meaning. For, while TO aYL-OV refers primarily to what is ritually pure,

6 ~apyap~Tn~efers to something very precious, usually a precious saying or

Biblical word given to those unworthy of it. [69J The combination of the

saying about holy things and the saying about pearls tUrns the former

saying into a metaphor: although the Gospel is to be preached to all men,

there must be a certain reservation with respect to those who reject and

despise it, since it is holy and precious. [70J The effectiveness of the

saying as a metaphor depends on its prior reference to cultic purity, so

that Did. 9:5 seems to be using it in its more primitive and original

[67J Among critics who see no connection with the context at all are P. Gaechter, Das Matthaus Evangelium, Innsbruch-Vienna-Munich, 1962, pp 236f; P. Bonnard, L'!vang ile selon St. Matthieu, Neuchatel, 1970, pp 97f; Koster, Synoptische Oberlieferung, p 299. M. D. Goulder (Midrash and Lection in Matthew, London, 1974, pp 265f) interprets it as a proverb meaning, "do not cri ticise your brother behind his back", as the climax of three sayings concerning criticism of a Christian brother, but this interpretation seems strained.

[68J History of the Synoptic Tradition, pp 1021'. [69 J See Strack-Billerbeck, I, pp 447f; TDNT IV, pp 472f. bQidd . 39b has the

saying "The mouth which produced pearls must now lick the dust" (Cf bHag. 3a). Jewish preaching with its string ing together of Scriptural ci tat ions was compared to a string of pearl s. Later Gnostic tex ts make much of the saying to refer to secret wisdom, eg Acts of Peter and the Twelve Apostles 6:1; Gospel of Philip (NgH II,3) 62:18f.

[70J This sentiment is found also in Mt 10: 14 (Cf Gaechter, Matthaeus, pp 236f) •

199

sense. [71J Both interpretations of the saying continued to be current in

the Church. The Gnostic Gospels according to Basil ides and Thomas relate

the saying to the Gospel, as do Cyprian, Pseudo-Clement, Methodius and

Origen. [72J Tertullian teaches the necessity for excluding the unbaptised

from communion. [73 J Test. l):,m. II.13 al so contains a form of the saying to

justify the exclusion of non-members from any meal eaten by bel ievers,

although the reference here is to wolves not dogs ( ~~ ~~ ~O} F~ FC ~ ~). [74J The Ps'eudo:-Clementine writings repeatedly forbid

Christians to eat ' even their common meals with the unbaptised (Hom. 1.22;

VIII.22, 24; XII 1. 4-5; Recog. 1. 19, 22; Ps. Clem., Ep. de Virgo II.6; Justin

Apol. 1.66). [75 J

Sayings concerning holy things and dogs are found also in Rabbinic

sources. Haninah b. Antigonus (T3)says, "All animal offerings (1:P1!J1j7i1-?J)

that have been rendered ter fah may not 'be redeemed, since animal

offerings may not be redeemed in order to give them as food to the dogs

(O":l?J? 1?"JIXi1? D"1!J1j7i1-DIX D"119 PIX1!J )" (MTem. 6:5). Here the relative

implies the citation of a generally accepted principle. This offers a very

close parallel to Did. both verbally and in the cultic ritualistic

application of the saying. [76 J Ritual purity, especially of foodstuffs

and drink, was a major pre-occupation of the Rabbis [77 J and led to a

[71 J This is asserted by Audet (La Didache, pp 1730 and Rordorf and Tuilier (La Doctrine, p 87)but denied by IQister (Synoptische Oberlieferung, p 199), who sees it as "lediglich das Zeichen der Auslegungspraxis einer spateren Zeit".

[72J Ev. Basilides (Epiphanius, Pan. XXIV.5:2; Ev. Thorn. 93; Cyprian, Test. 3; Ps. Clem., Recog. III.1:5f; Origen, Comm. on Ex. XIII. 1; Meth., Symp. IV.4; Gospel of Philip (NgH 11.3) 80:30-81: 13;82:20-2"4. --

[73J De praescr. 41:2. [74J Wolves, like dogs, are used metaphorically for Gentiles. See below on

Did. 16: 3-[75 J Cf also Ep. Diognetus 5:7: Tparr s 1:av }{ ol.,v nv rra pa TL-\JsVTa aAA' ou }{OLvn'o'

The }{o LT nv in the manuscript appears to have been a scribal error. [76J Cf also bBek. 15a; bTem. 30b; bSheb. 11b; bPes. 29a. The parallel,s are

discussed in Strack-Billerbeck I, p 447. [77 J See Danby, The Mishnah, p 714; App. IV, pp 800-804.

200

complex system of graded purity well exemplified in MHag. 2:7. It is likely

that the Pharisees maintained these purity laws in their communal Haburah

meals. [78]

It is, however, in Essene custom that we see the closest parallel to

the Did.'s application of the saying of the holy things and the dogs to the

community meal. According to Josephus (BJ II.129-133), after their morning

work they gird their loins with linen cloths, wash their bodies in cold

water, for purification ( ayvE~av ), and then assemble in a private room

which no uninitiated is permitted to enter to eat their meal.

Significantly it is priests who prepare the food (Ant. XVIII.22), and the

members, now purified by washing, go ){Ct~apo L Jia~aTIEp d,s; aYLov . The meal is

called aYLov , as in Did. 9:5'- and is eaten in silence with the blessing of

the priest preced ing and following the meal. The Essenes then lay aside

their robes and go back to work. The same ritual is followed for the

evening meal. Only after a year's probation may the newcomer share the

"purer kind of holy water", but he is not allowed to be received into the

communal life ( E ~ S; T&S; cJ\)~BG/aELS; ) nor to touch the common food (xoLvns;

TpoqJn s1 until he has sworn "terrible and binding oaths". [79] Members are

bound by this oath to eat only the ritually pure food of the community, and

if they are excommunicated, the member would die of starvation unless the

sect took pity on him and re-admitted him. [80]

The other major external witness to the practice of the Essenes,

Philo, also mentions that they shared their meals in common, [81] and,

although he says nothing of their practice of washing, he does describe

[78] See P. Seidensticker, Gemeinschaftsformen, pp 116f ; M. Hengel, JUdaism and Hellenism, p 170.

[79 J GrAnt. XVIII.22. [80] BJ II.143-144. [81] Quod om. prob. lib . sit, 86.

201

their life as one of continual and uninterrupted purity ( T~V rrap ' oAov TOV

SLOV ovvExn ~a ~ arraAAnAov ayvE Lav ). Moreover, in his description of the

enigmatic lherapeutae, who seem to be modelled on, or related to, the

Essenes in some way, Philo describes their meal in terms very similar to

Josephus's description of tt"!e Essenes. Their simple meal is described as TCL

rravaY EOTaTOV oLTLov , the "most holy meal" (De vito contemp. 81) of

"leavened bread seasoned with sal t mixed with hysso p, out of reverence for

the holy table". This indicates that the Therapeutae considered their meal

to be related in its purity to the Temple shewbread. [82J They stopped

short, however, of claiming equality with the priestly purity of the

Temple.

QL, on the other hand, crossed over that line, and claimed to have

replaced the Temple and the Temple worship in their community life. They

lived a life of strict observance of the priestly purity laws, under the

leadership of the Sons of Zadok, the priests who were following the

correct interpretation of the Law as set out by the Teacher of

Righteousness. Hence they believed that true priestl y purity was to be

found in their community alone. As has already been observed, the community

meal is described only in 1QSa 2:17-22 and 1QS 6:5f, and consists of a

common table and the blessing of the "first-fruits" of the bread and wine

by the Priest (and then by the Messiah of Israel and the rest of the

Congregation). At the end of the first year of their probation, candidates

for admission are admitted to the 1'J'l1P;' 'I1IJIX n1;'1.J,and at the end of the

second they are admitted to the 0 ':.l1;' ;'Pl1ltl • It is not easy to grasp the

exact meaning ofil1;'\J , but the rules of admission ar e related to grades of

purity within the group, and are designed to prevent the loss of purity by

members coming into contact with defilement either directly or through

[82 J See Philo, De vito Mos. II.104, "The table is set at the north and has bread and salt on it."

202

"Fathers of Uncleanness", since impurity passed through food at four

different removes. [83J Holiness and purity are closely related concepts

in the texts. Thus in 1QS 4:21, the Community is indwel t by a "spirit of

holiness"; 5:11, they are "volunteers for holiness". Holiness is the most

important quality of the "Council of the Community" in 8:5f, 8, 11, 20f, 23;

9:6, 8. God has joined the OJmran assembly with the sons of Heaven, that

they may inherit "the iot of the Holy Ones"; they are a "holy congregation"

(5:20). In CD 4:6, the priests, the sons of Zadok are the "first men of

holiness". 6: 14-21 is especially important, since it shows the link between

purity, holiness and separation. According to CD 7:4f, members are not to

defile God's hoI y spirit, since he has set them apart to wal k in per fect

holiness. According to 12:19f, "The rule for the assembly of the towns

shall be according to these precepts that they may distinguish between

unclean and clean, and discriminate between the holy and the profane" (Cf

20:2, 5, 7, 24f). Leaney [84 J concludes that the "purity of the Many"

consists of ritually pure objects, and that the novice at the end of the

first year's probation may touch "objects not capable of transmitting

uncleanness": I iquids, as the most powerful conveyors of uncleanness at a

remove are forbidden until the end of the probation. Huppenbauer in his

detailed study of the root., i1 ~ in the Scrolls suggests that the "purity of

the Many" refers to the means of purification, the purifying bath

[83J See Danby, Mi:Jlnah, App. IV, P 800. [84J Rule, pp 191-197.

203

itself. [85J Against this, 1QS 5:13 seems to imply that "touching the

puri ty of the men of holiness" is something that happens after entering

the waters, since this would give the original and most frequently used

sense to the Infinitive with ? in nYA?, meaning direction towards

something. [86J Vermes translates ;'-,;'\J as the "pure Meal", to refer it to

the community's daily meal, prepared in accordance with special ritual

purity [87J and his explanation seems to make sense of the expression in

line with the general Rabbinic usage. [88 J In that case, catechumens are

"excluded from the ritually pure community meals. They are only admitted

after probation and after passing through the purifying waters ritually

1-'~i '-'~1Y ?1J~ ~n\J ~'J Dny-,n 1~V D~ (1QS 5:13). Outsiders are forbidden

to enter the purifying waters and to touch the purity meal of the

community (1QS 3:4). Thus these purifying waters enabled the community to

maintain its ritual cultic purity, which corresponded to the moral purity

of the "spirit of holiness" which they claimed for themselves in the will

[85J "THR und THRH in der Sektenregel von Olmran", TZ 13, 1957, pp 350ff. Huppenbauer has shown that the verbal use of -,;'\J is 1QS is usually in the Niphal, a use not found in the OT, meaning "to be declared pure", and that the verb always stands alongside other verbs, stating not the condition of purity, but the act of purification. From this he deduces, rat,her arbitraril y, that the correspound ing noun ;'-,;'\J also has an active not passive sense (although both senses are found in the OT), so that it denotes the means by which purity is achieved, ie the purifying bath itself. H. H. Rowley ("The Baptism of John and the Qumran Sect", in The NT Essays: Studies in Memory of T. W. Manson, ed. A. J. B. Higgins, Manchester, 1959 pp 218-229, esp. p220;"The Olmran Sect and Christian Origins", BJRL 44, 1961-1962, pp 141-145) thinks that ;'-,;'\J refers to the daily ablutions. Sutcliffe (Monks of Qumran, p 106) thinks that it re'fers to the initiated m"embers themselves.

[86J See Gesenius-Kautsch, pp 348-51, number 114f • • [87J The Dead Sea Scrolls in English, p 27. [88J Vermes, The Dead Sea SCrolls, pp 95f. Jastrow (p 520) lends support to

this argument, since he defines ;'-,;'\J orVi1j1;' n-,;'\J as "observance of levitical rules originally prescribed for the handling of sacred food", also "secular food so prepared" or "pretended to be so prepared". See also J. F. Pryke, "John the Baptist and the Olmran Community", RQ 4, 1964, pp 483-496, esp. p 494; W. La Sor, The Dead Sea Scrolld and the NT, Grand Rapid s, Mich., 1972, P 71. -- -- --

204

and grace of God. [89J While the meal itself is not described as "holy" in

1QS ~13, those who have gone through the waters and can touch the "pure

Meal" are called "men of holiness".

Purity is one of the major themes of QL. It recurs repeatedly in 1QS:

11:):> niiltJ (4:5); V11j7il 'V:JIX niiltJ (5:13; 8:17); O':liil niiltJ (6:16; 7:3, 16, 19;

also CD 16:25); iliiltJ (8:24; cf 7:25; also CD 16:22). CD 10:10-13 is also

concerned about the ritual purity of baths, and 12:11-18 about the ritual

puri ty of foods. The Temple Scroll shows the same concern for ritual

purity throughout, with detailed prescriptions. (45-53). 1QM insists also

on ritual purity in the camp of war, excluding women and boys 0:3; Cf

11QTemp 39:7). In 1QH, "purifying" always refers to the cancelling of sins

by the grace of God (eg 1:32; 3:21; 4:37; 5:16; 6:8; 7:30; 11:10;16:12).

Two passages from the liturgical texts from Cave Four specifically

exclude those who are ritually unclean from the meals of the community.

The first is 4Q 513 (Ord. ii) 2.ii.1-7, which is fragmentary, but seems to

prohibit anyone from eating who has married a Gentile or who has committed

a sexual offence. The second is 4Q 514 (Ord. iii ?) 1.i.1-11, which

prohibits eating after sexual impurity until a man has purified himself

accord ing to the La w.

An important parallel to the concept of a purity meal in Did. 9: 5 and

QL comes in the Testament of Levi 8:5, where Levi has a vision in which

seven men in white raiment give him various priestly symbols: 6 OEVTEPOS

[89J Eg 1QS 4:20-22, "God will then purify every deed of Man with his truth; He will refine for Himsel f the hUman frame by rooting out all spirit of falsehood from the bounds of his flesh. He will cleanse him of all wicked deeds with the spirit of holiness; like purifying waters He will shed upon him the spirit of truth (to cleanse him) of all abomination and falsehood. And he shall be plunged into the spirit of purificatin that he may instruct the upright in the knowledge of the Most High and teach the wisdom of the sons of heaven to the per fect of way".

205

){a~ IlEpl.,{\}n ){ € ~Ol., OT OAnV CCYLaV ){all.. €V6o~OJ .The model for this may have been

the gift of bread and wine to Abraham. [90J At any rate, it refers to a

meal of priestly purity which is described as aYl.,a ayLwv. The "holy and

glorious robe" is reminiscent of the ritually pure linen cloths which the

Essenes donned before their meal, as also of the Christian baptismal

r obe. [91 J Fragments of the Testament have been discovered at Q.lmran,

which match up with other known Aramaic fragments of the work [92J and,

while this text is not among the known fragments, there is no reason to

assume with M. de Jonge that the bread and wine must denote the Christian

eucharist ~ [93 J

The parallels to the saying in Did. 9:5 in both Rabbinic and Essenic

JUdaism seem to indicate that it is far from being a late development. The

saying in Mt 7:6 designates the teaching of Jesus as precious and not to be

[90J According to R. H. Charles, The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, London, 1908, p 44, note 5. -- -- --

[91 J The idea of clothing after the meal seems incongruous, and seems to argue against seeing this as an exact depiction of a liturgy.

[92J See DJD I, pp 87-91, which contains TL 8:11; also J. T. Milik, "Le Testament de Levi en Arameen: Fragment de la Grotte 4 de Q..lmran (PL IV) ", RB 62, 1955, pp 398-406.

[93 J The Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, a Study, Assen, 1953, p 44. J. Becker (Untersuch~en zur Entstehungsgeschichte der Testament der zw5lf Patriarchen, AGAJU 8, Leiden, 1970, pp 270-280')"has refuted the theory of de Jonge. In his view, TL 8:1-3, 16f, and 8:4-15 are competing doublets with a parallel construction. While 8: 1-3, 16f is probably the earlier textual layer, 8:4-15 is still pre - Christian up to the "Christian redaction" of 8: 14f. Becker is, however, overzealous in ruling out any "cultic-historical consequences of the text" (p Z(5). M. Philonenko (Les interpolations chr~iennes des Testaments des Douze PatriarcheS et les manuscrits de Qumran, Paris, 1960, passim.) is wrong in applying the passage directly to the initiation of catechumens at Q..lmran, but the extensive reworking which Becker analyses must itself show that it was considered to have important implications for the communities in which the text circulated. At Qumran the whole life of the community, and its cultic purity meals in particular, were seen as embodying its priestly nature, representing the true priesthood of the "sons of Zadok" and their followers .

206

bandied around indiscriminately, lest it be ridiculed and abused. The

force of the saying of Jesus is that it takes up an instruction or proverb

on preserving the cultic purity of the sacrifice from profanation and

applies it to his teaching. Did. applies the saying concerning the cultic

purity of sacrifice to the fellowship meal of the community (cf chapter

14). The usef of the saying in Mt and in Did. appear to be independent of

each other.

9.6 Summary

The background to the EuxapLaT~a in Did. lies in the Jewish Berakah,

which consists of three elements: the benediction, the remembrance of the

particular divine act which evokes the benediction, and the encapsulating

return to the original benediction. The meal prayers of Did. have developed

out of the Jewish fellowship meal, or Kidd ush, spoken first over the cup

and then over the bread. The themes of the first four benedictions of the

Shemoneh Esreh, which are closely associated with the Sabbath Kiddush are

the dominant themes in Did.: Israel and its history, 1 ife, Name of God, and

knowledge. The only specifically Christian touch is the formula 6LCt 'Inaou

TOU JIaL6oS; aou , which is attached to the prayers and transforms their

meaning, making Jesus the mediator of divine blessing. The prayers may well

have been formulated originally within Jewish proselyte catechism and

belong to the Jewish schema underlying the Christian redaction.

QL shows that ,'1:1 was used in the normal formula for liturg ical

benediction and prayer i n its community. The root ;", is used mostly in

hymns and poetry, never in the liturg ical blessing formula. The \.,Isual

Berakah at QL is ?1'<'1~" ?I'< ;,nl'< - , 1 '1:1, but the noun form is not common. The

207

formula is used for blessing over the community meal. presided over/t~ priest. In the envisaged eschatological meal of 1QSa, the Messiah of Israel

is subordinated to the Messiah of Aaron, who blesses first. Nevertheless,

the Messiah of Israel and all the people after him recite the Berakah in

turn. Josephus uses the verb E:Ux€a.(Jcn, and the noun E:UXrl to describe the

Essene meal, . ~

The blessing over the wine is given for the holy vine of David, which

is Israel, and this is an indication of its use by proselytes who have been

brought near to Israel, and bless God through Israel. The addition of the

formula 6L& 1n6oD TaD naL66s aou radically alters the significance of this

blessing. It is now Jesus who med iates reconcil iation with God and makes

known the Kingdom to the convert. This puts Jesus in a central role in the

fellowship meal. 1QSa, ' on the other hand, gives the future Messiah of

Israel a secondary., subordinate role. The early Christian Christological

formula naCs indicates the primitiveness of the prayers.

The blessing over the bread associates bread with life, with which

it/ ' was closely associated in Jewish thought also, and knowledge, which is

important in QL as a description of the special knowledge revealed . to t ,he

community throught the Teacher of Righteousness. In the Christian

redaction of Did., it is through Jesus that knowledge is mediated,

presumably the knowledge of his special teaching and person.

The prayer for the gathering of the Church is deeply rooted in

Jewish hope for the eschatological ingathering of the Diaspora, together

wi th the proselytes who were attached to the "Diaspora. There is no

dependence here on Jn 6, but both draw on same trad ition.

The exclusion of the unbaptised from the communtiy meal in Did.

results from the Jewish idea of ritual purity, which is seen especially in

208

the saying wfl 6WTE: TO ayl..,ov TOi::S; }{uo ( , which probably derives from the

Wisdom tradition. The idea of a community purity meal is attested in the

Rabbinic Haburoth, but is seen most plainly in QL, where the community

attempted to keep priestly purity. It seems that the theology of a

"kingdom of priests" (Ex. 19:5f) had a pervasive influence on the JUdaism

of the first century AD, and was absorbed by the early Church (1Pet. 2:9 ).

The Church is pure and must preserve its purity from those who have not

been cleansed by baptism.

209

10. Chapter Ten

10, 1. l'vkra. aE TO Ef.l1tA"Y)cr6~vcu OUTWe; EUXO:ptcr7~crc(TE' 2. EUXO:PlcrTOUf.lEV GOl, 1tetTEP aY"E, ' 'l1tEP TOU &'ytou ovof.lcn·oe; crou, ·Ou XO:TEcrx~vwcro:e; EV To:~e; Xo:pOtO:le; ~f.lWV,

5 Ked tmE:p TIje; yvwcrEwe; xo:t 1ttcrTEwe; xo:t cX.80:vo:crto:e;, "He; e:yVWplcro:e; ~f.l~v Ola. 'I"Y)crou TOU 7rCUOOe; crou' ~ot ~ oo~o: de; TOUe; o:lwvo:e;.

3 " I ~I I . ";"U, Oe:cr1tOTIX 1tIXVTOXPIXTOP, )IE \ 'ff .... " I XTtcro:e; TO: 1tO:VTO: e:VEXEV TOU OVOf.lO:TOe; crou,

10 Tporp'~v TE xo:t 1tOTOV EOWXo:e; TO~e; cX.V8pW7!OlC; de; cX.1tO-AIXUcrlv, LVIX crm e:UXO:PlcrTIjcrWcrlV.

'H f.l~v OE: EXIXptcrW 7rVEUf.lIXTtX-~V '!purp'~v x!Xl 7!uTOV xcxt ~w'~v O:LciJvlOV ala < 'I-f)crou > '!OU 1tIXlOOe; crou.

4. IT pO 1tetVTWv EUZO:Plcr70i)f.lEV crOl, OTt OUV!XTOe; d' 15 ~ol ~ 06~cx de; TOUe; IXLWVIXC;.

5. l\1v'~cre"Y)Tt, XUPle:, TIje; ExXA"Y)crtCXe; crou '!ou pucrIXcr6IXl o:uTYjv cX.1tO 1tO:VTOe; 1tov"y)pou, Ko:t Te;),ElWcrIXl IXUTYjV EV '!?j cX.yet1t7) crou,

Kat cruvo:~o'J o:uTYjv cX.1t0 '!wv '!EcrcretPC0V cX.VEf.lWV, T~V 20 &'YlIXcr6E ~cro:v,

E' , \ P '"I.' "( I , le; Tf)V Uf)V t-'o:ml\ElO:v, "Y)V "Y),!Olf.lo:cro:e; O:UTn' "O'!l crou Ecr'!lV ~ OUVO:f.llC; xat ~ oo~o: de; '!ove; o:lwvcxe;.

6 'E'6 I , , 6 I " ~ • 1\ ETW XCXple; XO:L 1tCXpE), ETW 0 xocrf.loe; Ou'!oe;.

'Q(j(xvva Ti;) 6Ei;) 6.o:utO . 25 Et Tte; aYlOe; e:cr'!lV , e:pZEcr6w'

Et Tte; OUX EcrTt, f.lE'!cxvod'!w· MIXpcxv0:6et .

'Af.l~v ,

7. To~e; OE: 1tpOrp~TO:le; E1tl,!PE1tE,!E e:UXO:Plcr'!E~V, ocro: 6EAoumv.

10, 1 'to tfl;;A1]cre~vcxL H : TI]v flE,ciA1]<jJL'J Ca II 4 'CXL~ XCXpO(CXL~ -TjflW'J Bryennios : ,CXL~ XCXpO[CXL~ uflw'J H ~flL'J Ca II 5 xcxt ciycil't1]~ post

;;l(nEW~ add. Ca II 6 EYVWPLcrCX~ H : ~owxcx~ Ca II 1 0 ci'J6pwl'tOL~ H <::a : utoi:~ ,w'J 0:'J6pw;;w'J C II 11 L'JCX crOL EU),.CXPLcrTIjcru)(1L'J Hom. c Ca

12-15 'HflL'J - cxtw'Jcx~ om. Ca 11 12 xcxl !:owxcx~ post EXCXp[crw add . ell 13 ('I1]crou> com. H II 14 IIpo H : mpl c II 15 ~ol c : aU H II O:fl~'J post cxtw'Jcx~ aeld. c II 16 XUpLE om. Ca II EXxA1]crlcx~ crou He: a:ylcx~ crou EXxA 1]crlcx~ 'tcxuTI)~ Ca II ,ou pucrcxcr6cxL He: xcxl PUcrcxL Ca II 18 'tEAELwcrCXL He : -crO'J Ca 1 19-20 TI]'J ciYLCXcr6ELcrCX'J Hom. c Ca 22-23 "O'tL - ou'to~ om . Ca I 22 O:fl~'J post cxtwvcx~ aeld. c II 23 XciPL<; H : (, XUPLO~ C II cXfl1]'J post OUTO~ add. c II 24 'OcrCt.wa. c Ca Malth. : w~ O:wa. H II 6Et;) H : OlXCP c utt;} Ca Matlh. II 25 Ecr_n'J H com. Ca II lpX€cr6w He: l'tpocrEPxtcr6w Ca

26 ot post d add. Ca II 27 McxpCX'Jcx6ci H Ca : flCXPa.'J ci6ci (ut uid.}c I Cor. II 29 acrcx 6l:AOUcrL'J H : w~ 6tAOUcrL'J rut uid.}c om . Ca II mpl O€ TOU Myou ('tou Myou om . Cal ,ou fluPOU ou,w~ e:UXCXPLcrTIlcrCX'tE AtyO'J'E~ (A€yo'J'E~ om. Cal ' EUXCXPLcr,ouflt'J crOL, l'tci'tEP (6d 01]flLOUPY€ 'twv OAW'J xcxl Cal Ul'tEP (Tii~ EUWO[CX~ add . Cal 'tou fluPOU (xcxt Ul'tEP 'tOU 0:6cx'JcX'!'ou cxtwvo~ add. Cal OU EyvWPLcrCX~ ~flL'J OLa. 'I7)crou ,ou l'tcxL06~ crou' crot (on crou Ecrn'J Cal ~ o6~Ct. . (xcxt ~ OU~CXflL~ add. Cal d~ TOU<; cxtwvcx~ ' cXfl~v add. c Ca.

210

10.1 Didache 10:1

Rabbinic practice was

al so to offer a Berakah, the Birkath Hammazon, after the meal (See bBer.

48b). [1 J Berakoth were off'ered for the food, the land and for

Jerusalem. [2J The first three prayers seem closely matched by Did. 10.

Josephus's description of the Essene community meal includes a

thanksgiving after the meal, as well as before it (B.J. II.131). The lack of

such a notice in QL is attributed by Kuhn to its being taken for granted,

the Scrolls need ing onl y to describe what differed from the practice of

other jews (ie both bread and cup being blessed before the meal), while

Josephus is writing for Gentiles. [3 J Josephus might al so have onl y a

limited knowledge of the disciplina arcana of the community, which was,

reserved for full members. [4 J Philo's description of the Essenes in Quod

om. prob. lib. sit 86, adds only that they shared common meals. However he

describes the Therapeutae as holding a sacred vigil after their communal

meal and singing hymns of praise to God (De contemp. 83-88). The practice

at Qumran must have been similar (1QS 6:6-8). This suggests that the

prayers after the meal would be long and open to greater variation. This

may well be the· significance of Did. 10:7 also. In any case, E]JITAnaBnvCl.L

clearly implies a full meal and not merely a symbolic token meal. The

expression is removed by Ca, showing that by the Fourth Century AD, the

eucharist was no longer thought of in the context of a meal.

[1 J Though cf MBer. 6:5, "If he said the Bened iction over the wine before the meal he need not say it over the wine after the meal".

[2 J After the fall of Jerusalem, a further blessing was added for "Who is good and bestows good". See Klein, 1!l teste Katechismus, pp 223-230.

[3J "The Meal", Scrolls and the NT, ed. Stendahl, p 72. [4J Kuhn ("Meal", p 72) claims that Josephus was keeping the secret from

outsiders.

211

10.2 Didache 10:2

Apart from the reference to the Name tabernacling in the hearts, the

benediction after the meal matches the benediction over the bread,

substituting a-\Javcio La for l;wTi~ and adding Ha G TELOT EW~ • This has led

Audet [5] to see here a parallel between "the vine of David" in the

benediction over the wine before the meal, and the benediction . for the

indwelling of the Name after the meal. This is not implausible, since the

Name of God was called over his people in blessing, and tabernacled

amongst them in the Temple as the focus of his presence with them. Thus, if

"vine of David" is a reference to Israel, as has been suggested, [6] then

the reference to the hoI y Name tabernacl ing in the hearts of the

community's !llembers could also have this significance.

10.3 The Name of God in the Didache

There has been much debate over the exact meaning of the reference

to "your holy name" in this passage. Peterson [7] sees a reference to

Christ as the Name of God. Certainly the baptismal context and the

reference to Jesus as the Son of God suggest this to the Christian ear. [8]

While the Christian redaction of the Did. does understand Jesus as the

Messianic mediator of the Name of God, as he is of life and knowldege, it

does not identify him with these things. Thus the views of Peterson and

[5] La Didache, p 408. [6] See above on 9:2. [7] "Didache cap 9 et 10", ETL 58, 1944, pp 3-13, esp. 5f. Cf Betz,

"Eucharistie", pp 33f. [8] Knopf, (Die Lehre, p 28) interprets this passage in terms of

speculation --over the Name in the baptismal formula.

212

Knopf must be rejected.

The verb }taTaO){nVOw is here used transit.ively [9J and the

reference is almost certainly to the Shekinah "the indwelling of Jehovah

in the Holy of Holies"(Cf Jn 1:14). [10J It reflects Jewish thought about

naming by someone as establishing "a relation of dominion and possession

towards him". [11 J Thus the Lord calls his name over Israel and it becomes

his. possession (Jer. 14:4, 15:16, Isa. 43:7), also over the Temple (Jer.

7:10), the ark (2Sam. 6:2) and Jerusalem (Jer. 25:29, Dan. 9:18). However,

after the "Deuteronomic Reform", the presence of God was seen as located

especiall y in the Temple as the place where his "Glory" or "Name" was to

be found, the guarantee of his presence with his peop~e. [12J Pollution of

the Temple is also pollution of God's Name (Ezek. 10:39; 39:7).

This concept of the Name as God's presence and power in the Temple

coalesced at some stage with Wisdom traditions about the presence of the

Divine Wisdom with his people. Thus Sirach 24:3f envisages Wisdom as the

agent of creation whose throne is in heaven. Wisdom is commanded by God to

make its home in Israel and abides in Jerusalem (24:8-11). The link between

the Temple and Wisdom may go back to the teaching office of the Temple

priesthood and be linked also to the idea that the High Priest was a

prophet. [13J It seems that the confusion of the two separate ideas of the

presence of the Name and of Wisdom in the Temple had led to their merging .

by the beginning of the Christian era. This may have aided the

spiritualisation of the Temple and its cult. Aboth 3:2 links the presence

[9J Knopf, Die Lehre, p28; Schaff, p195 [10J Schaff, The---reaC'hing of the Twelve Apostles, New York, 1885, p195. [ 11 J TDNT V, p 253. See above 007: 1. [12J TDNT V, p257, though, of course, his "throne" is in heaven. See also

Mace. 7:37,3 Macc. 2:9, 14; 4 Esdr. 3:23; Jub. 1:10; Ps . Sol. 7:5 (Cf 6:2, 6f; 8:26, 31; 9:18). .

[ 13 J See E.Bammel, "ARCHIEREUS PROPHETEUON", TLZ 6, 1954, pp 351-356.

213

of God with study of the Torah, "But if two sit together and words of the

Law (are spoken) between them, the Divine Presence [14 J rests between

them." It is interesting that Jesus is depicted using this tradition

linking the ~esence with his own name (Mt t 18:20). This short saying is

startling in its use of the tradition, since it appears to equate Jesus'

name and presence with the God's Name and Presence. [15J

The explanation seems to lie in the hypostasisation of the Divine

Name which took place in the Intertestamental period, though its roots can

be seen already in the OT (eg Ex. 23:21). Such works as the Prayer of Joseph

(Origen, John ILxxxi (25)), the Apocalypse of Abraham (Box, p46f; cf 17),

3Enoch 10:3 (Cf 13:1; 22:5; 39:1; 3:2; 29:1; 30:1), envisage an angel bearing

the Divine Name, which consti tutes God's power and presence.

Without suggesting that the NT writers considered Jesus to be an

angel, it does seem likely that Jewish speculation about the Name-bearing

angel lies behind Phil. 2:9ff (cf Heb. 1:2ff). The concept of the "separated

Name" enabled them to understand the exal ted Jesus, God's true Son, as

being given the Divine Name, the Tetragrammaton: TO ovo\1a TO Ulltp llCiv

OVO \1 a. [16J By virtue of bearing the Name, Jesus the Son receives the

worship of all creation and the response of mankind is the confession of

his Lordship, the recognition that in him the Father is glorified.

But it is above all in John's Gospel that this thinking is clearest,

and it is also here that the closest parallel to the Didache passage is to

be found. In 17:6, the great High Priestly prayer, Jesus says he has

revealed God's Name to the men God has given him. and prays the Father to

[14] Shekinah, which is a reI ated but distinct concept. [ 15] Cf Ignatius Eph. 5:2, where the saying is garbled but ex pI ici tl Y

linked to the temple [ 16J See R.P.Martin Commentary on Philippians, p 10f.

214

keep them in that Name (v11f). He has made the Name known ( E:Yv~P LOCt Ct~TOiJ

TO ovo ~a GOU to them to enable him to extend to them the divine

fellowship between the Father and his Son (17:26). Most of the main ideas

of the Didache passage are present here: the addresss to God as Father,

God's Name made known to his people through Jesus, and the idea of the

divine indwelling of the community. John does not use the verb }{CtTCtG}{TlVclW

here, but he combines in the Prologue the Wisdom concept of Jesus as the

pre-ex istent Logos, with the Name concept of the Word tabernacl ing among

men (1: 14) .

QL also uses two titles to describe the community which are

difficult to interpret. CD 2:11 uses the words DV "~""1j7 to describe the

remnant raised up by God "in every generation" (which consisted of the

community in the present age) . It is not clear if they are called by God's

Name, or whether this is a technical term meaning "summoned". Certainly CD

2: 13, Oi,.,nHlV mv V1"1!J:l1 , which follows seems to be a reference to the

names of the individual members (Cf the inscription of names on the

banners of war, om)')v V1"1!J ,"10 )1:), in 1QM 4:6ff,11, 13). In CD 14:3, 4,

Oi"'n))')V:l is used to describe the mustering of the sect in rank and the

careful inscription of the ir names in order of precedence. The same

combination of ex pressions is found in CD 4:2-6: OVil "~""1jJ and V1"1!J

Dil "n))')V. However it is not impossible that the expression OVil "~""1!7 means

"those called by the Name (of God) ", even if the second expression does

refer to the individual names of community members, which are carefully

recorded in the community records in the belief that thE7Y were in this way

also inscribed in the heavenly book of life (1QM 1 ~:1 -6; 4QDibHam a (504)

1-2.vi.15; cf 1Enoch 104:1f) . 1QSa 2:1f, 8f, uses the formula OVil "V:J~ to

describe the men summoned to the Council (1)11),) "~""1j7 ) [17J of the

[17J The original"~"1"j7 of the text is corrected to "~ " "1j7 as in Lohse, Tex te , p 48.

215

Community. This may mean no more than "men of renown" as in Num. 16:2, but

it seems likely that it refers to the whole community at Qumran, and not

just to specially eminent men. Moreover, it is linked to the idea that

those who are ritually impure should be excl uded from the congregation (cf

2:3-11). Since there is ample ev idence that the Qumran community

considered itsel f to be the true !?piritual temple of God, which had

(temporarily) replaced the defiled building in Jerusalem, [18J it is

possible that the title eVil 'VJ~ refers to the Name of God called over his

Temple, so that members were eVil '1'<'''P because they had the Name called

over them (Cf 1QM 3:3)1'< '1'<'''P'). 4QpIsa a 8-10:24 describes one of the

priests who will minister to ·David in the messianic age as eVil 'Jil,::m InN

and this is likely to have some reference to the Temple. 4QDibHam a (504)

1-2.ii.12 specifically env isages the Name called over the commun i tY:/,<.,jJJ 1'<':J

(Cf Deut. 28:10; Jer. 14:5; Dan. 9:18f; Bar. 2:15).

Did. 10:2 envisages the Name tabernacling in the hearts of believers

as it had formerly done in the Temple. The community is the locus of God's

presence, the place where his Shekinah dwells. It is the equivalent of

Paul's "Temple of the Holy Spirit" (1Cor. 3:16f Cf 6:19, 2Cor. 6:16, Rom.

8:9). [19J In early Christian literature see further 1Clem. 58:1; Ba. 16:7f;

Ode Sol. 8: 19, 22; 22:6, 12; 33:5; Herm., Sim. V.6:7. The gnostic Gospel of Truth

(NgH 1.3) 21:25-22:38 combines speculation on the specific names of the

redeemed with the specific Name of God which is the Son ~ The Son who bears

the Name of the Father makes the Name rest in the commun i ty of the" sons of

his Name" (NgH1.3) 38:8-29. Cf Gosp. Philip (NgH 11.3) 56:3-15. With these

Gnostic writing s, the link between baptism and Jesu·s as the bearer of the

Name of God which he mediates to believers, is first clearly expressed.

[18J See below on Did. 14:1. [19J See J. Ponthot, "La Signification Religieuse du "Nom" chez CHment de

Rome et dans la Didache", ETL 35, 1959, pp 339:361, esp. 359-361.

216

There is no trace of such speculation in Did.

10.4 Didache 10:3-4

The importance of the Name in the eucharistic prayers of Did. is

emphasised again here. Peterson [20J thinks that the theme here is the

same as that of 1 Clem 59:3, where the Name of God is described as the

apXEYOVOV rraan~ xT~aEw~ . This is the way the expression is interpreted by

, that is, the

world i"s created by Jesus who is the Name of God. There are, in fact,

numerous texts which reveal a widespread Jewish idea of the creation of

the world by the Name of God which was linked especially with the its

presence in the Temple, eg Ser. 55a; TgJon. to Exodus 28:15-30; TgJon.

Qoheleth 3: 11; Prayer of Mannasseh 1-4; However this cannot be the sense of

the passage in Did., since EVEXEV cannot be used instrumentally. Rather,

the text of Did. must be understood as, "He created all things for the sake

of his Name", that is, for his reputation or honour. [21 J There is no

advance here beyond the idea that God created man to give him glory which

is a common Jewish idea (Cf Romans 1: 19-21).

6Lc'.1. TO\) rrc:LL66~ aov: The so-called Georgian versionof Did. has interpreted

[20J "Didache 9 e 10", ETL 58, p 5f. [21 J The preposition EVE}{EV is frequently used in this sense in the LXX eg

Ps. 22 (23):3; 24 (25):11; 30 (31 ):4, where EVEXEV TO\) 6vowaTO~ aov represents the Hebrew 11:)\!J um?,. See Ponthot, "Nom", ETL 35, p 359.

217

this to refer to the spiritual feeding conveyed by baptism. [22J The

Coptic text seems to show traces of the same understanding, since it

duplicates Exapcow with €ow}{as;. The Coptic word:u.]KE:[fh,lll:,IWhich stands for

txaPLOW usually refers to a sacramental gift of grace. [23J Both these

should be seen as later developments. It is precisely this sentiment which

is expressed in the Jewish Birkath Hammazon to be said after the

fellowship meal. This prayer presents many points of contact with this

prayer in Did., especially the theme of creatiori and the honouring of the

God's Name. God gives food to all men whom he has created, so that his Name

may be honoured, but he has especially blessed Israel with more than

material food. [24J The two movements of the prayer are thus the same as

those in Did.: a berakah for God's benificence to all men in creating and

sustaining them, followed by a berakah for his especial benificence to his

chosen people in giving them spiritual food and drink. [25J Did. has

modified the Jewish tradition by the addition of OL& ToD l[(;(LOOS; OO\) , by

which Jesus is indicated as the mediator of the spiritual benificence of

God toward s his people.

An illuminating parallel to the Did. text is provided by liturgical

fragments discovered at Dura Europos (AD c 250). C. C. Torrey [26 J and

Count du Mesnil du Buisson [27J regarded these prayers as examples of the

Birkath Hammazon, but a forcefull case has been made for their being a

Christian Eucharistia in Hebrew by J. L. Teicher. [28J Teicher cites Did.

[22J Peradze, "Georgische tfuerlieferung", p 116. See above on Dc 6:4- 6. [23 J See Crum, p 681 (1..u..o\"). [24J Singer, p 280. [25J J. Betz ("Abendmahlskelch", p 113) sees the 1[v€\)jJaTL}{nv Tpo<pnv }{a~

TtOTOV as a reference to the body and blood of Christ, but this is not warranted by the tex t.

[26J The Excavations at Dura-Europos, Prelimary Report VI, New Haven , 1936, p 419 (PI. xxxvi.TI.

[27J "Un parchemin liturgique Juif et la gargote de la synagogue a Dura Europos" , Syria 20, 1939, pp 23-34.

[28J "Ancient Eucharistic Prayers in Hebrew", JQR 54,1963-1964, pp 99-109.

218

10:3-4 in support of his contention, and he reconstructs the text as

follows: [29J

This reconstruction is plausible and rhythmical. Fragment B continues with

a praise for God's provisions for the needs of men. However, it is not

necessary to see this as a Christian prayer. The X on which Teicher relies

for his attribution of the prayer to Christians (pp 106f) could equally

well be a Jewish symbol for ;'1;''', since the Scrolls also show in many

places a desire to avoid the Divine Name both by the use of archaic

letters and abbreviations especially Aleph, eg 1'<;'1'<1;' (1QS 8:13). Moreover,

the modern form of the Birkath Hammazon is not necessarily the form in use

at an early date or in every place in Judaism. In any case, the distinction

between "Jewish" and "Christian" prayers is redundant, if Did. draws on a

Jewish schema.

[29J "Blessed be the Lord, King of the Universe, who created all things, apportioned food, appointed drink for all the children of flesh with which they shall be satisfied but granted to us, human beings, to partake of the food of the myriads of his angelic bodies. For all this we have to bless with songs in gatherings of people", "Ancient Eucharistic Prayers", JQR 54, p 104.

219

10.5 Didache 10:4-5

(E-r6E.;z.(.)t) NI61), but it does not seem to make better sense. [30] The

posi tion of rrpo ,

rraV TWV at the beg inning of the bened iction could not

easil y allow rrsp ~ In fact rr po rr a vTwv " above all" implies that God's power

has a special importance, and this matches the sense, since the

es chatological expectation of 10:5 depends on it for fulfilment. The

thought is repeated at the end of this benediction, on aou sanv n 6Uva]Jl.,~

Ha l!, n 6 6 ~ a The addition of 6u /a "\ 1.,~ to the doxology is deliberate, since it /

follows the parallel prayer of eschatolog ical hope in 9:4. The same

addition is made to the doxology in the Lord's Prayer in 8:2, which has

eschatological reference.

on 6uvaTo ~ sc: The LXX equivalents to 6uvaT 6~ are 11':1.:\, '~n, n~ QL

usually applies these terms to God in a context of eschatological hope.

The confidence of the community in their ultimate victory in the imminent

eschatological war, lies in the fact that God is mighty (1QM 11:4f). The

hymn of 1QM 12:10-16 which is repeated in 19:2-8 addresses God as 11 .:l.A (Cf

12:9; 14:16f) and '~n ~1V1Y • [31] Cf 1QM 18:13; 1QH 6:29-31. All of these

references to God as mighty have an eschatological setting. They reflect

the confidence of the community in the outcome of the final battle because

of God's omnipot.ence. The word ny is used of God without this kind of

eschatological implication, as in 1QH 7:6; 17:18; 18:13 (Cf 3:37; 5:37; 4Q 510

1:1-4).

[30 ]

[ 31 ]

Klein Onteste Katechismus , p 226) sees in this expression the ;,y ):)il of the Birkath Hammazon.

Lohse (Texte, p 208) corrects toil1V1Y • Yadin (Scroll of the War, p 317) claims, "There can be no reasonable doubt that the whole hymn is addressed to God, not to the Messiah". Cf Mil ik, RB 40, 1953, pp 290f .

220

The use of this terminology in QL is paralleled generally in other

Jewish writings, especially apocalyptic literature . God was expected to

intervene in power and great might to vindicate his people and destroy

their enemies in the last days. Then he would gather together the

dispersed of Israel (together with the survivors of the nations). This

pattern is found, for example, already in Isa. 11:10- 12 and Zech. 14. [32J

It is echoed also in the third Birkath Hammazon and the seventh and tenth

peti tions of the Shemoneh Esreh. [33 J

a wnv : The Coptic adds 2A))..HIv' after the doxology in 10:4, as after 1 0:5,

6 (after both 0 H6awo~ O~T O~ and wapav a~a). This represents the response

of the congregation and it is unlikely to have been written in the

original text. The later tendency would be for scribes to write in what was

alread y the common practice. [34 ]

T n ~ ay~aa~ E Laav : This is not in Ca or in the Coptic, and is awkward,

breaking the rhythm of the prayer. It is most probably a scribal gloss.

10.6 Didache 10:6

for xap~~ (JJ.APfl.{l <N'>~N2C), and this may well be correct, since the

reading in Ca is wapava~a. waavva TQ ULQ 6auE LoThis would make excellent

C32J See further Clerici, "Einsammlung" , pp 65-102. [33 J See below on 16:6. Cf Klein, '1U teste Katechismus, pp 226ff. [34 J See above on 8:2.

221

sense. [35 J The concluding l1apava-M in H54 and Coptic would then be a v-I~

doublet, perhaps a compromise text between two versions, one of t translated

the Aramaic whilst the other which did not. J. Betz [36J sees EA~{TW XaPl-C;

as a reference to the coming of the Lord to the community in the eucharist,

so that the eucharist is a bridge between the first and second coming of

Christ. He sees "grace" as equivalent to "Christ" and so to the

eucharistic elements. Thus 10:6 would be an invitation to the eucharist. It

is more likely, however, that the intrusion of XaPl-C; represents a reduction

of the eschatological expectation to the immanentist theology of a later

era. Ca omits 1LapE:A~ {Tw 6 }(0011 0C; Oi3TOC; , although it is attested by the

Coptic. It has the ring of a later hellenising development, and may be

secondary. The textual variants ~EQ and Ol}(Q probably result from

confusion of abbreviations in uncials. Ol}(Q is the most difficult reading,

as well as the earliest and should be preferred. It would have much the

same sense, in any case, as UlQ. Both would have Messianic implications. The

reading ~EQ l1au ELo is likely to be a theological development, intended to

red uce the national istic nature of the formula.

QL has no close parallel to this liturgy, al though 4Q 511 10:9 gives

a Hosanna to the God who judges the earth and vindicates his people,

and4QFlor 1:13 connects salvation with David.

[35 J The formula seems to come from Zech. 9:9. See Klein, 1U teste Katechismus, p 227. c. F. D. Moule ("A Reconsideration of the Contex t of Maranatha", in Essays in New Testament Interpretation, Cambridge, 1982, pp 222-226) argues that"Maranatha" was used as an anathema, a curse to re-inforce the demand for repentance by summoning the presence of God as witness. Lake (NT in Apostol ic Fathers, p 27) had already observed of this phrase, together with 1Cor. 16:22 and Rev. 22:20, that" in each case they are used to enforce a warning". H~ von Campenhausen, (Ecclesiastical Authority and Spiritual Power in the Church of the First Three Centuries, London, 1969, p 133) observes­that thephrase leaves the offender to the judgment of God, and places' the responsibility entirely on the person concerned for his own condemnation.

[36J "Abendmahlskelch" , p 112; "Eucharistie", pp 34f.

222

, TLS; OU}! Audet

takes this as the beginning of the eucharist proper. [37J

10.7 Didache 10:7

seen, [38J the Rabbinic writings permit any member of Israel to say a

Berakah on behalf of the community (MBer. 7:3), whereas QL limit the right

to say the first Berakah to the priest (1QS 6:5; 1QSa 2:12). This provides

an interesting parallel to Did~ since 13:3 identifies the prophets in the

community wi ~h the high priests. Since the prophets hold this status in

the community, they have the right to pronounce the blessing "as much as"

or "as often as" they wish. G. Schille [39J sets this tex t within his

theory of the gradual subordination of the "spirit of baptism" to the

"charismatic spirit" of the "spirit of office", which eventually prevailed

in the Church and which put the leadership above challenge (11:7). This

cannot be ded uced from the tex t i tsel f. The question arises whether the

prophets did in fact always preside at the eucharist, since they could

hardly do this as a matter of regular practi6e if they were "wandering

charismatics", as suggested by Theissen, Schille and Niederwimmer. [40J If

it is decided that 10:7 does envisage such a regular presidency of the

prophets, then this tex t must come from the same red action as 13:3, where

[37J La Didache, p 415. So too J. Betz, "Abendmahlskelch", pp 112f. [38J See above on 9: 1. [39 J "Das Recht", pp 86f. [40J See below on chapter 11.

223

prophets are , merle the High Priests of the community if they settle. [41 J

The tex t is intended to establ ish the right of the prophet to preside

whenever present. The priests had that right accord ing to the Rabbis and

also according to QL. [42J As will be seen, [43J the teaching concerning

prophets is an intrusion into the earl iest catechetical schema, which may

have been connected with the rise of Montanism. This text belongs to that

phase in the development of the tradition. In any case, 10:7 sounds like a

later addition, since there would be little point in specifying the

eucharistic prayers if the prophet could celebrate as he wished.

10.8 Didache 10:8

* rrEp~ 6t (TOO A6yo u ) T~S E0w6~as : 00TWS E0xapLoT~oaTE. E0xaPLoToD~{v OOL ,

rraTEp (n~wv) urrtp T ~S E0w6 ~as o~ SyvwPLoas n~LV 6La lnooD TOO rraL66s Oou. OO~

*Reconstructed from the Coptic

The oldest text of Did. has a Berakah for fragrance. The word used in

the Coptic text is CfINO'(,,\\, which means "a pleasant odour, perfume", and

should be rendered Euw6 ~a • [44J This word survives in the body of the

Berakah in Ca, but has been displaced elsewhere by ~upov. The reference to

~upOV thus seems to be a secondary development, after the purpose of the

prayer had been forgotten, or, at least, become redundant. [45J Annointing

with oil played an important part in later Church liturgies, but the

[41 J Schille C' "Das Recht", p 86f) sees this rule as overthrowing all of 9-10 except the congregational response, and that the text of the prayers is only kept for theological reference. A more likely explanation is that 9-10 were seen as providing the archetype for the Berakoth of the community, which the prophet is at liberty to expand and elaborate. Schille also sees the prophets as having a "hidden agenda" for the celebration of the meal, something like '1Cor. 11:23ff, the traditional anamnesis.

[42] Cf Dix, "Ministry in the Early Church", in Apostolic Ministry, ed. K. E. Kirk, London, 1945, pp 234f.

[43] See below on 11:7ff. [44] See Lefort, p 26 (parfume). Cf A. Adam, "Erw~gungen zur Herkunft der

Didache", ZK 5, 1955, P 8. [45] Cf Gosp. Phil. (NgH 11.3) 75:1f, which links together bread, cup and

oil.

224

application of the prayer to oil for annointing at baptism or in the last

rites is inexplicable at this point.

Peterson [46J is wrong in relating this to the post-Baptismal

Chrism, since its position here defies this interpretation. He explains

the prayer's absence from H54 as evidence of a 'Novatianist recension (p

162), but his argument relies too much on Ca and on Mandaean practice [47J

There is no more justification, either, for the interpretation of this

prayer as for unction for the sick. [48J A. Adam [49J suggests a Syriac

original for the Coptic (:(II'Ja(<"I\, namely ~~ ~;, and concludes that ~

is a reference to the Agape, which appropriately follows Did. 10. However,

10:1 makes it clear that 9-10 describes an actual meal, so that an "Agape"

meal could not follow 9-10. Rordorf and Tuil ier cannot see why it should

have been repressed, if it was orig inal, as they concede is possible.

V~Obus thinks it secondary, a retouch carried out by an i~itation of the

eucharistic prayers. [50J If that were so, it is difficult to see why it

was inserted so clumsil y and inappropriately, if it were intended for

Chrism or Unction.

The Coptic version ind icates that the Berakah was orig inally for

El)w6 (ct. This seems likel y to refer to the pleasant spices burnt after the

Jewish fellowship meal. MBer. 6:6 (Cf MEd. 3: 11) shows that the bened iction

over the burning of spices was usual at the close of the sabbath

fellowship meal. There is a divergence in the Jewish tradition here, for

Tos. Ber. 6:5 mentions not incense, but per fumed oil over which the

bened ,iction must be said (together with the wine, i( that is brought after

[46J "Einige Probleme", pp 156-168. [47J Cf the rebuttal in V~~us, Liturgical Traditions, pp 51-7. [48J Funk-Bihlmeyer, Die Apostolischen V~ter, p xx; Benoit, La bapteme, p

10; Rordorf and Tuil ier, La Doctrine, pp 47f (tentatively!). [49J "Erw~gungen" pp 8-11. -[50J Liturgical Traditions, pp 51-60.

225

the meal). In either case, whether it is incense or oil which is used, the

Berakah is for the pleasant smell. [51] Examples of benedictions of this

kind remain in the Seder Haberakoth of the Jewish Prayer Book, so that a

Berakah may be said either for spices tP)JV.::l '~y 1-<11.::lor for fragrant oils

10.9 Summar y

Did. 10 is based on the Jewish thanksgiving prayer after the meal, (I

which the Ess1es and Therapeuts also practised according to Josephus, and

which may have been the custom at Qumran, although it is nowhere attested

in the extant Scrolls. However, Did. seems closest in form and content to

the Rabbinic prayers. 10:1 shows clearly that the prayers of 9-10 were said

in the contex t of a genuine meal.

The Name which tabernacles in the heart of the believers is a temple

image, and refers to th presence of God with his people, of which the

Temple was a sign. The background to the idea lies in the hypostasisation

of the Divine Name. The early Christian writers came to understand Jesus

as the bearer and mediator of the Divine Name. Thus the final redaction of

Did. 10:1 celebrates the presence of God with his people mediated through

his Son. The underlying schema, however, simply praises God for the

presence of his Name with his people. This kind of thinking is found al so

in QL, where the community considered itself to be C! spiritual temple, and

[51] S. Gero ("The So-Called Ointment Prayer in the Coptic Version of the Didache: ARe-evaluation", HTR 70, 1977, pp 67-84) has researched the background to the prayer and concludes that "The Didache incense prayer is a reflection of a Jewish-Christian (haburah) meal practice" •

[52] Singer, AJPB, pp 290f.

226

so to be linked with the angel s in worship before the Divine Presence. They

seem also to have considered that they had the Name of God called over

them as his elect people.

Did. 10:3-4 uses the Name of God in a conventional Jewish sense to

refer to the reputation or honour of God. It does not see the Name as the

agent of creation, but its goal. In this Did. differs from many Jewish and

early Christian writers, but is close to the thought of the Birkath

Hammazon, which blesses God for giving material food to all men, but

spiri tual food to Israel. A Hebrew prayer from Dura Europos (c AD 250)

confirms the presence of this two-fold thanksgiving in the meal prayers of

early Jewish or Jewish-Christian communities.

The special thanksgiving prayer for the omnipotence of God is shown

by parallels in QL and the third Birkath Hammazon to have an

eschatological reference. The community looks forward with confidence to

the triumph of righteousness on the Last Day, because God is able to

accomplish his purpose.

Did. 10:6 appears to contain a doublet of the Maranatha prayer, and

this prayer has also received a gloss petitioning for the passing away of

the present world.

Did. 10:7 differs from Rabbinic parallels, where any member of Israel

can say a valid Berakah and is closer to QL, where the blessing is reserved

first for the priest. Did. 13:3 sees prophets as high priests and also

gives them precedence at the community meal in 10·7. However, unlike QL,

where the Davidic Messiah is subordinated to the annointed High Priest,

Did. in its final redaction, makes Jesus the centre and mediator of

blessing.

227

The Berakah for UVPO\) or Euw6L'a attested by Ca and Coptic at 10:8 is

derived from the Jewish bened iction over burning spices or per fumed oil at

the end of the fellowship meal.

228

11. Chapter Eleven

11, 1. ·O~ CJ.v ouv tA6wv OLOc%.~n ufLii~ ,(:(U,C( Ttc%.v,C( ,a TtPOELPYJfLtvC(, U~a:cr6E au,ov' 2. Mv oS: au,o~ 6 OLOcf.crxwv cr,pC(cpd~ oLOcf.crxn <XAAYJV oLoax~v d~ ,0 xa,o::Aucrc(L, fL~ C(u,ou aXOu<TY),E' d~ oS: ,0 TtPOcr6Ei:Vc(L OLXC(LOcruVYJV xcx.L

5 yVWO"LV XUpLOU, U~cx.cr6E cx.u,ov w~ XUpLOV.

3. DEpt oS: 'twv aTtocr"t"OAWV xcx.t TtpOcpYJ"t"wv, xa.'ta "t"o 06yfLa. "t"ou Eua"yy!:ALOU O()"t"W TtOL~crcx."t"E. 4. na<; [oe:] a.TtOO'"t"OAO<; tpx6fLEVO~ Ttpo<; ufLii~ oEx6~,w w<; XUPLO~ ' 5. ou fLEvEi: oS: <d fL~ > ~fLtpcx.v fLLcx.V· Mv oS: n xpdcx., Xcx.L TI]v rlAAYJV' 'PEi:~ oS:

10 tav fldvn, ~EUOOTtpOCP~TI)~ b,lv. 6. 'E~EPXOfLEVO~ OZ 0 &Ttocr"t"OAO~ flYJOS:v Aa.fl~o:vt,w d fL~ <XP,ov, ew~ ou C(UALcr6?j' Mv oS: apyupLoV cx.trn, ~EUOOTtpOCP~TI)~ tcr,l.

7. Ka:l. Ttexv'ta. TtpoCP~TI)v Acx.AOUV't"a. tv TtVEufLa.n (Ju TtELpc%.crEn ouoS: OLcx.XPLvEi:'t"E· Ttiicra. yap lifLcx.P"t"Lcx. acpE6~crE't"cx.L, cx.UTI)

15 oS: ~ lifLap't"Lcx. oux acpE6-ncrE't"aL • 8. OU Ttii~ oS: 6 AaAWv tv TtVEufLa't"L TtpoCP~TI)~ tcr't"lv, aAA' tav Exn 't"ou~ 't"pOTtou<; XUpLOU. 'A' T - , 6' , .1. '1- ' , TtO OUV ,c.uv 't"pOTtWV yvwcr "1jcrE't"cx.L 0 ,!,EUOOTtpOCP7JTI)~ Xcx.L o Ttpocp~'tYJ~. 9. Kcx.l Ttii~ Ttpocp~'t"YJ<; opl~wv 't"pc%.TtE~a.V tv TtVEufLcx.'t"L, ou cpc%.YE,aL aTt' auTij~, d oS: fL~YE, ~EUOOTtpOCP~'7J~

20 tCHL. 10. nii~ oS: 7tpocp~'7J~ OLOcf.crxwv TI]v aA~6ELcx.V, EL a OLOcf.crxEL ou TtOLEi:, ~EUOOTtpOCP~1""Y)~ tcr't"[. 11. nii~ oS: TtpO­CP~1""Y)~ OEOOXLfLa:crfltvo~, a)'YJ6LV6~, TtOLWV d~ fLUcr'~PLov XOO"­flLXOV hXAYJcr[a.~, fL~ OLOc%.crxwv oS: TtOLEi:v, ocr~ cx.u't"o~ TtOLEi:, ou xpL6~crE"t"a.L ECP' uflwv' fLE't"a 6EOU yap eXEL TI]v xplow

25 wcrcx.u't"w~ yo:p ETtOL'Y)crcx.V xaL ot apxai:oL TtpOcp~'t"cx.L. 12. "O~ 0' eXv e:t7tn tv TtVEUfLcx.'t"L · OO~ fLOL apyupLcx. ~ E'EPc%. 't"Lva, oUY. a.y.oUcrEcr6E cx.u't"OU· to:v oS: TtEpt C1.AAwV Ucr,EPOUV't"WV e:trcn OOUVcx.L, fLYJod~ au,ov XPLvt,W.

11, 1-2 TIXUTIX - 7tPOELP"I]fJ-E:vIX om. Ca II 1 7tcXv-r1X om . ell 2 8£~IXaeE He: 7tpoCl8t~Cl.aeE Ca II 3 <XM"I]v 8L8IXXT)'1 H Ca : <XMIXe; 8L8IXXcI.c; c II T,xC; 7tPWTIXC; post XIXTIXAUClIXL add. c II 3-4 fJ-~ IXUTOU a.xouC!7)Te: H : fJ-~ TOU TOtOuTO\J ~XOUC!7),E c T<Ii TOtOUTCjl fJ-1) Cluyxwpdn e:UXIXPLClTe:LV Ca

4-28 dc; - XPL'IE:TW om. Ca II 6 TO 86YfJ-IX He : T,x ?~fJ-IXTIX (ut uid.)c II 7 [8/;] om. c habet H II 8 8EX6~TW wC; xuptOC; Hom. ({ort.)c e" ou om. ({ort.)c II 9 <e:l fJ-T) > e om . H c /I 1) T1}'1 <XM"I]'1 post fJ-lIX'I add. e /I xd T1}'1 <XM"I]'I H : Mo ~fJ-E:PIXC; c XIX! T1}'1 TplT"l]'1 e " Tpe:iC; H (ut uid. )c : 7tEPLClCl6TEPO'l e " 1 0-12 'E~e:pX6fJ-e:v0C; - E:Cl"tl om. e " 12 IXt-rii H : AIXfJ-~cXV7J c " 13 KCl.t am. c " 7tcX'ITIX 7tpO'P~T"I]'1 AcxAOU'ITIX He : 7tiiC; 7tP0'P~T"I]C; AcxAW'I e 1/ ou om. e 1/ m:LpciCle:Tje: H sup. I. ': 7te:LpciCle:TIXL H 7te:LpciCECl6e: c 7te:LPIXcr6~TW (ut uid.)e " 14 ou8/; He: x<xt e 1/ 8LIXXPL'Ie:iTe: H : 8LIXXpl'le:Te: 7tEpt IXUTOU C 8L<XXPL~TW (ut uid.) e II 14-15 7ta.Cl<X ycZp <1fJ-IXpT(<X &.'Pe:6~Cle:TIXL, IXUT"I] Ill; TJ ,xfLIXPT(IX oux a.cpe:67]ClETIXL He : d fJ-1) O:fJ-cipT"l]fJ-ci TL n E:'1 IXUT<l> (tit uid.)e 1/15 Ou H c :XIXt e Ir 16 a.M' om . (ut uid.)e " &.A~6L'IOC; 7tpocp7]T"I]C; E:cr"tl'l post xup(ou add. e II 17 YVWcr6~Cle:TIXL He: yvwcre:aee: c II 17-18 b we:u80-7tP0'P~T"I]C; XIXL b 7tp0'P~T"I]e; H : TO'l 7tPO'P7)T"I]'1 d a.A716L\1~~ClTL'I c 7tiie; b II ~e:u807tpocp~T"I]~ -n 7tPOql7)T"I]e; ell 18 bpl~w'l c e : b el~w'l ujU8-19 tV 7t\Ie:UfJ-<XTL om. c 19 d 81: fJ-~ye: He: b TOLOUTOe; c " 20 T1}'1 ci.),~6e:LIXV om. e 1/ d He: a.M' e /I 20-21 eX 8L8cicrxe:L ou 7tOLe:i H : ou 7tOLe:i IXUT1}'1 (ut uid.)c ou 7tOLe:i T1}'1 &.A~6e:LIX'I e /I 22-23 7tOLWV de; fJ-UClT7jPLO'l XOClfJ-LXO'l ExxA"I]Cll<xc; fJ-T) 8L8cicrxwv 81; 7tOLe:L'I IlClIX IXU"tOC; 7tOLe:L H : 8L8cicrxwv XIX! fJ-IXpTUpW'I 7tIXpci80ClL\l XOClfJ-LXT)'1 E:v -rii tXxA"I]Cllq: C 7tOLW'I £'1 Exx(7)Cllq: ttv6pcimw'l XIXt 7tOLW'I 7tCxpIX'I6fJ-wC; e " 24 cXMeX ante fJ-e:TcZ add. c 1/ y,xp am. c II 25 yeXP om. cfl26 &.prUPLIX He : XPUClcX e II 27 aJ:AW'l H : "tL'IW'I rut uid.)c <XMOU e II VCl"te:POU'ITWV am. e II 28 80U'JIXL He : UfJ-L'J c 1/ ufLw'I post fJ-7)llde; add. (ut uid.)c.

229

11.1 Didache 11:1-2

This passage belongs with Did. 1-10 and not with Did. 11:3ff. [1] It

has the same function as 6:1, which is to set a seal on what has been taught

and make it into the yardstick by which any later teaching may be

assessed. [2] This tex t also echoes 7: 1: . TCl. D TCI. lIch>T CI. lI P OE L lI OV T E S;. [3] The

many verbal echoes in 11:1-2 seem to link this with the Two Ways teaching

of 1-6. The use of the second person singular also links this passage with

the Two Ways catechetical style. It is reminiscent also of 16:2-3, with' its

prediction that false prophets and corrupters will abound in the last

days, and the only way to keep faith is to be frequently gathered together,

no doubt for sound teaching, whereas the offences in 11:3-6 are quite

trivial: staying too long or asking for money. The same situation is

envisaged in 2 In 10. Ca limits the reference of the warning to the correct

• • ", " t / form of the eUcharlstlc prayers ( OUTWS; ; E(lX Cl.P La .. "". lIpoa o t:t;Cl.CJ~L

XPLdtbD )ld~ntnv ' ), but this is a later develOpment. 11: 1-2 forms a bridge

between the "liturgical" instructions of 7-10 and the instructions

concerning community leaders which dominate 12-15. For this reason it has

been seen as the latest part of the section by G. Schille. [4] According to

him, it both a~ends the rules which follow, limiting the judgment of the

[1]

[2]

[3]

[4]

It is connected with it, but Knopf (Die Lehre, p 30) is wrong to see here a general prescription for travelling Christians and pneumatics. Audet (La Didache, p 434) observes, "C'est le sceau de l'authenticite et de l'autorite apostoliques pose sur le recueil avant de le mettre en circulation". Audet thinks that the first redaction of the Didache ended here, and it certainly does sound like a conclusion, but it is better to see it as a joint between two sections, summing up what has been said, and leading on to something new.

<. -The Coptic omits lICl. V TCI., probably in error, and adds ,/Ll) throughout to clarify the reference. "Das Recht", p 101. Cf Giet, L'81igme, p 220.

230

community, and acts as a introduction to what follows. K. Niederwimmer [5 J

also sees it as the work of the Didachist which calls on the community to

test those who come, the theme of what follows.

(MT) ,

which is rendered by LXX, OU}{ a}{ouaE:0~€ TWV AOYWV ToD rrpoqlllTOV and

€L~ 6t TO rrpoa~ELva~ 6~}{a~oauvnv }{a~ yvwa~v iU 6E~aa~€:No different

teaching is permitted (aUnv 6~6axnv), but only what adds in a practical

way to righteousness and knowledge of the Lord. Cf also H. E. V.16:3, where

Apolinarius says of the Gospel that no-one may add to it or take away from . . it: W ]Jl'!lE rrpoa~ccva~ ]J~TE a(jJd€tv 6vvaTc5v (cf Did. 4: 13, where it is a

question of changing the Law). What is forbidden in Did. is changing the

teaching, not adding to its correct practice.

6E~aa~a~ w~ }{Up~OV : This is the counterpart to 4: 1 (H]JnaE~~ 6t aUTov

W~ }{Up~ov) and 6:1, where it is said of anyone teaching anything contrary

to the Two Ways that he teaches rrapE}{TO~ ~EO~

11.2 Di d ac he 11: 3-6

This represents the pre-Christian core of the teaching in this

section. The relationship between apostles, prophets and teachers in Did.

11-12 has occasioned much debate because it is assumed that the three were

[5J "Zur Entwickltmgsgeschichte des Wanderradikalismus im Traditionsbereich der Didache", Wiener Studien 11, 1977, pp 145-167, esp. p 147. Niederwimmer criticises Schille's analysis as "freilich Oberkompliziert" (p 148 note 8).

231

part of the same community arrangement. [6] However, apostles are a relic

from an earlier stage of the text. [7] Apostles were a regular feature of

Jewish communal life in the First Century AD. [8] ·The Jewish n'7;v was a

representative vested with the authority on some particular matter by the

person or group who send him, to act or negotiate and make contracts on

their behalf in that matter. It is not so much a religious function as a

legal one, for a representative of this kind may act in betrothalS (MKid.

2:1; Tos. Kid. 4:2 (Zuckermandel, p 340 11 5-8); Tos.Yeb. 4:4 (Zuckermandel, p

422, In 22)); divorce (MGit. 4:1), and slaughter of the Passover lamb (MPes.

8:2). The underlying principle is that the one sent is like the one who

sends: 1n1l:l~ 0'1'< ;v 1n'7;V (MBer. 5:5; bNed. 72b; bKidd. 41b; bHag. lOb; bNazir

12b; bBM 96a; bMen. 93b; Mekh. Ex. 12:4 (5a), 6 (7a)). The courts may empower

someone to execute a decision (MGi t. 3:6; MBQ 9:5; MYom. 1:5). Most important,

the Jewish community in Palestine or Jerusalem sent rabbis to the diaspora

as "apostles" of the Great Sanhedrin for various purposes: to regulate the

[6] So Harnack, Die Lehre, pp 93-158. [7] Schille ("Das Recht", p 88) sees this material on apostles as the

heart of the trad it ion out of which the rest of the community official instructions developed, ~Offenbar steht der Autor am Ende einer langwierigen Entwickltmg, die in den ~l testen Trad itionen erst anhebt". Cf Niederwimmer ("Wanderrad ikal ismus", pp 150f) who nevertheless concedes that the material was composed in an archaising manner to represent a bygone era.

[8] K. H. Rengstorf, "APOSTOLOS", TDNT I, pp 407-445, esp. pp 414ff. See also J. B. Lightfoot, St. Paul's Letter to the Galatians, London, 1892, pp 92-101; G. Dix, "Ministry in the Early Church", in The Apostolic Ministry, ed. Kirk, pp 185-303, esp. 228-232, and Strack-Billerbeck III, pp 2-4. The counterblast of W. Schmithals (The Office of Apostle in the Early Church, London, 1971, pp 96-110) is an overreaction. He attains his position by ruling out Acts and the Synoptic Gospels as primary historical evidence, and places all hi.$ argument on Paul. But Paul himself acknowledges his own position to have been exceptional, and his own statements concerning the meaning of apostleship must be read as polemic and not as objective evidence. Certainly one should be cautious in drawing direct parallels between fixed" insti tutions" in JUdaism and Christianity, but the ev idence of Didache, which he does not seem to take into account, suggests that the Christian Church inherited the figure of the apostle from Judaism and infused it with new meaning, probably on the initiative of Jesus himself (Mk 6:7-8; Mt 10:1-42; Lk 91:5; 10:1-20).

232

calendar (Akiba in MYeb. 16:7, R. Meir in Tos. Meg. 2:5), to declare the

beginning of the new month (MRH 1:3, 14, 2:2), and to make voluntary

collections for the poor scribes in Palestine (jHor. III.48a, 39ff).

According to jHag. I.76c, 31ff, Patriarch Jehuda II (AD c 250) sent three

rabbis to Palestine to appoint teachers. [9J A letter of introduction for

such an apostle is contained in jHag. I.76d, 3f, "1..0 we send (tPnl?l!1) a

great man as our envoy (1:lnl ?1!1) equal to ourselves until he come". Compare

also jNed. X.42b, 23f and the reports in Justin in Dial. 108:2-3 and 17:1 on

Jewish apostles. [10J Note also the report in Epiphanius, Haer.

xxx. 16: 8. [11 J The important feature of the Jewish tP nl?1!1 is that the y were

appointed for a specific task, and only until the completion of that task

did they have their plenary function. They were not missionaries nor

necessarily even teachers, although rabbis seems usually to have been

chosen for religious delegations. Hospitality towards such "Talmid

Hachamim" was enjoined as especially meritorious (bBer. 10b; bSan.

92a). [12J They were not regular officers of the community, yet they must

have been a common feature of life in the diaspora, keeping communities in

touch with one another and with the centre of Jewish religious life in

Palestine. Hence regulations concerning their sustenance and treatment

would have been necessary in the diaspora. Did. 11:3-6 seems to be based on

such rules for the travelling O'nl?l!1, which is the reason why nothing is

said about their function and nature. This would depend on the task

[9J Cf Paul's commission in Acts 9:1ff. [10J Schmithals (Office of Apostle, p 100) rejects the evidence of Justin

because he claims ir-rests on Acts which is unhistorical. Such cavalier dismissal is quite without justification and is based on the unwarranted assumption that everything can be resolved into questions of literary sources. Justin had access to much material outside the NT as well as that inside it.

[11 J "Similar attempts to maintain through envoys the connection between the motherland and the diaspora, between the spiritual authorities and the congregations outside Palestine, seem to date from an earlier period". Rengstorf, "APOSTOLOS", TDNT I, P 417.

[12] See Klein, 1rlteste Katechismus, p 238.

233

assigned them on any particular journey. [13J Usually they would be simply

"passing through" on an embassy further afield (eg to petition the

emperor). The limitation on length of stay and provisions is likewise

plausible in a Jewish context, where strict rules are laid down for the

"poor travelling from place to place"( 01jm; 01jmn ,.,::l1).lil '.'ly;,' .MPeah 8:7;

Tos. Peah 4:8 (Zuckerinandel, p 23, 170; jPeah 21a). These "poor" were not

necessarily only wandering destitutes or beggars, because the same rules

apply to anyone needing support on a journey. Thus it is misleading to

refer to the apostles in Did. as "wandering apostles", [14J since they were

rather "travelling apostles", embarked on a specific embassy for a limited

period and then returning to those who sent them. (Cf 2Cor. 8:23; Phil. 2:25;

Cf 1Cor. 16:3, and Lucian, De mort. Per. 13. Cf Herm., Sim. rx.27:2

(qJl.,AO!;EVOl.,) • .

The bare framework of the Jewish schema at this point can now be

discerned in Did. 11-12, and consists of hospitality rules: [15J

[13J

[14]

[ 15]

" , ou:r:()J ltOl.,nOCtH:

TIa~ dltOaTOAO~ EPXO~EVO~ ltpO~ J~a~

OEX~r(TUl. ,

ou ~EVEt o~ EL ~~ n~~pCtV ~~CtV

Niederwimmer ("Wanderrad ikalismus", p 156) has no justification in the text for saying that the work of the apostle in Did. was eschatological proclamation, call for repentance and exorcism, and that both his work and life-style was eschatologically motivated. Harnack (Die Lehre, p 104) calls them "von Ort. zu Ort wanderten". This understanding is taken up by the new sociological school of interpretation of early Christian history: G. Theissen, Sociology of Early Palestinian Christianity, Philadelphia, 1977; G. Kretschmar, "Ein Beitrag zur Frage nach dem Ursprung frOhchristlicher Askese", ZTK 61, 1964, pp 27-67, esp. pp 36f; Niederwimmer, "Wanderradikalismus", passim. Giet, L'migme, p 221) also sees an underlyj,ng and possibly Jewish source here, though he takes ltEP~ os TWV (hOOTOAWV as the work of the red actor.

234

tdv 6t 0 xpE~a, xat T~V &AAnv

TPEC~ 6t Edv ~ELV~, ~Eu60npo~nTn~ EOTLV

E~EPXO~EVO~ 6~ 0 clnOOTOAO~

~n6~v Aa~Bav~TW EL ~~ apTOV, EW~ OD aUALo~ry

sdv 6t aPYUPLOV a~Try, ~Eu60npO~~Tn~ tOT~

6EX~Thw

EnELTa 6t 60xL~doavTE~ aUTOV YVWOEO~E,

OUVEOLV yap €~ETE 6E~L&V xa~apLOTEp&V.

E~ ~tv nap06LO~ SOTLV 0 €PXO~EVO~, Bon~EtTE aUT0 OOOV 6vvaO~E

ou ~EVEL 6t npo~ u~~~ EL ~~ 6~0

. ~ TPE~~ s&v n avayxn.

, , , ' Epya~Eo~w xaL ~aYETW

, " f .- , xaTa TnV OUVEOLV v~wv npOVonoaTE

nw~ ~h apyo~ ~E~'V~WV ~nOETaL.

This short instruction bears the same structure and tone as the similar

instructions in Did. 6, 7, 9-10, which have already been observed: first the

statement of the general principle, then the particular specifications and

qualifications of the general principle, followed by a statement of the

limit of what is permissible. The introductory formula also matches that

in the other instructions, together with the characteristically negative

form of expression: OU, ~n ,ECLV6{., xa{. It has a very different tone from

the instructions about the prophets, which bear t.he stamp of a burning

issue, while those about the apostles are restrained and undeveloped. [16J

[16J This has led Rordorf and Tuilier, La Doctrine, pp 51f to see thes'e instructions as belonging already to a past age when they were written.

235

Schmithals [17J rejects the Jewish origin of the Christian apostle

because, "A close actual relationship would have to be established, and

this is simply completely lacking". Perhaps . Did. 11:3-6, properly ·

understood, prov ides that missing link between the Jewish 0 "n,?v and the

later Christian concept of an apostle. For the rules in the Did. match

those of the Rabbis for the o"n"v on the one hand, and lack any of the

signs of theological development evident~ in PatH and the Synoptics on the

other. They certainly do not refer to a band limited to twelve disciples of

Jesus, as in the title of H54 [18J but to a larger unspecified group.

Nevertheless they were not necessaril y "wandering missionaries" of no

fixed abode as Niederwimmer [19J suggests. In the Jewish community, they

were sent out from the centre of authority outside the local community, in

the first place from the "Great Sanhedrin" in Jerusalem, and after the

fall of Jerusalem, from the Rabbinic Patriarchate in Gal ilee. It is

unlikely that an early Christian community would have made use of a "late"

Jewish institution. [20]

The Essenes were conspicuous in their practice of hospital ity

according to Josephus B.J. II.124-125. (Cf Philo, Q.1od om. probe lib. sit 85).

It is unlikely that a member of the Q.1mran community would be travelling

except on community business, and the arrangements must have been not

unlike those in Did. and the Rabbinic writings. In the community at Q.1mran

where there was community of goods and a closed community, no instructions

concerning hospital ity would be necessary. However there do seem to be

hospitality rules in the scattered communities represented by CD 6:20f:

.,.:\, ,":11'{1 "JY ''':1 p"Tnil?1 1i11r.l~ 1i1Y' nl'{ V"I'{ :11i11'{? The reference of .,.:\

[17 J Office of Apostle, p 105. [18J This is;1n any case, not the original form of the title. See above on

the title. [19-J "Wanderradikalismus", pp 155f. [20 J Where late is understood as post AD 70 or even post AD 132, as by

Schmithals, Office of Apostle, p 101.

236

cannot be to Gentiles, since members are forbidden to eat with non-members

or to exchange anything with them (13:14; cf 1QS 5:16). It must refer to

members of the sect from other settlements. CD 14: 12-16, in a parallel rule,

omits the word'~ and substitutes the words Y'J~ ,v~ V'~;\ where the verb

yu can refer to .travelling to and fro. [21 J

It is conspicuous that, while

rrpoqJTho.~ are mentioned in this title, they are ignored in the rules which

follow. [22J This has led Streeter [23J to see apostles and prophets as

referring to the same persons, [24J because the word "false prophet" is

used for the fal se apostle. Schille [25 J reconciles the crux by claiming

that "prophet" is the "charisma" but "apostle" is the "function", so that

mission is a permanent possiblity of the prophetic condition. But this

surely oversimplifies the matter. The redactor seems rather to have

confused or identified the prophets who predominated in his own community

with the apostles of the earlier tradition, perhaps because they are

called <jJE1J6orrpoqJTiTn~ if they err. In Mt 23:34 Christ sends out not

"apostles" but "prophets", whereas Lk 11:49, who attributes the same saying

to "Wisdom", refers to both. Thus the community of Mt seems al so to have

confused the two. [26J However, the word <jJE1J6orrpoqJThn~ is familiar from

the LXX (eg Zech. 13:2; Jer. 6:13) and is widely used to refer to someone

[21J See Jastrow, p 888. [22J The heading of the section also fails to cover the ordinary Christian

travellers and the teachers of 12-13, which may suggest that they represent later development of the tex t.

[23] Primitive Church, pp 146-149. [24 J Cf Justin, Dial. 75, where the aT prophets are ~alled ayydo L xo.t'­

o.TIOOToAQ,LThe expression 0.[110. aYLwv xo.t'- rrpocpThwv (Rev. 16:6; 18:24) is rephrasedoL aYLoL xo.G OL aTIOOTOAOL }(o.~ OL rrpocpnTo.~ (18:20).

[25 J "Das Recht", pp 86, 93. [26J Schille does see a development between 11:4-6 and 7-11, in that in the

former anyone who speaks is called a prophet, and thus one can have a "false prophet", whereas in the latter a person can only be called a prophet after testing. This is an over-complicated interpretation of the text, when the difference results from the use of different terminology at different redactorial stages.

237

claiming divine authorisation when he does not have it. [27]

4>Ev6ctTCOOTO AOS;, on the other hand, is only attested in 2Cor. 11: 13; Justin,

Dial. 35:3; H.E. IV.22:5; Ps. Clem., Hom. 16:21, and was probably coined by Paul

himself.» seems likely, then, that }ted np ocpThwv was added to the title of

these instructions at a later stage, perhaps when the Did. was appropriated

by the communities in which the Montanist movement originated.

( na s;

,1 € p'x 0]..1 EVO s;) ~

M an OOT OAO ~ Schille [28] sees here, as in 12: 1, (nas; M 6

the declarative Hebrew legal formula characterised by I!P~ 71J.

}tena TO 60Y]..Ia To D EuaYYEA(oV o{hw nOLnoaTE : The reference to the

Gospel is not found in any of the prev ious titles with the nEp ~ 6 €

instructions, and it seems out of place here. Perhaps an indication of its

secondary nature as a later Christian redaction, is given by the absence

of the conjunction 6 € in the Coptic and Ethiopic at 11:4. [29] The

conjunction became necessary because }taTa TO 60Y]..Ia To D EuaYYE A( oV ha~

usurped the place of the original reference of nOLnoaTE which is nas;

anooToAoS;. The Christian redactor probably had in mind Mt 7: 15-20; 10b; \

12:33-37. [30] [31]

~ 6EX1JnTw ws; }t UPLO S; : Cf 4: 1; 6: 1; 11:2. This is omitted in the Ethiopian

and in the Coptic and may well be a gloss reflecting later theological

understanding of Christian apostleship. The apostle travels in the name of

[27] See Rordorf and Tuilier, La Doctrine, p 52. See for example, Philo, De spec. leg. 4:51; Josephus, Ant. IX.133; VIII.236; 3-18; X.111; B.J. VI.185f; TJud. 21:9; Mt. 7:15; 24:11, 24; Mk 13:22; Lk 6:26r Acts 13:6; 2Pet. 2:1; 1Jn 4:1; Rev. 16:13; 19:20; 20:10; Herm., Mand. XI.1f, 4, 7; Act. Thorn. 79.

[28] "Das Recht", pp 92-98. ---[29] P. Nautin, "Notes critique sur la Didache", VC 13, 1959, pp 118-120,

esp. 118. [30] See Massaux, Influence, p 626; Giet, L'61igme, pp 220f. [31] The Gospel instructions bind the apostles and prophets to poverty and

to urgent movement from place to place to preach the Gospel with eschatological urgency. See G. Theissen, Sociology, p 13. However, there is no trace of such an understanding in Did.

238

the Lord, as his delegate, bearing his full authority and acting on his

behalf. Thus he is to be received as the Lord. [32J In the Jewish schema,

the n'?v held authority from a human authority, such as the Sanhedrin or

the Patriarch, rather than from God d.irectly. However, the Rabbis called

Moses an'?V of God in bBM 86b, also Elijah, Elisha, Ezekiel (Midr. Ps. 78.5;

bTaan. 2a; bSan. 113a). The priest is also such a n'?v of God in sacrificial

rites according to bKid. 23b; bYom. 19a-b; bNed. 35b. [33J The understanding

of apostleship was transformed when the )tUPLOc; was understood as the risen

Lord who had commissioned his disciples in a mission to all the

world. [34 J It seems likely that Jesus himsel f deliberatel y invoked this . 'I

ins~ution of the n'?v in Mk 3:14; Mk 6:7ff par., and especially Mt 10:5ff.

The title anooLoAoc; . is hardly used in the Gospels apart from the context

of mission. [35J To this extent, H. von Campenhausen [36J is right in

tracing the significance of Christian apostles back to the Resurrection.

However, this was a secondary development of an office already important

in pre-Christian Judaism. [37J Receiving an apostle meant recognising the

authori ty of the one who sent him. This is the reason why Diotrephes

refuses to welcome the brethren according to 3Jn 9-10, and also why John

will not allow any to . come to the communities under his authority who do

not" abide in the doctrine of Christ" (2Jn 9-11).

Cd: . e&V J P8D\J~ ·cpeo6oltPElcprhnc; tOLLv This regulation assumes that the

[32J

[33J [34J

[35 J [36J [37 J

Dix, "Ministry", p 230, "They are not officers of the Christian society but the envoys of God". Cf Mk 9:37 where the reference is not to children, but to those whom Jesus send out "like children". See Taylor, Teaching, p 81; W. Schmithals, Office of Apostle, p 104. Strack-Billerbeck III, p 4" gives a late Jewish example of Christian apostles being called 'V' 7V ,n,?v. See Dix, "Ministry", pp 229f. £cclesiastical Authority pp 12-29. Cf the discussion above on Did. 7: 1.

239

apostle will be en route somewhere else for a specific purpose, [38J hence

he needs only a night's hospitality, and provisions for the next day's

journey. He would, presumably, have a letter of introduction to provide for

a longer stay where he was to conduct his business. [39J These rules imply

that a network of groups or communities existed at least a day's journey

apart at which a traveller could expect lodging and sustenance from his

fellow believers. [40 J Travel and communication were greatl y improved

under the Romans, but the need for hospitality remained, especially for the

Jews, who were forbidden by the laws of ritual purity to eat with Gentiles,

let alone lodge with them. It would undoubtedlly have been their concern

to preserve~'~~ that led the Essene communities to practise such strict

hospitality. [41J The Essenes were bound by oath to eat no food but what

was prepared in purity. Josephus reports that Essenes excluded from such

pure food would die before they would eat anything else (B. J. II.143-144).

In such circumstances, hospitality was indispensi:\ble. Thus Did. requires a

minimun of one night's hospitality, based on the assumption that the

traveller would move on again the nex t day. A prov ision is made for a

further day's stay if there is the necessity for it ( €&v 6l ~ XP€L~. This

necessity is undoubtedly the Sabbath in the Jewish schema, when Jews were

forbidden to travel more than a few miles. Thus a traveller who arrived on . Friday afternoon would have to stay till Sunday. The Rabbinic hospitality

[38J There is nothing in the text itself which suggests a repeated visit and stay on the part of the apostles as Niederwimmer ("Wanderradikalismus", p 153) suggests, "Es is'' dabei offenbar nicht an ein einmaliges, sondern an ein wiederhol tes, regelm~ssiges Vorkommens gedacht".

[39J Eg jHag. I.76d, 3-4, and Paul's letters for Timothy and Titus. [40J See Niederwimmer, "Wanderradikalismus", p 153. D. W. Riddle ("Early

Christian Hospitality: A Factor in the Gospel Transmission", JBL 57, 1933, pp 141-154) rightly emphasises the importance of hospitality in the travel arrangements of the Roman world. Cf Audet, La Didache, pp 444f; Strack-Billerbeck IV, p 569. -

[41 J See Josephus, B. J. II.124-5.

240

rules also recognise this (MPeah 8:7). [42J 80th the concern for ritual

purity (9:5) and the need to spend the "Lord's Day of the Lord" in worship

(14: 1) would have required the same rules among the earliest Christian

communities. Thus the Did. prescribes one day as the minimum requirement,

or two . days for the Lord's Day, but a traveller who was reluctant to move

on after that was clearly not engaged on an embassy as an apostle in

transi t. He was thus a cj;€u6o n poqlTiTns;, claiming to be engaged on the Lord's

work when he was not.

lln 6 thi ACtllBcr v€TW d, lln aPT O\! €W S; OD Ct u AL, a ~r:l : As has been seen, MPeah

8:7 provides specific measures for the size of the loaf of bread (1:J:J) to

be given. Tos. Peah 4:8 (Zuckermandel, p 23 11 17f) sets oil and pulse as

the minimum food ration he is to be given if he stays the night ( ;'J '»)).

ask for money to support himself. This is to prevent the abuse of

hospitality (Cf Mt 10:9-10; Mk 6:8; Lk 9:3), but there is no justification

for seeing here an obligation to poverty on the part of the apostle. [43J

That is certainly not required by the tex t, but is read into it by

imaginative commentators. b88 9a instructs that food and drink should be .

given to the poor, although a man must be tested before he is given

anything else.

[42] See further Moore, JUdaism II, pp 176f. [43J As claimed by Niederwimmer, "Wanderradikalismus", pp 153f, 156, "Die

AnkOmmlinge sind selbst ohne festen Wohnsitz, ohne Erwerb, sie sind auf Untersttttzung durch die ortsansassigen Christen angewissen". He also sees them as pledged to sexual asceticism, in their living out of the eschatological existence. Cf Rordorf and Tuilier, La Doctrine,pp 55f .

241

11.3 Didache 11:7-12

transition from hospitality laws for apostles to rules about prophecy is

abrupt. Coptic omits even the }(aL which joins 11:7 with what precedes. The

formula is also quite different here, using the second person plural, from

the impersonal formula of 11:4, lt5.s; M a.ltOOTOAO S; 6EX~Thw • This seems to

mark the beginning of a long interpolation. Prophets appear to have been

the dominant officials at the time of this interpolation ( apX~E p ELS; 13:3),

al though they are set alongside the local community office bearers, the

bishops and deacons, in 15:1-2. It is significant that they are envisaged

as coming from outside the community (13:1). [44] It is possible that this

textual development of the instructions in Did. reflects the emergence of

proto-Montanism in the early Church, as some critics have contended. [45]

The faithfulness of Did. to i1~s Jewish roots, which is everywhere apparent,

makes it unlikely that Did. was composed at such a late date, but it may

well be that it was appropriated and edited by Montanists. In any case, it

must have prov ided powerful support for their claims. Ca omits this

material entirely, either because it was not in his text, or because it was

dangerously close to the Montanist position. The appropriation of Did. by

the Montanists would explain why the text was suppressed or reworked into

larger Church manuals such as Ca. The situation seems to be similar to that

envisaged by Herm., Mand. XI.1, where a (false) prophet occupies the

teacher's seat (}(a~ € 6 pa) in the assembly ( OUlJ<VE ULou }(a~nlJ€\! o us;

a\!~puh:ou s;). Peregrinus, in Lucian's satyre (11) is also described as

prophet also meant being a community leader.

[44] See Niederwimmer, "Wanderradikalismus", pp 156f. [45] Notably Connolly, "Montan i sm" , passim, and Vokes, Riddle, passim.

242

There could have been instruction concerning false prophets in a

Jewish document of the First Century AD. [46] Prophecy was held in later

Rabbinic writing s to have ceased in Israel until the Messianic Age (eg

bYom. 9b; cf bSukk. 27a; bSot. 48a), but a constant stream of men claiming to

have Divine Inspiration seems to have characterised the turmoil of the

growth of the Zealot movements which led to the two Jewish Wars. This led

°to the emphasis on laws concerning such false prophets (eg MSan. 1:5; 11:5-

6; bSan. 67a; 89a).

QL expected the Messiahs of Aaron and Israel to be accompanied by an

eschatological prophet (1QS 9:11, ?1X'lIIP1 ,1'1illX "n"vm 1X":l:J 1X1:l iY ) whose

function would be to give authoritative guidance on interpretation of the

Law. Until he comes the community must live according to the "former

judgments" (O":J1V'lil O""£lVt.) 9:10). In CD 7:18-21, the figure of the

Interpreter Of~ iliYil ?J IX ")!J:Jstand s beside the Prince of the whole

congregation.~is idea of a final authoritative prophet to interpret the

Law . may be seen also in 1Macc. 14:41, where Simon is declared leader and

high priest in perpetuity "until a true prophet should appear". [47] It is

difficult to understand the relationship between the eschatological

prophet and the historical Teacher of Righteousness, through whom God

taught the community the correct interpretation of the Law. Inevitably,

however, further questions would have arisen after the death of the

Teacher ofo Righteousness, on which the community fel t authorised onl y to

make prov isional interim decisions. Josephus (B. J. II.159) sees the

Essenes hav ing soothsayers or prophets among them, although he does not

use the word npoqlTiTns; (cf B.J. I.78; Ant. XIII.311, and Ant. XV.373ff)

Josephus comments that such ability was common among the Essenes.

[46] Cf the subtle divergence from Deut. 13:6, 18:20 in 11QTemp 61:2 and LXX.

[47] However, 1Macc. may have a polemical purpose in this statement, to refer to John Hyrcanus . See R. Meyer, "PROPHETES", TDNT VI, P 815.

243

Josephus, 1 ike Did., sees the prophetic role vouchsafed as genuine by the

virtuous life of the man. Nevertheless, Josephus never uses the word

T[poqniTns; of any of these men, and the activity seems to be the same as that

reflected in the pesherim of QL, namely that of applying the words of the

OT prophets to current events in the experience of the community and

making deductions on the basis of their Scriptural interpretation

concerning future events. However, Josephus had a polemical bias against

the prophets who had accompanied the turmoil of the Jewish War, and never

calls any contemporary figure a prophet. His information concerning the

"prophecy" of the Essenes must be interpreted in this light. It may be that

the Essenes believed that those who interpreted the Scripture among them

were prophets. The word~".:1') is generally applied in QL to the OT prophets

except for 1QS 9:11. [48] On the other hand, QL believed that every man was

under the dominion of either the Prince of Light or the Prince of Darkness,

Belial, and a man could prophesy under Belial's power (CD 12:2f). The

importance of regulation against fal se prophets and fortune-tellers is

seen in the inclusion of Deut. 13:2-6 in 11QTemp 54:8-10, in only a slightly

revised form and spoken by the Lord directly. Nothing, however, is said in

QL about the way to distinguish true from fal se prophecy, but it would

presumably be required to conform to all which had been revealed

concerning the Law by the Teacher of Righteousness. That at least is the

implication ofil.,O .,.:11 in CD 12:2f.

AaAoUVTa Ev T[VE:1.J).laTL : CD 12:2f env isages a man speaking under the

dominion (;Vb) of Belial, the Spirit of Darkness, and the true prophet

would no doubt speak under the dominion of the Spirj.t of Light. All mankind .

is under the dominion of one' or the other. This understanding may well be

what lies behind the expression in Did.. Herm., Mand. XI.3 envisages the

[48] See 1QpHab2:9; 7:5,8; 1QS 1:3; 8:16; 4QpHos b 2:5; 4QFlor 1:15,16; CD 3:21; 4:13; 7:10, 17; 19:7. 1QH 4:16 applies it to false prophets.

244

devil filling the "empty" false prophet with his spirit. The congregation,

on the other hand, prays to God, who responds by filling the true prophet

with his Spirit (XI.9). It is interesting to note the presence in Hermas's

account of the Angel, which links it with the thought world observed ' also

in QL. Cf Rev. 22:6; 1Jn 4:1-3. According to Apolinarius, Montanus gave

"access to himself to the adversary ( OOV T(X na pooov sL<; ECl.UT6v Tq>

aVT L-}!EL-]JEVq> rrvEu]JCl.T oqJ o pn~n vCl.L- ), became obsessed and suddenly fell into

frenzy and convulsions" (H. E. V. 16:1ff).

This is a stringent rule, and

seemingly open to abuse. Ethiopic has rewritten the rule to say the exact

opposite: he "shall be proved and he shall be examined that there be no sin

(in him) ". Moreover, the rule in 11:1 seems contradicted by what follows in

11:8, 11, where the lifestyle of the prophet constitutes a criterion for

judging him. This confirms that the text has been subject to development.

G. Schille [49] sees this as the latest stage of the development, so that

whereas the community originally had the right to test the charismatics,

this was gradually limited and then finally prohibited by the final

redactor. However Schille ' sees 11:8 as also from the pen of the final

redactor, which is surely a contradiction. Niederwimmer [50] is right in

r eversing the trend. This prohibition is the earlier stage, which was

modified under the pressure of abuses of the right of charismatics to

speak without contradiction (Cf 1Jn 4:1; 1Cor. 2:15) Herm., Mand. XI.1

<jJE uO onpoqJTiTnv• So does Apolinarius (H. E. V.16).

. rrCicrCl. y&p a]J Cl. PT~CI. a <pE~ ncr ETCl.L-, CI.\hn M. ri Ct. ]JCl.PT~CI. OU }! a<p E ~ncr E:T Cl. L- : This

seems to draw on the saying of Jesus found also in Mt 12:31, although there

[49J "Das Recht", p 81. [50J "Wanderradikalismus", pp 148f. Cf Giet, L'migme, pp 222f.

245

the context is more general, that of calling the work of Jesus in the power

of the Spirit the work of a 1l:VEVjlCL Q.xCLBapTOV (Mk 3:30). KOster [51] sees

Did. as a less evolved form of the saying and thus more ancient than the

Gospel versions. However, the saying in Mk 3:30 does seem to retain the

context of the conflict between the Two Spir~ ts from which the saying

seems to have originated.

T01!JS; TP01l:0US; XUPLOU : The rule is the same in Mt 7:15-21; Herm., Mand.

VI.2:4; XI.7f; Euseb., H. E. V.18:9f. Mt has xap1l:0S; for TP01l:0S; in Did., but the

meaning is the same. The lifestyle of the true prophet must reflect that of

the Lord, perhaps especially in his poverty and ascetic lifestyle (Cf

prophet lives in luxury according to XI.12, cf Peregrinus 13). Did.

provides a further three tests by which a false prophet may be recognised.

No-one may prophesy anything for his own benefit, eg a table for the poor

from which he himself wishes to eat, or money for himself. No true prophet

teaches people to do what he does not do himself. No prophet who enacts a

prophetic parable shall teach others to do the same (jln oLoaoxwv 6t

). These three tests

contradict the absolute prohibition of testing a prophet in 11:7. Perhaps

this reflects the gradual development of the tradition, as abuses needed

to be corrected. It is significant that Ca omits most of the whole section,

since by the time it was written, prophets no longer were a feature of

Church life and were, moreover, tainted by association with Montanism.

<j;Euoo1l:poqnhns; E:OTL: Cf MSan 11:5: "The prophet that transgresses his own

words, his death is at the hands of heaven, for it is written, I will

[51 ] Synoptische Usberlieferung, pp 215f; Cf Rordorf and TUilier, La Doctrine, 53 n3.

246

require it of him". [52]

interpreted. Harnack sees it as referring to celibacy or spiritual co-

habitation between an ascetic and a virgin [53] This interpretation

deri ves the tex t from Syzygy speculation in which the earthly marriage

( jJuaTllPL,ov }(oajJL,}(ov) is a picture and consequence of the heavenly syzygy

between Christ and the Church. [54] Hence the "spiritual marriage" between

prophet and prophetess enacts the worldly equivalent of the heavenly

mystery. The "spiritual marriage" caused offence to the local

congregation, and the redactor is concerned to justify it within limits

(that others are not encouraged to do the same!). This was certainl y

somewhat alien to a Jewish environment. [55] The Q.lmran community seems to

have excluded women, although this is not certain. Josephus, B. J. 120 and

Pliny, Nat. Hist. V.17, describe the community as being celibate. Josephus,

B. J. II.121 concedes that they do not reject marriage in principle (Et:

aU TO\) but, he claims" to protect themselves from the wantonness I IS

(aa€AY€L,a ) of women. ~means is that they wished to preserve themselves

from the ritual defilement occasioned by contact with women. Josephus also

describes a "second order" or Essenes who do marry and have children in B.

J. II.160. In other words, it is likely that marriage was eschewed by the

desert community at Q.lmran not per se, but for a particular reason, that

they were keeping Levitical purity. However, female skeletons have been

[52] Cf Did. 11:11. See G. Klein, ~lteste Katechismus, p 231. [53] Die Lehre, p 121 f. So too Knopf, Die Lehre, pp 32f; G. Bornkamm, TDNT IV, :

pp 29ff; 831; von Campenhausen, EcClesiastical Authority, p 73 note 119; A. Adam, "Erw~gungen", p 20; Kretschmar, "Askese", p 34 note 18; Niederwimmer, "Wanderradikalismus", pp 154f; 157f.

[54] Cf Eph. 5: 32. [55] See Taylor, Teaching, p 86-88. Tos. Yeb. 8:7 (Zuckermandel, p 250 In 8)

shows, however, that Ben Azzai (T2), at least, had "made himself a eunuch" for the sake of the Torah!

247

discovered in the cemetry at Q.lmran [56 J though these may have been

brought to the hoI y site for burial. It is likel y that cel ibac y at Q.lmran

was related to their understanding of the community as a spiritual Temple

and their attempt to keep Levitical purity (eg CD 12:1f; 1QM 7:3-5;

11QTemp). CD 7:6-9 envisages normal married life, as do .the rules for

purification in 4Q 514 1.i.1-11. This need not have been ·a permanent state

of affairs, but applied only to those members resident at the "New Temple"

at Qumran. Other critics have taken this Did. passage as referring to a

prophetic gesture or symbolism which might have appeared scandalous. [57J

A. Broek-Utne [58] sees it as referring to the act of fortell ing the

future, which could lead the prophet to take action unacceptable in others,

eg a sudden journey (Acts 11:27f; 21: 10f), an unusual. demand for money (Acts

11:28f; Did. 11:12). The "mystery" is that the prophet sees by the Spirit

into the will of God concerning future events. Clement Alex., Strom. VI.15 II

sees the true Gnostic as being able to interpret the "holy mysteries of

the prophecies by divine revelation, just as Christ, who was not "of the

world (OU){ WV }{ool-lL}{6~)" became "of the world (W~ }{ool-lL}{6~)" to men in

order to lead them by knowledge from this world into the other world (6L&

ap,,(upLCt: The prophets are forbidden to ask for money, but receive the

"firstfruit~" as the high priests of the community (13:3). Josephus, Ant.

VI.48 seems to reflect this teaching, in his extra-canonical detail that

Samuel would not receive payment. Herm., Mand. XI.12 also sees the

acceptance or asking of money for prophecy as a mark of the fal se prophet.

Note the accusation of Apolinarius that the Montanists were venal and

[56 J R. de Vaux, Archaeology, p 47. [57J See Taylor, Teaching, pp 82-91. [58J "Eine schwierige Stelle in einer alten Gemeindeordnung (Did. 11,11)",

ZKG 54, 1935, pp 576-581.

248

corrupt (H. E. V.18:5-11) and he cites Jesus's instructions to the apostles

in Mt -10:9f- to justify the requirement of poverty for prophets. This may

ind icate that apostles and prophets came to be confused in the second

Century Church. They gain, according to Apolinarius, not only from the rich

but al so from the poor. This would ind eed be the case, if the y were

receiving the firstfruits of community members. Similar accusations

against the Christian prophets are made by Lucian, De mort. Per. 12f.

11.4 Summary

Did. 11: 1-2 seems to belong to the material which precedes it,

setting the seal of authority on what has been taught and anathematising o

any tampering with it. It ejt. hoes the language of the Two Ways in 1-6, 16: 1,

and seems to derive from that tradition.

Did. 11:3-6 comes from a pre-Christian Jewish schema of teaching

concerning hospitality to emissaries (n~n1'~). The apostles are not given

any theological definition, nor are they limited in number, but are

env isaged as men in transit with a specific mission to fulfil. This is the

reason for the limit of their stay to one night or to two nights if their

arrival co-incided with the beginning of the Sabbath or the Lord's Day (in

Jewish or Christian communities respectively). The hospitality rules find

parallels in Rabbinic writings, but more particularly in the hospi,tality

provisions of the Essenes and the community of CD, .where frequent contact

between different communities is envisaged. QL gives no evidence for such

provisions in the closed priestly community of 1QS. The title of 11:3-6

originally did not contain the reference to prophets or to the "Gospel",

which was added at the same time as 11:7-12. The refusal to allow apostles

249

to receive money does not imply that they were ascetics. It was intended to

prevent abuse and would apply only for the duration of the commission.

Did. 11:7-12 reveals an abrupt transition from material which

appears archaic alread y by the time of the final redaction of Did. to

te~ching which shows signs of being a contemporary issue. It may well

represent the beginnings of the Montanism, which was essentially a

conservative movement, but exalted the role of the prophet to that of

community leader beyond question, as in 11:7. Ca omits the entire section,

either because it was absent from his version or because its association

with Montanism rendered it suspect. The teaching ' on prophets probably led

to the suppression of Did. except in a rewritten form, as in Ca. The idea of

a man speaking under the dominion of good or evil spirits or angels is

attested in QL, and is particularly linked to the dualistic ideas of the

Two Spirits and Two Ways. It seems that prophecy was practiced at Qumran in

association with the interpretation of Scripture, and the community

expected the arrival of a final eschatological prophet who would settle

all points of controversy concerning the interpretation of the Torah.

The only test permitted for a prophet was the examination of his

life-style, to see whether it matched that of the Lord Jesus. This may have

included the expectation that he would practice voluntary poverty and

perhaps also voluntary celibacy. It is not unlikely that this is what is

implied by the "mystery of the Church in the world", although the primary

reference of this term is to the discernment of the will of God concerning

future events which was acted out in prophetic gesture or which resulted

in a demand for community action of some kind.

250

12. Chapter Twelve

12, 1. niie; of: 6 ipXofLe:vOe; iv OVOfLaTL XUPLoU Oe:Xe~TW' bte:LTa of: ooxLfLcXcrO:VTe:e; aUTov yvwcre:cr(Je:, crVVe:crLv ya.p e:~e:Te: Oe:~La.V XO:L apLcr7e:pcXV. 2. Et f.LEv itapOOLOe; E:crnv 6 epxofLe:vOe;, ~0"Y)ee:i:7e: aUTt;">, acrov cuvacr6e: ' ou fLe:Ve:i: OE: itpOe;

5 UfLiie; d fL~ CUO ~ Tpe:~e; ~fLepo:e;, Mv n avcXyx"Y). 3. Et OE: 6eAe:L 7tpOe; UfLiie; xIX6~cr6IXL, Te:XVLT"Y)e; wv, E:pylX~Ecr6w xd CjllXyETW. 4. Et OE: oux EXe:L TEXV"Y)V, XIXTa. TI)v cruve:mv UfLWV itpOVO~­craTe:, itWe; fL~ apyoe; fLe:e' ufLwV ~~cre:TIXL xpLcrTLIXVOe;. 5. Et 8' ou 6eAe:L OllTW itOLe:~V, XPLcrTEfL7tOpOe; E:crTL' itpocrexe:Te: aita

- I 10 TWV TOtQUTWV.

12, 1 JtPO.; ufl.a.; post e:PX6fl.E:vo,; add. ceCa /I 2 I:Jte~TCI - yvwcrEcrfk om. Ca II ~JtE~TCI He: Ufl.E~<:; c II 3 ya.p om. c II g~ETe Bryennios : ~~ETCI~ H €XETE ceCa II 3-10 E! - To~o\hcuv om. Ca II 3 fl.l:v He: 81: c II 5 XCI! ante Ea.V add. e II 6 XCI! qlCIy€TCU om. e II 7 XCI! oux £pyci1:ETCI~ post ttxvl)vadd. ell 8 Xp~crT~CIV6<:; om. e.

251

The instructions in this chapter concern hospital ity toward s co-

religionists more generally. It clearly belongs with 11:3-6, which deal t

with the, more particular question of official representatives on specific

errands. [1] The section on the behaviour and testing of prophets

interrupts this clear sequence and blurs it, revealing itself as a later

redaction. Knopf [2] is wrong in seeing Chapter 12 as an insertion--it is

rather 11:7-12 which is the insertion. The language and simplicity of the

instructions in , 12 both indicate that it forms part of the original Jewish

catechetical schema, and has been only slightly modified for use in the

earl y Christian communi ties. Most of the parallel s to the Jewish practice

of hospitality have already been discussed above on 11:3-6, and only a few

questions need be considered here.

12.1 Didache 12: 1

atm!)\) yvwow{Jt:: The importance of hospital ity is seen here. The new arrival

is first to be welcomed and shown hospitality, and then (ETCE:LTa 6€ )

tested. [3] The expression 6v6~aTL ){UP~OU does not mean that the new

arrival is a teacher, but that he is a co-religionist. The formula in Mk

11:9 sounds remarkably close, but has a very different origin in Messianic

consciousness. Such connotations are absent from this instruction. It may

[1] Cf Giet, L'81igme, pp 224-6. [2] Die Lehre, p 33. See also Schille ("Das Recht", pp 97f) who sees this

as the work of the redactor, al though not the latest level of Did., since in 12: 1 the community member still has the right to decide. Niederwimmer ("Wanderradikalismus", pp 151f, 160) also sees this as a later development, in which the wandering charismatics are joined by "ordinary" wandering brothers who have no charisma.

[3] See Niederwimmer, "Wanderradikalismus", p 160.

252

be an oblique reference to the form of greeting exchanged between

Christians, such as "The Lord be wi th you!"

OdV EOLV y &p ~~ET E S E ~L &V Ha ~ & P LO T ~pdv : Coptic, Ethiopic and Ca have

EXET E, and this reading would thus seem to be correct, although the sense

is not affected. The expression OdVEOL V is

difficult, but receives illumination from its usage in QL. 1QS 1:15 where

the expression ?H~1:)V1 1"1:)" n:>?? 1nm~ '110? 1'<1?1 vJlt.~refers to deviation

from the Torah as it is interpreted by the community. The expression is

derived from Deut. 17:20, ?HmV1 '''1:)'' n1~1:)-'1:) '110 "n?:l? (Cf Deut. 28:14).

The same phrase is used in 1QS 3:9-12 ( ?HmV1 '''1:)'' '110? ~1?), where it is

followed immed iately by the Two Ways teaching of 3: 13-4:26. Thus the

expression is taken up into the characteristic Two Ways terminology of

1QS, along with the other Covenant terminology of blessings and curses

from Deuteronomy. In the Talmud, bShabb. 63a talks of the right and left

hand of the Torah, which is a related development. See also Ps. Clem., Hom.

VII.2:3; XX.3.

The implication for Did. 12: 1 is twofold: firstl y, the reference is

to the community's interpretation of the Law, in accordance with the norms

set out in the work as a whole; secondly, it may well reflect the origin of

the instruction in the Jewish catechetical instruction represented

especially in the Two Ways.

An interesting new parallel to this expression comes in the Gospel

of Philip (NgH II.3) 67:19-27, which discusses the uselessness of taking

the Name by baptism unless it is accompanied by a genuine Christian life.

"If one does not acquire the Name for himself, the Name ("Christian") will

also be taken from him. But one receives them in the aromatic unction of

253

the power of the cross. This power [4] the apostles called "the right and

the left". For this person is no longer a Christian but a Christ". The

reference to "apostles" may well indicate a direct acquaintance with the

Did~ especially in view of the reference in 12:4-5 to "living in idlesness

as a Christian", and to "making a traffic of Christ". The Coptic and

Ethiopic versions as well as POx 1782 show that Did. was current in Egypt

by the third or fourth century.

12.2 Didache 12:2

interesting that the rules for an ordinary traveller are less stringent

than those for an apostle: he is allowed two days and not just one like the

apostle. However, this may be in the nature of the two cases. An apostle was

en route somewhere, and his business required him to be exped ite. An

ordinary traveller might have no such urgency about his business, nor does

he have any official status. He is not called a tV Eu6"OnpoqniTns: if he . .

transgresses the rules; on the contrary, the possibility of his settling in

the community is discussed without prejudice.

[4] Cf Ps. Clem., Hom. II.3.

254

12.3 Did ache 12: 3-5

CjJa.yETW: [5] This acceptance of such freedom of movement is striking. It

seems to indicate close-knit communi ties with a fair amount of contact.

The only requirement is that no-one should be a burden or a parasite on

the community. The importance of having a trade (T€XVLT%) in Rabbinic

teaching is well at tes ted. [6] In 2Thess. 3: 10-12 Paul sho ws a sim il ar

concern that Christians should not live in idleness (CLTa}{T ws; ), and he

links the right to eat . with the duty to wor 5 in word s reminiscent of the

Did. Paul himself worked at the trade of tent-making to support himself at

times (Acts 18:3). This gave Paul, like Aquila and Priscilla, great freedom

of movement, since he could always claim he had not "been a burden" on

anyone (1Thes. 2:9, cf 1Cor. 4: 12).

XPL,ona,vos; : This fits awkwardly in its context, and may be a gloss.

TOL,OUTWV: This represents a Christian redaction woven into the Jewish

hospitality code. The striking word XPL,OTEjJ1(OPOS; is first used here. [7]

It seems likely that some Christians refused to work because they thought

the End was imminent. An interesting echo of this text comes in the Gospel

of Philip (NgH II.3) 64:23-32, which contains other traces of the influence

of Did., "If one goes down into the water and comes up without having

[5] Harnack (Die Lehre, p 49) emends }{a,~no~a,L, to }{a,~LOa,L., but this is not necessary, since LXX uses }{a,~no .(Ja,L, in this way also. See Niederwimmer, "Wanderrad ikal ismus", p 160 note 40.

[6] Eg MAboth 2:2 (,1Y nn~v~ O~~JV ny~A~v V'~ 1" oy ~'1n '1~;n ~~~); bKid . 30b; Midrash Qoheleth 9:9.1, and the material collected by Klein, ltl teste Katechismus, p 234.

[7] Cf Sa. 10:4b; 2Clem. 10:4; IgTrall. 6:2; IgMag. 9:2; Ps. Clem., Virgo I.10:4; 11:4; 13:5. See Adam, "Erwagungen", pp 15f. W. Telfer ("Apostolic Synod", pp 265f) sees this as a term coined especially in Syria.

255

received anything and says, "I am a Christian", he has borrowed the name at

interest, payment is demanded".

apy6~ : Note that, according to Josephus, B. J. II.143, the Essenes all

had their daily work to do. This is confirmed by the archaeological

evidence at Qumran and Ain Feshkah, where activities such as agriculture,

pottery, manuscript copying, are seen. CD 14: 12f envisages members earning

money, since they are to set apart the earnings of two days a month for

alms.

12.4 Summary

The instructions of Did. 12 belong with the hospitality rules for

apostles in 11:3-6, and concern hospitality towards co-religionists who

are not on official business. The insertion of 11:7-12 at a later o

redact¥hal stage has obscured the unity of the underlying schema, which

derives from Jewish proselyte catechism. The expression OUVE:OLV OE:E,;L&V ){at

ap Lonpav is based on Deut. 17:20 (cf 28: 14), but has become a feature of

the Two Ways teaching in 1QS, where it where it is used in warnings against

deviation from the special interpretation of the Torah given by the

community. The parallel suggests that Did. 12 belongs to the original

catechetical schema.

The rules for these new arrivals in the community are less stringent

than those for apostles, but they are required · to support themselves

wherever possible. Idleness is attacked also by Paul, and similar

attitudes are seen among the Rabbis and the Essenes.

256

13. Chapter Thirteen

13, 1. n (i.e; OE: 7tpoqJ~TY)e; (~);1)8~voe;, 8O:AWV x~e~crecu 7;?<-:; ufliie;, a~~oe; icrn TIje; 't"pocp~e; CXIJ't"OU. 2. 'OcrCXU'7w:; 8~McrxciAoe; &A7Je~VOe; ecr'nv a~LOe; ML cxu't"oe; WcrTCEF b Epyc1.TY)e; TIje; 't"poqJ~e; cxu't"ou. 3. niicr~v ouv &.7t~PZ~V

5 YEV7Jflc1.'t"WV )'1)VOU xo:L &AWVOe;, ~OWV 1'E x~t 7tpO~c1.1'WV AO:?WV 8wcrE~e; TI]V &.7t(XPX~V 1'O~e; 7tpOqJ~'t"~~e;' ~U1'ot yc1.p dcrLV vL &.PX~EpE~e; uflwv. 4. 'Eocv OE: fl~ EX"'J1'E 7tpoqJ~TY)v, 001'E '7v~:; 7t't"wxo~e;. 5. 'Eocv crL1'L~V 7tO~?ie;, TI]v &.7t~PX~V A~~WV ooe; Y..:t'7a: TI]v EV1'OA~V. 6. 'QcrO:U1'We; XEPc1.fl~OV otvou ~ EAO:LOU &.vol~:t:;,

10 TI]v &.7to:PX~v Ao:(3WV ooe; 1'OLe; 7tpocp~1'o:~e;' 7. &'PYUPlou 8E: xo:l. LflO:1'~crflou xo:l. 7tO:V1'Oe; X1'~flCX1'Oe; AO:~WV TI]v &7tCXPX~V w:; a.v cro~ 06~n, 00-; xO:1'OC TI]v EV1'OA~V.

13, 1 i)t om. Ca II 4 ouv om. Ca II 5 ye:vl)fLa:rwv H : ye:vVl}fLci~wv Ca II xcd' om. Ca II Acdlov om. e II 6 TIjv <il'tctPX~v om. Ca II1tpocp~'rctt.:; H e : [e:pe:umv Ca II 9 E:Aa:(OU H : €Aa:(OU xa:l fLEAL'rO~ e €Aa:(OU 7) fLE).~':'OC; ~ axpoi)puwv Ca II 10 l'tpOCP'~'ra:LC; H : l't'rw;(oiC; e [e:pe:UcrLV Ca Ilapyu~lou H Ca : xpucrou e II 12 'rou xup(ou post €V'rOA~V add. e.

257

The nucleus of this chapter consists of instructions concerning the

giving of first-fruits. This . would be indispens ',ble in a manual for

proselytes, since food was not considered ritually pure unless it had been

properly tithed. [1] If proselytes were to join in the full life of the

synagogue, this provision would have to be observed, along with the saying

of a berakah at every meal. Thus the bulk of 13:3-7 probably belongs to the

Jewish schema. Audet [2] noti.ces the textual dislocation, but interprets

the evidence the wrong way round, since he has decided in advance that all

the "passages-tu" are later interpolations. The reverse is usually true,

and it is the "passages-vous" which represent the later Christian

redaction. [3] This schema has been transformed by the introduction of the

prophet as the high priest of the community. The clash between the second

person plural for the instructions about prophets with the use of the

second person singular for the instructions concerning the firstfruits

confirms that this material is interpolated. [4] A prior text which only

concerned firstfruits has been interspersed with teaching concerning the

prophets. This modification makes it difficult to see what the arrangement

was in the Jewish communities represented by the original tradition. It is

not unlikely that the instruction was related to the instructions

concerning apostles and travellers in 11-12. One of the most important

tasks of the o'n1jv was the collection of money: the Temple tax and money

to support the poor rabbis of Palestine were both collected in this

way. [5J The support of travellers and vagrants was also an important part

[1 J Did. uses the expression "first-fruits" rather- than "tithes", but the distinction between these two things became blurred in Hellenistic Judaism. See below on 13:3-7.

[2J La Didache,pp 105ff. [3J Niederwimmer ("Wanderradikalismus", p 152f) also sees this as a later

stage of the redaction. J. M. Court ("The Didache and St. Matthew's Gospel", SJT 34, pp 109-120, esp. pp 113f) however, contends against the validity of Audet's argument.

[4J See above on 7:1. [5 J Cf Moore, Jud aism I, pp 1 08f •

258

of the financial arrangement of the community, and might be financed out

of the "firstfruits" (cf 13:4). The mention of first-fruits also leads

natural 1 y on to the public worship of the community, at which they would be

offered and collected (14:1). [6] This interpretation gives a logical

coherence to the structure of the Did., which is marred by the

interpolation of instructions concerning the prophets and their support.

13.1 Did ache 13: 1-2

Tpocpn~ a{)'ro~ The reservation shown by a.An~L'J6~ shows rather more concern

than 11:7, and implies that the prophet has already been tested (11:8). The

mention of travellers who wish to settle (12:3f) has prompted the

insertion of 13: 1-2. A saying of Jesus, or a mashal taken into the Jesus

tradition, is used to justify the right of the prophet (and teacher, 13:2)

to the support of the community (CfMt 10:10 (=Lk 10:7); 1Cor.9:13-14; 1Tim.

5:17f). [7] This is the real problem addressed by 13: not whether prophets

should be allowed to settle, since their right is taken for granted, but

how they are to be supported and whether they should have to work

(EpyaL;Eo~w ){a~ cpaYETw ). The e ffect of the instruction in Did. is to

preserve the special status of the prophet when he does join a community

by providing him with the firstfruits (cf Gosp. Thorn. 88). [8] The

possibil ity for abuse of this system can be seen in I.J.Jcian's satyre on

[6] Cf F. M. Young, The Use of Sacrificial Ideas in Greek Christian Writers from the New Testament to John Chrysostom, Philadelphia, 1979, pp 100f .-- -- -- - --

[7] The form of the saying is not close enough in Did. to justify an assertion of literary dependence on Mt. Cf KOster, Synoptische Oberlieferung, pp 212f. ·

[8] Cf Niederwimmer, "Wanderradikalismus", pp 162f.

259

Peregrinus who is described as a npoqnhns; (De mort. Per. 11-16. Cf Herm.,

Mand. XI.12). [9]

W0C1.UTWS; OLOct0}{Cl.AOS; aAn.\1vvos;: This appears to constitute a further

redaction of the Christian text. [10] In Did. 11, only apostles and

prophets were mentioned, but here the teacher makes an appearance

alongside the prophet. In 15, the prophets and teachers appear as the

normati ve authorities in the Church, while the apostle is not even

mentioned. Apostles were a thing of the past at the time of this

interpolation. Nothing is said concerning the role of the teacher in Did.

Paul ranks together apostles, prophets and teachers in 1Cor. 12:28, and

Harnack sees in this trio the earliest hierarchy of Church

ministry, [11] but in Did. apostles, prophets and teachers are nowhere

described together as a single hierarchy. [12J Apostles are in the

background, while the true interest of the Did. in its present form lies in

the prophets. [13] Perhaps the teacher differs from the prophet in that he , ,

does not speak EV n~EU~Cl.T~ but simply relays the tradition and teaching

of the community. The figure implicitly assumed by Did. 1-11:2 is just such

a teacher, who continues to instruct the community and especially the

catechumens in the "teaching of the apostles". It is nowhere stated that

such teachers were "wandering charismatics", [14] and they could scarcely

perform their teaching function adequately if they were bound by the

[9] Telfer ("Apostolic Synod", pp 268-271) sees the impulse of Did. as the reforming crusade of ascetic "prophets" from the Antiochene community attempting to upgrade the country congregations which had "peasant priests" (bishops and deacons). This is unlikely.

[10] See Giet, L'61igme, p 227; Rordorf and Tuilier, La Doctrine, pp 54f, 190. [11] Die Lehre, pp 93-158. Cf 1Cor. 12:28; Rom. 12:6f.-[12] See Dix, "Ministry", pp 240ff. [13J Streeter (Primitive Church, p 147) calls the instructions on apostles

"intentional archaism", but they were rather a relic from an earlier era. Cf Niederwimmer, "Wanderradikalismus", p 161; Connolly, "Agape", p 478. W. Bousset, Kyrios Christos, Nashville/New York, 1970, p 365.

[ 14] See Knopf, Die Lehre, p 34.

260

hospitality rules of Did •. 12:1-2. Rather 13:2 was inserted to ensure that

the teachers resident in the community were accorded the same right to

support as the prophets who might suddenly arrive from outside. [15J H. ~

Stempel [16 J wrongly read s. together all the information on what he

describes as the "word-field" of teaching and teacher and what is taught.

This produces a distorted picture of the role of the teacher in Did., which

he equates with the role of the prophet.

QL refers to the community teacher as the,.,::JI!Jr.J • This term is used in

the same way as in the Psalms in 4Q 510 1:4, and perhaps this background

led to the use of the name in the titles of community works (1QM 1:1; 1QS

1: 1 (perhaps)). However, in 1QS 3: 13 the Maskil has a practical teaching

role in the community: "111'< ".1:1 ,1::1 nl'< 1r.J'" 1":1;" '''::JI!Jr.J'. In 9:12-26 his

duties are set out at length, and again it is the teaching role which

predominates, together with the catechetical role of testing and

discerning man from man. Here, as in 3: 13, the Maskil is called to teach in

particular the "Way" of "walking perfectly". The work of the Maskil is

primaril y catechetical, but he is al so to "confirm the elect of time",

those who are already members. The picture given by CD 9:1-12:20 is much

the same. It is not clear whether the Maskil and the Mebaqqer are the same

person, but the context of CD 12:20-22 make this likely, particularly since

the major task of the Mebaqqer is the admission of catechumens. In 1QSb

1:1, 3:22, 5:20, the Maskil is given a liturgical role in blessing the

congregation, including the High Priest, priests and the prince of the

congregation. This requires that he be a priest. The Maskil plays a much

[15 J See the account of the development of the office of teacher in replacing prophet in von Campenhausen, Ecclesiastical Authority, pp 178-212. Dix ("Ministry", pp 238ff) argues against the existence of offices of prophets and teachers, because these merely represent functions. This account does not do justice to the status of the prophets in the Did.

[16] "Der Lehre in der 'Lehre der zw~lf Apostel"', VC 34, 1980, pp 209-217.

261

more central role in the life of the communi ties of QL than the brief

references in Did. suggest for the teacher in the early Church. Yet the

high honour due to the teacher remains embedded in the Two Ways tradition

of Did. 4:1; 6:1; 11:1-2.

13.2 Didache 13:3-7

The multiple redaction of this passage is apparent in the striking

oscillation between the singular and plural of the second person. The

basic framework is in the singular, which jars with 13:1-2. Most startling

of all is the transition between the singular and plural in 13:3: 6wO E:L.!;

• TOL:!; rrpoqJTl-raL!; ••• a6To~ yap d,oL.v o~ apXL.E:pE:'C!; ujJwv • The second

half of the verse shows itself to be an insertion, as, does 13:4, but the

text returns to the singular in 13:5-7. If these interpolations are

removed, there remains a simple instruction to give firstfruits of

everything:

rraoav oov arrapx~v YE:VvnjJaTwv AnvoD ~a~ aAWVO!;

Bowv -(t, ~a~ rrpoBchwv

AaBwv 6wOE:L.!; T~V arrapx~v

€av o~TLav rroL.~!;, T~V arrapx~v AclB~v 6o!; ~aT& TnV €VTOAnV

, / . apyupLOU 6t ~a~ LjJaTL.ojJoD ~a~ naVTO!; ~TnjJaTO!;

A~Siliv T~V &napx~v, W!; av OOL. 66~Q

6o!; ~aT& T~V €VTOAnV

The characteristic . style of the Jewish catechetical schema is apparent

again: the statement of the fundamental (Biblical) principle, followed by

262

more detailed casuistical specifications, followed by the limits of the

rule. In this instance, the instruction is in a posi ti ve rather than a

negative form. Schille [17J interprets this in a complex way and sees 13:5-

7 as the oldest stratum, where the wandering charismatics are given upkeep

by the household in which they are giving catecHt7.is, for the limited one

to two day stay, while 13:3f represents a different and later stratum with

a far-reaching change. The prophets have now settled in a community and

need to be supported by the whole community and not just the household.

This interpretation misses the thought progression of the original schema,

which moved from the basic Scriptural provision (Num. 18:12; Deut. 18:3f;

26:1ff) to its interpretation and expansion.

The firstfruits (n"vl'{') were the legal

entitlement of the priests (Num. 18:12; Deut. 18:3f; 26:1ff). Indeed anyone

knowingly eating them is punishable by death, and even those who eat in

error must pay a fifth extra in restitution according to MBikk. 2:1. It was

also expected that proselytes would bring firstfruits to the Temple,

although they are not allowed to make the Biblical avowal (MBikk. 1:4). The

word anapxri is used for a variety of words in LXX, including r."VI'{', ,v)m

andill'J"n • Thus it came to be rather less specific thann"VI'{' , though it

still signified the "special offering" due to the priests. [18J According

to Gerim 1: 3, tithes (,v)1l'J) are one of the thing s on which proselytes must

be instructed before prosel yte baptism. It was required al so for the

purity of the food eaten by the proselytes to enable them to share table-

fellowship with Jews, and it would be a necessary component of Jewish

proselyte catechism. [19J The firstfruits would ; no doubt, have been

offered at the Sabbath service, and later by the Christians at the Sunday

[17J "Das Recht", pp 99-101. [18J See G. Delling, "APARCHE", TDNT I, pp 484-6. [19J See above, p258. Cf Klein, ltl teste Katechismus, pp 234f.

263

service. [20 J It is now impossible to know how the Jewish communities

reflected by the schema of the Did. disposed of these firstfruits. It could

not have been originally to the prophets. [21 J Most likely they, or the

proceeds from their sale, were taken to Jerusalem by the O"n1JI!J. They may

indeed have been used also for the sustenance of the poor and the

travellers, as suggested by 13:~ although this is a gloss on the present

text. Ca has 6wcrst..~ TOl:~ L.Spsucrt..v (Cf Syn. Doctr. 6), but this is likely to

be the result of a distaste for Tol:~ npo~n;~t..~after the Montanist heresy.

QL was a priestly community, governed under the authority of the

Zadokite priesthood (1QS 5:2f; cf 5:9). This is repeated even in the

smallest community in the scattered "Camps" where the minimum is ten men

(1QS 6:4). When the community has its meal 's, it is the priest who is to say

the blessing, significantly over the "firstfruits (n"l!J1<i)" of the bread

and wine (1QS 6:5f; 1QSa 2:20; Cf CD 13:2f). These firstfruits were the legal

property of the priests, and the admission of lay people to a meal of

"firstfrui ts" shows that the entire community was keeping priestly purity

and living out the "priesthood of all believers" according to the OT ideal

of Ex. 19:6. [22J This is paralleled in the offertory at the Christian

eucharist, where the offering is called "primitiae" byIrenaeus, Adv. haer.

IV. 17:5.

This understanding of the

prophets as high priests is not entirely without example in Jewish

[20 J See below on 14: 1. [21] 1Clem. 40:4-5 combines the mention of anapxn (42:4) with a

discussion of the role of High Priests, prophets, Levites and laymen, who are interpreted in the Christian community as apostles, bishops, deacons and laymen. These offerings must be inspected at the altar by the High Priest (41:2) and so must be also in the Christian Church. In Did., the prophets are the High Priests, and it would then be to the prophets that the firstfruits are brought.

[22J See Seidensticker, Gemeinschaftsformen, pp 100-105; 158-161.

264

literature, where the High Priest had the task of determining matters by

the Urim and Thummim. This task led to an attribution of prophecy to the

High Priest. [23] QL reflect this identification in the designation of the

high priestly founder of the community as Pi~~ ~"n and nYi v'?n • He was

considered to be the mediator of divine knowledge and correct

interpretation of the Torah. [24] In Philo, Qlis rer. dive hier., 185, the

High Priest is called 0 ~EPO:; il.oyo:;(cf De. migr. Abr. 102; De fug. 108) and

in Ps. Philo, LAB 28:3, Phineas the Priest is allowed to speak a prophe.cy

even before the prophets. In the NT, In 11:51 is particularly important as

a testimony that the High Priest was considered a prophet. [25] 1Clem. 40-

43 sees the apostles as high priests, bishops as priests and dearions as

levites •. [26] It is interesting that Clement actually uses the word

in this context. The apostles "preached from district to district, and from

city to city, and they appointed their first converts (}{a~LaTavov Ta:;

anapxa:; aUTwv) testing them by the Spirit, to be bishops and deacons of the

future believers" (1Clem. 42:4). It is possible to interpret this passage

quite differently, so that it means that the apostles appointed the

firstfruits which were due to them by right, to be given to the bishops and

deacons whom they tested by the spirit. This fits the context of the letter

well. Another example comes in Od. Sol. 20: 1f: "I am a priest of the Lord,

and Him I serve as a priest, and to Him I offer the offering of His thought

o/[-='."'<J!Fkl,O)". The Liber Graduum XIII.2, which seems to know the Did.,

calls the community to "honour the priests and obey their word s and take

and give the firstfrui ts of all the harvest to the priests" (my

translation) •

[23] See E. Bammel, "ARCHIEREUS PROPHETEUON", TLZ 6, 1954, cols. 351-356. [24] See above, pp 35, 85. [25] J. A. Robinson (Barnabas, Hermas and the Didache, pp 99f) claims that

the equation of prophet and high priest in Did. is drawn from 1Cor. 9: 13, but this is unlikely to be more than a reflection' of the same thought world.

[26] See below on 15: 1.

265

t&v 6t ~n ExnTE rrpO~nTnV~ 60TE TOC~ rrTWXOC~ The second person plural

of this instruction (60TE) shows it to be an interpolation. [27] It is

also inconsistent with the instruction which precedes, where the n"V/'<1are

the issue and these belong specifically to the priests. It is the tithe

which may be given to the poor according to Deut. 26: 12-13. This is

T~ rrpoonAUT~. This is an attempt to rationalise the Did. text; the second

person singular in Ca is not the reflection of the earlier tradition, but

is provided by LXX, which Ca follows closely. The Ethiopic supports the

text of H54. This interpretation envisages a situation in which there are

no prophets to be found, so that the firstfrui ts have to be disposed of

elsewhere. That is not the situation in the rest of Did. 11-15. (It is

interesting to note that the bishops are charged with the support of

wanderers, desti tutes and widows, according to Herm., Sim. IX.27:2f).

The instructions of 13:5-7 amplify the general principle of 13:3. The

rule of first-fruits is applied to baking loaves and opening a jar of wine

or oil. [28] It is even extended to money and clothes and possessions

generally (j(avTo~ ){Tn~aTo~). This is a daring extension of the rule of

first-fruits beyond agricultural produce. The Rabbis attempted also to

extend the application of tithing as widely as possible (MMaas. 1:1; 3:9;

4:6), but they did not extend it beyond what is used for food (MMaas. 1:1).

The gradual growth of towns and cities necessitated this extension of

firstfrui ts, and Did.'s requirements reflect the need to tithe more than

agricultural produce. Hence the claim of Knopf [29] that the community of

Did. was a rural community does not stand. The primary reference to corn

[27] Cf Audet, La Didache, p 458; Rordorf and Tuilier, La Doctrine, p 191; Niederwimmer, "Wanderradikalismus", pp 151f, 163 note 49.

[28] C. Bigg ("Notes on the Didache", JTS 6, 1905, p 413) sees the use of OLT ~a as a sign of a late date because it is not- attested before the fourth century. This is unlikely (cf Giet, L'!:nigme, pp 229f).

[29] Die Lehre, p 34.

266

and wine and oil, sheep and cattle, simply reflects the Biblical

injunction. The important mark of the text is the way in which it differs

·from Scripture, and this is its inclusion of money and clothes in the

tithe.

60$ ){ C/:r& TnV SVTOA rlV : Ethiopic adds TOU ){UP LOU ~ Cf 1:5: ).lCL){ a pI-O$ 0

6 1- 6 oo ~ ){CLT& TnV s V ToAn~ The reference in 13:7 is to the OT provisions, and

this makes it likely that the same is intended by 1:5, which was part of

the interpolation of 1:3-2: 1 made by a community where Did. 13 already

formed the norm for giving.

13.3 Summar y

The nucleus of Did. 13 consists of instructions concerning the

giving of first-fruits reflecting an earlier schema of Jewish proselyte

catechism. The oldest textual stratuM is phrased in the second person

singular of the .catechetical tradition, and is logically related to the

instructions on apostles who were the agents for the collection of the

Temple Tax and money for the support of the religious poor in Palestine.

The first-fruits would have been collected at public worship, and the

instructions of chapter 14 concerning public worship are also logically

related to this schema.

The first-fruits were due to the Temple and the priesthood, and are

designated by the Did. community for the support of the prophets

considered as high-priests. They are given the right to settle in local

communities, implying that they usually came from outside the community. A

further redactional phase is marked by the introduction of the teacher

into the text, perhaps at a time when prophets were declining in

267

importance, a situation further suggested by the instruction to give the

first-frui ts to the poor where no prophet was available. QL reflects a

priestl y community in which every community was governed under the

authori ty of the Zadoki te priests. Al though the right of the priesthood to

the first-fruits is symbolised by ~he right of the priest to say the

blessing over them first, the whole community al so eat of the first-fruits

in their meal together. Did., on the other hand reserved the first-fruits

for the prophets. QL has no parallel to the prophet as high priest, but

does see the high priestly founder of the community as a ny, y"~m and a

medium of divine revelation.

The instructions of 13:5-7 represent an amplification of the general

principle of the gift of first-fruits to cover also food in everyday use,

money, clothes and possessions generally. This is a major shift away from

the Biblical provision and from the Rabbinic teaching concerning it, and

reflects the situation in towns and cities where people were no longer

directly connected with agriculture.

268

14. Chapter Fourteen

14, 1. KQ'.Ta XUPLQ'.X~'J OE: XUpLOU cru'JetI.6t'JTEC; X),eXuet7E apTo'J xQ'.t e:UXQ'.PLcrT~uQ'.TE, 7tpocre:~OfLO/'') '(1)crcT.f.LE'IOL Tet TCQ'.pQ'. -

7tTW!-LIXTIX U!-LWV, 07tWC; xlX6a.pet ~ 6ucrLx. U!-Lwv n. 2. ITac; OE: EXWV ~v &WpL~OALIXV !-LET'a 'OU .k'IXLpOU IXUTOU !-L~ auvc;),6E,W

5 ufLi:v, Ewe; ou OLIXA),lXywa'LV, /..VIX !-L~ xOLvw6Yi ~ 6ucrLa u!-Lwv. 3. AuTYJ YeXp EcrTLv ~ pY)6e:i:crlX U7tO XUpLOU' «'Ev 7tIXVTL T67t0 XIXL Xp6\10 7tPOcrtpEPELV fLOL 6UcrLIXv xIX6lXpeXv" OTL ~lXcrLAEUC; f.LEylXC; df.LL, AEYEL XUPLOC;, XQ'.L TO OVOfleX flOU 6IXuflacrTov EV TO i:C; E6vEcrL . »

14, 1 KCl"nx XUPLClX~V oe: XUPLOU H : TIJv cXvClcr't"cXcrLf..LOV 't"ou XUPLOU ~f..L£pClV, TIJv XUPLClX~V qlClf..LE\I glossa inserla Ca II 2 7tpOcrE~Of..LOAOY"lcrcXf..LE:\IOL H : xCll E~Of..LOAO"(OUflE\lOL Ca II 3 xCl6Clpct H : Iif..LEf..L7t't"O~ Ca II uf..LW\I Ca : ~f..LW\I H II 7 XCll Xp6\1<p Hom. Ca Mal. II 7tPOcrql€PELY f..LOL H : f..LOL 7tpocrE\lEx6~aE't"ClL Ca II 6ualCl\l xCl8Clpci\l H : 6uf..LlClf..LCl xCll 6uaLCl xCl6Clpci Ca Mal. II 8 E"(W anle df..LL add. Ca Mal. II 7tCl\l't"oxpci't"wp post XUpLOC; add. Ca.

269

The offering of the first-fruits (13:3-7) has suggested the weekly

worShip at which they were presented. [1 J This is the case in Irenaeus,

Adv. haer. IV.17:5, "sed et suis discipulis dans consilium, primitias Deo

offere ex suis creaturis". This is followed by a reference to the

Offertory in the Christian Eucharist and a reference to Mal. 1: 10-11 • . The

offering is to be "purum", and this involves the moral purity of the

. worshipper, "quod in omni simplicitate et innocentia Dominus volens nos

offere praedicavit dicens" (IV.18:1), and there follows a quotation of Mt

5:23-24, which is very close to Did. 14:2. It is interesting to note that

Irenaeus emphasises the continuity between this Christian offering of

first-fruits and the Jewish offering . (18:3). The expression }{Cn&}{lJpLCt.wnV

}{lJP~OlJ in Did. is clumsy [2] and repetit.ive, and Ca changes it [3] The

present tex t can onl y refer to Sund aYe [4] Ignatius's instruction in IgMag.

9:1 is especially revealing: ].lT1HTL OCt.SSCt.T~Z;;OVTE:c; ,aA>..& }(Ct.T& }(lJPLCt.}{f)

• In other

words, }{lJPLCt.}{rl is a polemical opposite to oCt.SSchov, and constitutes a

repudiation of Sabbath worship in Did. 14: 1 (Cf the Gospel of Peter

XII.50). [5] However, the clumsiness suggests a retouching of the text ~ [6]

Ba., which appears in 1-17 to rebut Jewish catechesis quite

deliberately, [7] has ELL ODV }{Ct.~ n€p~ ToD oaSSCt.TOlJ (15:1). He defines the

[1] C. W. IXlgmore ("Lord's Da y and Eucharist", Neotestamentica et Patristica, Festschr. O. Cullmann, Leiden, 1962, pp 272-2815Sees it as referring to Passover, but this is very unlikely in view of the later use of the term. See the examples cited in Lampe, p 786. Cf Rordorf and Tuil ier, La Doctrine, pp 64ff.

[2] Giet (L'61Tgme, p 231) calls it "bizarre". [3] Audet (La Didache, p 460) is wrong to accept Ca as original, since it

is clearly a smoothing over of a difficult reading. [4] Cf Rev. 1:10; 1Cor. 11:20 (}{lJPLCt.}(<!lV 6dnvov qJCt.yd'0.

[5] Taylor (Teaching, p 61) aptly describes this as "a formula at once Jewish and anti-Jewish, since it is framed on an OT model, whilst it deposes the sabbath from its ancient place of honour as the day to be speCially dedicated to the Lord". Cf Telfer, "Apostolic Synod", p 141.

[6] Cf Giet, L'61igme, pp 231f. [7] See above on 6: 3.

270

day of sabbath rest as the eighth day, on which Jesus rose and ascended

(15:6-7; cf Justin, Dial. 15:8-9; 24: 1; 41:4; 138: 1). It seems likely, then,

that the opening words of this section represent a Christian redaction in

Did. of an original TIEP~ M ToD oaSS6'Tov MVPLOV , as in CD 10: 14:n:lI!1il ?)1 ,

which introd uces teaching on the Sabbath laws. [8 J It seems inev itable

that a manual of Jewish catechetical instruction would contain teaching on

the Sabbath. [9J There is some evidence that early Christian communities

continued to observe the Sabbath, usuall y along side Sunday. [10 J

14.1 Didache 14: 1

ovvaxiJ€VTES; MAdoa.TE apTov Ma~ EuXapLoTTloaTE: There is no progression

in thought here from Did. 9:3. The community is to gather every Sunday (or

Sabbath in the Jewish Vorlage) for worship. ovvaxiJ€vT€: s; is a term which

was used for Jewish synagogue worship and continued to be employed for the

Christian worship and especially the fellowship meal, until it became a

technical term for the eucharist by itsel f, the ouva~LS;. [11 J MAdoaT€:

apTOV mirrors the earliest usage of the Christian Church (eg 1Cor. 10:16;

Lk 24:35; Acts 2:46; 20:7, 11), but the expression could also be used of

Jewish meals. [12J

[8 J See C. W. Dugmore, The Influence of the Synagogue upon the Di vine Office, London, pp 28-37.

[9J Cf C. H. Turner, "Early Christian Ministry", p 8. [10J In Acts of Peter 15, 16, cf 18, the Sabbath is mentioned, while in 30,

the "Lord's Day". Cf Origen, Hom. in Num. XXIII.4; Ca VII.23:2; Ap. Trad. 24 (Batte 22). -- - -- ----

[11 J See Lampe, pp 1302f. [12 J See above on Did. 9:2-3. Cf Jesus' miraculous feed ing of the

multitudes and Acts 27:35.

271

u~wv OTI W ~ xa~a p& n ~va La U~Wv ~. , u.

This is the main teaching of this section, the concern to maintain the

purity of the communal meal (Cf 9:5), since moral failure is here regarded

as conveying ritual defilement. Ca omits the reference to the "breaking of

bread" and has only the instruction to "give thanks". It is difficult to

see why Ca should omit the reference to the breaking of bread if the words

had stood in his text, and this suggests ~e a later interpolation.

Confession of sins is al so absent from Ca, but this may reflect the problem

the early Church had with the forgiveness of post-baptismal sin. [13 J In

any case, the omission of reference to a meal in Ca makes the reference

unmistakeably to a sacrifice of thanksgiving.

QL e.nv isages a communal confession of sins at the Covenant renewal

ceremony in 1QS 1:24-2:1; CD 20:27-34 ()1'< ",:]£); n,nh The confession in 1QS

1:24-2:1 is followed by the priestly blessing (revised on the lines of the

teaching of the community in 2: 1-4). In CD 20:27-30, the confession is al so

followed by an assurance of God's forgiveness, and was not simply an

external ritual, but required genuine internal repentance and humble

obedience (cf 1QS 3:6-12).

O TI W~ xa~ap& n ~vaLa n~wv ~ : Interpretations of Did. 14, which see

this as necessitating a sacrificial theology of the communion meal as the

body and blood of Christ ' go beyond the given data of the text itself. [14J

Knopf, [15J while acknowledging that there is no literal reference ot the

flesh and blood of Christ, nevertheless is misleading in setting 9-10 and

14 in the context of comparative religion as a sacrificial meal. There is

no need to see ~vaLa as referring to more · than the prayers of

[13J See above p 111 on Did. 4:12-14. [14J F. M. Young (Sacrificial Ideas, pp 239, 248f) jumps from the

admissible interpretation of the eucharist as connected with the first-fruits to the unwarranted assumption of a sacrifice in Did. in which the body and blood of Christ are symbolised.

[15 J Die Lehre, pp 24f; 36.

272

thanksgiving. [16 J

14.2 Spiritualisation of the Sacrificial Cult

QL throws light on the spiritualisation of the terminology of the

sacrificial cult in the early Church, since sacrificial terminology is

there used to describe every aspect of the Qumran community life. Walking

o'rJn in the way of God's Law is "acceptable as a pleasing atonement ("Hl.:J'

n1n'J ) before God" (1QS 3:11). Righteous life according to community

norms and repentance "lays a foundation of truth for Israel (nrJ/'< '01rJ 'O'?

1QS 5: 11 )" which is none other than the found ation stone of the

Temple, so that, "they shall atone (n~,?'.) for all those in Aaron and

Israel" who belong to the community (5:6). [17J The Council of the

Community in 1QS 8 has a similar role, "They shall preserve the faith in

the Land with stead fastness and meekness and shall atone ( n~'? ~ for sin

by the practice of justice and by suffering the sorrows of affliction

(8:3f) ". This is because the Council has replaced the Temple and its

worship, "It shall be an Everlasting Plantation (O?1Y nytjrJ), a House of

Holiness (Vi1j7 n':l) for Israel, an Assembly of Supreme Holiness (tI'1j7 n~y

O'V"j7 for Aaron. They shall be witnesses to the truth at the Judgement,

and shall be the elect of Goodwill who shall atone (,n.:J?) for the Land and

pay to the wicked their reward. It shall be the tried wall, the precious

corner-stone, whose foundations shall neither rock nor sway in their place

(Isa. xxviii,16). It shall be a Most Holy IkIelling" (O'Vi'j7 vi'iI ,'Yr.J) for

Aaron, with everlasting knowledge of the Covenant of justice, and shall

[16J Audet (La Didache, p 462) is rightly more cautious, giving the word .\)UOLCt · abroad meaning. Cf Rordorf and Tuilier, La Doctrine, pp 70f.

[17J See the comments of B. Gltrtner, Temple and Community, pp 22-25.

273

offer up sweet fragrance (nln"J n", .:l"'P?). It shall be a House of

Perfection and Truth (nmn O"r.ln n".:l) in Israel that they may establish a

Covenant according to the everlasting precepts. And they shall be an

agreeable offering, atoning for the Land (1:"l-<il 1Y.:l 'D~? 11 Y,? ) and

determining the judgement of wickedness, and there shall be no more

iniquity (8:5-10). [18] 1QS 9:3-6 also relates the prayers of the community

with the sacrificial cult: O"MV nr.ll'nl o ••• P1Y mn"J ,,~. [19] The most

ex plici t description of the community as the spiritual temple comes in

4QFlor 1:2-7, "He has commanded that a Sanctuary of men (011-< V1Pr.l) be built

for Himself, that there they may send up, like the smoke of incense, the

works of the Law". [20]

Prayer is especially seen as a sacrificial offering, O"MV nr.ll,n

(1QS 9:4; 10:6). In 10:14f, the blessing before a meal is described as an

?:.)'n n.:llJn "J1Y.:l W1il? • Here the phraseO"VJI-< n~'yr.lr.l is difficult, but the

root 1'Y is used to describe the arranging of the table for the communal

meal (1QS 6:4; 1QSa 2:17; Cf 1QM 2:5), and it is likely that it stands

parallel to ?.:In n.:l 1 J n "J 1Y.:l, so that its meaning is, "And I will bless Him

with the offering of what proceeds from my lips from the set (table) of

men (of the community), and before. I raise my hand s to eat of the pleasant

fruit of the earth." (My translati'on). What is important here for a

comparison with Did. 14: 1 is the use of sacrificial terminology to describe

the Berakah at a meal. Cf also 4Q 511 63-64.ii.4: 11~Jil.:ll p1Y "nDV ?Tr.l nr.ll,nl

[18] For an analysis of the cul tic language here, see G~rtner, Temple and Communi ty, pp 25-29.

[19] See G~rtner, Temple and Community, pp 29-30. [20] See Gartner, Temple and Communi t y, pp 30-42. Compare further the

references in 4QpIsa d; 1QpHab 12:1ff, which are discussed by G~rtner on pp 42-44. See also CD 3:18-20. IX1pont-Sommer (Essene Writings, p 312) translates O'JI-<V1Pr.l to refer to a Sanctuary "(made by the hands) of man", which is also possible (cf Allegro, DJD V, P 54).

274

, which seems to mean "and the offering which proceed s

from righteous lips and being present at all right worship (il'11:1)1) ". QL

seems to have hoped for a restoration of the right sacrificial cult in the

Jerusalem Temple in the Last Days, and not all their references to

sacrifice are spiritualised (eg 1QM 2:5-6; 1QSb 3:1-2; 4QDibMos (22) 3:11;

4:3; 11QTemp (passim); 4Q 512 vii.10f; 4QOrd b (513) f 12, 13)

A different point of contact between QL and Did. is seen in CD 11:21-

12:1, "No man entering the house of worship (n1nnVil n":1 ) shall come

unclean and in need of washing (01:1:; 1'<):)\)). And at the sounding of the

trumpet for assembl y, he shall go there before or after (the meeting), and

shall not cause the service to stop, for it is a holy meeting". [21] Ritual

impuri ty excl udes a man from holy worship, and so too does moral impurity.

It is the concern to maintain the purity of the Temple community and

especially its meal, which requires the expulsion of sinners from the

community and their exclusion from the pure Meal until such time as they

have regained their purity (1QS 6:24-7:25). The community at Q.lmran

attempted to keep the same priestly purity as the priests on Temple duty,

and they could thus claim that, in a special way, their worsip and life

replaced the sacrificial cult of the Temple until it should be rightly

restored (CD 6: 11 f) •

The Rabbis came to a view similar to that of QL, concerning prayer

(and study of the Torah) as a substitute for sacrifice. It gained a new

emphasis and urgency after the destruction of the Temple in AD 70 (bEer.

32b; bMen. 110a). [22] However, it is likely that ~he spiritualisation of

the cult was common in Jewish circles before then, especiall y in the

diaspora where there was only limited access to the official cult in

[21] Lohse (Texte, p 90) restores the lacuna in 11:23 as 9[.:J.""i7J and it then contains an explicit reference to Sabbath worship.

[22] See f-bore, JUdaism II, pp 217ff, for further examples.

275

Jerusalem. In the apocryphal Psalm 154:10f, which has been found also at

Qumran (11QPs a 18:7-10) thi s theme is strong. It is above all prayers of

praise and thanksgiving which are classified as replacing, or at least

being equivalent to, the Temple sacrifice.

14.3 Didache 14:2

~a ~ 6 ~ €XWv T~V a~~L8oALav ~ET& ToD ETa LPou aV To D ~n auvEA~ ETW U~ LV

EW ~ OD 6 LaA Aaywa L~ Lva ~~ XOLVW~~ n ~uaLa u~w~The exclusion of members

of the community for offences against their fellow members is prominent

also in 1QS 6:24-7:25, where anger and insubordination (6:25-27; 7:2), lying

(7:3), insults (7:4), malice (7:8f), failure to "care" for a brother (7:6),

slander (7: 15f) and grumbling (7: 17f), are all punished by expulsion from

the pure Meal and penance (by losing one quarter of the food ration,

according to 6:25). This lasted for varying lengths of time according to

the seriousness of the offence. The terms used are Q'~J nJ~D l1n~ 1~?"~'1

and 1I!JJy11 (eg 6:25, 27; CD 3:4; 14:2, 21; 16:17). Offences against the fellow

member receive excommunication for between ten days and one year, but

offences against the community itself are much more drastically punished,

usuall y with permanent ex pul sion (eg 7: 16f, 24). De 1 iberate 0 ffences

against the Law of Moses are treated in the saine way (8:23f), and even

inadvertant offences against the Law of Moses require a full two year

probation. From this it is clear that offences against a fellow member of

the community would form the usual cause of a t-emporary excommunation,

other offences usually resulting in permanent exclusion. CD 9: 1- 8 views

quarrels between fellow members in an equally serious light, al though the

comunities for which it legislates were clearly not as tightly knit as

that at Qumran . CD 6:20-7: 1 follows a discussion of purity and separation

276

from non-members with the command to love one's neighbour as oneself and

seek his well-being, followed by further rules concerning ritual

uncleanness. Anger, quarrelling and lack of proper care for one's fellow

member of the community clearly constitute ritual defilement, and this is

the reason for the excommunication of offenders. This prov ides an

important insight into the reasoning behind Did. 14:2. In Rabbinic sources,

reconciliation between man and man is required before divine forgiveness

is possible (MYom. 8:9; cf Mt 5:23f; 6:14; Mk 11:25; 1Cor. 11:280. [23]

, , cq.HjJLSOALaV : Audet [24] sees ' this as a Hebraism. Compare Josephus, BJ

III.143, where napa nd ooc'v a].HjJLSoALa v means "beyond dispute".

: This is the converse of 14: 1. The

sacrifice of prayer is to be}(a-5ap'{ and all means of defilement (}(OLvw-5Y.i

avoided. Thus the offender must be excluded. [25] Ps. Cyprian, De aleat. 4,

cites this text in a jumbled form, combining elements also of Did. 4: 14;

15:3. In 1Pet. 1:22,o:YVL sE:LV is set parallel to <pLAa6sA.<p{aV, and Heb. 12:14-

15 sees brotherly discord in the community as bringing ritual defilement

( ].JLav-5woLv). Justin, Apol. I 65:2, shows that the kiss of peace was already

practiced before the beginning of the eucharistic meal, and this was

clearly intended as a visible demonstration of this principle. In the

Apostolic Traditions of H·I pol .tus (iv.1), the kiss of peace is given before

the offertory.

[23] See Klein (~lteste Katechismus, pp 235f) for further Jewish examples. [24] La Didache, p 463. [25] See above on 9:5.

277

14.4 Didache 14:3

The use of Mal. 1: 11 in this contex t cannot properly be used to

justify an understanding of the eucharist irr Did. as a sacrifice of the

body and blood of Christ. This text was widely used in the first century AD

to refer to spiritual worship as a replacement for sacrifice. [26J In CD

6: 12-14, Mal. 1: 10 is already used to justify the boycott of the Jerusalem

Temple by the Essene communi ties, and it is most likel y that the sect would

have understood Mal. 1:11-14 in the same way as Did., in view of the

spiritualisation of the cult evident in QL. In Rabbinic writings, TgJon.

applies the sacrificial reference in the passage to prayer, "And on every

occasion (1iY 7:1::11) when you do My will I hear your pra yer and My great

name is hallowed on your account, and your prayer is like a pure offering

before me". [27] The Did. text agrees with TgJon. in the addition of }{at'-

XP9VQ to the MT. Some relationship between Did. and the Targumic tradition

seems likely in the light of the Jewish character of the work and the

evidence that the Greek rests at some points on a Semitic base. [28] The

citation of the OT here shows no connection with the LXX at all, but reads

like an independent (and telescoped) translation of the Hebrew. Thus , ./ , ,

ltpoacp€p€LV )..10 1 for LXX ~U).lLCq.JC( ltpOaayoaL TGi OVO).laTL ).lOU in 1:11, and the , , ,

omission of the LXX €yw and ltaVTO}{pCtTWP in 1: 14, and the unattested

~ ; ,. " ./ ~aU)..IaaTOV for LXX €1tLcpav€s; to render the difficult Hebrew expression

~'1J. [29] These characteristics do not suggest the use of LXX, even from

memory, but an independent translation of the Hebrew original. A further

Rabbinic parallel is provided by bMen. 110a, where "in every place a

[26] Cf R. P. Gordon, "Targumic Parallels to Acts xiii.18 and Didache xiv 3", NovT 16, 1974, pp 285-289 (esp. pp 287f).

[27] The translation is given by Gordon, "Targumic Parallels", p 287. [28] See especially above on Did. 1:6; 2:6b-7; 4:3f; and below on 16:7, 8. [29] See the variant in TgJon. pon ("mighty") and the variants in Vg,

"terrib ile", "honorab ile".

278

sacrifice" is interpreted as referring to the wor k of Torah stud y. Cf

Justin, Dial. 117:2; 28:5; 41:2f; [30] Irenaeus, Haer., IV 17:5; 18:1; Tert.,

Adv. Jud. 5; Adv. Marc. III 22; Clement of Alex., Strom. V 14; Eusebius,

Demonstratio I.6 (19b-d); Cf I.10 (37b, 39b-c, 40b). The sacrifice of which

Mal. prophesies is seen in these texts as a sacrifice of prayer and good , I

works. It is seen especially as referring to the prayer of praise, the £\..-Xotf'br1-~

or Berakah, but the association of the wordEuxap~aTla more and more with

the Christian celebration of the Lord's Supper led to its more particular

association with the meal itsel f, as in Justin. In Did. there is no

evidence of such an application of the text to the meal itself, and it

should be taken as a reference to the thanksgiving prayers of the

community.

14.5 Summary

-f> The instruction concerning first-fruits in 13 lead s on / the

community worship at which they ~ere collected. The present text describes

three parts of this worship as breaking of bread, thanksgiving and

confession. It is possible that the reference to breaking of bread is

secondary, since it is absent without apparent reason from Ca. The

expression }(up~a}(hv }(UPlOU is a polemical expression to set the Christian

worship on the day of the Resurrection apart from the aaSSaTov }( UPlO U of

the Jews. The awkwardness of the expression suggests that it may represent

a redaction of an underlying Jewish instruction concerning Sabbath

worship in the synagogue.

[30] Justin may have known the Did~ since he presents several close parallels of structure as well as wording in Apol. I 60-65. See M. A. Smith, "Did Justin know the Didache?", Stud. Pat. 7 (TU 92), Berlin, 1 966, pp 287-290.

279

Confession of sins to preserve the purity of the spiritual sacrifice

offered by the community in 14: 1 reflects the same kind of approach to

puri ty as 9:5. Moral failure endangers the purity of the community and must

be punished by exclusion of the offender until he has been reconciled to

the brother he has wronged. Public confession of sins was a feature of QL

also, but post-baptismal sin was an embarrassment to the early Church.

Did. describes the thanksgiving prayers (and the thanksgiving meal)

as a spiritual sacrifice, using Mal. 1: 11 as a proof tex t. This tex twas

used to justify the replacement of Temple worship by spiritual worship

both in QL and in the Rabbinic writings. QL considered its community to be

a spiritual temple which could achieve atonement for the land and for

those who joined the community. Prayer is especially important as a

spiritual offering in QL, but works of the Law are also regarded in this

way.

QL provides striking parallels to the exclusion of those who quarrel

with their brethren from the purity meal of the community. Deliberate

breaches of the Torah led to the permanent exclusion of a member from the

community, but offences against other members resulted in temporary

exclusion.

The tex t of Mal. 1: 11 in Did. shows no dependence on LXX, and this is

true of all the all usions to or citations of the or. The reference to

"sacrifice" cannot be used to interpret the eucharist in Did. as the body

and blood of Christ. Such theological development is nowhere evident in

Did., which does no more here than spiritual ise tbe Temple sacrifice in

terms of prayer.

280

15. Chapter Fifteen

15, 1. XELpO-rOv~cr(x:rE ouv ECXU-rOi:C; bncrxo7touC; xcx!. OLCXXO­vouc; &~[OUC; -rou xup[ou, .xvopcxC; 7tpcxEi:C; xcx!. cX.CPLACXPYUpouC; xcxL cX.)'YJ6EtC; xcx!. OEOOXLf.LCXcrf.LEVOUC;· uf.Li:v yd:p AEL-rOUpyoucrL xcxL cxu-ro!. T"1jv AEL-rOUpy[o:v -rwv 1t'P ° CP'Y)-rwv xcxL oLocxcrxaAWV.

5 2. M~ ouv l~mEp[o'Y)-rE cxu-roue;' cxu-ro!. yap dO'LV ot -rE-rLf.L1J­f.Le:VOL uf.Lc:;lv f.LE-ril; -rWV 1t'poCP'f)-rwv Xcxl. oLocxcrxaAwv.

3. 'EAEYXE"t"E: OE ciM.~AOU~ f.L-f] EV opY7), aM' EV ELpl1V71, we; EXE-rE EV -ri{i EUCXYYEALCP' xcx!. 1t'cxv-r!' cX.cr-roxouv-n xcx-rli -rou he:pou f.L1Jode; ACXAd-rw f.L'Y)oE 1t'CXp' Uf.Lwv cX.XOUETW, Ewe; OU

10 f.LE-rCXVO~crn. 4. T d:c; oE Euxlie; Uf.Lwv xcx!. -rlie; EAE-YJf.L0cruvexC; xex!. micrexc; -rlic; 1t'pa~ELC; oihw 1t'OL~crexTE, we; EXE-rE EV Ti{i EuexYYEALCP TOU XUPLOU ~f.Lwv.

15, 1 xed 1tpe:cr~U'rEPOUC; ante xed 8LCt.x6vouc; add. Ca II 2 e:U).Ct.~e:LC; 8tX(lLOUC; ante 1tpCt.e:i:C; add. Ca II XCt.L 1 om. Ca II XCt.L' om. Ca 1/ 3 ciAT}8e:i:C; H : <pL).(l).~8e:LC; Ca 1/ X(lL l om. Ca.

281

15.1 Didache 15: 1-2

This chapter has been taken as a later addition- to the body of Did.,

coming from a period of transition in the community, in which the

dwindling number of wandering apostles and prophets and teachers is

gradually being replaced by the settled ministry of the bishops and

deacons. [1 J Audet sees the election of the bishops and deacons as

necessary to ensure the regularity of the Sunday eucharist, in the face of

a failure of prophets, so that 14 and 15 are inextricably linked. [2J If

this interpretation is correct, then 15 is the latest addition to the work.

However, it is not the only way to intepret the evidence. Al~ that is said

for definite is that bishops and deacons should be elected and that they

are not to be despised, but have the same ministry as the prophets and

teachers. [3J There is, in other words, no reason why the two kinds of

leader should not have existed from the beginning of the Church's history

side by side. Alongside the Spirit-appointed figures, -who may have had a

wandering ministry, there are elected officials of the community. [4J The

mention of community worship in chapter 14 would logically be followed in

a community rule by instructions concerning such officials.

[1 J Eg Streeter ("Much-Belaboured", pp 369-374; Primitive Church, p 149) sees the system of prophets and teachers as in a state of breakdown, with prophets rare and often corrupt, so that Did tries to streng then the position of bishops and deacons. Cf Schiile, "Das Recht", p 86; Giet, L'migme, p243.

[2J La Didache,pp 459, 464. Cf Connolly, "Agape", p 480, "Montanism", pp 342f; Giet, L'migme, pp 239f; Rordorf and Tuilier, La Doctrine, p 64; Kretschmar, "Askese", p 37. -

[3J Cf Connolly, "Montanism", p 343. [4J As Niederwimmer ("Wanderradikalismus", p 159f) points out, wandering

ascetics could not really be the "leadership" of the local community and were not even pred isposed to it by their sel f-understand ing. The most that could be said is that they would have had precedence when they were staying in a community. Nevertheless, Niederwimmer (Ibid, p 166) sees in Did. 11-13, 15,a process of successive incorporation of the eschatologically motivated wandering ascetic into the now stabilizing band of "settled Christians" in local communities.

282

According to MSot. 7:7-8 (cf MYom . 7:1) , the Jewish community has two

officials, the nO.:J:lil ,Tn, the minister of the Synagogue, and the nO.Dil V1'<i,

its President. [5] Scharer considered that they had a role only in worship

and not in the administration of the community. [6] It is interesting to

note that in MSot. 7:7-8 these official s are specificall y ranked below the

High Priest, while in Did. 13:3 the prophets are the high priests who enjoy

precedence at the community meal (10:7). However the ev idence concerning

the various titles in the early Jewish communities is confused. [7] The

office of nO.:J:li1 \Tn, the V1l:np ETn S or ol"chovos was rather more practical

and menial.

It is possible that similar instruction formed part of the original

Jewish catechetical schema. The problem for the Christian redactor was the

existence of the prophets and teachers, who are charismatically endowed,

along side these elected official s. Niederwimmer [8] sees a development

here from 11:4-6, where the local communities have become sufficiently

stable to be in a position to choose office-bearers and functionaries from

among themselves, but it is unlikely that a local Christian community

would ever have been without some organisational structure, based on the

model of the Jewish religious groups out of which they sprang. The final

redaction of Did. attempts to reconcile the two groups, the char.ismatics

and the local Christian community in a harmonious relationship.

Niederwimrner is right, though, in his observation that the attempt is made

[5] There was also the, ilj7'1:::l '1'<:11 who collected alms (MDem. 3: 1; Tos . Dem. 3: 17 (Zuckermandel p 50 ln 26); bBM 38a), but these official s need not be considered here .

[ 6] History II, p 435. So too Dix, "Early Christian Ministry", p 234. [7] See Scharer-Vermes, History II, pp 427-439. Cf MSot. 7:7-8; MYom. 7: 1;

MMak. 3: 12; MShab. 1:3. [8] "Wanderradikalismus", p 163.

283

from the perspective of the settled local community. [9] It is significant

that apostles are not mentioned at all. They were either identified by the

redactor with prophets, or they no longer played any role in the life of

the community. [10] In any case, they were never, by definition, local

communi ty officials, but delegates from the centre of authority outside

the community. The tendency then was to despise the official s who

performed prosaic tasks and to revere the charismatic prophets and

teachers. [11] It is this imbalance which the text is concerned to redress.

There is no mention of a "dwindling" of prophets and teachers, onl y of the

high esteem in which they are held. The text does not seek to deprive the

prophets and teachers of their honoured role in favour of the local

leadership, but rather tries to extend to the latter the same honour and

rights. [12] It is the introduction of prophets and teachers into the

instructions of 11-13 which has obscured the orig inal schema of the ..J)~L

tex t, [13] and it is the same proceso/ has been at wor k here.

XEl"POTOVrlcran:: The verb means strictly, "to stretch out the hand for

the purpose of giving one's vote in the assembly", [14] but it comes to

mean generall y "appoint". The word was al so later used to describe the

laying on on hands, or "ordination" in the modern sense (Cf Ap. Trad. I.2

[9] "Der Standpunkt des Didachisten (und schon der Tradition) ist dabei der des ortsansassigen Christen. Hier spricht nicht ein Vertreter der wandernden Charismatiker, sondern hier redet ein Verbeter des ortsgebundenen Christentums" ("Wanderrad ikal ismus", p 150, 163f.

[10] See Schille, "Das Recht", p 150; Niederwimmer, "Wanderradikalismus", p 150.

[11] Harnack (Die Lehre, pp 56ff) thought that the bishops and deacons had originally only organisational and administrative roles, and took over the teaching role when prophets and teachers disappeared. But von Campenhausen (Ecclesiastical Authority, pp 73f, 85) and Niederwimmer ("Wanderradikalismus", pp 164f) maintain that it is improbable that the bishops and deacons ever lacked a liturgical role.

[12] See Niederwimmer, "Wanderradikalismus", p 164. [13] See above p 235. [14] Liddell and Scott, p 1986.

284

(2)). This is how the word is understood by Dix [15] and von

Campenhausen, ·[ 16] but it is not clear that this is intended by the Did.

text. The distinction between "elect" and "appoint" would not have

appeared as stark to a first century community. Semitic communities were

non-ega! itarian and hierarchical. Yet the choice of a community leader did

involve the whole community, since the presence of the whole congregation

was an essential leg itimation of his appointment. Thus Acts 1: 15-25, for

example, mentions the presence of 120, although the choice of Mathias was

by "lot". The presence of the TI:.\n~os; on such an occasion was indispens."ble

for the first Christian community, just as the presence of the tl"::li was

needed for any community decision,even if all authority ,.......was vested in the -tfoTl)v~

"sons of Zadok, the priests". [17] The word / iS used in Josephus, Ant.

XIII.45 where Alexander gives Jonathan the High Priesthood; cf Ant.VI.312.

Josephus B.J. II.123 uses the same term to describe the choice of official s

of . the~ ·Essen.e .communities: XE l.,pOTOVnTo~ {;' OL TWV ){Ql.,VWV E:TI:L).1E.\nTa~ ){a~

a~pETOl., TI:p6s; &TI:dVTWV ELS; T&S; xpE~as; ~){aaTO~ though he does not name the

various officers of the community. Otherwise QL gives two references to

the choosing of official s. The judges in CD 10:4 are chosen from the

congregation (i11Yi1 1lJ tl"i1i::l) for a particular period (nYi1 "£l?). The

qualifications given here are, learning in the book of Hagu and in the

fundamentals of the Covenant, and an age of between twenty five and sixty

(cf CD 13:2; 1QSa 1:6f). The other reference is to the Council of Twelve in

1QS 8:1-4. No mention is made in this text as to the method of appointment

[15] "Ministry", pp 193-196. Dix cites MSan. 1:19; 4:-3 and 1Tim. 4:14; 2Tim. 1:6. Cf Strack-Billerbeck II, pp 647-661.

[16] Ecclesiastical Authority, p 177. Cf Bousset, Kyrios Christos, p 365. [17] See B. Reicke, "Constitution", pp 145f. Thus the contention of Schille

that this text represents a gradual removal of rights and privileges from the community and their submission to the tutelage of church functionaries is unjustified. Cf Niederwimmer, "Wanderrad ikal ismus", pp 165f; von Campenhausen, Ecclesiastical Authority, p 74. The right of the community to decide on matters for itsel f is seen in 12: 1, 4; 13:7; 15: 1.

285

of these Council members, but their qualifications are more clearly set

out. These bear some resemblance to the qualifications for office of the

bishops and deacons in Did., especially when the additions to the list of

Ca . are included: [18]

~11n~ ;1~~ ~;lJ~ ;D:J tl"~'mn

nm'< n1VY;

~j7iY1

U!lVt.l1

iOh n:J~i'<1

1~Y1 tli'< V'i'< n~; YJY~1

11t.lO 1Y":J V1i'<:J ~~ 1t.li'< 11~V;

~1:JV~ nl11

U!lVt.l "V1Y:J 111Y nY1;1

}j"lYXl Il1Y'

nt.li'<~ nit.l:J ;1~ oy ,;~n~;1

ny~ 1 Dn:J 1

(6UV&~EVOUS 6L6&a~ELV T~S E6aEBELas)

a>.n-5ds

(6L~a.LOU)

(~TIPOal..)\ nTITOUS )

6E6o~L~aa~EVOUS

(bp-50TO~OUVTa.S EV TOUS TO:J ~ Cp(o , } 66y~a.aLV) .

aCjJL>'a.pyupouS

(E6>'&SELS)

(oaLQUS

The list in Did. finds a counterpart in nt.li'<, 1~Y1 ' tly V'i'< n~; y~Y~ and n1Y

'11Yt.l, which matcha>.n-5dS, TIpa.ds and 6E6oXL~aa~Evou~ [19]

. , ETILa~OTIOUS : Many scholars have noted the parallel between the office

[18] The additions of Ca are added in brackets. [19] The expression '11Yt.l 1l1Ycould mean "tested under affliction", rather

than "crucible of affliction". In Prov. 17:3; 27:21, for instance, the word '11Yt.l is rendered 60XL~LOV by LXX.

286

of Bishop .in the early Church, and the office of Mebaqqer in QL. [20] The

Mebaqqer is described in 1QS 6:12 as O'1:1.,il )),1 "j):1nil V'1!'<il • Al though the

reference is not very clear here, [21 J it appears to indicate that the

Mebaqqer was the President of the Congregation at Olmran. [22J 1QS 6:20

describes the Mebaqqer dealing with the financial affairs of the

community, receiving the property of the condidate for admission and

inscribing it to his account. In view of the strict precedence of the

priests at Cumran, it is likely that the Mebaqqer was normally a priest,

especially since CD 14:6f envisages a priest enrolling the Congregation,

which was one of the tasks of the Mebaqqer. B. E. Thiering cites 4Q 275

(Teharot B) 3:3 [23J as describing the Mebaqqer giving the curses of the

Covenant, so that the Mebaqqer is performing the task of the Levite in 1QS

2:4f. From this she ded uces that the Mebaqqer was a Lev itical priest

associated with the laity and the outer circles 'of the community, [24J

al though this text is fragmentary and no firm conclusions can be drawn

from it. After a long lacuna, the text reads: )il'1 "j):1nil1 , followed by

another long lacuna, and Milik overstates his case when he claims that it

read originally "sans doute": ))j)n il'1)il'1 "j):1n1 • What the fragment does

[20] Eg J. T. Milik, Ten Years, p 100; G. Dix, "Ministry", p 252; A. Adam, "Die Entstehung des Bischofsamtes", Wort und Dienst, nf 5, Bethel, 1957, pp 104-113; J. Schmitt, "L'organisation de ltfglise primitive et Olmran", La Secte de Qumran et les Origines du Christianisme in RechBibl IV, Louvaine,-1959, pp 221-222, 230; P. Seidensticker, Gemeinschaftsform, p 194 note 174; B. E. Thiering, "Mebaqqer and Episkopos in the Light of the Temple Scroll", JBL 100, 1981, pp 59-74; J. Danihlou, Les manuscrits, pp 36-39. Against the validity of the comparison of the Christian Bishop with the Mebaqqer at Olmran are B. Reicke, "Constitution" pp 150, 154, and H. Braun, Olmran und das NT II, P 331.

[21 J See R. Marcus, "Mebaqqer and Rabbim in the Manual of Discipline vi.11-13", JBL 75, 1956, pp 298-302; S. Talmon, "A Note on- DSD VI, 11:13", JJS 8, 1957, pp 113-115. These critics take !,<'1:J1 as meaning "and not even", so that the Mebaqqer is al so prohib i ted from speaking contrar y to the will of the Congregation.

[22 J For a good account of the questions involved, see G. Vermes, Scroll s, pp 90-92; 98-100. See also Leaney, Rule, p 189.

[23J Published by J. T. Milik, "Milki-sedeq et Milki-resat dans les anciens oorits juifs et chrlt.iens", JJS 23, 1972, pp 129-130.

[24 J "Mebaqqer", pp 65f.

287

do, is to mention the Mebaqqer together with the elders (1~Y D'JPT~) and in

the context of the inscription in a register or acount ( ~J~)v1n'~) as well

as in the contex t of (blessing and) cursing (n 1.) "11'< n '~n' ). However, CD

13:5 seems to imply that he need not be a priest, since here an ignorant or

id iot priest still has the right to pronounce judgment in cases of

leprosy, but "the Priest shall come and shall stand in the camp and the

Guardian (1P~~) shall instruct him in the exact interpretation of the

Law". Probably it is a case of a Lev ite taking over from an incompetent

Zadokite priest where necessary (13:3f). The character of the Mebaqqer is

further outlined by the Damascus Document. According to CD 9: 16-20,

offences against the Law are to be reported to the Mebaqqer, who has the

task of teaching and general pastoral oversight (CD 13:7-14:2, 6-12). [25J

There are several points of contact here with the role of the Christian

bishop, especially the image of the shepherd (CD 13:9). [26J The Mebaqqer

is in charge of admission of catechumens (13:11f; 15:6-15). and in control

of the community's finances (13:15f). He is to be aged from thirty to fifty

(14:9), must know" all the secrets of men and the languages of their clans"

(14:9f), and has the final authority in the community (14:10-12).

Another term which occurs in · QL' is the 1'P£l mentioned in 1QS 6: 14.

The role of this official is given as the admission of "volunteers" to

join the community, and he would thus seem to be the same person as the

[25J Cf Ezek. 34:11-12. Leaney (Rule, p 189) denies that any parallel exists between the Mebaqqe~d the Christian Bishop because, no "pastoral role" is required of the former, but this passage from CD . contradicts that assumption.

[26 J See Acts 20:28-29; 1Clem. 44:3f; Pol. Phil. 6: 1.

288

Mebaqqer. [27]

One important point of dissimilarity between the Mebaqqer and the

bishops in Did., is that the Mebaqqer is always mentioned in the singular.

He is a single appointed pr.esident or overseer of the community, whereas

the bishops in Did., as also in the NT, are always mentioned in the plural,

and envisaged as a collegium. This may cast light on the inexorable trend

towards monarchical episcopacy in the early Church, but it rules out a

direct parallel between QL and Did. on this topic. Indeed, the Mebaqqer is

closer in many ways to the prophets in Did., who give unchallengeable

teaching and may instruct the community to hold a love-meal for the poor

(11:9) or order;( financial assistance (11:12). The bishops and deacons of

Did. find a better analogy in the priests and Levites of QL.

E:1tLa}{6nou~ }{a.~ 6w}{6vou~: QL makes repeated references to priests

and Levites, who have different roles to play in the liturgy of the

community (eg 1QS 1:18-2:18). The priests are ranked first in the hierarchy

of the community, followed by the Levites, then by the people in order (1QS

2:19-23). The same order is found in CD 14:5f, where the fourth class of

"proselytes" is added. It is likely that the Mebaqqer was normally a

priest. [28] B. E. Thiering [29] argues from the position of the court of

Levites in the Temple Scroll that there were two classes of priest at

Qumran, .one, the Zadokite priesthood, working only in the "Temple", another,

the Levitical priesthood, working among the people (the Mebaqqer). She

[27] See H. H. Rowley, The Zadokite Fragments and the Dead Sea Scrolls, Oxford, 1952, p 37 note 1; W. H. Brownlee, The Dead Sea Manual of Discipline, BASOR (Supp. Stud.) 10-12, p 25; Wernberg-Moeller,­Discipline,. p 107. J. F. Priest ("Mebaqqer, Paqid and the Messiah", JBL 81, 1962, pp 55-61) sees two separate officials here, a priestly Paqid and a lay Mebaqqer who eventually eclipsed the priestly official in the life of the community. This claim is unsubstantiated.

[28] See above on p 287. [29] "Mebaqqer", p 69.

289

claims that out of this differentiation came the Christian bishops and

deacons. [30J This is an attractive suggestion, although her division of

the Levites into "Levitical priests ('1; '.):J) and "Levites ('1; )", is

unl ikel y, since it is based mainl y on an erasure in 11 QTemp 44: 14. [31 J

Nevertheless, Thiering is right in pointing out that the Levites are

treated as both tribal and priestly, according to the structure of the

future Temple. They form a bridge between the ruling Zadokite priests and

the people. According to 1QSa 1:22f, the role of the Levites is to marshal

the people under the authority of the Zadokite priests. It is possible

that the Lev ites at Q.lmran were not priestl y but lay, [32 J since 1QS 6:8

mentions "elders" in the hierarchy of the community where elsewhere it

mentions Levites (1:19, 2:2 ). Philo, Q.lod om. probe lib. sit 81, also

describes a subordination of junior Essenes (VEOL) to their elders (E~~'

n;{lHda\; \' E:v 'rCtt;s0L'J vrro nps0BVTEpOL~). CD 4:2-4 interprets "priests" in a

pesher as "the first converts" and the "Levites" as "those who joined

them". Since the nucleus of the community was probably the Zadokite

priesthood ousted from the control of the Temple in Jerusalem by

Jonathan's usurpation of the High Priesthood, [33J it is tempting to see in

"those who joined them", those lay Hasidim who attached themselves to the

Zadokite party. The importance of the division into priests and Levites is

continued in the War Scroll, where they have a separate role in the conduct

DOJ "Mebaqqer", pp 69-74. [31J The nature of the Temple Scroll is equivocal. Caution should be

exercised in the use of this long scroll as evidence for the life of the community, since it is similar in nature ~t, the book of Jubilees, also found at Q.lmran, and like it may form par~ of the wider literary milieu from which the Qumran writings emerged. TLev., 1Enoch, the Genesis Apocryphon and many other apocryphal works have been discovered among the Scrolls, but were not likely to have been composed at Q.lmran.

[32J See also B. Reicke, "Constitution", p 150. [33J See Stegemann, Entstehung, passim; Vermes, Scrolls, pp 137-162; "The

Essenes and their History", JJS 32, 1981, pp 18-31; W. Burgmann, "Wicked Woman", pp 323-359; "Gerichtsherr und Generalankl~ger", pp 3-72.

290

of the war. The Levites appear as the assistants of the priests (1QM 7:14,

15,16,8:9; 13:1f; 15:4; 16:7; 18:5). 1QM 13:1 also sets the Levites alongside

"all the elders of the army", who particip(3te in the blessing and the

cursing. It is not clear whether the Levites and the elders are here two

separate groups or whether "Levites and all the elders of the army" should

be read together as referring to one group.

If an identification can be 'made between the Mebaqqer and the

Zadoki te priests as leaders of the community, and between the elders and

the Levites who assisted the priests, then QL would present an analogy to

the bishops and deacons in the earl y Church, where the bishops seem to have

been viewed as "priests" and the deacons as "Levites. 1Clem. 40:5 cannot

refer to bishops, elders and deacons, since elders are not mentioned here

at all here, but only apostles, bishops and deacons in ' 42:4-5. For Clement,

it seems, the Apostles were the high priests, but the priests and Levites

were the bishops and deacons. The difference in Did. is that the role of h

)1igh priests is given to the prophets, who are in any case somewhat

confused with the apostles (11:3). It is only with Ignatius that the

triumvirate of bishops, elders and deacons is established (IgTrall. 3: 1;

IgPhil. 4: 1; 7: 1; IgSmyrn. 8: 1), and this may be an innovation, since

Ignatius's instructions on the threefold ministry are polemical. [34J

Herm., Vis. III.5: 1 has apostles, bishops, teachers and deacons, but no

elders. The suggestion which makes most sense of this confusion is that

bishops and deacons were the earliest officials of the local Christian

communities, and that they were early understood as analogous to Priests

and Lev ites as in QL.

[34 J See the argument of C. P. Hammond Bammel, "Ignatian Problems", JTS ns ' 33, 1982, pp 62-97.

291

6L6cLO){aAW\!: Asvro uPYEw usually stands for n.,v in LXX, but may also render

i:lY' It has a distinctive reference to the Jewish Temple cult. [35] In late

Jewish writings, however, the root i:lY · is more common, and worship,

especiall y in the Temple is called ili:lY (MAboth 1:2) .ili:lY is one of the

three thing s on which the world rests (bMen. 109b; bYeb. 32b; bYom. 32a).

Idolatrous worship is called il.,T ni:lY (MSan. 7:4, 10). In bTaan 2a prayer

is said to be :l?:l 1<"illD ili':lY (Deut. 11:13), while O:J"il?1< 'il n1< Oni:lY' (Ex.

23:25) is referred to the recitation of the Shema and Tefillah in bBQ 92b.

The concept is rare in NT, although cf Heb. 8:6 and 9:21 use Asvro uPYLa in

the same way as LXX, as does Lk 1:23. Acts 13:2 is the only NT passage which

provides any parallel to Did., since it uses the word of the work of

prophets and teachers in fasting and praying.

The use of ili':lY in QL illustrates the use of AE: '~To upYLain Did. Thus

in 1QpHab 7:10ff the talk is of n~1<il ni':lY, while 10:11 has the opposite,

"ID Ili1:lY. Man's deeds are founded either on one or the other of the Two

Spirits (1QS 3:26), so that their service is either jJi~ ni1:lY (4:9) or

il1<~tJ ni1:lY (4:10) and they must be kept separate (5:14 Cf 1QM 13:5). The

author of the Hodayoth sees himself engaged in God's service (ili1:lY 2:33,

36), and those who refuse to accept his teaching have "rebelled against

the service of righteousness (jJi~ 1'Ii1:1Y)" (6:19). [36] The word used in

1QSa to describe the service of the Congregation is iliYil ili1:lY (1:16, 18,

19, 22; 2: 1). In CD 10: 19, 20; 20:7, nothing more is meant by this word than

the daily work of a man, but CD 11:23 uses it of the Sabbath worship of the

[35] See R. Meyer and H. Strathmann, "LEITOURGEO, LEITOURGIA", TDNT IV, pp 215-231.

[36] The hymnist sees himsel f in a special way as God's servant (il:Ji:lY). See above on 9:2.

292

communi ty. [37]

~n o6v unepL6nTE aUTou~ : This implies a situation in which prophets

and teachers were regarded as the most important source of community

leadership. [38] Ca has rewritten the whole sentence.

15.2 Didache 15:3-4

This passage is close to Mt 18:15-17, which Massaux sees as the

source. [39] It repeats, to a large extent, instructions found in the Two

Ways, especially 4:3-8 and the interpolation of 1:3-2:1. It is a summary of

the teaching with the particular intention of subordinating it to the

TOU XUPLOU n~wv (15:4). It seems clear that this is a late redaction at a

time when the written Gospel had become authoritative in the Church, and

the redactor is anxious to set it over the Did., which is hardly surprising

since Did. clashes at some points with the canonical Gospels. [40]

~n6d~ AaAELTw ~n6t nap' u~wv CtXOUETW : Most scholars interpret this

to mean "And he shall not receive a single word from you". [41] Nautin,

however, [42] sees this interpretation as "doubly suspect" because it

, " 6 ' violates the syntax in which AaAELTW and aXOUETW are linked by ~n E and

can only have the same subject, and because it amounts to a tautology,

[37] The il'1JY refers to military service in 1QM 2:9,15. In 1QH 1:12, natural forces have their il'1JY and in 1:16 man's service is also established from creation (on one of the two Spirits Cf 1:27).

[38] Theissen (Sociology p 20f) sees this as reflecting a conflict between wandering charismatics and local settled leadership.

[39] Influence, pp 630f. [40] See Giet, L'l:nigme, p 243. [41] So Harnack, Hemmer, Knopf and Audet. [42] "Notes", pp 119f.

293

whereas there are no other examples of such "banal ity" in Did •• Nautin

translates the text, "Que personne ne lui parle ni ne vous en entendre

parler", so that the offender is not only not to be spoken to, he is not

even to be mentioned until he repents. It is, in other words, a more

rigorous prov ision. This interpretation seems to be right. [43]

15.3 Summary

Did. 15:1-2 probably has some foundation in the original schema of

proselyte catechism, in which instructions concerning the worship of the

communi ty were followed by a reference to the leaders of the local

community. Prophets and teachers were not part of the original schema, and

apostles were representatives of authority outside of the community. It is

unlikely that the bishops and deacons were introduced to fill a vacuum

lef~ by the decline in the number of prophets. The problem was created by

the emergence of prophets as the primary authorities in the community, and

this is reflected in the textual redaction. The editor attempts to

reconcile the duly appointed leaders of the local communities yr1ci with the

charismatic prophets and the teachers who come from outside the

communi ties arid take up positions of primacy. This may reflect the

beginnings of the Montanist movement. The sociological model of Theissen,

Schille and Niederwimmer seems to be a romantic over-simplification of the

development of the early Church. The evidence of QL and the Rabbinic

writings suggests that the communities would have had an organisational

structure from the beginning. In QL the office of Mebaqqer offers points

[43] Giet (L'~igme, pp 239f) sees this as a prescription detached by later redaction from 11-14 with which it rightly belongs. His theory is over-complicated.

294

of contact with the bishop in the early Church, but it is the division of

the leadership of the community into priests and Levites which offers the

closest available parall'el to bishops and deacons in Did. This

organisational structure of the , local community is disturbed by the

intrusion of prophets from outside the community who claim an unassailable

divine appointment (11:7), so that the editor warns Church members not to

despise the elected local leadership.

o Did. 15:3-4 is a late addition, which subordinates the instructip~ of

Did. to a written Gospel, presumably that of Mt with which Did. has close

affinities.

295

16. Chapter Si x teen

16, l. rp1)yopE~''t"E; utt~p TYje; ~w~e; UfLwv' OL AUXVOL ufLwV fL~ a~EaS·~1'wacxv, xcxl. ext oa<pUEe; ufLwV fL~ ExAuEa­Swacxv , cXAA<X y[vEaSE hOLfLoL' ou y<XP ot~cx1'E: TI]v &pcxv, f.V n 6 XUpLOe; ~fLWV e:PXE1'CXL • 2. fIuxvwe; a~ (J\JvcxxS~aEaSe:

5 ~1)-rounEe; 1'IX cXV~XOV1'CX 1'cx~e; tjluxcx~e; UfLWV' ou yIXp w<pEA~aEL UfLiie; 6 7tiie; xpovoe; 1'~e; 7t[a1'Ewc; ufLwv, f.IXV [L~ f.V 1'iii f.axcX-rcp XCXLP~ 't'EAELWe~'t'E. 3. 'Ev ya.p 't'cx~e; taxcX't'CXLe; ~[L£pIXLe; ttA7)-6uv61]aovTcxL ot ~E:u807tpocp1iTcxL xed ot cpSOpe:Le;, xcxl. a't'pcx<p~­aOVT17.L TIX 7tp6~cx1'cx de; AUXOUe;, xG'.1. ~ &YcX7t1) aTpcx<p~ae:TcxL de;

10 fL~aoe; . 4. AU~17.voua'Yje; ya.p 1'~e; a.VO[LLCXe; [LLa'~aOUaLv a.n~­),oue; XcxL aLW~OUO'L xcxl. 7tCXpCXaWaouaL, xcxl. T01'E tpcxv~ae;'t'cxL 6 xOa[L07tACXV~e; we; ULOe; SEOU xcxt 7tOL~aEL O"7)[LE~CX xcxt 1'£pcx1'cx , xcxl. ~ y~ 7tCXpCXaOS~O'ETCXL de; XE~pCXe; CXUTOU, xcxl. 7tOL~aE:L &SE[LL1'CX, &. OUah01'E YEyovEv f.~ cxlwvoe;. 5. T01'E: ~~EL ~

15 xT[aLe; 1'WV &vSPW7tWV de; TI]v 7tUPWaLV 1'~e; DoxLfLcxalcxe; , xcxt axcxvocxALaS~aovTcxL 7tOMol. xcxl. a.7tOAOU\l't'CXL, ot o~ U7top.e::[vcx:v't'e:~ E'J T7j ntcr"t'EL a.u't'wv O'we~aov't'cxL un' CXUTO~_ TOU ~CX1'CXSEfLcx1'Oe;. 6. Kcxl. 1'OTE: cpcxvYJaE1'cxL TIX CJY)fLe:~CX TYje; &)''Y)Sdcxe;' 7tPWTOV O"7)fLE~OV f.X7tE:TaaEWe; f.V oupcxviii, El-rCX

20 O"7)[LE~OV tpWv~e; aaAmyyoe;, xcxt TO TPLTOV cXvaaTcxaLe; vexpwv • 7. ou 7tanwv ~E, Ct.AA' we; EppES'Y)' (( "H~EL 6 XUpLOe; XcxL 7taVTEe; OL Ct.YLOL [LET CXUTOU . )) 8. TOTE OtjlE't'CXL 6 xoafLoc; 1'0'.1 XUpLOV EPX0[LEVOV E7taVW TWV VEtpEAWV TOU oupcxvou •••

16, 1 u!J.W\I Ca : 1)f.LW\I rut uid.}H II 8 TOG Myou post. <p60pe:L~ add. ~a1l9 OTpct<pi)OETct\ om. Ca II 1 0 ctu~ctVOU01J~ H : 7tA1J6uv6dO'7]~ Ca II 10-11 ol cXvOpW7tO\ post <iMi)AOU~ add. Ca 1111 7tctpctowaouo\ H Matth. : 7tpoowaouo\\I Ca II 12 XOO!J.07tActvT]~ H : -TtAcivo~ Ca II 16 axctVOcxA\O-6i)oOV\ctL 7toMol H J\latth. : 7toMol axctVOctALd}i)crOVTctL Ca II 17 tv T7j 7tlcrTEL ctUTW\I H : d~ TEAO~ Ca Matth. II crw6i)crO\l'\'ctL H : OUTO\ ow6i)­crOVTctL Ca OUTO~ crw6i)crETctL Matth. II 18 TCt cr1Jf.Le:Lct H : TO O'7]f.LELO'l C;: J\1atth,~ 19 _rij~ eXA7J6dctC; H :_ TOG uloG TOG cX\l6pw7tOU Ca Matth.// T'!J ante OUpctv'!J add. Ca Matth.[1\..J /120 O'7]!J.ELO'l <pwvij~ H: <pwvlJ Ca 23 TOG oupcxvoG om. ca II ultima uerba post oupa:voG desiderantur in H.

296

The Two Ways originally concluded with an eschatological

warning. [1] This original conclusion can be seen partly in Ba. 21:1 ff and

partly in Ba. 4:1-5; 9-14. It is likely that some of this material remains

also in Did. 16, especially vv 1-2, and that Did. has reworked it to combine

it with material drawn from other sources. Thus there is no question of a

direct literary relationship between Did. and Ba. here [2] any more than in

the Two Ways of Did. 1-6. They are independent witnesses to the same

trad ition. [3]

16.1 Didache 16:1

ypnyopSLTE: urrtpTn~ ~wTi~ Uj.lWV : This abruptness is striking. Nothing

ties it to what precedes it. [4] The text agrees with Mt 24:42 only in the

common use of the imperative ypnyopsLTE:, which is a commonplace in

eschatological exhortation (eg Mk 13:35, 37 (Lk. 12:37); IgPol. 1:3; Asc. Isa. ',,,

4:16; Apoc. In. 3:2f; 16:15). [5] Ba. uses /stead the verb rrpo0EXSLV (4:6,9,

14; cf Lk 21:34). Did. differs in th'lS from Mt, in that the addition of D rrtp

Tn~ ~wn~ Uj.lWV sets it in the context of the ethical parenesis of the Two

Ways. An echo of this occurs in Ba. 4:9, although Did. is likely to be more

faithful to the tradition since it is the more difficult reading, and Tn~

[1] So Bammel, "Schema und Vorlage", passim. For a couter v iew, see T. H. C. van Eik, "La Resurrection des Mertes", pp 20f. See above pp 129-132.

[2] Contra Harnack, Die Lehre, pp 1f, 287f; Hennecke, "Grundschrift", p 67. [3] Cf fultzmann, p 160; Giet, L'migme, p 247. Howev·er, Giet (pp 255f) sees

Did. 16 as part of the latest layer of Did. from the hand of the "continuator" who added 15.

[4] Cf Audet, La Didache, p 469; Giet, L'migme, p 244f. [5] Did. is notdependent on Mt and Lk as claimed by Massaux, Influence,

.pp 631ff; G. E. Ladd, The Escahtology of the Didache, unpublished Harvard Thesis, 1949, pp 16-28. Cf Giet, ~igme, p 245. van Eijk ("Resurrection", pp 21f) points out the difficulty of using source critical methods where the stereotyped traditional language of apocalyptic is concerned.

297

n:LaTSW~ 0- \lWV of Sinaiticus may have arisen from familiarity with the text If c· kJt-tJo~

of Did. 16:2. The Latin version of Ba. "v itae nostrae et fidei" is ~yearl y a

corn prom ise read ing. The importance of "waiting" because of the imminence

of the End shows an urgency in Did. which is not common in Christian

writings later than the first century. [6]

The concept of keeping watch in the face of the imminent eschaton

can be seen also in QL. ypnyopElI) usually renders the Hebrew ij71D in LXX,

but the only significant use of this is in 1QS 6:7, the nightly watch of

the community whose motivation can only be conjectured. Nevertheless, the

Scrolls use the root '11::l in a manner comparable to ypnyopEw in Did. See

1QS 9:25, at the conclusion of the community rules (i'H':ln i1£l::l" : ?~ : O£)ID()'J?'1);

1QH 12:21; cf also 1QH f 4:5; 18:5, and CD 4:10f.

This is found only in Lk 12:35, where the order AUXVOL ,6acplk~ is reversed,

and the wording is not close. B. C. Butler [7] sees Did. as dependent on Lk

here, but there is no reason for such an assumption. The teaching is drawn

from Jewish eschatological tradition (See Eph. 6:11f; 1 Pet. 1:13), and Did.

nowhere else uses Lk. [8] The points of contact between Did. and Lk are

better explained by the u.se of common traditions. [9] The imagery seems to

be drawn from the Passover, where the people were commanded to be in a

state of readiness, so that the Jewish. people were reminded annually of

the imminence of God's intervention to vind icate his people. Lk reflects

[6] See Ladd, Eschatalogy, pp 122-129; A. P. O'Hagan ; Material Recreation in the Apostolic Fathers, Berlin, 1968, pp 18-30.

[7] "The Literary Relations of Didache ch. xvi", JTS ns 11, 1960, pp 265-283. See also Massaux, Influence, pp 620ff. However this is the only use of special Lukan material in Did., and a literary dependence is unlikel y. See Glover, "Didache's OJotations", pp 22f.

[8] See K~ster, Synoptische Uberlieferung, pp 175f. Cf Rordorf and Tuilier, La Doctrine, pp 89f.

[9] Streeterand Manson see this text as derived from "Q". See also K<5ster, Synoptische Uberlieferung, pp 175f; Glover, "Quotations", p 22.

298

LXX Ex. 12:11, which was early linked with Jewish speculation on the world

to come in Mekhilta Pis. VII 11 15-20 (on Ex. 12:11), attributed to Eliezer

(T1 or 2). [10] In jKil. IX, 32b, 9; jKeth. XII, 35a, 9, R. Jeremiah (T4) in

talking of his burial directs, "Clothe me in a white robe with a border,

clothe me in my socks; put my sandals on my feet and my staff in my hands,

and set me aside, so that I shall be prepared when the Messiah comes" (My

translation). [11] The reference to one's lamp not being quenched is

probabl y al so a reference to the Passover rite, lamps being required for

the night watch, [12] eg MPes. 1:1. Tos. Pes. 1:1, where the practice of

searching with lamps during the Passover watch may take on an JflZIk..fS

eschatological significance (cf ~ 1Clem. 21:1-3). See also the New Year

Arnidah, Petition 3 (.,,) n~""y ).

Did. uses the distinctive expression ~n 0SE0~nTw0av, whereas Lk has

the positive }{aL.O~EVOL.. Did. may be 'influenced by Isa. 42:3,~ where

this word is used in LXX. The Targ un appl ies it to the pio us. (Cf al so 2

. Sam. 21:17). Perhaps the image is also influenced by the lamp which burnt

continually before the Altar in the Temple (cf 4 Ezra 10:22, "The light of

our lamp is extinguished", and 1 Macc. 4:36:59). QL prov ides no parallel s to

this image, although the imagery of light and darkness are important. [13]

€pXETa~ This strikes the key note in Did. 16. The need to continue living

the moral life of the Two Ways is underscored by the urgency of the

imminent End. Did. reflects a ba9kground of crisis at the delay of the

[10] Cf Pesikta Rabbati 15:25; Midr. Ps. 12:43 (xix.6). The text from Isa. 52:12 is developed by the Targun to apply to the ingathering of exiles in the Messianic age.

[11] Cf Strack-Billerbeck, II, p 192. The saying recurs in Gen. R. 100.2, though here the text has been purged of its Messianic reference.

[12] Cf Tos. Pes. 10:11 (Zuckermandel, p 173 11 8f). [13] See above on 1:1.

299

parousia. [14] Mt 24:44, Lk 12:40 put this saying in the context of the

parable of the Thief in the Night, absent in Did. Except for ,,(LVE:O.\JE:

8TOL.].lOL., a stock phrase of eschatological warning (eg Herm., Sim. 1.6; Pol.

Phil. 14; 19Pol. 7:3), the wording in Did. differs considerably from Mt, Lk

being closer to Mk 13:35 (Cf Mt 25:13). Again, this is a clich~ in parenesis

(eg 1 Thess. 5:2; 2 Pet. 3:10; Rev. 3:2f). What is striking in the whole of

Did. 16: 1, is that phrases found in either Mt or Lk are interwoven in a

wording which is never exact and in an order inex plicable by literary

borrowing. At most it could represent a paraphrase from memory, but it is

more likel y that it reflects mutual but independent use of the same

traditions. Did. may well be more faithful to the Jewish origins of the

tradition at this point, since it ties the exhortation directly (aAAa) to

the Exodus imagery where the need to "be prepared" for the Messiah

appears. [15]

QL uses the word j 1ny to describe a state of preparedness for the

eschatological battle: 1QM 6:16 ~1'1ny 0?1:)'); 1QM 7:5 (Oj7J 0,1? 01"n),,);

1QM 10:5; 15:2 (imn?l':lil 1"ny ?'~; Cf 1QSa 1:27.

EV ~ (; }{UPL.O~ n].lWV EPXE:TaL. : Up to this point Did. has used u].ld~

throughout, and n].lwv is unexpected, so that it probably .represents a

Christianising gloss. The saying echoes Did. 4:10, where the subject is

.\JE:O ~ (cf James 5:7).

QL also expected the imminent arrival of the Lord to judge (il"j7£l )

[14] See J. M. Creed, "The Didache", JTS 39, 1938, pp 370-387; Ladd, Eschatology, pp 1-15.

[15] See the saying of R. Jeremiah cited above.

300

I'

the wicked and vindicate the righteous (eg 1QS 3:13-15). [16J The division

of man according to the two spirits lasts only till "the time of His

visitation" (3:18), when each will receive its appropriate visitation for

~ * . eternal weal or woe (4:6, 19), in order that "the destiny of all the living

may be according to the spirit within [them at the timeJ of the visitation

(il1'j7£l)" (4:26). Cf 1QH 1:17f; 4QpIsa b 2:2; 4QpHos a 1:10; 40 502 .16:4; CD

1:7; 7:21; 19:10f. 1 j7£> is used to described the coming destruction of the

wicked in 1QS 10:7; 1QH 14:24; CD 5:15f; 7:10 (19:6); 8:2, 3 (19:14, 15). The

intention of such language is twofold: to encourage the faithful in time

of persecution with the promise of God's vengeance, and to warn against the

consequences of apostasy. The principle is most clearly expressed in CD

7:21-8:3. (Note the additions of the parallel 19:4). This passage shows

clear signs of discontent at the delay of the parousia, which was expected

forty years after the death of the Teacher of Righteousness. Those who are

wavering are threatened with God's judgment as in Did. 16:1-2.

16.2 Didache 16:2

This passage seems to be part of the original Two Ways eschatology,

since it is echoed in several places in Ba. (4: 1, 9; 17: 1). The agreement

with Ba. 4:9 is so close that early critics were led to adduce literary

[16J It should be noted that the eschatology of QL is not necessarily uniform, since the writings evolved over a period of about two hundred years and show signs of a fluctuation of ideas, eg over whether one or two messiahs were expected. See J. Pryke, "Eschatology in the Dead Sea Scrolls", Scrolls and Christianity, ed. Black, pp 45-57, esp. 56f. -

301

dependence of Did. on Ba. [17J This is unnecessary if both rely on the Two

Ways teaching.

the context of other characteristic Two Ways materIal, Ba. 4:10 has,

~JYW~EV &R6 rr~ans ~aTa~6TnTos ~~a~aw~Ev TEiE~WS T& ~pya T~S Rovnp~s o6o~

w~ xae'~au~obs ~V6JVOVTES ~OV~~ETE ~s ~6n 6E6~xa~w~{vo~, &Al'ER~ T6 a~T6

• (Cf Ba. 4:1; 17:1).

Ba. switches here from the first person plural, a mark of his redactional

activity, to the second person plural which is used throughout Did. 16, as

if the familiarity of the text has imposed its form on him. The saying in

various forms seems to be present in Heb. 10:25; IgEph. 13:1; 20:2; IgPol. 4:2;

2Clem 17:3; Herm., Mand. XI.13-15, as well as Did. 4:2. The motivation for the

emphasis on frequent meetings in community is provided by Did. 16:3. False

prophets and corruptors are on the increase (Cf 11:1-2) and the necessary

counterbalance to this lies in the tradition deposited in the community.

QL offers a close analogy to this only in CD 20:17f, which envisages

mutual encouragement by community members in the final time of trouble to

enable them to stand firm. However, QL considers the foundation of the

communi ty itsel f to have eschatolog ical significance (eg CD 1: 1-2: 13; 1QS

8:1-16), and the community is God's proviSion for the faithful remnant in

the last days.

[17J Harnack, Did Lehre, p 82; Beiden Wege, pp 24f. Harnack came to accept the dependence of both Ba. and Did. on an underlying Jewish Two Ways teaching, but still believed that this text necessitated a literary relationship between the two works. Also B. C. Butler, "Literary Relations"; Vokes, Riddle; Peterson, "Einige Probleme", pp 146-182; Robinson, Barnabas, Hermas and the Didache, pp 66ff; Muilenburg and Connolly. The contrary has beenargued by Ladd, Eschatology, pp 29-41; Glover, "Did ache's Quotations", p 22.

302

TCU}tVWS; : Harnack [18J suggests that this means here not "often" but

"in great number". The verb TC U}t VOW can mean "to be pac ked full". [19 J The

normal QL title for their communal gathering, n"::11 , illustrates such an L.1c../A-"d3 ~

understanding. A similar expression in the~is TO TC Ail.(Jos;. The response

seen in CD 20: 17f, to widespread apostasy forty years after the death of

the Teacher of Righteousness is to emphasise community solidarity.

:'. Ba. 4:9 has r)j.1ELs; for UlJELS; , which is

characteristic of his redaction, since he consciously rejects the role of

teacher (1:8). Ba. also seems originally to have written 6 TCiis; xP ovos; Tils;

swils; i1lJw~ as in H54, since the Latin text is a conflation, "vitae nostrae

et fidei", in which "fidei" seems an addition. Moreover, swil s; is a more

difficult reading than Tils; TC~0TEWS; nlJwv in Sinaiticus, which may well be a

correction influenced by Did. If swils; is original, it is another sign that

this passage belongs originally to the eschatological conclusion of the

Two Ways. A further indication that this passage originates in the Two

Ways tradition is the presence of a very similar saying at the conclusion

of the Two Ways of Pirqe d'Re Eliezer. [20] TEAEL,w.(JilTEfits well with this

teaching. [21]

The general purpose of this text is to .stiffen the resolve of the

fai thful in a time of testing when many are falling away because of

persecution and false teaching. [22] This is the position also in CD 20,

which is especially concerned with apostasy. (20:3f, Cf 20:20-22). The

salient point in 1QS 7:18-21 is that the person who is apostate from the

[18] Die Lehre, p 61; Knopf, Die Lehre, p 38. [19] Liddell and Scott, p 1552b; Lampe, p 1207b. [20] See Klein, ru. teste Katechismus, p 160. [21] See above on Did. 6:2, pp 136f. Cf Justin, Dial. 47:5; Clem. Alex., Qlis

dives salvo 40:2. --[22] Cf Rev. 2:3, 10, 13, 25f; 3:11.

community and returns, is treated as if he were again a non-member, and is

made to undergo the same probation as if he never had been a member. The

"whole time of his faith", in the words of Did., up till now, profits him

nothing. Members of more than ten years' standing who apostasise are

expelled permanently (7:22-25).

EV T4l Eaxch4J }{aGpQ: Ba. 4:9 hasa.vO)lQ for Eaxa~4J • It is difficult to -~ 9-<-_<_63

decide which is more faithful to the source. The wor~is characteristic of

the Two Ways. Ba. repeatedly uses a.VO)lOS; (4:1; 10:4, 8; 14:5; 15:7; 18:2), and

the word is used al so in Di d. 16: 4.

Time played a very important part in the thinking of the Qlmran

community which asserted a solar calendar. [23] If God had set out a rigid, ~

calendar from creation,»nl y worship in accordance with this was pleasing.

Moreover, the different times and ages of human history were also

appointed from Creation, and happen in accordance with God's calendar. In

this y. they found confidence in their position in God's disposition of

history, and the key to understand the events of their own day.

This accounts for the plethora of references to time in QL, and also

for the ambiguity of the words used. The word ,ym refers primarily to the

appointed times and seasons laid down by God and revealed only to the

community (eg 1QS 1:7-9, on1'1yn "'1nJ n1JAj~ J1~. [24] '1yn can also be

used to describe the particular time appointed by God in history, the time

of God's intervention to save his people. God appointed the Two Spirits" in

which to walk until the time of His visitation (1n11j)£) ,ym,y 1QS

[23] Cf 1Enoch 72-82; Jubs. 6:32-38. See Leaney, The Rule of Qumran, pp 75-107. See also the discussion of Did. 8:3.

[24] See also eg 1QS 1:15; 3:10; 10:3,5,6,7,8; 1QpHab 11:6; 1QM 2:4,6,7; 10:15; 1QH 1:24; 4:12; 8:31; 12:6, 8; 13:20; 15:15; 1QSb 3:2; 1Q 34 2+1:1, 3; 3.i1.1; 4QpHos a 2:16; 4QpPs37 2:9; CD 3:14; 6:18; 12:4. -

304

3:18). [25]

The same ambivalence can be seen in the use oni' , [26] which can

mean simply the time or season (eg 1QS 1:14; 10:1,5; 11:9; 1QpHab 11:6; 1QM

10:15) or the time appointed for wrath or for blessing in hUman history, or

the time of the End (Vi'i1 n".,nl'< in 4QpNah 3-4.iii.3; 4Q 173 1:5, or 1,.,nl'<i1. Vi'i1

in 4QpHab 7:7, 12; 4QpNah 3-4.i v .3; 1,.,nl'< Vi' in 1QS 4: 16). The link between

time meaning the appointed seasons and time meaning the last times, can be

seen in 4QAges Creat (180) 1: 1-4. History is predetermined by God from

creation like the seasons, and His intervention to vind icate and redeem

his chosen is imminent and inevitable (eg 1QM 11:8). 1QM 10:8-16 includes a

hymn to God as creator of the seasons as part of the exhortation before

battle. Unfortunately its end is fragmentary, but it includes the

expression of thanks for ,y '~i" tP.)I1} n1£)1i'n, 1!J,'i' ',y,)':) (10:15f). The

cycle of time is predetermined and so the victorious outcome of the battle

is assured (11:1). The word ny can also refer to the seasons and time in

general (eg 1QSb 4:26; 5:18; 1QH 8:23; 12:8), or more particularly to

eschatological time (eg 1QS 1:14; 8:4, 15; 9:12-23; 1QM 1:5; CD 12:21; 16:3).

16.3 Didache 16:3

: This is related to €V TQ €0XaT~ xaLpQ

in the preced ing verse, as is suggested by yap , although there is a

difference in nuance. The "last time" .implies particularly the

intervention of God in history, whereas the "last days" signify the time

of distress and persecution preceding the End, in which the community is

[25] See also 1QS 3:23; 4:18, 20 (j:)~"n:l \)£)I!J)':) ,Y1)':) I)); 1QM 1:8; 4:7; 11:1; 15:5, 6, 12; 17:5; 18:10, 14; 1QH 1:17; 9:24; 12:17.

[26] Cf Amos 8:2 for the eschatological use of Vi' •

305

caught up.

The same expression O"~";' n""lnl'< is used frequently in the same sense

in QL. (eg CD 4:3-6, and 1QpHab 2:5-10). Yet there is ambivalence here also,

since O"~";' n"..,nl'< can be used of events still to come, eg CD 6:11; 1QpHab

. 9:6f. QL sees Scripture partly fulfilled in what is happening now, and, from

that, makes predictions concerning the future. The consciousness of the

community that they were living in the last troubled days before the End

conditioned every aspect of their life. Indeed, they believed that by

separating themselves from the disobedient majority of Israel, and by

withdrawing to the wilderness to live a life of perfect obed ience, they

were hastening the End (1QS 8:13f; 9:19f).

rrpoSa:ra d,s; AU}(01)S; : This is a common ingredient of descriptions of

eschatological distress. See Drac. Sib. II.165f; Asc. Isa. 3:27ff; Apoc. Pet.

1:1; Cd. Sol. 38. It appears in Mt 24:11f, 24; 7:15 (cf Rev. 19:2; 16:13; 2Pet.

3:3; 1Tim. 4:1; 2Tim. 3:1f; 1Jn. 2:18; 4:1). Asc. Isa. 3:21-24 seems to imply a

direct use of Did.: "And afterwards, when he is at hand, his disciples will

forsake the teaching of the twelve apostles and their faith, their love

and purity, and there shall arise much contention about [his coming and

appearing. And in those days there shall be many who will love office

though they are devoid of wisdom, and many elders shall be lawless and

violent shepherds to their sheep and shall become ravagers (of the sheep),.

since they are no holy shepherds". [27J Did. 11:7-12 shows that the false

prophets were a constant threat to the life of the community. [28]

[27 J Hennecke II, p 648. [28J Knopf (Die Lehre, p 39) maintains that there is no resemblance

between the fal se prophets in the two sections of Did., since these eschatological false prophets were sent by Satan, but who else could have sent the false prophets of Did. 11!

306

QL al so has the theme of an increase of ev il in the present age (the

"last days") before the onset of the War and the "visitation". [29] 1QH 4

is particularly close to Did. 16:3, where the Teacher of Righteousness [30]

laments his expulsion from Jerusalem by lying teachers (iPni 'Y',n1 or '~i"n

':lT~- ) and false prophets (i1'ni 'TH), who have corrupted the people (1QH

4:6-11). Behind the false teachers and prophets lies the hostile design of

Belial (4:12f), who contrives that, "They come to seek Thee from the mouth

of lying prophets pT:> 'lX''::D '!In) who are led astray by error". (4:15-17,

my translation. Cf 4:20). 4QpNah 3-4.ii.8 attacks, "those who lead Ephraim

astray, who lead many astray through their false teaching, their lying

tongue and deceitful lips". [31] (Cf CD 5:20-6:2, ii7V 1lX:l':P ). A large-

scale apostasy from the community under the influence of a particular

"false teacher" (:IT:>i1 V'1lX) is reflected by 1QpHab 2:2-10. [32] The false

teachers and corruptors are part of Belial's campaign against the Sons of

Light (1QpF1or 1:8f; 1QS 3:21-24). The dualistic cosmology of QL lies

behind the QL concept of the period of eschatological distress. [33] At

present the two spirits are establ ished by God in equal measure, and

continual battle is waged between them, both in the hearts of men and in

the events of history. At present the world is in the dominion of the Angel

of Darkness, and he directs his hostil ity against the Sons of Light, but in

God's appointed time, the Angel of Light will triumph and the Angel of

Darkness with all his sons will be exterminated. [34] Traces of this

[29] Cf Pryke,"Eschatology", pp 45-54. [30] Tbis passage is among the hYmns attributed to the Teacher himself by

G. Jeremias (Der Lehrer der Gerechtigkeit, (Stwdien zur Umwelt des Neuen Testaments II), Cl1ttingen, 1963, pp 168-177) and Stegemann, Entstehung. For a different view see S. Holm-Nielsen, Hodayot Psalms from Qumran, Aarhus, 1960, p 89.

[31] The community hoped that these former members of the community who had been led astray by false teaching would return, according to 4QpNah 3-4.iii.5, 7.

[32] See below on the ){OOllOTIACLv ns: of Did. 16:4. [33] See above on 1:1, pp 20-22. [34] See the notes on Did. 16:4 below.

307

apocalyptic pattern remain in Did. 16:4, although the dualism of the Two

Ways as it is seen in QL is pruned away.

The background to the saying in Did. seems to be the prophesy in

Ezek. 22:26ff (Cf 13:10; Zeph. 3:3). The Targum has /X"jiv "jJ for theo"/X":lJ

of MT, and expands the text in line with Ezek. 13:10. CD 8:12f (Cf 4:9; 8:18) ·

applies this prophecy to . the opponents of the community "in the last

days". [35] It is an important feature of this passage that the false

prophets are acting on the inspiration of a single figure, the :IT:J l"J "lJ)'),

just as in Did., the increase of false prophets and corruptors is followed

by the final catastrophic appearance of the "World Deceiver". In any case,

if Ezek. 22:26ff is the background to Did. 16:3, then the text refers to

three different kinds of persons: false prophets, those who profane holy

thing s (ie fal se priests), and wic ked rulers who prey on their own people.

Did. would then preserve the original framework of this eschatological

teaching.

: Such a cool ing of ardour and

falling into apostasy is reflected in 1QpHab 5:9-12; 4QpPs37 2:17-20; 3:2f;

and particularly in CD 19:33-20:34. CD 2:6 castigates "those who depart

from the way and abhor the Precept".

This is a puzzling

expression. The equivalent in Mt 7: 15 seems at first to make more sense:

npo8chwv, €Ow~€V M d,OLV AU}{OL &pna:y€~. However it is possible that the

forms in Mt and Did. represent different renditions of a difficult Hebrew

[35] This passage follows an interpretation of Deut. 32:33, which is probably a later interpolation, inserted as a midrash on the proof text, since it runs contrary to the sense of 8: 1-1 0, which attacks apostate Israel, while the midrash applies the proof text to the nations.

308

saying: ,O":liXT ?iX 1iXYiI 1:l0.:11 • This could mean originally, "And the sheep

shall be turned over into the power (or "into the midst of") of wolves".

!bwever, the root:l:lO also means "to be transformed or changed". [36J Did.

takes :l:l0 in this sense and renders it by oT pa~noov TaL. This would fit the

evidence of the saying in Mt 10:16. Here ano0TEAAw E: V j.l €o iji (ord,e:; j.l€ oiji )

would convey the sense of :l:l0 appropriately. [37J Jesus warns his

disciples when he sends them out that they can expect the persecution.

Just as the world is handed over into the power of the World Deceiver, so

the disciples, like their Master, are handed over into the power of the

wicked rulers and authorities of the day. Mt awearspreser,,¢ves both senses

of :l:l0 in , the saying: in Mt 7:15, where the difficulty of a sheep changing

into awol f has been overcome by the image of a disguise [38 J and in Mt

10: 16, where E:V j.l€oiji retains the primary sense of :l:l0 , sheep surrounded by

wolves. Perhaps the transition between the form of the saying in Did. and

that in Mt may be a;ttested by Asc. 1sa. 2:24-25, "and many elders will be

lawless and violent sheperds to their sheep and will become ravagers (of

the sheep), since they have no holy shepherds. And many will exchange the

glory of the garment of the saints for the garment of the covetous" (cf

Eusebius, H.E. V.16.17).

[36] See BDB, p 686f. [37J See also 2 Clem. 5:2: €0€0~€ we:; apv La E:V j.l€0iji ), U}{WV1gPhil. 2:2; 19Eph.

7: 1; Justin, Apol. 1.163; Eusebius, H.E. V.13:4. Cf 1 Enoch 89: 13-27; 90:4; 4 Ezra 5:18. -- -

[38 J There may be some truth in the contention of O. Bocher ("Wol fe im Schafspel zen: Zum reI ig ionsgeschichtl ichen Hintergrun'd von Matth. 7, 15a", TZ 24, 1968, pp 405- 426) that the background to this form of the saying lies in the wearing of the skins of ' animal s by prophets in the ancient world, but it would still represent a later rational isation of the eschatological saying about sheep surrounded by or changed into wolves.

309

16.4 Didache 16:4

ITapaOWOOVOL : Ca has IT A n~VV~€LOnS; for aUE;avouons; , but this is likely to be

an emendation under the influence of 16:3 because aVE;avw normally has a

posi tive sense of fruitfulness and heal thy increase, which is out of place

here. The text describes the onset of the Messianic Woes which precede the

appearance of the Antichrist and, finally, the Christ. [39] QL also

expected such an increase of wickedness under the dominion of the Angel of

Darkness, and especially a time of distress for the community. Q1e

expression for this expectation is i1iY nn!)i1.:l, "when distress is unleashed"

(1QS 10:17) or "niY nM" n~ (11:13). The time is more specifically

described in 1QM 1:11-12 as the begining of the eschatological battle

between the Sons of Light and the Sons of Darkness (cf 15: 1, i1iY ny; 17:8f,

t'liYlJ). The Hodayoth describe this time of distress in the image of a woman

giving birth, which fluctuates between the Teacher of Righteousness giving

birth to the community, and the community giving birth to the Messiah [40]

(cf 1QH 3:26-27; 5:29-39; 7: 1-5; 8:26-9:6).

The crescendo of

eschatological distress and lawlessness is climaxed by the appearance of

the Antichrist. [41] Instead of ws;- v ~oS ~E:QD, Ca has 0 TTl'!: 6.xn ~ das; h.lJ- p o~

o ToD tVE:u60'-iS 1tp OOTa Tns;- • This may reflect an older reading, since the

opposition of the spirits of truth and falsehood are a central to the·Two

('39] Cf Asc. Isa. 2:4f . [40] Cf Rev . 6:8- 9; 12:1'2f , and the crescendo of eschatological distress in

4Ezra 5:1-4,11; Sib .. Or . IV.152-158; 2Thess. 2:7; Mt 24:15. [41] For the background see W. Bousset, The Antichrist Legend, ' 1896; R. H.

Charles, The Ascension of Isaiah, London, 1900, pp 51-73; Ladd, Eschatol~, pp 72- 99. --

310

Ways. [42] A close parallel is presented by 2 Thess. 2:3f,. 6 utos; Tns;

altWA E: LCt S; • There is no question of direct literary relationship, but rather

a common tradition. [43] The text has been influenced in H54 by the demand

of the Roman emperors to be worshipped as gods, which has reshaped the

tradition also in 2 Thess. 2:4. and Rev. 13:12. [44] Thus Ca here retains the

more primitive form of the Two Ways eschatology w·,,-tl,_ the emphasis on the

opposition of truth and falsehood, as one would expect from the title

}{00 ]J OltACtVns;. The unusual expression in Ca, 0 TOO tj!E: 06 b .J5 It p 00TChn. may also

reflect a Hebrew or Aramaic tradition, since :1':1T ;)1:1 was often, it seems,

understood as "Lord of Lies" (cf Jn 8:44).

This understanding is reflected also in QL, where Belial or the

Angel of Darkness or Melchi Resha is also the Spir.it o-f Falsehood, and "all

the men of his lot" are led astray by his representatives, who teach and

prophesy lies under his inspiration(eg 1QH 4; 4QpNah 3-4.iii.5-7). [45]

There is also the recurrent theme of a single hUman representative of

Belial who leads the persecution of the Sons of Light. This figure is

variously described-- and there is debate over whether one or two persons

are depicted. [46] From a historical perspective it is likely that several

figures ' lie behind the man of Lies and the False Priest. The underlying

conception is that the Sons of Darkness are marshalled and inspired by a

particular representative of Belial. It seems likel y that the community

believed in a succession of true and fal se prophets in every age, the fal se

[42] See the idea -of.-syzygies in Ps. Clem., Recog . III.59, 61; VIII.53 (cf fum. 11.15, 33), where a climactic series of ten· pairs of true and false prophets precedes the oppostition of Peter and Stmon Magus, before the final advent of the Anti-Christ and Christ.

[43] As in Dan. 12:1. Cf K~ster, Synoptische Uberlieferung, p 182; Glover, "Did ache' s Qlotations", p 24.

[44] This follows from the identification of the Antichrist with the emperor, and in the later writings with Nero in particular, as in Asc. Isa. 4:2-3.

[45] Cf the commentary on Did. 16:3 above. [46] As argued by Jeremias, Stegemann and Murphy-O'Connor.

311

followed by the true. [47J This is the understanding of Ps. Clem. Hom. 1:9. - , _. 2:15-16; 3:17-28, in which the contest between Simon Magus and Peter is at

the centre of the stage. The climax of such a succession of syzygies would

be the arrival of the Antichrist followed by the Christ. Did. has the

"World Deceiver" followed by the "Lord".

The first opponent figure in QL which corresponds to the Moo~o~AaV n ~

in the Did. is the :IT:lil V"I'<., [48J (1QpHab 2:1-6; 5:11f; 11:1; 4QpPs37 1:17-19;

cf 4QpPs37 4:18). This figure is also described as "one who waters with

lies" (:IT:Jil cptm) in 1QpHab 10:9 (cf 1QpMic (14) 10:2; CD 4:19,20). The Liar

deceives and seduces the nation (CD 8:13=19:35). A similar expression is

' 1~;il "VJIX in CD 1:14. The Man of Lies leads others astray and founds a

community of liars (4QpIsa 2:6, 10). CD 20:15 provides a highly Significant

time-scale, since it envisages a forty year time of trouble for the

community after the death of the Teacher, during which members of the

community will fall away, deceived by the .:IT:Jil V"IX. Then comes the Divine

judgment and the destruction of the apostates.

More opponent sayings revolve around the "Wicked Priest", the ,ilD

)lV.,il' a historical figure, who was the major opponent of the Teacher of

Righteousness (cf 1QpHab 8:8, 16; 9:9; 11:4, 12; 12:2, 8; 4QpPs37 4:8; 4QpHos b

(167) 2:3) . It probably refers to the non-Zadokite Maccabean leader

[47J See Danielou, Jewish Christianity, p 60; Fitzmyer, Essays, p 463. [48 J Cf Asc. Isa. 2: 12-3: 12, where the wicked prophet is called Belchira.

One of the names of Belial in QL is )lv,,".'J;tl. This figure is almost certainly a reference to the usurping High Priest Jonathan, or perhaps Simon, as the link with Samaria (t-bdina in Samaria was the home of the Maccabean family) and the reference to his father confirms (3: 1, 3). Asc. Isa. se~msto be rel ated in some way to QL. See D. F1 usser, "The Apocryphal Book of Ascensio Isaiae -and the Dead Sea Sect", IEJ 3,1953, pp 30-47.

312

Jonathan (166-143 Be), who usurped the High Priesthood. [49J The Teacher

of Righteousness is also referred to as 1il1:)il (4QpPs37 2:18f; 3:15; 1QpHab

2:8), and the conflict between the False Priest and the Teacher of

Righteousness seems to have its roots in the conflict for the High

Priesthood between the Maccabean dynasty and the aristocratic Zadoki te

priesthood from whom the High Priest had trad itionall y been drawn. [50 J

Whether or not the Y~'il 1il'~ is the same as the ~T~il ~,~, the depiction of

him in the Pesharim is founded on the concept of syzygies, of individual

representatives of the cosmic struggle between light and darkness in the

last days. [51J Hence this provides valuable material for the

understanding of the eschatology of Did. 16.

: There is no ev idence that QL

attributed such "signs and wonders" (Deut. 13:2ff) to the Liar of Wicked

Priest. However it is attested in Sib. Orac. II.167; III.6:3ff; Mt 24:24; Mk

13:22; 2 Thess. 2:9; Rev. 13:13f; 16:14; 19:20; Asc. Isa. 4:5, 9f; (Cf Ba. 4:14).

It has alread y been

observed [52J that the eschatology of Did. 16 rests on the dualism of the

Two Ways. God, hav ing created the two spirits in equal measure and set

everlasting conflict between them and those who follow them, has allowed

the Spirit of Darkness to rule in the present age for a limited time. [53J

Then, according to his mysterious pre-determined calendar, the Spirit of

[49J See Vermes, Scrolls, p 161 for a bibiographical account. Many other candidates have been suggested, notably Simon, · Jonathan's brother who founded the Hasmonean dynasty, and Alexander Jannaeas, who certainly does figure in 4QpNah as the "Lion of Wrath".

[50J See Stegemann, Entstehung, passim. 1il1:)il by itself refers to the High Priest.

[51 J See above on 16:3. [52J See the discussion on 16:~ [53J Cf Asc. Isa. 2:4, "for the prince of unrighteousness who rules this

world is Beliar, whose name is Matanbukus" (cf 10:29). Cf 1Enoch 89f; 2Cor. 4:4; Ba. 4: 13.

313

Lig ht and his Sons will tri urn ph for ever (1 OS 4: 16f). CD 2:7-10 al so

implies a pre-determined time when the wicked will predominate, and CD

,4: 12f attributes this time to Belial. (cf 10M 13:4-6 (1n1'Jl!J1'< n1vnJ); 13: 11 f)..

The eschatological war, which the War Scroll envisages, is. an earthly

battle, but is caught up in the cosmological battle between light and

darkness. The Angel s of Light and Darkness inte'rvene on behal f of their

earthl y proteges, and although Bel ial has the present dominion, God

preserves the Sons of Light (10M 14:8-10). The same background of cosmic

conflict, which results in Satan's temporary dominion, is seen in Rev. 12-

13, especiall y 13:7f.

Ha~ no~noE~ a~E~~Ta ,a ovoEnoTE YEYOVEV E~ a~wvo~ : The word a~E~~Ta

is roughly equivalent to' avo~~a, although it does seem to refer more to

breaches ' of the Torah in particular" as in Acts 10:28 (Cf 1Pet. 4:3;

Josephus, 8.J. II.131). 1Mac. 15:4 (cf 2Mac. 6:5) uses it to describe the

desecration of the Temple by Antiochus Epiphanes. In Did., the time of the

dominion of the Hoo~onAavn~ is time of unprecedented wickedness, which

exceeds even the growing lawlessness of the present. It is difficult to

see an exact parallel in OL, although it is reminiscent of the sense of

outrage in 40pNah 1:6ff. 2 Thess. 2:4 suggests that these ultimate acts of

lawlessness are connected with ' the usurpation of divine status by the

Antichrist (Cf Rev. 13:8, 12; Asc. Isa. 4:6f).

16.5 Didache 16:5

fire of judgment is a common feature of eschatological writings (eg Isa.

66:15f; 4Ezra 5:8; Sib. Grac. IV.159; Mt 25:41; 2Pet. 3:7; 1Cor. 3:13-15; Rev.

314

8:7f; 9:1f, 18f; 14:9-11; 15:8; 17:16; 18:18; 19:20f; 20:9f, 14f; 21:8; Asc. Isa.

4:18; Herm. Vis. IV.3:3; Justin, Dial. 47). QL also envisages a final

conflagration which will destroy the wicked, as in 1QH 6:17-19 (cf 17:13;

4QTestAmram 4:11, and 1QpHab 10:4f). However, the image of a devouring fire

is also used to describe the time of trial for the community. In 1QH 3:29ff,

it is Belial who send s out the fire which devours the whole earth as in

Rev. 13:13. It seems that this is not so much a reference to God's judgment,

as to the time of the eschatological distress, when "the land shall cry out

because of the great calamity fallen upon the world" (3:32f). The fire is

poured out by Belial to torment the faithful also in 1QH 8:30f. A favourite

word to describe the time of eschatological testing expected by the

communi ty is C)"::m, which would best be translated as a "crucible", a

process which purges by fire (1QS 1:16-18). This testing is seen by 1QS 8:4

as part of the atoning work of the Council of the Community (1M ?1Jn

C)"1yn1 iln'I'<1 ,cf 1QM 17:9; ( )1'< C).,yn:l ,j7Tnni) 1QM 16:15; 17:1; 1QH 5:16; f 18:4;

4QpPs37 1-2.ii.18; 4QFlor. 2:1 (24:2); 4Q 1775-6:3; CD 20:7).

This background to the eschatological n:UPWcrL~ is confirmed by its

use outside the Did. 1 Pet. 1:6f has the image both of fire and crucible to

describe the testing the community has to undergo. [54 J This is the

necessary accompaniment to the End Time, and Christians are advised not to

be surprised at the n:UpwcrL~ which is coming upon them as' if it were

something unexpected (4:1? Cf also Rev. 3:18 and Gosp. Thorn. 83; Herm., Vis.

IV.3:3-4 sees fire serving both for the destruction of the world and also

for the purging of the saints.

[54J O'Hagan, Recreation, p 27) denies any relation between Did. and the Jewish idea of the world-fire, but the image of fire is directly related to the image of refining or testing, and his distinction between the two is unjustified.

315

n }(,[LOL~ TWV Ctv-\Jpwnwv : This obscure expression finds a parallel in 1

Pet. 2:13 (cf Rom. 3:19-22, 39). Hence it is not a scribal error, as

suggested by several scholars who emend the tex t. It seems likel y to rest ·

on a Semitic expression found in 1QS 3:13; 4:15: 1!J'lX ~.:J:l '1:) ni",n. Cf 3:19;

1QM 3:14; 5:1; 10:14; CD 4:5; (4Q 503 17:2). [55] 1QS 3:13 suggests that the

meaning of nn"nembraces not just the idea of "generation", but also of

"nature", since it is set beside the instruction on the "kind of spirit"

po'ssessed by men and the "signs" by which they may be recognised. [56]

However, it also contains the idea of the "historY" of mankind, as in

Philo, Vito Mos. II.47. It is equivalent to '( EV€a in the NT. [57] The use of

n J TLOL ~ . TWV Ctv-\J p wnw~S a further indication of the presence of Hebrew or

Aramaic tradition underlying Did. 16.

Ma~ oMav6aALo-\JnoovTaL n O A Ao~ Ma~ Ctn OAouvTaL: This is close to Mt but

Did. may well be closer to the common tradition than Mt. [58] The problem

of apostasy was prominent in QL. [59] It remains only to observe that the

Greek oMav6aA LsEo-\Jads used in LXX for 'ID:J and IDiJ7, both important word s in

QL. For IDP ~ see the notes on Did. 2: 4. [60] The root 'ID:J is more imPJrtant

in this context~ and is used especially to describe the activity of the

Angel of Darkness and his Sons in persecuting and seducing the Sons of

Light, eg 1QS 3:24; 1QpHab 11:8; 4QFlor 1:8; CD 2:17; cf 1QS 11:12; 1QM 14:5;

1QH 5:28, 36; 8:36; 16:5; 17:23; 4QDibHam 6:17. The noun "ID:Jn appears to be

particularly used for the internal attitude of disobedience and rebellion

[55] Compare the interesting horoscope connected wi-th "generation" in 4Q 186 1.ii.8; 2.1.8.

[56] See Gaster, fupont-Somer, Wernberg-Moeller, Vermes, reSE, p 75. [57] See Mt 12:39ff, 45; 16:4; 17:17; 23:36; Mk 8:12, 38; 9:19; Lk 7:31; 9:41;

11:29ff; 16:8; 17:25; Acts 2:40; Phil. 2:15. Cf 1 Clem. 5:1; 7:5; 11:2; 19:1; 50:3; 60: 1; Herm. Sim. IX.15:4. The term is abl y anal ysed by Leaney, The Rule of Qumran, pp 146f. -

[58] See K~ster, Synoptische Uberlieferung, pp 183f. [59] See above on 16:2. [60] See above p 54.

316

among outwardly conforming members of the community, whose actions are

characterised as idolatry (lQS 2:11f, 1)11y ?11U:J1':); cf 2:16fj lQH 4:15, cf

8:35; 9:27; 16: 15).

}(CtTCtiJ€f1CtTOS; : This text has caused much debate as to what U1( ' CtUTOU TOU

}(CtTCtiJ€f1CtTOS; means. Harnack [61] sees it as a reference to Christ who took

on himsel f the curse, comparing it with aVCtiJqlCt Inaous; in 1 Cor. 12:3. Apoc.

Jas. (NgH 1.2) 1'3:23-25 (cf Gosp. Truth (NgH 1.3) 18:24ff) supports this

theory. J. R. Harris [62] sees a reference to the Fall as the occasion for

Redemption, so that the means for blessing is seen as inherent within the

curse. Support for this comes from Mek. Besh. VI 11 95-102 (1j"~ ;''':1j7;'

~£l"1':) ~1;' ;':11':) ~1YIU ;'1':):1 ~?~ p). Bryennios emended the text tOE1('CtUTOU TOU

More recentl y,

Audet [63] sees the }(CtTCtiJq.lCt as a reference to the grave of the righteous

man who suffers martyrdom. A more plausible explanation is suggested by

Herm. Vis. IV.3:4, which presents a close parallel to Did. 16:5, and which

indicates that the original sense of the text was that those who endure

the fiery testing will be saved by the fire itself. 1 Cor. 3:15 provides

further corroboration for this. It may be that there has been tex tual

corruption in the Did., in which the Greek verbs }(CtTCtpniJnaOVTCtL and

}(Ct~CtpLaiJnaoVTCtL(which stands in Herm. and probably stood in the source of

the Did. eschatology) have become confused in the transmission to produce

TOU }(CtTCtiJ€f1CtTOS; , while a second verb awiJnaoVTCtL has been introduced. The

change may even have been deliberate, to refer the saying to Christ who was

accursed to save sinners. The phrase EV TQ 1(LaTQs~ CtUTwV seems to be a

scribal gloss, so that the source probably read: ot 6t U1(OflE[VCtVTES; U1('

[61] Die Lehre, pp 62f; cf Knopf, Die Lehre, p 39. [62] Teac~ pp 62-69. [63J La Didache, p 472. Cf P. Nautin, "La composition de la "Did." et son

titre", RHR 155, 1959, P 214.

317

16.6 Didache 16:6

This passage stands close to Mt 24:30, al though no dependence of Did.

on Mt can be deduced from this parallel, in view of the divergence between

the texts and the stereotyped nature of such eschatological

parenesis. [64] The divergences are best explained on the assumption of a

common Hebrew or Aramaic source.

: Mt envisages just one

OnllELOV, whereas Did. has three. Nevertheless, the three "signs" of Did. are

present in Mt. Lk 21:25 has }{a.[ E:OOVTa.L OnlJELa. E: V nhiji }{a.[ oE:Anvn }{a.~

aOTpo'LS; • This conflates two separate strands of the material Lk has found

in his source, but retains the pluralonlJELa. • [65J Did. is probably

faithful to the Two Ways eschatology at this point, since the" signs of the

truth" or the "true signs" [66] are opposed to the false "signs and

wonders" of the World Deceiver. They belong in dualistic cosmology as seen

in QL, eg 1QS 4: 19f. The idea of certain discernible fixed signs, which

announce the End, was very important in Jewish apocalyptic thought, [67]

hence the demand by the Jewish leaders for Jesus to give them a sign. [68]

[64] Van Eijk ("Resurrection", pp 21f) explains 16:6 in terms of the eschatology of 9:4; 10:5-6 and sees here the ending of the world and the gathering of the saints both living and dead.

[65] Cf Rev. 12:1, where the OnlJELOV lJEYc:d.s a woman clothed with sun and moon and stars.

[66] This is a Hebraism, see Stuiber, "Die drei SEMElA von Didache XVI", Jf AC 24, 1981, pp 42-44, esp. p 42.

[67] See Syr. Baruch 25ff. [68] Mt 12:38f (=Lk 11:29f); 16:1; Jn 2:18, and the emphasis in Jn on the

signs of Jesus (2:11,23; 3:2; 4:54; 6:2, 14,26; 7:31; 9:16; 10:41; 11:47; 12-18; 20:30).

318

16.7 Signs and Banner s

rrpWTOV anjJELov ErtrrETaOEW~ e:v oupaviil: The enumeration of signs may be

a secondary addition to Did., since it is absent in Ca. The present state of

the Text in Did. is the result of problems resulting from the translation

of the tradition into Greek, in which two different Hebrew or Aramaic

words have been translated by the same Greek word. This resulted in the

obscurity of the text in Did. and confusion elsewhere. Both nH-{ and OJ are

rendered anjJELov in LXX, although they have a distinctl y different sense,

which would be rendered into English, "sign" and "banner" respectivel y. In

later Hebrew and Aramaic texts, the two words also become confused and

interchangeable. The onjJELa aAniJELa~ are the "signs of the truth", n1n1~

nl:l~i1, while the onjJELov ErtrrETaOEw~ Ev oupaviil is" a banner unfurled in

heaven", tl"l:l~:l ~"£l OJ. [69J The Greek verb ErtrrETal;ELv regularly translates

~"£l in LXX. [70J It is also the natural expression for the unfurling of a

OJ, as in Isa. 33:23,oJ 1~"£l J:l , and Ezek. 27:7, OJ 1Jn 1 ~;'J ,~7£ll:l i1~i1 Ert1tETal;E:Lv is also used for the unrolling of a scroll (1 Macc. 3:48) and a

curtain (1 Macc. 4:51). When n1n1~ and OJ both come to be translated by the

word -onjJELov, the sense of the source was lost, and the onjJELoV b{1tETaOEW~

€V oupav(ji was taken as the first in a list of the anjJELa Tn~ aAniJELqswhich

are then numbered first, second and third in Did. 16. Ca omits the

reference to oT.jjJELa altogether, replacing the first with TOTE cpavTkETaL 6

UL~~ ToD aviJpw1tOU €V Tiil oupaviil [71J and omitting the other references to <~L(j'.$

both signs and numbers. [72 J This shows 3'ig-fts of .elaboration in the manner

of the redactor of the Constitions, and probably represents an original

[69 J Cf Stuiber, "SEMEIA", passim. I had alread y reached my concl usion before reading his article.

[70J Eg Ex. 9:29,33; Provo 13:16; Isa. 65:2; Lam. 1:10; Ezek. 12:13; 17:20; 19:8. [71 J In part of the trad ition, see Lagarde. [72J Cf 1Thess. 4:16.

319

Striking support for this interpretation of the signs in Did. is

prov ided by the tenth petition of the Jewish Shemoneh Esreh: '1911!J::l Yj)n

V'I'{;' n19'):J Y::l'l'<lJ ,n" 1')~::lj)1 U"n1"?l V::lj)? 0,) 1'<1!J1 1,)n1,n? ?11l o ' Here the

three signs are present as in Did.: trumpet, banner and gathering of the

dispersed (which would include, presumably, the righteous dead). [74] The

source for this concept of a banner raised in the heavens to herald the

Coming (he is Isa. 11:10 (o"lJY O,)?). The Targum alters 0,) to nl'< and P?I'{

1I!J"" O"U to 1YlJnl!J" 1D?lJ ;,"? ("to him shall the kingdoms be subject").

This limits the hope in the prophecy to Israel, and leaves open the idea

that the raising of the banner is a declaration of war against the

Gentiles. This understanding of the raising of the banner seems to be

required by Mt 24:30f. The raising of the banner is al so a sign to gather

together the exiles of Israel, as in Isa. 11:12 (o.,u? 0,) I'<I!J~} LXX}(Q.~ apEl,

0nWELOV d,s; T& s-8\>ry. In Isa. 18:3, it is said, "All you inhabitants of the

world, you who dwell on earth, when a signal· is raised on the mountains

( 0",;, o')-I'<I!J')t) LXX 0nWELOV), look! When a trumpet is blown (l911!J yj)n:J ,LXX

WS; 0aA1tQYos; qJwv~, hear!" Targum again has I'{n forO,) , and substitutes for

the 11'<,nof MT, Nl\1'{ , 11Th{l; ,~nd for1YlJI!Jn of MT, 1j)'19 11YlJl!Jn. This text as

it is interpreted by the Targum stands close to Did. 16:6. TgIsa. 31:9 re-

interprets the prophecy in the same way, the Gentiles "shall be dismayed

by reason of the ensign ( 1'<0",)), saith the Lord, whose splendour is in Zion

for them that observe his law, and his burning furnace of fire in Jerusalem

for them that have transgressed his Memra". The raising of the 0,)

signifies the beginning of the eschatological battle against the Gentiles.

[73 ]

[74]

A trace of this may remain in the appearance of ~\Ja0TQ.0Lb instead of aVQ.0Ta0Ews; in Did. , , Cf also Sib. Crac. IV.171, "a mighty sign (0nwLQ. WE'(L0TO)vwith a sword and trumpet at the rising of the sun ••• But all who are godl y shall live again on earth when God gives breath and life and grace to them, the godl y" •

320

TgIsa. 49:22 speaks of God raising up his ensign over the kingdoms (')11

"OJ 0""1/'< ~n11:J?l:) , where ?~ of MT is replaced by?y). See also Isa.

59: 19. [75 J The prophecy in Isa. that the Messiah would raise a banner to

signal the final defeat of the nations and the ingathering of the

dispersed runs through all these texts, as in the Targurn. [76J

The symbolism of the OJ is developed al so in later interpretation of

the brass serpent set up by Moses, to bring life and healing to disobedient

Israel (Num. 21:4-9). Rabbinic writings show signs of speculation about

this incident. Num. R. XIX.23 renders OJ:! as "by a miracle" and that Moses

"cast it into the air and it stayed there". Similarly, Tg Neofiti Num. 21:4-

9 sees the OJ, "?n "1ny?y (Tg Cnk. has 01"1 ?y ). MRH 3:8 speculates on

whether the serpent could really give life. It is in Jn 3:14 that this

connection between the OJ and life is full y developed: the Son of man is

set up as a OJ and brings eternal life to those who bel ieve in him. Jn

12:31-33 also identifies Jesus and the cross with the banner which will

gather the dispersed of Israel and lead the nations to seek him, as in Isa.

11: 10, 12. The hour of the raising of the banner is also the hour of

judgment (cf Ea. 12:5). This connection between theoJ and the Son of man is

just what Mt 24:10 makes. [77J It is, indeed, a natural conclusion, since

• Isa. env isages the banner raised by the Dav id ic Messiah, and Mt identifies

Jesus as the Son of man.

QL, like the Targurnim and LXX, confuses m~ and OJ and uses m~ in

both senses of amlE'CoV • In 1QS 3: 14, the Maskil is to instruct community

members on the "kinds of spirits with their signs (omn1~:!), according to

[75 J OJ is al so used in Isa. 5:26; 30: 17; 59: 19, al though in a different way. [76 J In Christian tex ts, naturall y, the prophecy is understood in a

universalistic way, as in Eusebius, Dem. Ev. II.3:74b, 76c. [77J See A. H. McNeile, The Gospel Accord~to Matthew, London, 1961, p 352;

T. F. Glasson, "The EnSign of the Son of Man (Matt. xxiv.30)", JTS ns 15, 1964, pp 299-300.

321

their deed s in their generations". 1QS 10:4 sees the rhythm of the seasons

as ann'lN , (cf 1QH 12:7-11). 1QH 15:19-21 sees the chastisements of the

wicked as a sign (n1N? n1";'?). 1QMyst. (27) 1.i.5f provides the sign by

which the pious shall know God's imminent intervention (

n'lN is also used in QL to describe banners or standards. It is used

of Roman standards in 1QpHab 6:4, which the soldiers worship. It is · used

frequently in the War Scroll to signify the system of banners of war: 1QM

3:13-17 (5 times); 4:1-17 (17 times). [79] Y. Yadin [80] claims that the

banners had a genuine military function. Of particular interest for the

interpretation of Did. 16:6, is the great banner which was to precede the

army into battle on which was to be inscribed ?N 0,) (3:13f).

QL also uses 0,) in a way significant for the interpretation of Did.

The banner of each tribe as it goes into battle is inscribed ?N 0,) (1QM

3: 15). Thus it seems that the War Scroll interpreted the banner raised by

the Messiah in Isa. 11:12 as the banner to signal the onset of the

eschatological war against the Gentiles. In 1QH 2:13, the Teacher. of

Righteousness sees himself as a banner - to rally the elect (0,) ",)n"vn ).

Even here, however, the context of the use of the banner image is that of

the eschatological conflict between truth and falsehood. A close parallel

to the banner of Did. 16:6 comes in 1QH 6:34, where the righteous dead are

called to raise up the banner in the eschatological battle. on",;' ,~y "~~1V1

[ 78] Unfortunately the lost beginning of the work makes it impossible to know exactly what the sign was.

[79] Cf 4Q 491 1-3:2; 4Q 496 10:3; 16:5. [ 80] The Screrl of the War of the Sons of Light against the Sons of

Darkness, Oxford, 1962;Pp 38-64. -

322

It seems that the oTHld:OV E:}(TC€TaoE:w~f Did. 16:6 refers to the banner

which the Messiah was expected to raise to signal the start of the

eschatological battle against the Gentiles.

The on~dov hTC€TaOE:W~ in Did. later came to be understood as the

stretching out of Christ's arms on the cross. Indeed, Muilenburg [81] sees

Did. as dependent here on Ba. 12:4 (E:~E:TCETc.wa T&~ x d:pa~ )lOI)) in a citation

of Isa. 65:2. Connolly points to Didascalia 26, which in the Latin version

read s "Apex vero signum est extensionis ligni" (XLIX), while the Syriac

adds "of the cross" (Lagarde, p 107, 11 27-29). [82] See also Sib. Orac.

V.257; VIII.302; ad. Sol. 27:2f (j..aJaO v.(~o v~ cjl..( v':-"" ~..:Go! ~ \ :s '/1); 37: If; Gospel of Phil ip (Ng H II.3) 63:21ff, ]

l ~/ "The eucharist is Jesus. For he is called in Syriac "Pharisatha",

which is "the one who is spread out", for Jesus came crucifying the world".

Clearly the word E:}(TCETaOl,~, like the Hebrew Vi!) suggested crucifixion,

whether or not it was the origin of the expression. [83] According to Gasp. 14.ae,

Pet. X.39, the cross accompanies Jesus from the tomb and thi 7" may have led

to later speculation about it accompanying him on his return.

E:eTa on~E:~OV ~wvn~ OaATCl,yyo~: The rules for the use of trumpets in

the eschatological battle precedes those for the use of banners in 1QM

2: 15-3: 11. Further instructions for use in battle are found in 7:8-9:9. [84]

Again, the intention is to prov ide a manual for use in real battle. [85]

The rules are based on Num. 10:1-10 Cf 31:6; 2 Chron. 13:12-14. 1QM 8:8-13

[81] Literary Traditions, p 162. [82] See Connolly, Didascalia Apostolorum, p 218f (note 3). Ladd

(Eschatology, pp .106-112) cites further evidence for this understand ing.

[83] Contra E. Stommel, "SEMEION EKPETASEOS (Didache 16:6)", RomQ 21-42; Muilenburg, Literary Traditions, pp 162f.

[84J Cf 1QM 10:7f; 16:2-8; 18:3f. [85] See Yadin, War Scroll, pp 87-113.

323

also mentions the blowing of rams' horns in battle in co-ordination with

the trumpets. [86] The use of trumpets and horns was held to have a

religious significance beyond any merely tactical purpose, as the names

inscribed on them suggest. [87] An eschatological significance is given to

the instructions on trumpets in Sifre Numbers 76, where they herald the

onset of battle against Gog and Magog. [88] In Num. R. XII.14, 16, the silver

trumpets are limited to the use (or proclamation) of the Davidic Messiah.

This detail is absent from the synoptic

apocalypses. See 1QH 6:34; 11:12f discussed above. Compare also the Piyyut

We-'ad Mathai from the Cairo Geni zzah (II.228-238), [89] where the trumpets

wake the dead ('1!)11!} 7'j7~ ;''1'')1;'). The sotmd of the trumpet is the signal for

the raising of the dead in 1 Cor. 15:52 also. Did. in its present form

limits resurrection to the righteous onl y, and this has led some scholars

to see mill'enarianism here. [90] They see Did. as impl ying a terrestial

reign of Christ with the just. This is challenged by \..3'n Eijk [91] because

Did. contrasts the resurrection of the righteous with the destruction of

the world (10:5-6) and the saints might be understood as participating in

the judgment of the wicked .

QL believed in a real earthly War, which would climax with God's

triumphant "visitation" of the saints with blessing and the wicked with

[86] Cf 9:1f; 16:6-8; 17:12-15. [87] "While with the others (Gentiles) they were mainly for tactical

purposes, to encourage the warriors and fright·en the enemy with their terrifying sound, their principle function in Israel was to stress the religious character of the way-- to be remembered before the Lord--and only secondaril y for actual signalling", Yadin, War Scroll, p 113.

[88] See Horowitz, Sifre Numbers, p 70 1 15-p 71 14 . [89] Wallenstein, Pi yyutim, p 38. [90] Eg Ladd, Eschatology, pp 114-121; O'Hagan, Recreation, pp 21f (with

reserv at ions) • [91] "Re surrection", pp 24-27.

324

destruction. [92] It seems that they expected a physical recreation of the

earth (1 QS 4: 14-26) and a restoration of the Temple and the monarchy

( 11QTemp passim) under the messiahs of Aaron and Israel.

16.8 Didache 16:7-8

Once again, Ca · has a simpler, more coherent text: xed TOTE n!;E:L 0

The transition in the Did. is clumsy: 06 rra.VTWV of-, and Scripture, while

everywhere implicit, is nowhere else expressly cited in Did. 16, so that

aU' W~ E:PPf..(Jn sounds out of place. 06 rraVTWV of-correctl y expresses the

sense of the preceding text, but adds nothing, since CryLOL in Zech. 14:5 is

applied to the righeous dead merely by following ava0TCwL~ VE:,iPWV • It

, / tc ~ ,-therefore appears; an explanatory gloss. The detail in Ca, sv 0000SL0)141, is

not derived from Zech. 14:5, nor Dan. 7:13, which follows in Did. Moreover it

is unlikely that Ca would have omitted the citation of Dan., so hallowed in

the Synoptic tradition, if it had stood in his source. ~ the other hand,

its presence in Did. is easily explained if E:rravw TWV VSqJsAWV stood in the IJ ty~ :2;.c.

source. Did. stands closest to Mr , and never agrees with Mk against Mt. J. S.

Z. Kloppenborg [94] concludes from this that Did. 16:8 represents

independent tradition under whose influence Mt altered Mk. It is unlikely

that Did. could have been using Mt as its primary source and yet onl y taken

[92] See above pp 300f. [93] C f al so Asc. Is a. 4: 16. [94] "Didache 16:6:8 and Special Matthean Tradition", ZNW 69-70, 1978-1979,

pp 54-67. Cf P. Drews ("Untersuchungen", pp 68-73) who sees the same Jewish source behind Did. and Mk 13 (=Mt 24). K5ster (Synoptische tlberlieferung, pp 184-189) also sees Did. using the same Ur-text as Mk. Kloppenbt rg rightly points out the impossibility of establishing any genuine connection between Did. 16 and Mk 13.

325

those parts of Mt which are independent of Mk.

The text of H54 breaks off at this point, al though there was clearl y

more in the original ending to the work, which has been lost . [95] It seems

likel y that Ca, which has remained more faithful to the Grund schrift of

the Two Ways eschatology than H54, has also preserved the end ing

faithfully. The text continues in Ca: llET 'aYYEA wv 6vva1JE:w s; C1.tJTOU E:nt

/ / /V . / ( /

~p6v ov SC1.0 LA€ LC1.S; ,XC1.TaXp LVC1.L TOV X O OllO TI AC1.V ~V 6 LC1. S0A OV xat ~TI060UVaL €XC1.0TW v

• This scenario is broadl y supported by Asc.

1sa. 4:14, 18, which seems to be closely related to Did. 16, and also by Ba.

E:~ fi TIOVnpOs; , ,

16.9 Summar y

An eschatological exhortation originally concluded the Two Ways

teaching, and remnants of this can be seen in Ba., Dc and Did. 16. In Did.

this eschatology has been extensively reworked and combined with material

from the Jesus tradition, but 16:1-2 is drawn mainly from the Two Ways. The

man who walks in the way of life needs to take care to preserve the life he

has attained. The image of watching with loins girded and lamp burning is a

Passover image, which already had eschatological connotationr s in Judaism.

Did. preserves a form of this saying close to but independent of Lk.

Did. 16:2 agrees closely with Ba. 4:10, but they are using a common

source. Ba. shows this by his sudden change from the first to the second

[95] See the calculations of Audet, La Didache, pp 75f .

326

person plural. The tradition reflects disillusionment and irresolution

because of the delay of the Parousia. Faith is stiffened by the warning

that nothing will avail the bel iever unless he remains faithful to the

end. QL were also conscious of living in the Last Days before God's final

intervention. Both 1QS and CD show traces of a crisis in their communi ties

occasioned by the delay, since the end had orig inall y been ex pected forty

years after the death of the Teacher of Righteousness. 1QS warns against

back-sliding and setting up the "stumbling-block of idols" in a man's

heart. Apostates were expelled from the community and needed to begin as

nov ices again if they returned, while those who were secret! y unfaithful

were warned that they would not escape God's judgment.

Did. 16:3-4 anticipates an increase in false prophets and corruptors

preceding the End, accompanied by widespread apostasy from the community

and general lawlessness. ~ Finally there would appear the Anti-

Christ who would deceive the world and rule over it. QL identified the

False Priest (YV.,il 1ilD, JTJil \!P~ , J'r:Jil cpot.:)) and his followers with the

rule of Belial in the present age, which was seen as the "last days".

Belial and his Sons cause the Sons of Light to stumble in this time. This

was part of the inevitable train of events before God intervened on their .1f'u12 <:'.:>1-.r-~(e

behalf. They expected .. ~ between the Spirits of Light and Darkness and

between their followers on earth to intensify and issue in an

eschatological War. This is described as a woman giving birth or as fire

which will consume the whole earth. Thus the present age is a "crucible" to

'" test the faithful. In this QL presents the background to the 1! v pwal.,~ of

Did.

The false signs and wonders of the World Deceiver are contrasted

with the three true signs : The sign of the eschatological banner spread

out in heaven to signal the start of the final battle (Isa. 11: 10); the

327

sound of the trumpet to herald the onset of battle, and the resurrection of

the saints to accompany the Lord. QL envisages a lit.eral use of banners and

trumpets in the eschatological battle and also expected the resurrection

of the righteous. The pattern in Did. has become obscured because the

Hebrew words 0.:1 and nH< are both rendered an~do\) in bid. and confused as

in MT and LXX.

The text of Did. 16:7-8 shows signs of secondary reworking. The

ori'ginal text attested by Ca referred only to the coming of the Lord with

his resurrected holy ones on the clouds of heaven. The text has been

interpolated to limit the resurrection to the saints alone and a proof­

text (Zech. 14:5) is given in a way uncharacteristic of Did. The lost

ending appears to have contained a reference to the condemnation of the

World Deceiver and his followers. The ending of Did. may have been lost

because its contents were felt to be objectionable in later times.

328

Conclusion

It was hoped at the outset of this research that the detailed

analysis of Did. in the light of the new evidence from Qumran, an approach

alread y inv ited by the similarity of the teaching concerning the Two Ways­

in both, would produce a new perspective on a work that has long been

considered controversial. It was hoped that this examination would build

up a picture of the community which produced Did. and test the contention

of some critics that a manual of Jewish prosel yte catechesis underl ies it.

The analysis has demonstrated that Did. is close at all points to

Judaism from which the earliest Christian communities emerged. It is

unlikely for this reason that Did. was an archaising reconstruction of

life in the early Church produced at a late date.

The comparison of Did. with QL revealed most points of contact in

the Two Ways material of 1: 1-6: 1 and the eschatology of 16, which developed

out of the conclusion to the Two Ways. In 6:2-15:2, Did. proved to be ·closer

to the Judaism attested by the early Rabbinic writings and the

Pseudepigrapha than to QL, although the latter often provides useful

illustration of wider Jewish understanding of different issues.

An analysis of the redactional stages in the composition of Did.

indicated the presence of an underlying catechetical schema in 6:2-15:2,

which was adapted by the early Church and then contused and obscured by a

later interpolation of material concerning prophets (and later still,

teachers) probably by the t-bntanists.

The Two Ways teaching is widely attested in Jewish and early

Christian literature and derives from the Covenant imagery of Deuteronomy,

329

but was modified under the influence of Iranian dualism. This dualism is

found in QL, Ba., Dc, Hermas and Ps. Clem., but has been systematically

removed from Did. The meaning of the Two Ways is also radically changed in

Did. by the insertion of Jesus tradition in 1:3-2:1 as its "first teaching",

whereas the Way of Life referred originally to obedience to the Torah. QL

presents a similar phenomenon, in that walking "perfectly" is understood

as obed ience to the Torah as it was interpreted by the Teacher of

Righteousness. The Laster kataloge of 2:2-6; 5: 1-2, present a midrashic

expansion of the Ten Commandments, which is designed for a Gentile

environment, and this teaching has displaced the original Tugendkatalog of

which remains can be seen in 3:7-10. The Way of Life is further

characterised by material from Lev. 19:15-18, by the so-called "Noachic

Precepts" of the Law as it was understood to be binding on Gentiles,

developed according to the principle of "setting a fence about the Law",

and by a "Haustafel" form of instruction concerning correct behaviour in

various social relationships widely current in the Hellenistic world, the

NT and the Jewish "Derek Eretz". The original catechetical schema gives

great honour to the teacher (4:1-2) and urges catechumens to provide

material support for him. This exhortation has been developed into

instruction on almsgiving and XOLvwvLa within the community. The original

Two Ways teaching concluded with an eschatological warning, which is still

attested in Ba. and Dc, but is found only in a reworked form in Did. 16.

Did. 6:2 prov ides a Grund satzerkl~rung or general principle on which

the casuistic rules or Einzelbestimmungen of Did. 6:3-15:2 are based.

Gentile proselytes are not required to fulfil the whole Jewish ritual Law,

which is "perfection", but they are urged to ful fil as much as they can and

required to do the minimum set out in the instructions. These instructions

concerned food laws, ritual ablution, community meals, hospitality to

envoys and co-rel igionists, first-fruits, community worship and local

330

community officers. Such collections of instructions are found in 1QS and

CD, but the flexibility of the rules in Did. would have been anathema at

c:).lmran.

The instruction on baptism has been redacted by successive

Christian editors, but still clearly reflects a concern with ritually pure

water. The Two Ways teaching was required by the Did. community before

baptism. QL presents no real parallel to Christian baptism, but seems to

have practised the rite of sprinkling with" sin-offering water" prepared

with the ashes of a red heifer as a rite of reconciliation and admission

to the community. A mention of fasting before baptism in the original

schema was greatly expanded and developed by Christian redactors, and

chapter 8 interpolates material from the Jesus tradition on prayer and

fasting.

Did. 9-10 derive from the Jewish fellowship meal or Kiddush, and the

Berakoth before and after the meal are closely paralleled by those of the

Rabbinic writings and to a lesser extent by QL. The prayer for the

gathering of the Church was rooted in Jewish hope for the ingathering of

the Diaspora, in which the righteous among the Gentiles were al so ex pected

to share. The community meal was seen as apuri ty meal, and non-members

were excluded. Such purity meals were especially characteristic of QL and

the Essenes, but are al so attested in the Pharisaic Haburoth. The

reservation of the Berakah to the prophet as high priest in 10:7 is matched

by the role of the priest in the community meal s in QL, but probabl y

represents a secondary development in Did.

The original core of chapter 11 concerned "apostles", understood as

delegates from the centre of authority outside the community, who al so may

have collected the first-fruits mentioned in 13. This has been

interpolated by material exalting the prophet to an unassailable position

331

at the head of the community, which may represent the situation in a later

Montanist community. Chapter 12 concerns hospitality towards co­

religionists generally, and requires new arrivals who settle in the

communi ty to work for their living where possible. The first-fruits were

set aside for the support of the prophets in the proposed Montanist

redaction. The instructions concerning community worship show that the

worship, like the community meal, was considered to have a ritual purity

which would be endangered by disputes within the community, an

understand ing apparent al so in QL. The citation of Mal. 1: 11 in 14 is not a

reference to the eucharist as the body and blood of Christ, but is widely

used in a spiritual isation of the sacrificial cult to refer it to prayer

(and study of the Torah). The instruction on worship is followed by

instruction concerning local community officers, who are in danger of

being eclipsed by the prophets at the time of the later redaction. Did. 15

attempts to safeguard their position.

The eschatology of 16 presents many points of contact with QL, whose

community al so considered itsel f to be liv ing in the last days before

God's intervention in history. Both had problems occasioned by the delay of

the parousia. Both writings expected a crescendo of lawlessness and false

prophecy or teaching, leading to widespread apostasy, which would precede

the appearance of the final representative of Belial (the Anti-Christ) who

rules the present age, deceiving it with false signs and subjecting it to

fiery testing. Finally the true signs would appear, a banner spread out in

heaven, a trumpet blast and the resurrection of the saints to accompany

the Lord coming on the clouds. QL understood the "banner and trumpet as

literal components of the eschatological War, and also expected the

resurrection of the righteous. The lost ending of Did. probably described

the condemnation and punishment of the World-Deceiver and his followers

and the reward of those who endure to the end, but may also have contained

332

eschatological speculation repugnant to a later age which may have led to

its deletion.

The examination of Did. in the light of the Dead Sea Scrolls has

produced valuable insight into the literary genesis of the various parts

of Did. and led to a distinction between the form of Did. current in the

earliest Christian communi ties and the later redactions that were carried

out notabl y by Montanism and the Church Orders.

333

Adam, A.

Adam, R. T.

Agnoletto, A.

Allegro, J.

Al taner, B.

Arnold, A.

Audet, J. P.

Bacher, W.

Bad ia, L. F.

Bibliography

"Die Fntstehung des Bischofsamtes" in Wort und Dienst nf 5, 1957, 104-113.

"Erw~gungen zur Herkunft der Didache" ZKG 68, 1957, 1-47, (Erw~gungen).

"The Eucharistic Texts of the Didache" Dun Rev 5, 1965, 7-24.

La "Didache" (Lettura di un testo cristiano antico), Mil an, 1968.

"Further Messianic References in OJmran Literature" JBL 75, 1956, 174-187.

The Dead Sea Scroll s, Harmond sworth, Middlesex, 1964, (Scrolls).

"Zum Problem der lateinischen Doctrina apostolorum" VC 6, 1952, 160-167.

Patrology, Edinburgh-London-Freiburg, 1960, 50-54.

"Die lateinische Doctrina Apostolorum und die griechische Grund schrift der Didache" TU 83, 1967, 335-342.

"Der Ursprung des christlichen Abendmahls im Lichte der neuesten liturgiegeschichtlichen Forschung" Freiburger theologische Studien 45, Fribourg-en Br., 1939.

"Affinit!s litt!raires et doctrinales du 'Manuel de discipline'" RB 59, 1952, 219-238, (Affinit!s litt!raires).

La Didache. Instructions Des Apotres, Paris, 1958, (La Didache).

"Literary Forms and Contents of a Normal EUCHARISTIA in the First CenturY" SE (TU 73), 1959, 643-662.

Die exegetische Terminologie der jtldische" Traditionsliteratur, Darmstadt, (1899) 1965.

The OJmran Baptists and John the Baptist's Baptism, Lanham, Maryland, 1980.

334

Baldwin, J. G.

Bal tzer, K.

Bammel, E. '

Bard tke, H.

Barnard, L. W.

Barnikol, E.

,Bar:th, G.

Bartlet, J. V.

Baumgarten

Baumgarten, J. M.

Beasley-Murray, G. R.

Becker, J.

"Malachi I: 11 and the Worship of the Nations in the Old Testament" TynBull 22,1972,117-124.

Das Bundesformular, WMANT 4, Neukirchen, 1960, (Bundesformular) •

"ARCHIEREUS PROPHETEUON" TLZ 6, 1954, 351-356.

"Schema und Vorlage von Didache 16" Studia Patristica IV (TU 79), Berlin, 1961, 253-263, (Schema und Vorlage).

"Gerim Gerurim" ASTI 7, 1968, 127-131.

, "Sadduz~er und Sadokiden" ETL 55, 1979, 107-115.

"Li teraturbericht tIber Cumran" TRu , 41, 1976, 97-140.

"The Problem of the Epistle of Barnabas" CQR 1 59, 1 958 , 2'11 -230 •

"The Dead Sea Scroll s, Barnabas, the Didache and the Later History of the "Two Ways"" Studies in the Apostolic Fathers and their Background, Oxford, 1966, 82-107, (Later History).

"Die triad ische Taufformel: Ihr Fehlen in der Didache und im Matth~usevangelium und ihr al tkatholischer Ursprung" Theologische JahrbQchet 4-5, 1936-7, 144-152.

Die Taufe in FrDhchristliche Zeit, Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1981, (Die Taufe).

"The Didache Reconsidered" JTS 22, 1921, 239-249, (Did ache Reconsidered).

Church Life and Order during the First Four Christian Centuries (ed. C. J. Cadoux), Oxford, 1943.

"Sacrifice and Worship among the Jewish Sectarians of the Dead ·Sea (Qumran) Scrolls" HTR 46, 1953, 141-151.

"The ~odecimal Courts of Cumran, Revelation, and the Sanhedrin" JBL 95, 1976, 59-78.

Baptism in the New Testament, London, 1962.

Untersuchungen zur Fntstehung sgeschichte der

335

Benoi t, A.

Berner, W. D.

Betz, H. D.

Betz, J.

Betz, o.

Bigg, C.

Testamente der zw~lf Patriarchen, Leiden, 1970.

Le bapteme chr~tien au second siecle, Paris, 1953, 5-33.

Initiationsriten in Mysterienreligionen, im Gnosti zismus und in antiken Judentum, ~ttingen (Dissertation), 1972.

"The Log ion of the Easy Yo ke and of Rest (Matt. 11:28-30)" JBL 86,1967,10-24.

"Der Abendmahl skelch in JUdenchristentum" Abhandlungen Ober Theologie und Kirche, Festschr. Karl Adam (ed. M. Reding), Dasseldor f, 1952, 109-137, (Der Abendmahlskelch) •

"Die Eucharistie in der Didache" Archiv fOr Liturgiewissenschaft 11, 1969, 10-39, (Die Eucharistie) •

"Die Prosel ytentaufe der Olmransekte und die Taufe im Neuen Testament" RevQ 1, 1958, 213-234.

The Doctrine of the Twelve Apostles, London, 1898.

"~tes on the Didache" JTS 5, 1904, 579-589.

"~tes on the Didache" JTS 6, 1905, 411-415.

Bigg, C. and Maclean, A. J.

Bihlmeyer, K.

Black, M.

Bl ac k, M • (Ed.)

Blau, L.

Wcher, O.

The Doctrine of the Twelve Apostles, London, 1922.

Die Apostolischen V~ter. Neubearbeitung der Funkschen Ausgabe, TObingen, 1970, (Apostolischen V~ter).

An Aramaic Approach to the Gospels and Acts, Ox ford, 1967. (1 ~ eo, The Scrolls and Christianity: Historical and Theol ical Significance, London, 1969.

Das altjCdische Zauberwesen, Berlin, 1914.

"W~lfe im Schafspelzen: zum religionsgeschichtlichen Hintergrund von Matth. 7,15" TZ 24,1968,405-426.

336

Boehmer, H • .

Bois, H.

Bonet-Maury, G.

"Hat Benedikt von Nursia die Didache gekannt?" ZNW 12, 1911, 287ff.

"Zum Texte der Lehre der Zw~nf Apostel" ZWT 30, 1887, 488-497.

La IX>ctrine des IX>uze Apotres, Paris, 1884.

Bornkamm, G., Barth, G. and Held H. J.

Bousset, W.

Bratke, E.

Braun, H.

Broek-Utne, A.

Brown, J. P.

Brownlee, W. H.

Br yennios, P.

Bryne, D. de

Bul tmann, R.

Burgmann, H.

Tradition and Interpretation in Matthew, London, 1963.

The Antichrist Legend, London, 1896.

Kyrios O1ristos: A History of the Bel ief in Christ .from the Beg inning s of Christianity to Irenaeus, Nashville/New York, 1970, (Kyrios Christos) •

"Ober die Einheitl ichkei t der Didache" Jahrbuch fCJr Protestante Theolog ie 12, 1886, 302-311.

Qumran und das Neue Testament, Tu'bingen, 1966.

"Eine schwierige Stelle in einer al ten Gemeindeordnung (Did., 11,11)" ZKG 54, 1935, 576-581.

"The Form of Q Known to Matthew" NTS 8, 1961-1962, 41.

The Dead Sea Manual of Discipline, in BASOR Supp. Stud. 10-12, New Haven, 1951.

DIDACHE TON DODEKA APOSTOLON, Constantinople, , 1883.

"rtude sur le texte latin de l'Ecclesiastique" in RBen 40, 1928, 5-48.

Theology of the New Testament, London, 1952.

The History of the Synoptic Trad ition, Ox ford, 1972.

""The Wicked Woman": Der Makkab~er Simon?" RevQ 8, 1974, 323-359.

"Gerichtsherr und General ankl ~ger: Jonathan und Simon" RevQ 9, 1978, 3-72.

337

Bur ki t t, F. C.

Burrows, M.

Butler, B. C.

Cadbury, H. J.

Campenhau~en, H. von

"Barnabas and the Didache" JTS 33, 1932, 25-27.

More Lig ht on the Dead Sea Scroll s, London, 1958.

"The ~terary Relations of Didache ch. xvi" JTS ns 11, 1960, 265-283.

"The "Two Ways" in the Didache"" JTS ns 12', 1961, 27-38.

"The Epistle of Barnabas and the Didache" JQR 26, 1936, 403-405.

Ecclesiastical Authority and Spiritual Power in the Church of the First Three Centuries, London, 1969, (Ecclesiastical Authority).

Carrington, P. The Primitive Christian Catechism, Cambridge, 1940.

Cerfaux, L. "La multiplication des pains dans la liturg ie de la Didache Did. ix:4" Bib 40,. 1959, 943-958.

Charles, R. H. The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, London, 1908.

Charlesworth, J. H. (ed.) John and Olmran, London, 1972.

Clerici, L. Einsammlung der Zerstreuten. Liturgiegeschichtliche Untersuchung zur Vor- und Nachgeschichte der Furbitte fur die Kirche in Did. 9:4 und 10:5, Liturgiewissenschaftliche Quellen und Forschungen 44", Munster i. Westf., 1966, (Einsammlung).

Coneybeare, F. C. "The Eusebian Form of the Text of Matthew 28,29" ZNW 2, 1901, 275-288.

Connoll y, R. H. "New Fragments of the Didache" JTS 24, 1923, 151-153.

"The Use of the Didache in the Didascal ia" JTS 24, 1923, 147-157.

Didascalia Apostolorum, Oxford, 1929.

"The Didache in Relation to the Epistle of Barnabas" JTS 33, 1932, 237-253, (Relation).

If Agape and Eucharist in the Didache" Downside Rev iew ns '36, 1937, 476-489.

338

Coppens, J.

Court ,J. M.

Creed, J. M.

Cross, F. M.

Cr 0 uc h, J. E •

Cullmann, O.

Dani~lou, J.

Daube, D.

"The Didache and Montanism" Downside Rev iew ns 36,1937,339-347, (Montanism).

"Canon Streeter on the Didache" JTS 38, 1937, 364-379.

"Barnabas and the Didache" JTS 39, 1938, 165-167, (Agape).

"'Mystery' in the Theology of Saint Paul and its parallels at Cumran" in Paul and Q,lmran ed. J. Murphy-O'Connor, London, 1968, 132-158.

"The Didache and St. Matthew's Gospel" SJT 34, 1981, 109-120.

"The Didache" JTS 39, 1938, 370-387.

The Ancient Library of Cumran and Modern Biblical Studies, Grand Rapids, Mich., 1961, (Ancient Library).

The Farly History of the Apocal yptic Community . at Cumran, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic, Cambridge, Mass., 1972, 326-342.

The Origin and Intention of the Colossian Haustafel, ~ttingen, 1972, (Haustafel).

Baptism in the New Testament, London, 1950, 56-69.

"The Significance of the Cumran Texts for Research into the Beginnings of Christianity" in JBL 74, 1955, 213-226.

"Une source de la spiritual it~ chr~tienne dans les manuscrits de la Mer Morte la doctrine des deux esprits" Dieu vivant 25, 1953, 127ff, ("Deux esprits").

"La communaut~ de Cumran et l' org anisation de l'l!glise ancienne" RHPR 35, 1955, 104-115.

Les manuscri ts de la mer Morte et les orig ines du christianisme, Paris, 1956, (Les manuscrits) •

The Theology of Jewish Christianity, London, 1964, (Jewish Christianity).

The New Testament and Rabbinic Judaism, London, 1956.

339

Davies, P. R.

Davies, W. D.

De Jonge; M.

De Vaux, R.

Deissmann, A.

Derrett, J. D. M.

Deussen, G.

Dibel ius, M.

Dietrich, E. L.

Dix, G.

Drews, P.

Driver, G. R.

The Damascus Covenant, Sheffield, 1983.

""Knowledge" in the Dead Sea Scrolls and Mtt 11:25-30" HTR 46, 1953, 113-139.

The Setting of the Sermon on the ~unt, Cambridge, 1966, (Setting).

The Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, A Stud y of their Text, Composition and Origin,' Assen, 1953.

The Archaeology and the Dead Sea Scrolls, London, 1973, (Archaeolog y) •

Light from the Ancient East, London, 1927, (Light) •

"The Merits 0 f the Nar:row Gate (Mt. 7: 13-14, l.k. 13:24)" JSNT 15, 1982, 20-29.

"Weisen der Bischo ffswahl in 1 Clemensbrief und in der Didache" TGI 62, 1972, 125-135.

Der Hirt des Hermas, TObingen, 1923.

"Die Mahl Gebete der Didache" ZNW 37, 1938, 32-41.

"Die Religion Noahs, ihre Herkunft und ihre Bedeutung" ZRGG 1, 1948, 301-315.

"Didache and Diatessaron" JTS 34, 1933, 242-250.

The Treatise on the Apostolic Trad it ion of St. Hippolytus of Pome, London, 1937.

"Primitive Consecration Prayers" Theology 37, 1938, 261-283.

The Shape of the Liturgy, Glasgow, 1945.

"The Ministry in the Early Church" The Apostolic Ministry (ed. K. E. Kirk), London, 1946, 183-303, (Ministry).

"Untersuchungen zur Didache" ZNW 5, 1904, 53-79, (Untersuchungen) •

The Judaean Scrolls, Oxford, 1965.

Du Buisson, Cte. du Mensil "Un parchemin liturgique Juif et la gargote de la synagogue a Dura-Europos" in Syria 20,

340

Dugmore, C. W.

D..tpont-Sommer

D..tpont-Sommer, A.

Ehrhard, A,

Ei j k , T. H. C • v an

Fmerton, J. A.

Finkel stein, L.

Fi tzmyer, J.

Flesseman-van Leer, E.

Fl usser, D.

1 939 , 23-34 •

The Influence of the Synagogue upon the Divine Office, London, (1944) 1964.

"Lord's Da y and Easter" Neotestamentica et Patristica Festschr. O. Cullmann, Leiden, . 1962, 272-281.

"The Study of the Origins of the Eucharist: Retrospect and Reval uation" Studies in Church History 2, London, Edinburgh, 1965, 1-18.

The Essene Writings from Qumran, Oxford, 1961.

The Essene Writings from Qumran, Oxford, 1961.

Die al tchristl iche Li teratur und ihre Erforschung von 1884-1900. I. Die vornicanische Li teratur, in Strassburger Theolog ische Stud ien, Supp. I, Freib urg i. Br., 1900, 37-68.

La Resurrection des Morts che z lez Peres Apostoliques, in Theolog ie Historique 25, Paris, 1974, 19-28, (Resurrection).

"Some Problems of Tex t and Language in the CX:ies of Solomon" JTS ns 18, 1967, 372-406.

"The Birkat Ha-mazon" JQR ns 19, 1929, 211f.

"Some Examples of the Maccabean Halaka" JBL 49, 1930, 20-42.

Essays on the Semitic Background of the New Testament, London, 1971.

Trad ition and Scripture in the Earl y Church, Assen, 1953, 14-19.

"The C:>nclusion of Matthew in a New Jewish Christian Source" ASTI 5, 110-120, (C:>nclusion).

"The Apocryphal Peok of Ascensio Isaiae and the Dead Sea Sect" in IEJ 3,1953,30-47.

"The Baptism of John and the Dead Sea Sect" Essays on the Dead Sea Scrolls, in memory of E. L. Sukenik (Hebrew, ed. C. Rabin and Y. Yadin), Jerusalem, 1961.

"Qumran und die Zw~lf'" Initiation (ed. C. J.

341

Ford, J. M.

Frank, K. S.

Funk, F. x.

G1'Jrtner, B.

Gaster, T. H.

Gebhardt, O. von

Gerhard sson, B.

Bleeker, Studies in the History of Religions 10), Leiden, 1965,134-146.

"Was t-bntanism a Jewish-Christian Heresy?" JEH 11, 1966, 145-158.

"~te on Didache ix and x; reception of the Sacrament reserved in the home" Stud. Lit. 5, 1966, 55-56.

"Mal 1: 10ff in der frtlhen V1'Jterdeutung. Ein Beitrag zur Opferterminolog ie und Opferverst1'Jndnis in der al ten Kirche" TP 53, 1978, 71-78.

"Die 'Doctrina apostolorum'" TQ 66, 1884, 381-402.

"Zur al ten lateinischen Ubersetzung der Doctrina apostolorum" TQ 68, 1886, 650-655.

"Zur Apostellehre und apostol ischen Kirchenordnung" TQ 69, 1887, 355-374.

"Die Didache in der afrikanische nKirche" TQ 74, 1894 II, 108-141.

"Kirchengeschichtliche Abhandlungen und Untersuchungen" 1899 II, 108-141.

"Zur Did ache • Die Frage nach der Grund schrift und ihre Re zensionen" TQ 84, 1902, 73-88.

"L'agape" RHE 4,1903,5-23.

"Didache und Barnabasbriefe" TQ 87, 1905, 161-179.

Temple and Community in Q.lmran and the New Testament, Cambridge, 1965, (Temple and Communi ty) •

The Scriptures of the Dead Sea Sect, London, 1957.

"Ein tlersehenes Fragment der Did ache in al ter lateiner Ubersetzung" A. von Harnack, Die Lehre (TU 2), Leipzig, 1884, 275-286.

Memory and Manuscript. Oral Trad ition and Written Transmission in Rabbinic JUdaism and Early Christianity, in ASNU 22, Uppsala, 1961.

342

Gero, S.

Geyser, A.

Gibbins, H. J.

Gie~, S.

Gin zberg, L.

Glasson, T. F.

Glover, R.

Gnilka, J.

Golz, E. von der

Goodenough, E. R.

Good speed, E. J.

Gordon, R.

Goulder, M. D.

Green, H. B.

"So-called Ointment Prayer in the Coptic Version of the Didache: aRe-Evaluation" HTR 70, 1977, 67-84.

"The Twelve Tribes in Revelation" NTS 28,2982, 388-399.

"The Problem of the Li turg ical Section of the Didache" JTS 36, 1935, 373-386.

L'l!nigme de la Didache, Paris, 1970, (L'~nigme).

The Legends of the Jews, Philadelphia, 1968.

An Unknown Jewish Sect, New York, 1976.

"The Ensign of the Son of Man (Matt. xxiv.30)" JTS ns 15, 1964, 299-300.

"The Didache's c.uotations and the Synoptic Gospel sIt NTS 5, 1958-1959, 12-29.

"Das Gemeinschaftsmahl der Essener" in BZ n f 5, 39-55.

"Die essenischen Tauchb~der und die Johannestaufe" RevQ 3, 1961, 185-207, (Tauchb~der) •

Tischgebet und Abendmahlsgebet, in TU nf 14, 1905.

Jewish Symbol s in the Graeco-Roman Period, New York, 1952-1968.

"The Didache, Barnabas and the Doctrina" ATR 27, 1945, 228-247.

"The Place of the Doctrina in Earl y Christian Literature" Appendix to The Apostolic Fathers, New York, 1950, 285-310.

"Targumic Parallels to Acts XIII 18 and Didache XIV 3" NT 16, 1974, 285'-289, (Targumic Parallels) •

Midrash and Lection in Matthew, London, 1974.

"The Command to Baptize and Other Matthaean Interpolations" SE 4 (TU 102), Berlin, 1968, 60-63.

343

Greif, A.

Guil bert, P.

Guttmann, M.

Hammer sc hm id t, E.

Hammond-Bammel, C. P.

Harnack, A. von

Harris, J. Rendell

Harrison, R. K.

Hartman, L

Das ~l teste Paschari tuale der Kirche, Did. 1-10, und das Johannesev ang el ium, Schoningh-Paderborn, 1929.

"Le plan de la RegIe de la Communaut~" RB ...l, 1958-9, 323ff.

Das Judentum und seine . Umwelt, Berlin, 1927.

"Das pseudo-apostolische Schriftum in ~thiopischer Uberlieferung" JSS 9, 1964, 114-121.

"Ignatian Problems" JTS ns 33, 1982, 62-97.

Die Lehre der Zwol f Apostel, TU 2, 1-2, Leipzig, 1884, (Die Lehre).

Die Didache und die jtld ischen beiden Wege, Leipzig, 1896, (Beiden Wege).

The Teaching of the Apostles, Bal timore, 1887, (Teaching) •

The Dead Sea Scrolls, New York, 1961.

"The Rites and Customs of the Q,lmran Sect" The Scrolls and Christianity (ed. M. Black), London, 1969,26-36.

"Into the Name of Jesus" NTS 20, 1974, 432-440.

Heinemann, J. and Petuchowski, J. J.

HeitmOller, W.

Hengel, M.

Hennec ke, P.

Highfield, H.

Hilgenfeld, A.

Hi tchcock, F. R. M.

Literat.ure of the Synagogue, New York, 1975.

Im Namen Jesu. Eine Sprach- und reI ig ionsgeschichtl iche Untersuchung zum Neuen Testament, spe ziell zur al tchristlichen Taufe, FRLANT 1. 2 , Getting en, 1903.

Judaism and HellenismThe Essenes and Christianity, LondonNew York, 19741957.

"Die Grund sChrift der Didache und ihre Rezensionen" ZNW 3, 1901, 58-72, (Grundschrift).

"Didache 11:4-5 and John 4:9-40" ExpTim 22, 1910-1911, 565.

"Die 'Lehre der zw"lf Apostel'" ZWT 28, 1885, 73-102.

"Did Clement of Alexandria Know the Didache?"

344

Holzmann, H.

Horgan, M. P.

Hormann, K.

Horner, G.

Howlett, D.

Huppenbauer, H.

Jaubert

Jaubert, A.

Jay, E. G.

Jerem ias, G.

Jeremias, J.

JTS 24, 1923, 397-401.

"Die Didache und ihre Nebensformen" Jahrbucher fur Prot. Theol., Leipzig, 1885, 154-167, (Nebensformen) •

Pesharim: Q,lmran Interpretation of Biblical Books, CBQ Monograph 8, Washington D. C., 1979.

"Das "Reden im Geiste" nach der Didache und dem Pastor Hermae" Mystische Theolog ie 3, Klosterneuburg, 1957, 135-61. ·

"A New Fragment of the Didache in Coptic" JTS 25, 225-231.

Judaism and HellenismThe Essenes and Christianity, LondonNew York, 19741957.

"THR und THRH in der Sektenregel von Q,lmran" TZ .1], 1957, 350f.

La Date de la Gene: calendrier biblique et liturgie chftienne, Paris, 1957.

"Jesus et Ie Calendrier de OJmran" NTS 7, 1960-1961,1-30.

"From Presbyter-Bishops to Bishops and Presb yter s" Second cent ur y 1, 1981, 125-162.

Der Lehrer der Gerechtigkeit, in Studien zur Umwel t des Neuen Testament 2, ~ttingen, 1963.

Golgotha und der heilige Felsen, Angelos 2, Leipzig, 1926, (Golgotha).

Jesus' Promise to the Nations, London, 1958.

Infant Baptism in the First Four Centuries, London, 1960.

Unknown Words of Jesus, London, 1964.

The Lord's Prayer, Philadelphia, 1964.

The Central Message of the New Testament, London, 1965.

The Eucharistic Word s of Jesus, London, 1966.

The Prayers of Jesus, London, 1967.

345

Johnson, S. E.

Jones, B. H.

Jouon, P.

Kamlah, E.

Kertelge, K.

Klauck, H.-J.,

Klauser, T.

Klein, G.

Klev ing haus, J.

Kloppenborg, J. S. Z.

Kneller, C. A.

Knopf, R.

Knox, W. L.

Koster, H.

"A Subsidiary Motive for the Writing of the Didache" Munera Studiosa, Festschr. Hatch, ed. M. H. Shepherd and S. E. Johnson, Cambridge, Mass., 1946, 107-122.

"Quest for the orlglns of the Christian 1 i turg ies" ATR 46, 1964, 5-21.

"YPOKRITES dans l'Evangile et hebreux HANEF" in Rech. de Sc. Rel. 20, 1930, 312-316.

Die Form der katalog ischen Par~nese im Neuen Testament, WUNT 7, Ttrbingen, 1964, (Paranese) •

"Der sogennante Taufbefehl Jesu (Mt 28,19)" Zeichen des Glaubens. Stud ien zu Taufe und Firmung (Festschr. B. Fischer), Einsiedeln-Freiburg i. Br., 1972, 29-40.

Herrenmahl und Hellenistischer Kul t, Aschendorff, Manster i. Westf., 1982.

"Taufet in lebendigem Wasser! Zum religions- und kul turgeschichl ichen verstandnis von Didache, 7:1-3" Pisciculi, Festschr. F. J. Doelger, Manster i. Westf., 1939, 157-164.

"Die Gebete in der Didache" ZNW 9, 1908, 132-146.

Der alteste christliche Katechismus und die jOdischen Propaganda-Literatur, Berlin, 1909, on teste Katechismus).

"Die theologische Stellung der Apostolischen Vater zur al ttestamentlichen Offenbarung" BFCT 44, 1, GCrtersloh, 1948, 130-146.

"Didache 16:6-8 and special Matthean tradition" ZNW 70, 1979, 54-67.

"Zum 'schwitzenden Almosen" ZKL 26, 1902, 779f.

Die Lehre der zwol f Apostel. Die zwei Clemensbriefe, Die Apostol ischen Vater I, Tubingen, 1920, (Die Lehre).

"Perikathairon (Didache 3:4)" JTS 40, 1939, 146-149.

Synoptische Oberlieferung bei den

346

Koch, H.

Kosmala, H.

Kraft, H.

Kraft, R. A.

Apostolischen V~ter, TU 65, Berlin, 1957, 159-241, (Synoptische Oberliefertmg).

"Die Didache bei Cyprian?" ZNW 8, 1907, 69f.

"The Conclusion of MattheW" ASTI 4, 1965, 132-147.

"The Three Nets of Belial. A Study in the Terminology of Q.tmran and the New Testament" ASTI 4, 1965, 91-113.

"In my Name" ASTI 5, 1967. 87-92, (Name) •

. Clav is Patrum Apostolorum, Munich, 1963.

Barnabas and Did ache , The Apostolic Fathers III, New York, 1965.

Kraft, R. A. and Prigent, P.

Krawutzcky, A.

Kretschmar, G.

Kuhn, K. G.

La Sor, W.

Ladd, G. E.

Lake, K.

Layton, B.

Ep!tre de Barnab~, Paris, 1971.

"tYber die sog. zw~n fapostellehre, ihre hauptsachlichsten Q.tellen und ihre erste Aufnahme" TO 66, 1884~ 547-606.

"Ein Beitrag zur Frage nach dem Ursprung frOhchristlicher Askese" ZTK 61, 1964, 27-67, ( "Askese") •

"New Light on Temptation, Sin, and Flesh in the New Testament" in The Scrolls and the New Testament, ed. K. Stendahl, London, 1958, 194-113, (Temptation, Sin, and Flesh).

"The Lord's Supper and the Communal Meal at Q.tmran" in The Scrolls and the NT, ed. K. Stend ahl, London, 1958, 65-93, (Meal).

The Dead Sea Scrolls and the New Testament, Grand Rapid s, Mich., 1972.

The Eschatology of the Didache, Unpublished Memoire of the Grad uate School of Arts and Sciences, Harvard, 1949·, (Eschatology).

"The Didache" The New Testament in the Apostol ic Fathersed. Committee of the Ox ford Society of Historical Theology, Oxford, 1905, 24-36.

"The Sources, Dates and Transmission of Didache 1:3b-2:1" HTR 61, 1968, 343-383, (Sources, Dates and Transmission).

347

Leaney, A. R. C.

Lefort, L. T.

Lehmann, M. R.

Lerle, E.

Lietzmann, H.

Light, J.

Lightfoot, J. B.

The Rule of Q.Jmran and its Meaning, London, 1966, (Rule).

Les Peres Apostoliques en copte, CSCO, Louvain, 1952, n 134, 136.

''''Yom Kippur"in Q.Jmran" RevQ 3, 1961, 117-119.

Proselytenwerbung und Urchristentum, Berlin, 1960.

Messe und Herrenmahl, Berlin, 1955, 230-238.

Die Lehre der zw"l f Apostel. Eine Kirchenordnung des ersten christlichen Jahrhunderts, Hamburg, 1956.

Mass and Lord's Supper (ET with Notes by R. D. Richardson), Leiden, 1979.

"An Analysis of the Treatises on the Two Spirits in DSD" Scripta Hierosolymitana 4, 1958, 88-100.

St. Paul's Letter to the Galatians, London, 1892,92-101.

Lightfoot, J. B. and Harmer, J. R.

Lillie, W.

Loewe, R.

Lohmeyer, E.

Loisy, A.

The Apostolic Fathers, London, 1893, 215-235.

"The Pauline fuuse-tables" ExpTim 86, 1975, 179-183.

"Potentialities and Limits of Universalism in the Halakhah" Studies in Memory of Leon Roth, 1966, 125-131, _ 136-144.

"Mir ist gegeben aIle Gewal t!" In Memoriam Ernst Lohmeyer (ed. W. Schmauch), Stuttgart, 1951, 22-49.

Gottesknecht und Davidssohn, G5ttingen, 1953, 26-34.

Das Evangelium des Matthaus, GOttingen, 1956.

The Lord's Prayer, London, 1965.

"La Did ache et les let tres des Peres apostol iques" Rev. d' hist. et de lit. reI. ns 7, 1921, 433-442.

348

Longenecker, R.

Manson, T. W.

Marcus, R.

Marmorstein, A.

Massaux, E.

McCasland, S. V.

t1::lNeile, A. H.

Mees, M.

Middleton, R. D.

Milanov ich, M.

Milik, J. T.

The Christology of Earl y Jewish Christianity, London, 1970.

"Sadducee and Fharisee: The orlgln and significance of the names" in BJRL 22, 1938, 3-18.

"Miscellanea Apocalyptica III" JTS 48, 1947, 59-61.

The Sayings of Jesus, London, 1949, (Sayings).

"The Lord's Prayer" BJRL 38, 1955-1956, 99-113.

"Mebaqqer and Rabbim in the Manual of Discipline, vi.11-13" JBL 75, 1956, 198-302.

The Old Rabbinic IX>ctrine of God, London, 1927.

Influence de l'~vangile de saint Matthieu sur la litterature chr~tienne avant saint Ir~n~e, Louvain, 1950, 604-646, (Influence) •

"The Black Che" Early Christian Origins (Festschr. H. R. Willoughby, ed. A. Wickgren, Chicago, 1961, 77-80.

The Gospel Accord ing to St. Matthew, London, 1901.

"Did. 1: 3. Einige Anmerkungen zur 'lTherlieferung der Jesusworte" Crient Press 1, 1970, 163-168.

"Die Bedeutung der Sentenzen und ihrer auxesis far die Formung der Jesuworte nach Didache 1:3b-2:1" Vetera Christianorurn 8, 1971, 55-76, (Auxesis) •

"The Eucharistic Prayers of the Didache" JTS 36, 1935, 259-267.

The Teaching of the Didache Compared with the Teaching of the New Test;ament, Dissertation, Southern Baptist Seminary, Louisville, 1948.

"Le Testement de Lev i en Arameen :Fragment de la Grotte 4 de Olmran (PL IV)" in RB 62, 1955, 398-406.

Ten Years of Discovery in the Wilderness of Judaea, London, 1959, (Ten Years).

349

Moore, G. F.

Mo ul e, C. F. D.

Muilenburg, J.

"Milkl-sedeq et Milkl-resa dans les anciens 6crits juifs et chr~tiens" JJS 23, 1972, 95-144.

"4Q visions de Amram et une citation d'Origene" RB 79,1972,71-97.

Judaism in the First Centuries of the Christian Era, New York, 1971, (Judaism).

"A Note on Didache ix,4" JTS ns 6, 1955, 240-243.

"A Reconsideration of the Contex t of Maranatha" Essays in New Testament Interpretation, Cambridge, 1982, 222-226.

The Literary Relations of the Epistle of Sarnabus and The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, in Dissertation, Yale, Marburg, 1929, (Li terar y Relations).

Murphy-O'Connor, J. "La Genese Litteraire de la Regle de la Communaut~" RB 76, 1969, 528-549.

Murphy-O'Connor, J. (ed.) Paul and Qlmran, London, 1968.

Nautin, P. "La Composition de la 'Didache' et son titre" RHR 155,1959,191-214.

Neusner, J.

Niederwimm'er, K.

NOtscher, F.

Nock, A. D.

Norden, E.

O'Hagan, A. P.

"N:>tes critiques sur la Didache" VC 13, 1959, 118-120, (Notes).

\ The Rabbinic Trad itions about the Pharisees before 70, Leiden, 1971.

"Zur Fntwicklungsgeschichte des Wanderrad ikal ismus in Trad itionsbereich der Didache" Wiener Studien F. F. 11, 1977, 145-167, (Wanderrad ikal ismus) •

Zur Theologischen Terminologie der Qlmran-Texte, SSS 10, Bonn, 1956.

"Liturgical Notes" JTS 30, 1929, 390-395.

Agnostos Theos, Darmstad t, 1956.

Material Recreation in the Apostolic Fathers, Berlin, 1968.

Material Recreation in the Apostol ic Father s, TU

350

QJlton, J. E. L.

Perad ze, G.

Pernveden, L.

Peterson, E.

Pill inger, R.

Pol ster ', G.

Ponthot, J.

Pope, H.

Priest, J. F.

Priestly, J. F.

Prigent, P.

100, Berlin, 1968, 1-30.

"Clement of Alexandria and the Didache" JTS 41, 1940,177-179.

"Die 'Lehre .der zw,,"lf Apostel' in der u georgischen U'J berliefertmg" ZNW 31, 1932, 111-116, (Georg ische Uberl ieferung) •

The Concept of the Church in the Shepherd of Hermas, Stud. Theol. Lund. 27, Lund, 1966.

"Didache cap. 9 und 10" ETL 58, 1944, 3-13.

"Uber einige Probleme der Didache-Oberl ieferung" FrOhkirche, Judentum und Gnosis, Rome, Freiburg and Vienna, 1959, 146-182, (Einige Probleme).

"Die Taufe nach der Did ache • Philologisch-arch~ologische Untersuchungen der Kapitel 7, 9, 10 und 14" Wiener Studien ns 2., 1975, 152-160.

"Der kleine Talmud traktat Ober die Proselyten" in Angelos 2, 1926, pp 2-38.

"La Signification Religieuse du "~m" [onoma] che z C1 em en t Rom et dan s 1 a Di d ac he" ETL 35, 1959,339-361, (Nom).

"The Epistle of 'Barnabas' and the 'Did ache' " ExpTim 14, 1913, 333.

"Mebaqqer, Paqid, and the Messiah" JBL 81, 1962, 55-61.

"The Messiah and the Meal in 1QSa" JBL 82, 1963, 95-100.

"Une these nouvelle sur la Didache" RTP (Third Series) 10, 1960, 303.

Prigent, P. and R. A. Kraft

Rabin, C.

Reicke, B.

Ept tre de Barnab~, SC 172, Paris, 1971.

The Zadokite Docunents, Oxford, 1958.

"The Constitution of the Primitive Church in the Light of Jewish Docunents" The Scroll s and the New Testament (ed. Stendahl), 143-156, ( " Constitution") •

351

Resch, G. Dasd Aposteldekret nach seiner ausserkanonischen Textgestalt untersucht, in TU 18/3, Leipzig, 1905.

Richard son, P. and Shukster, M. B.

Richard son, R. D.

Riddle, D. W.

Riesenfeld, H.

Riggenbach, E.

Robinson, J. A.

Rordorf, W.

Rordorf, W. and Tuil ier, A.

Rowley, H. H.

"Barnabas, Nerva and the Yavnean Rabbis" JTS ns 34, 1983, 31-55.

"wrd's prayer as an early eucharistia" ATR 39, 1957, 123-130.

"Farly Christian Hospitality: A Factor in the Gospel Transmission" JBL 57, 1933, 141-154.

"Das Brot von den Bergen. Zu Didache 9:4" ErJb 54, 1956, 142-150.

Der trinitarische Taufbefehl Matth. 28,19 nach seine urspringlichen Texgestal t und Authentie untersucht, in BFCTh 7, Gatersloh, 1903.

"The Problem of the Didache" JTS 13, 1912, 339-356.

Barnabas, Hermas and the Did ache (Donnellan Lectures at the University of ])Jblin, 1920), London and New York, 1920, (Barnabas, Hermas and the Didache).

"The Epistle of Barnabas and the Didache" JTS 35,1934,113-146,225-248.

Der Sonntag. Geschichte des Ruhe- und Gottesdiensttages in ~ltesten Christentum, ATANT 43, Zurich, 1962.

"Le bapteme selon la Didache" Festschr. B. Batte, Louv ain, 1972, 499-509, (Le bapteme) •

"Un chapitre d'Hhique jud~-chr~tienne: les Deux voies" RSR 60 and al so in Jud~o-christianisme, Festschr. J. Dani~lou, Paris, 1972, 109-128, (Deux voies).

La Doctrine des Douze Apotres (Didache), SC 248, Paris, 1978, (La Doctrine).

The Zadokite Fragments and the Dead Sea &lrolls, Ox ford, 1952.

The Dead Sea &lrolls and the New Testament, wndon, 1957.

352

Russell, D. S.

Sabatier, P.

Saeki, P. Y.

Salmon, G.

Sass, G.

Savi, P.

Schaff, P.

Schenke, H. M.

Schermann, T.

Schiffman, L. H.

~hille, G.

"The Baptism of John and the QJmran Sect" in NT Essays: Studies in Memory of T. W. Manson, ed. A. J. E. Higgin, Manchester, 1959, 218-229.

"The QJmran Sect and Christian Orig ins" BJRL 44, 1961-1962, 141-145.

"The History of the QJmran Sect" in BJRL 49, 1966-1967, 202-222.

"The History of the QJmran Sect" BJRL 49, 1966-1967, 203-222.

The Method and Message of Jewish Apocal yptic, London, 1964.

La Didache, Paris, 1885.

The Nestorian Documents and Relig ious funuments in China, Tokyo, 1937, 1951.

A Historical Introduction to the Pooks of the New Testament, London, 1894, 551-566.

"Die Apostel in der Didache" In Memoriam Ernst Lohmeyer (ed. W. Schmauch), Stuttgart, 1951, 233-239.

La dottrina degli apostoli. Richerche critiche sull' origine del testo con una nota intorno all' eucaristia, Rome, 1893.

The Oldest Church Manual called The T~aching of the Twelve Apostles, New York, 1889, (Manual).

"Die Taten der Petrus und die zw~lf Apostel" TLZ 98, 13.

Eine El fapostelmoral oder die Christl iche-Re zension der 'beiden Wege', Munich, 1903.

"Die Gebete in Didache c 9 und 10" Festschr. Kn6"pfler, Munich, 1907; 225-239.

The Halakhah at QJmran, Leiden, 1975.

"Das Recht der Propheten und Apostel--gemeinderechliche Beobachtungen zu Didache Kapitel 11-13" Theologische Versuche, Berl in, 1966, 84-103, ("Das Recht").

353

Schlecht, J.

Schmidt, C.

Schmithal s, W.

Schmitt, J.

Schrage, W.

Schtrmmer, J.

I:octrina XII Apostolorum. Die Apostellehre in der Li turg ie der katholischen Kirche, Freiburg i. Breisgau, 1901.

"Das koptische Didache-Fragment des British Museum" ZNW 24, 1925, 81-99.

The Office of Apostle in the Earl y Church, London, 1971, (Office of Apostle).

"Contribution a l'etude de la discipline penitentielle dans l'~glise primitive a la lumiere des textes de Olmran" Les manuscrits de la mer Marte. Colloque de Strasbourg (25-27 mai 1955), Paris, 1957, 93-109.

"L'organisation de l'~glise primitive et Olmran" La Secte de Olmran et les Origines du Christianisme (RechBibl IV), Louvaine, 1959, 217-231, (L'organisation).

"Zur Ethik derneutestamentlichen Haustafeln" NTS 21, 1974, 1-22, (NT Haustafeln) •

Die AI tchristliche Fastenpraxis (Mit Besonderer Berucksichtigung der Schriften Tertullians), Manster i. Westf., 1933, (Fastenpraxis).

Schtrrer, E., Vermes, G., Millar, F., Vermes, P. and Black, M.

Seeberg, A.

Seid ensticker, P.

Seitz, O. J. F.

Sel wyn, E. G.

Se ybold, K.

The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus O1rist (175 B. C.-A. D. 135), Edinburgh, 1973, 1979, (History).

Die Beiden Wege und das Aposteldekret, Leipzig, 1906, (Seiden Wege).

Der Katechismus der Urchristenhei t, Mun ich, 1966 (1903)'0 (Katechismus).

Die Gemeinschaftsform der religi~sen Gruppen de's Spatjudentums und der Urkirche, SBFLA, Jerusalem, 1959, (Gemeinschaftsform).

"Two Spirits in Man: All Essay in Biblical Exegesis" NTS 6, 1959-1960, 82-94.

The First Epistle of St. Peter, London, 1964, 467-488.

Der Aaronitische Segen. Studien zu Numeri 6: 22-27, Neukirche-Vluyn, 1977.

354

Simon, M.

Skehan, P. W.

Smith, M. A.

Stanley, D. M.

Stanton, G. N.

Stauffer, E.

Stegemann, H.

Steinmann, J.

Stempel, H. A.

Stend ahl, K.

Stommel, E.

Verus Israel, Paris, 1964.

"The Apostolic Decree and its Setting in the Ancient Church" BJRL 52, 1970, 437-460.

"Didache 1:6 and Sirach 12:1" CBO Mon. Ser. 1, 1971, 124-126 (Also in Bib 44, 1963, 533-536).

"Did Justin know the Didache?" Stud. Patr. 7 (TU 92), Berlin, 1966, 287-290.

"Didache as a COnsti tuti ve Element of the · Gospel-form" CBO 17, 1955, 216-228.

"Salvation Proclaimed: Matthew 11:28-30: Comfortable Words?" ExpTim 94, 1982, 3-9, (Sal v ation Procl aimed) •

Jesus and his Stor y, London, 1960.

Die Entstehung der Olmrangemeinde, Dissertation, Bonn, Bonn, 1965, (Entstehung).

St. John the Baptist and the Desert Trad ition, London, 1958.

"Der Lehrer in der 'Lehre der Zw~l f Apostel" VC 34, 1980, 209-217.

The Scrolls and the New Testament, New York, 1957.

"SEMEION EKPETASEOS (Didache 16:6)" HomO 48, 1953,21-42.

Strack, H. L. and Sternberger, G.

Streeter, B. H.

Strobel, A.

Einleitung in Talmud und Midrash, Munich, 1982, (Einleitung) •

"Didache i .3-ii .1" JTS 25, 1924, 78.

The Primitive Church, London, 1929, 279-287, (Primitive Church).

"The Mlch-Belaboured Didache" JTS 37, 1936, 369-374, (Much-Belaboured).

The Four Gospels, London, 1936.

Untersuchungen zum Eschatolog ischen Ver ~gerung sproblem, Auf Grund der sp~jadischen-urchristlichen Geschichte von habakuk 2, 2ff, Leidenl Cologne, 1961.

355

Strugnell, J.

Stuiber, A.

Suggs, M.

Sutcl iffe, E. F.

Talmon, S.

"The Angelic Liturgy at Q,tmran" VT Supplement 7, Leiden, 1959.

"Das ganze Joch des Herrn (Didache 6:2-3)" Stud. Pat. IV (TU 79), Berlin, 1961, 323-329, (Das g an ze Joch).

"Die Drei SEMEIA von Didache XVI" Jahrbuch ftrr ~tike und Christentum 24, 1981, 42-44.

"The Christian Two Ways Trad Hion: Its Antiquity, Form and Function" Festschr. P. Wikgren Suppl. Nov T 33, Leiden, 1972, 60-74.

"The General Council of the Q,tmran Community" 8ib. 40, 1959, 971-983.

"The First Fifteen Members of the Q,tmran Community" J JS 4, 1959, 134-138.

"Sacred Meals at Q,tmran" in HeyJ 1, 1960, 48-65.

The t-bnks of Q,tmran, Westminster, Md., 1960.

"Yom Hakkipurim in the Habakkuk Scroll" 8ib. 32, 1951, 549-563.

"A Note on DSD VI,11-13" JJS 8,1957,113-115.

"The "Manual of Bened ictions" of the Sect of the Judaean Desert" RevQ 2, 1959-1960, 475-500.

Tarchnishvili, M. and Kekelidze, K ••

Ta ylor, c.

Teicher, J. L.

Telfer, w.

Theissen, G.

Geschichte der Kirchlichen Georgischen Literatur, Studi e testi 185, Rome, 1955.

The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, Cambridge, 1886, (Teaching).

"Ancient Eucharistic Prayers in Hebrew" JQR 54, 1963, 99-109.

"The Didache and the Apostolic Synod of Antioch" JTS 40,1939,133-146,258-271, (Apostolic Synod) •

"The 'Plot' of the Didache" JTS 45, 1944, 141-151.

Sociolog Y of Earl y Palestinian Christianity, Philadelphia, 1977, (Sociology).

356

Thiering, B. E.

Thomas, D. W.

Thomas, J.

Torrance, T. F.

Torrey, C. C.

Tuckett, C.

Turner, C. H.

Vermes, G.

Vischer, L.

V~~us, A.

Redating the Teacher of Righteousness, Sydney, 1979.

"Inner and Cuter Cleansing at Qlmran as a Background to New Testament Baptism" NTS 26, 1980, 266-277.

"Mebaqqer and Episkopos in the Light of the Temple Scroll" JBL 100, 1981, 59~74.

"Qumran Initiation and New Testament Baptism" NTS 27, 1981, 615-631.

""KELEBH" "Dog". Its Crigin and Some Usages of it in the Old Testament" VT10, 1960, 410 ';"427.

Le Mouvement Baptiste en Palestine et Syrie, Gembloux, 1935, (Mouvement Baptiste).

The Doctrine of Grace in the Apostolic Fathers, London, 1948.

The Excavations at Dura-Europos, Prel iminar y Report VI, New Haven, 1936.

"Synoptic Trad itions in some Nag Hammad i and Related Texts" VC 36, 1982, 173-190.

"The Earl y Christian Ministr y and the Didache" CQR, 1887 (also in Studies in Early Church History, collected papers by C. H. Turner, Oxford, 1912, 1-32), (Early Christian Ministry).

"The "Didache" and Other Apostol ic Church Crders" Cathol ic and Apostol ic, u,ndon/Ox ford, 1931, 255-272.

"The Symbolical Interpretation of Lebanon in the Targums" JTS 9,1958, 1-12.

The Dead Sea Scrolls in English, Harmondsworth, Middx., 1975, (DSSE).

The Dead Sea Scrolls, u,ndon, 1977, (Scrolls).

"The Essenes and their HistorY" JJS 32, 1981, 18-31.

"Die Zehntforderung in der Al ten Kirche" ZKG 8 , 1959, 201 -21 7 •

ditions in the Didache, Estonian 1 Society in Exile, Papers Scholarly

357

Vokes, F. E.

Wadsworth, M. P.

Walker, J. H.

Wallenstein, M.

Weise, M.

Wernberg-Moeller~ P.

Wibbing, S.

Ser. 16, Stockholm, 1968, (Liturgical Trad itions) •

"Regarding the Background of the Liturgical Trad itions in the Didache. The Q.lestion of Li terary Relation between Didache ix.4 and the

Fourth Gospel" VC 23, 1969, 81-87.

The Riddle of the Did ache • Fact or Fiction, Heresy or Catholicism?, London, 1938, (Riddle of the Didache).

"The Didache Re-examined" Theol. 58, 1955, 12-16.

"The Didache and the Canon of the New Testament" SE 3 (TU 88), Berlin, 1964, 427-436.

"The Didache--still debated" Church Q.larterl y 3, 1970, 57-62.

The "Liber Antiqui tatum Bibl icarum" of Pseudo-Philo: doctrine and scriptural exegesis in a Jewish midrash of the first century A. D., Ox ford Di ssertat ion, Ox ford, 1974.

"Terce, Sext and None. An Apostolic Custom?" Stud. Pat. 5 (TU 80), Berlin, 1962, 206ff.

"An Argument from the Chinese for the Antiochene Origin of the Didache" Stud. Pat. 8 (TU 93), Berl in, 1966, 44-50.

"A pre-Marcan Dating for the Did ac he. Further thoughts of a Liturgist" Proceedings of the VIth Internat. Cong. on Bib. Studies III, JSOT (also in Stud. Bib. 1978, 405-411), Sheffield, 1980.

"Reflections on a new edition of the Didache" VC 35, 1981, 35-42.

Some Unpublished Pi yyutim from the Cairo Genizah, Manchester, 1956.

Kul tzei ten und kul tischer Bundesschluss in der "Ordensregel" vom Toten Meer, in Studia Post-Biblica III, Leiden, 1961.

The Manual of Discipline, Leiden, 1957, (Manual) •

Die Tugend- und Lasterkataloge im Neuen Testament und ihre Trad itionsgeschichte unter

358

Wilcox, M.

Williams, W.

Wind ischm, H.

Wohleb, L.

Yad in, Y.

Young, F. M.

Zahn, T.

Zun z, L.

besonderer BerOcksichtigung der Oumran-Texte, BZNW 25, 1959, (Lasterkataloge).

"Dual ism, Gnosticism, and Other Elements in the Pre-Pauline Tradition" in The Scrolls and Christianity, ed. M. Black, Oxford, 1967, 88-93.

"Clement of Alexand it.''''and the Didache" JTS 41, 1940,177-185.

Der Barnabasbrief, T11bingen, 1920.

"Die lateinische Ubersetzung der Didache kritisch und sprachlich untersucht" Studien zur Geschichte und Kul tur des Al tertums VII. 1 , Paderborn, 1913 (1967).

"&>me Notes on the Newl y Published Pesharim of Isaiah" IEJ 9, 1959, 39-42.

The Scroll of the War of the &>ns of Light Against the &>ns of I:arkness, Oxford, 1962, (War Scroll) •

The Ben Sira Scroll from Masada, Jerusalem, 1965.

The Use of Sacrificial Ideas in Greek Christian Writers from the New Testament to John Chrysostom, Philadelphia, 1979, (Sacrificial Ideas).

"Die 'Lehre der zw<5'l f Apostel'" Forschungen zur Gesch. des neutestamentlichen Kanons und der altkirchlichen Literatur III, .1884, 278-319.

Die gottesdienstlichen Vortr~ge der Juden, historisch entwickelt, Frankfurt a. M., 1892.

359

3Enoch

Apocalypse of Abraham

Texts

Odeberg, H., 3 Enoch or The Hebrew Book of ~, New York, (1928) 1972, (ET).

Box, G. H., The Apocal ypse of Abraham, London/New York, 1919, (ET).

Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha

Apostolic Constitutions

Apostolic Fathers

Charles, R. H., Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament I-II, Ox ford, 1913, (ET).

de Lagarde, P. A., Constitutiones Apostolorum, Leipzig/London, 1862.

Bihlmeyer, K. and Schneemelcher, W., Die Apostolischen Vater, TUbing en , 1970.

Lake, K., The Apostolic Fathers I-II , London/Cambridge, Mass., 1912, 1913, (ET).

Apostolic Tradition of Hippolytus

Chinese Nestorian Tex ts

Damascus Document

De Centesima

Dead Sea Scrolls

Botte, B., La Tradition Apostolique de Saint Hi ppol yte, Essai de Reconstitution, in Liturgiewissenschaftliche Quellen und Forschungen 39, MOnster, Westf., 1963.

Dix, G., The Apostolic Tradition of St. Hippolytus of Rome, London, 1968, (ET).

Till, W. and Leipholdt, J., Der Koptische Text der Kirchenordnung Hippolytus, in TU 58, Berlin, 1954.

Saeki, P. Y., The Nestorian Docunents and Religious t-bnuments in China, Tokyo, 1951.

Rabin, C., The Zadokite Documents, Oxford, 1958.

Zeitlin, S., The Zadoki te Fragments: Facsimile of The Manuscripts in the Cairo Genizah Collection in the Possession of the University Library Cambridge, England, in JQR (t-bnograph Series 1), Philadel phia, 1952.

R,. Reitzenstein, "Eine fruhchristliche Schrift von der dreierlei Fruchten des christlichen Lebens" in ZNW 15, 1914, 60-90.

Allegro, J., Discoveries in the Judaean Desert 1, Oxford, 1968.

360

Derek Erez

Didascal ia

Early Church Fathers

Baillett, M., Discoveries in the Judaean Desert VII, Ox ford, 1982.

Baillett, M., Milik, J. T. and de Vaux, R., Discoveries in the Judaean Desert III, Oxford, 1962.

BarthHemy, D. and Milik, J. T., Discoveries in the Jud aean Desert I, Ox ford, 1955.

Benoit, P., Milik, J. T. and de Vaux, R., Discoveries in the Judaean Desert II, Oxford, 1962.

De Jonge, M. and van der Woude, A. S., "11Q Melchizedek and '"the New Testament" in NTS 12, 1965-1966, 301-326.

Lohse, E., Die Texte aus Cumran, Munich, 1971.

Maier, J., Die Tempelrolle vom Toten Meer, Munich/Basle, 1978.

Milik, J. T., Discoveries in the Judaean Desert VI, Ox ford, 1977.

Milik, J. T., The Books of Enoch: Aramaic Fragments of Qumran Cave 4, Oxford, 1976.

Sanders, J. A., Discoveries in the Judaean Desert IV, Ox ford, 1965.

Vermes, G., The Dead Sea Scrolls in English, Harmond sworth, Middx., 1975, (ET).

Yad in, Y., Meg ill at ham-Me qd as I-IlIa, Jer usal em, 1977.

Higger, M., The Treatises Derek Erez, New York, 1935,

Achelis, H. and Flemming, J., Die Syrische Didaskalia, in TU nf 10, Leipzig, 1904.

Connolly, R. H., Didascalia Apostolorum, Oxford, 1929, (ET).

P. de Lagarde, Didascal ia Apostolorum, Osnabrflck/Wiesbaden, 1967 .

BIBLIOTHEKE ELLENON PATERON KAI EKKLESIASTIKON SYGGRAPHEON, Athens.

361

Ecclesiastical Cannons

Ecclesiastical Canons

Essenes

Lake, K., The Apostolic Fathers I-II, London/Cambridge, Mass., 1912, 1913, (ET).

Roberts, A. and !):)nald son, J. (Ed s.), The Ante-Nicene Fathers I-X, Grand Rapids, Mich., 1885, ET.

Wace, H. and Schaff, P., The Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers, Oxford/New York, 1892.

Horner, G., Statutes of the Apostles. Canones Ecclesiastici, London, 1904.

Horner, G., Statutes of the Apostles. Canones Ecclesiastici, London, 1904, ET.

Adam, A., AnUke Berichte ttber die Essener, in KlT 182, Berlin, 1972.

Eusebius, Demonstratio Euangel i1-:-Ferrar, W. J., Eusebius Proof of the Gospel I-II, London/New York, 1920, (ET)".

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History

Gospel of Thomas

Irenaeus

Jewish Prayer Book

Joseph and Asenath

Josephus

Lake, K. and Oulton, J. E. L., Eusebius Ecclesiastical History I-II, in LCL, London/Cambridge, Mass., 1926, 1932, (ET).

Guillaumont, A. Puech, H. C., Quispel, G., Till, W., 'Abd Al Masih, Y" The Gospel According to Thomas" London, 1959, (ET).

Harvey, W. W., Sancti Irenaei, Cambridge, 1857.

Singer, S., The Authorised Dail y Prayer Book, London, 1925, (AJPB).

Brooks, E. W., Joseph and Asenath, London, 1918, (ET).

Philonenko, M., Joseph et As~neth: Introduction Texte Critique et Notes, Leiden, 1968.

Thackeray, H. St. J., Marcus, R., Wikgren, A. and Feldman, L. H., Josephus I-X, in LCL, London/Cambridge, Mass., 1926-1965, (ET).

Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum of Pseudo- Philo Harringto.n, D. J. and Cazeaux, J., Pseudo-Philo, Les Antiqui t~s Bibl iques, in Sources Chretiennes 229-230, Paris, 1976.

362

Liber Gr ad uum

Lucian

Mekil ta

Midrashim

Minor Tractates

Mishnah

Nag Hammadi Texts

New Testament

New Testament Apocr ypha

Odes of Solomon

Old Syriac New Testament

Old Testament

Papyri, Antinoopolis

Papyri, Ox yrhynchus

James, M. R., The Biblical Antiquities of Philo, London/New York, 1917, (ET).

Kmosko, M., Liber Grad uUm, in Patrolog ia Syriaca III, Paris, 1926.

Jacobitz, C., Luciani Samosatensis Opera III, Lipsiae, 1891.

Lauterbach, J. Z., Mekil ta de-Rabbi Ishmael I-III, Philadelphia, 1933,1961, ET.

Freedman, H. and Simon, M., Midrash Rabba I-X, London, 1939, (ET (Soncino)).

Polster, G., "Der kleine Talmudtraktat Ober Proselyten (Text und lThersetzung)" in Angelos 1, 19xx, 1-38.

Blackman, P., Mishnayoth I-VII, New York, 1964.

Danby, H., The Mishnah, Oxford, 1933, (ET).

Williams, A. L., Tractate Berakoth, London, 1921.

Robinson, J. M., The Nag Hammadi Library, Le id en, 1977, (ET).

Aland, K. and B., Novum Testamentum Graece XXVI, Stut tg art, 1979.

Revised Standard Version, 1971, (ET).

Hennecke, E. and Schneemelcher, W., New Testament Apocrypha I-II, Philadelphia, 1963, (ET) •

Charlesworth, J. H., The Odes of Solomon, The Syriac Texts, Missoula, Montana, 1977, (ET).

Burkitt, F. C., Evangelion da-Mepharreshe I-II, Cambridge, 1904.

Elliger, K. and Rudolph, W., Biblia Hebraica Stutgartensia, Stuttgart, 1967-1977.

Revised Standard Version, 1952, (ET).

Barns, J. W. B. and Zilliacus, H., The Antinoopolis Papyri I-II, London, 1960.

Grenfell, B. P. and Hunt, A. S., The Oxyrhynchus

363

Pesikta Rabbati

Philo

Pirqe de Rabbi Eliezer

Pliny

Prayer of Joseph

Psalms of Solomon

Pseudo-Clement

Samaritan Pentateuch

Septuagint

Sibyll ine Oracles

Sifre Deuteronomy

Sifre Numbers

Papyri I-XLIX, London, 1898-1982.

Braude, W. G., Pesikta Rabbati I-II, New Haven and London, 1968, (ET).

Colson, H., Whitaker, G. E. and Earp, J. W., Philo I-X, in LCL, London/Cambridge, Mass., 1929-1962, (ET).

Fr iedlander, G., Pirke de Rabbi El ie zer , London/New York, 1916, (ET).

Melmouth, W. and Hutchinson, W. M. L., Pliny Letters, in LCL, London/New York, 1923.

Rackham, H., Jones, W. H. S. and Eichholz, DO' E., Pliny Natural History, in LCL, London/Cambridge, Mass., 1938-1962.

Smith, J. Z., "The Prayer of Joseph" in Religions in Antiquity, Festschr. E. R. Goodenough, Leiden, 1968, 253-294.

Ryle, H. E. and James, M. R., Psalms of the Pharisees, commonl y called The Psalms of Solomon, Cambridge, 1891, ET.

Rehm, B., Die Pseudoklementinen II. Rekognitionen in Rufins Obersetzung, in GCS, Berlin, 1965.

Rehm, B., IrEl sc her , J. and Paschke, F., Die Pseudoklementinen 1. Homilien, in GCS, Berlin, 1969.

von Gall, A. F., Der Hebr~ische Pentateuch der Samaritaner, Giessen, 1918.

Rahlfs, A., Septuaginta, Stuttgart, 1935.

Geffcken, J., Die Oracula Sib yll ina , Leipzig, 1918.

Finkel stein, L. and Horoy itz, H. S., Corpus Tannaiticun III.1 (Sifre ad Deuteronomium), New York, 1969.

i-browitz, H. S., Corpus Tannaiticum, II1.3 (Sifre Numbers), Leip.zig, 1917.

Leverto ff, P. P., Midr ash Si fr e on Number s , London, 1926, (ET).

364

Sirach

Talmud, Babylonian"

Talmud, Jerusalem

Talmud, Minor Tractates

Targun im

Testament of Abraham

Levi, I., The Hebrew Text of the Book of Ecclesiastic us, in Semitic Stud y Series III, Le id en, 195 1 •

Epstein, I., The Babylonian Talmud I-XVIII, London, 1948, (ET (Soncino)).

Goldschmidt, L., Der Babylonische Talmud I-VIII, Leipzig, 1906-1909.

Jerusalem Talmud, Krakow, 1609 reprinted 1866.

Cohen, A., The Minor Tractates of the Talmud, London, 1965, (ET (Soncino)).

Etheridge, J. W., The Targums of Cnkelos and Jonathan ben Uzziel on the Pentateuch with the Fragments of the Jerusalem Targum, New York, 1968, (ET).

Ginsb urg er, M., Pseudo-Jonathan, Berl in, 1903.

Macho, A. D., Neophyti I, Madrid, 1974.

Sperber, A., The Bible in Aramaic I-IV, Leiden, 1959-1973.

Box, G. H., The Testament of Abraham, London, 1927, (ET).

Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs

Testamentum D:>mini

Tosefta

Vulgate

De Jonge, M., The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, Leiden, 1978.

Cooper, J. and Maclean, A. J., The Testament of Our Lord, Edinburgh, 1902.

Rahmani, Ignatius Ephraem II, Testamentum D:>mini nostri Jesu Christi, Main z, 1899.

Neusner, J., The Tosefta II-VI, New York, 1977 -1981, (ET).

Zuckermandel, M. S., Tosephta, Jerusalem, 1937.

Weber, R., Vulgata, Stuttgart, 1969 .

365

Dictionaries

Abbott-Smith, G. A Manual Greek Lexicon of the New Testament, Edinburgh/London, 1923.

Bauer, W. Arndt, W. F. and Gingrich, F. W. A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament, Chicago, 1957, (Arndt and Gingrich).

Blass, F., Debrunner, A. and Funk, R. W.

Crum, W. E.

A Greek Grammar of the New Testament, Chicago, 1961, (Bl ass, Debr unner and Fun k) •

A Coptic Dictionary, Oxford, 1939, (Crum).

Gesenius, W., Brown, F., Driver, S. R. and Briggs, C. A. A Hebrew and Engl ish Lex icon of the Old Testament, Oxford, 1946, (Brown, Driver and Briggs) •

Gesenius, W., Kautsch, E. and Cowley, A. E. Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar, Oxford, 1980, (Gesenius-Kautsch) •

Hammond, N. G. L. and Scullard, H. H. The Oxford Classical Dictionary, Oxford, 1970.

Hatch, E. and Redpath, H. A.

Jastrow, M.

A Concordance to the Septuag int I-III, Ox ford, 1897, (Hatch and Redpath).

A Dictionary of the Targum, The Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature I-II, New York, 1950, (Jastrow).

Kittel, F. G. and Pitkin, R. E.

Kraft, H.

Kuhn, K. G.

Lampe, G. W. H.

"Nachtr~ge zur 'Konkordanz zu den Qumrantexten" A Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, RevQ 4, Grand Rapids, Mich., 196x1963, 163-234, (TDNT).

Clavis Patrum Apostolicorum, Munich, 1963.

Konkordanz zu den Qumrantexten, GOttingen, 1960.

A Patristic Greek Lexicon, Oxford, 1961, (Lampe) •

Lewis, C. T. and Short, C. A Latin Dictionary, Oxford, 1879, (Lewis and Short) •

366

Liddell, H. G., Scott, R. and Jones, H. S.

Mandel kern , S.

A Greek-Engl ish Lex icon, Ox ford, 1968, (Liddell and Scott).

Veteris Testamenti Concordantiae, Jerusalem-Tel Av iv, 1978.

Moulton , J. H. and Milligan, G.

Payne ~ith, J.

Schmoller, A.

Strack, H. L.

The Vocabulary of the Greek New Testament, London, 1914-1929, (t-bulton and Milligan).

A Com pend ious Syriac Dictionarty, Ox ford, 1903, (Payne ~ith).

Handkonkordanz zum Griechischen Neuen Testament, Stuttgart, 1938.

Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash, New York, 1978.

Strac k, H. L. and Sternberg er, G.

Wahl, C. A.

Einleitung in Talmud und Midrasch, Munich, 1982.

Clavis Librorum Veteris Testamenti Apocryphorum Philologica, Graz, 1972.

367

Liddell, H. G., Scott, R. and Jones, H. S.

Mandelkern, S.

A Greek-Engl ish Lex icon, Ox ford, 1968, (Liddell and Scott).

Veteris Testamenti Concordantiae, Jerusalem-Tel Aviv, 1978.

Moulton, J. H. and Milligan, G.

Payne Smith, J.

Schmoller, A.

Strack, H. L.

The Vocabular y of the Greek New Testament, London, 1914-1929, (t-bulton and Milligan).

A Compendious Syriac Dictionarty, Oxford, 1903, (Payne Smith).

Handkonkordanz zum Griechischen Neuen Testament, Stuttgart, 1938.

Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash, New York, 1978.

Strack, H. L. and Sternberger, G.

Wahl, C. A.

Einleitung in Talmud und Midrasch, Munich, 1982.

Clavis Librorum Veteris Testamenti Apocryphorum Philologica, Graz, 1972.

367