Post on 05-May-2023
S E C R E T SOF THE
F A L L E NP A G O D A
THE FAMEN TEMPLEAND TANG COURT
CULTURE
Eugene Y. Wang
Tansen Sen
Wang Shen
Alan Chong
Kan Shuyi
Pedro Moura Carvalho
Libby Lai-Pik Chan
Conan Cheong
ASIAN C I V I L I S A T I O N S M U S E U M
The Emperor's New BodyE U G E N E Y . W A N G
since its discovery in 1987, die Famen Temple crypt and its acclaimed
Buddha's finger bone relic have fuelled public curiosity and scholarly
interest. A curious mixture of fact, claim, and leap of faith drives
this interest. No scientific testing has been done on the "genuine"
finger bone, presumably to respect religious decorum and sensitivity.
Meanwhile, the claim of the singular, "genuine" finger bone versus the three
other simulated finger bone relics, all found in the crypt, remains an article
of faith.1 To the public, the mystique of the relics trumps any interest in the
richly decorated reliquaries that housed them. While this is to be expected,
it is regrettable that the scholarly community has not done nearly enough to
convey to the public the significance of the reliquaries. Moreover, detailed
explications of the Esoteric Buddhist imagery in the Famen Temple crypt
have kept general readers at bay, intellectual curiosity notwithstanding. The
prevalent tenor of scholarly study has largely treated the reliquaries as visual
illustrations of arcane Esoteric Buddhist doctrine.2 Most explanations of the
Famen Temple crypt fail to be ultimately satisfying mainly because things do
not add up in these proposed schemes. The truth of the matter is that the
decorative patterns on these reliquaries and their disposition in the crypt are
a kind of medley—a mixture of several systems and impulses. For example,
both Esoteric and non-Esoteric Buddhist elements are present. None of the
existing Buddhist doctrinal systems explains the governing principle of the
Famen Temple crypt.
So, where does this leave us? We need, first of all, to be clear about
the goal of the relic-centred programme—what was the arrangement of
specific objects designed to accomplish? It had nothing to do with educating
a Tang audience about Buddhist doctrine, through lining up the reliquaries as
Detail of Cat. 20 though they were exhibition pieces. Abundant evidence in die crypt suggests
51
that the relic enshrinement of 874 was a singular feat of engineering, in both
political and biotechnological senses. It was also a feat of artistic engineering,
as evident in the artful manipulation of artefacts. Politically, the transportation
of the relic (a process known as translation) from the Famen Temple to the
palace at Chang'an was carefully staged as part of an imperial succession
drama. Biotechnologically, it was a remarkable instance of a meticulously
programmed regimen hoping to symbolically transform the dying
emperor's body into a new state of being. The body politic and the bodily
transformation were therefore central to this relic-enshrinement scenario.
In the final year of his life, Emperor Yizong (833—873) decreed that the
Buddha relic found at the Famen Temple be brought to the capital Chang'an.
This was a controversial decision which met with strong objections from
court officials. There were numerous reasons underlying their opposition.
The cult of the Buddha relic had never sat well with the scholar-officials
of the court, who tended to regard the practice as mindless and expensive
hype. On the other hand, the eunuchs, whose political clout had increased
exponentially in the ninth century, were staunch supporters for the practice.
The tendency of the eunuchs to use relic translation as political engineering
deepened the court officials' suspicions. But the emperor had the final say:
"if I could see [the relic], I would die without regret!"3 This turned out to be
an ominous statement.
The translation of the relic from Famen Temple to the palace at
Chang'an was the last of six imperially sponsored ceremonial events in the
Tang dynasty (see Chronology p. 25-). The mass hysteria surrounding each of
the processions is well documented. Some frenzied spectators even mutilated
their bodies in the passionate excitement. Why did the relic translation arouse
so much passion?
The Buddhist cult of relics is patently ironic. It contradicts the core
teaching of renouncing the body in search of nirvana—the permanent
delivery from suffering rooted in the body-created desire. Relics, on the other
hand, provided a physical link to the presence of Buddha for the Chinese
community. Some aspects of the Chinese relic cult are particularly notable.
One is the changing disposition of, or properties attributed to, relics. In
early accounts, relics are indeterminate in physical attributes.They oscillate
between sheer optical phenomena hard to pin down, and hard crystalline
things of wonder that withstand repeated hammering. As time went on, the
perceived materiality took on more distinct decipherable properties, to the
extent that Buddha relics were identified as distinct body parts. The Famen
Temple relics therefore emerged as finger bones.
5 2 T H E E M P E R O R ' S N E W B O D Y
Another reorientation is the periodic display and veneration of the
relic. The mystique of the Famen Temple finger bones derives in part from
the lore of the regular opening of the pagoda crypt every thirty years. This
predictable cycle is analogous to a planet's periodic appearance in the sky.
This was a fiction that Tang monks had created. However, once it took shape,
the lore acquired an objective veneer. The periodic reopening of the crypt
lent an aura of both rarity and inevitability to the occasion. It was as if some
immutable natural law ran its course and dictated its own rhythm governing
human affairs. The scheme created a symbolic transcendent authority that
struck awe in the heart even of the emperors and empresses. The mythic
periodicity gave leverage to monks and other Buddhist associates in the body
politic to work the clock, so to speak.
One confounding fact is that the approximate thirty-year cycle of the
relic ceremony coincided with the death of the emperors involved. Nearly
every time the relic was brought to the imperial palace, the sponsoring ruler
died shortly afterwards. The frail Empress Wu Zetian brought the relic to the
palace in 704 and died the following year; in 710, two years after the re-
enshrinement, Emperor Zhongzong was poisoned by Empress Wei. Two years
after the relic translation in 760, Emperor Suzong died. In 819, the relic was
again brought to the palace and the following year Emperor Xianzong died.
And Emperor Yizong died in 873 while the relic was in the palace.
The parade of the relics to and from the capital city was often
tantamount to a rehearsal of a state funeral. Some explanation for this comes
from the fact that sickly emperors tended to seek all the more eagerly the
miraculous cure and therapeutic efficacies associated with relics. These
coincidences also suggest the darker possibilities of behind-the-scenes palace
coups or engineered successions stage-managed by die eunuchs of the
inner palace.
While the relic translations of several Tang emperors left their traces
in the Famen Temple crypt, the last one staged by Emperor Yizong, or rather,
by his inner-court eunuchs, accounts for the disposition of the artefacts
as discovered in 1987. The nine hundred or so objects left in the crypt
were given in someone's name. Moreover, the placement of objects in the
innermost chamber shows a clear design concept, unmistakably pointing to
the careful engineering by Yizong's handlers.
E U C E N E Y . W A N C 5 3
Who were these people? Current accounts regard Emperor Yizong as
the ultimate force powering the events and circumstances surrounding the
last relic ceremony. However, careful analysis of the crypt's inventory tablet
goes at least some way toward undermining this view. Here is the breakdown
of objects by donor:
Gifts from the Chongzhen Monastery (that is, from Famen Temple):
7 items
Gifts from Emperor Yizong after the relic reached the Inner Palace:
122 items (including the eight caskets)
Gifts newly given by Emperor Xizong (upon the return of the relic to
the monastery): 754 items
Gifts from Empress Dowager Hui'an (Yizong's consort and Xizong's
mother) and Lady Zhaoyi, and from Lady Jinguo: 7 items
Gifts from various "heads" (eunuchs, monks, and nuns): 9 items
Gifts from Zhihuilun of the Daxingshan monastery: a items4
The most striking thing about this litany of gift-giving is how utterly
improbable it is. To begin with, Empress Dowager Hui'an (d. 866) had died
years ago, and this was a widely known fact. How could she have "given"
anything at all? The gifts were apparently presented in her name. The majority
of the gifts were presented by Emperor Xizong (862-888), who was merely
a twelve-year-old at the time of his succession to the throne. The Emperor
Yizong's fifth son, he was not supposed to inherit the throne, as his four
older brothers were apparently ready and more legitimate to succeed.
Moreover, the imperial hereditary system should have lined up the eldest son,
the heir apparent, to succeed the dying emperor. Installing a twelve-year-old
and leapfrogging four older princes bears the indelible imprint of political
engineering by the eunuchs. They undoubtedly wanted to wield power by
controlling the young emperor. The youngster was their best bet and the
easiest puppet to manipulate. We may conclude that the eunuchs were the
real agency behind the 7^4 items given in Xizong's name. The timeline is
correct: these were given after the relic had been returned to Famen Temple.
The most astounding items were the 122 objects given by Emperor
Yizong after the Famensi finger bone relic (or relics) had reached the
5 4 T H E E M P E R O R S N E W B O D Y
The eightfold reliquary from therear chamber of the Farnen Templecrypt. Famen Temple Museum
inner palace. Most prominent among these was the set of eight nesting
caskets enshrining one of the Buddha's finger bones (fig. 2). The decorative
programme, as has been demonstrated elsewhere, maps out the entire
process of the emperor's bodily transformation into a postmortem and post-
human condition.1 How can that be? There is no way the all-powerful—or
was he?—emperor would have allowed the design of the decorative
programme to be about his own death. Even if he were in full control, the
relic enshrinement would have been in part a symbolic regimen to cure
his worsening illness. We are left to ponder a darker and murkier scenario.
The emperor was sick and his death was expected. The relic was in the
inner palace. A scheme was laid out for a succession plan. The decision was
made that a teenage prince should succeed the throne, rather than his adult
brothers. These behind-the-scenes maneuvers are largely absent in the extant
historical texts, and there is no way of knowing what exactly happened.
The eightfold set of nesting caskets lays out the scheme. Simply put, the
reliquary set is, inadvertently, the most revealing visual documentation of
a programmed throne succession scheme in Chinese history. However, it
is veiled in a visual language heavily dependent on codes derived from the
Buddhist symbolic idiom.
Deciphering this idiom is key to understanding the reliquary sets and,
by extension, the layout of artefacts in the crypt. Some roadblocks need to
be cleared to navigate this complex system. As mentioned earlier, scholars
have largely subscribed to the premise that the reliquaries are derived from
Esoteric Buddhist doctrine. However, this premise does not work. Luo Zhao,
E U G E N E Y . W A N G 55
one of the few dissenting voices, long ago pointed to an obvious fact that
most scholars choose not to deal with: the two sets of reliquaries in the rear
chamber are medleys of Esoteric and non-Esoteric iconographic systems.6
Just because the two sets of codes are mixed does not mean they cannot
work together. They can, but not as a purely Esoteric system. We need to bear
in mind that the programme resulting from this mixture of codes served
a purpose that did not solely illustrate doctrine of either of the Buddhist
systems. Streamlining a bodily transformation is the key agenda underlying
the two reliquary sets in the rear chamber.
Why are we so fixated on the rear chamber? Indeed, the crypt
consisted of more than just this innermost space. In fact, in this three-
chamber catacomb, all three spaces contained a reliquary structure. Each
enshrined a Buddha relic—albeit the "simulation" finger bones as opposed
to the supposedly real one uncovered from the compartment below the
rear chamber. The reliquaries from the first two rooms are products of
earlier times. The painted marble reliquary stupa from the first room (the
"Ashoka Stupa", fig. p. 13) shows considerable signs of wear and seems to
have been restored at the time of the last enshrinement in 874, and was
thus already of considerable age. The large marble reliquary from the middle
chamber (fig. p. 13) dates from around 708 and bears the name of the monk
Fazang (643-712). It is difficult to reconstruct the original positions and
programmatic roles of these two earlier reliquaries; the last relic translation
of 874 may have displaced or rearranged the earlier objects to the extent that
their original intent cannot be surmised with certainty. The rear chamber
is altogether a different story. Its arrangement had a discernible pattern that
is still intelligible. Even though the enshrinement plan incorporated some
earlier artefacts—for example, the miniature crystal coffin in the fivefold
reliquary set—the assemblage bore the indelible fingerprint of the 784 relic
translation, and the design of its programme can thus be deduced.
Once again, some conceptual roadblocks need to be cleared before
we proceed to reverse-engineer the reliquary enshrinement programme.
The bulk of current thinking on Famen Temple hinges on the Esoteric
Buddhist elements, in particular, some unmistakable mandala iconography.
It is thus assumed that liturgical activities must have taken place there, since
the mandala is known to fulfill Buddhist ritual functions. Worse still, these
artefacts are assumed to be meaningful or intelligible only in relation to those
presumed mandala-derived ritual performances. In fact, nothing could be
wider of the mark. As Luo Zhao rightly pointed out two decades ago, the rear
chamber hardly allows an average person to stand erect, let alone facilitate
liturgical functions.' In refuting the rear-chamber-as-mandala premise,
5 6 T H E E M P E R O R ' S N E W B O D Y
The fivefold reliquary from the hiddencompartment beneath the back wallof the rear chamber (the third casketmade of sandalwood is not shown).Famen Temple Museum
however, Luo was trapped: either the rear chamber is a mandala arena hosting
perfection-of-body rituals, or it is not a mandala arena, since it cannot
physically accommodate ritual performance, and because the assemblage of
artefacts here contained pieces decidedly unrelated to mandala iconography.
This either/or quagmire stems from the widely shared but misguided
assumption that the functionality of these artefacts was tied only to human-
performed rituals; and if rituals were involved, they were conceived only
in a doctrinally correct framework in view of the relic enshrinement. The
indelible imprint of the historical circumstances on the artefacts strongly
suggests an ad hoc approach. Moreover, it is important to bear in mind that a
symbolic staging, at a miniaturized level, of the postmortem process of bodily
transformation was the real agenda. The mandala, itself a heightened symbolic
form of enabling bodily dissolution and symbolic merging with Buddhahood,
was pressed into service as part of this process. Indeed, mandalas were
present in the Famen Temple crypt, but they were there to serve the simulated
or modelled process of bodily transformation, not the other way round. And
the artefacts in the crypt "performed" this ritual.
There were two reliquary sets in the rear chamber. The eightfold set
was centred on the back wall of the chamber. The fivefold set (fig. 3) was
interred in a so-called "secret niche", that is, a compartment underneath the
floor (see fig. p. 16). At first, this appears puzzling. The chamber itself was
already part of the underground catacomb. Why should the subterranean
chamber contain further division between aboveground and underground
spaces? This division is in fact crucial to the symbolic division of labours
E U G E N E V . W A N G 5 7
assigned to the artefacts. Consider the eightfold reliquary set on the floor
(fig. 2). The nesting boxes, as will be shown, formed a succession of fictive
spaces. The succession implies an outside-in movement, culminating in a
gold container shaped in the form of a stupa-tower. The fivefold reliquary
placed underneath the floor likewise formed a succession of symbolic
spaces, suggesting an outside-in movement (fig. 3). Its innermost container
is a miniature jade coffin holding the so-called "genuine" finger bone relic
(Cat. 2i).The contrast of the two distinct endpoints is striking. The logical
cogency is compelling. The stupa-tower of the aboveground set points upward
or heavenward. The coffin is expected to be underground, or, in medieval
Chinese parlance, in the realm of the Yellow Spring.
This two-tiered arrangement itself indicates an unmistakable burial
scenario, albeit on a scale of symbolic simulation. The source codes of
this symbolic burial draw heavily on Buddhist symbolic systems. This fact
often predisposes us toward seeing the whole setup primarily as a Buddhist
4 programme. However, nowhere in the Tang Buddhist ritual canon do we everWooden figures (front and back views) r n . . n. r n , , ^ .placed next to the crystal coffin in the find instructions regarding ways of mixing a mandala and a coffin into a singlesandaiwood casket. From the fivefold programme. If we accept the premise that engineering and modelling thereliquary in the hidden compartment
postmortem bodily transformation is the central storyline here, things start to
add-up or fall into place. In fact, prescribing the proper way of caring for the
dead, the seventh-century Chinese Buddhist encyclopedia Treasure Trove of the
Dharma World is explicit about the binary nature of postmortem condition.
Its compiler, a monk named Daoshi, draws on received classical Chinese texts
of the pre-Buddhist era. An individual person's postmortem condition is
thus divided into two entities, heading respectively to heaven and earth. The
ethereal intelligent breath (him z$|) flies in space, while its earthly counterpart,
the animal breath (po ftt), is stuck with the corpse to be buried underground.8
The two-tiered division appears to be the governing principle in the Famensi
rear chamber. The eightfold set guides the ethereal spirit in its aerial flight; the
fivefold set takes care of the body in its subterranean environs.
A crucial piece of evidence bolsters this hypothesis. The third container
of the subterranean fivefold reliquary is a sandaiwood case that holds the
crystal coffin which in turn contains the jade coffin. This sandaiwood
box contained a most intriguing scene: ten miniature figures carved of
wood—merely 3 to 4 centimetres or so in height—attend the crystal coffin.
While at least four of them are apparently bodhisattvas and heavenly guardians,
others are lay figurines decidedly unrelated to Buddhist iconographic schemes
(fig. 4). Virtually unprecedented in the entire history of Buddhist reliquary
enshrinements, these lay figurines are an embarrassment to scholars trying
to subsume everything under the mandala program of the fivefold reliquary.
5 8 T H E E M P E R O R ' S N E W B O D Y
Fragment of the sandalwood casket in theeightfold reliquary: screen and cartouche.Famen Temple Museum
Fragment of the sandalwood casket inthe eightfold reliquary: regal figure.Famen Temple Museum
As they cannot explain these figures, nearly all the studies of the Famen
Temple cache choose not to deal with them.9 Deliberately distinct from the
mimetically modeled bodhisattvas and heavenly guardians, these figures are
minimally carved cylindrical blocks of wood. To students of traditional Chinese
funerary art, however, these figurines are entirely familiar. They belong to
the tradition of tomb figurines that populate burial spaces in order to replace
live human sacrifices. Their un-mimetic and geometric appearance was
intended to convey their status as "spiritual articles" so as to reinforce their
subterraneous identities. These lay figurines reinforce the situational logic of
the subterraneous fivefold reliquary. They decidedly evoke a funerary burial.
The theory of the dual division alone, however, does not explain
all aspects of the two reliquary sets. We need to observe how the design
creatively appropriates Buddhist iconographic conventions for its purpose.
The eightfold set of nesting boxes apparently spell out a sequence of changing
states. The question is whether the sequence proceeds from outside in or
inside out. The inventory stele lists the set of eight boxes by naming the
innermost box as the "first fold," and pushes outward.10 There is no reason
to believe that the inventory's matter-of-fact enumerative disposition has
any close connection to the iconographic programming. Recent exhibition
catalogues rightly reverse the order by counting the boxes from outside in."
This orientation harmonizes with the force of the decorative programme.
E U G E N E Y , W A N C 5 9
The set begins with a sandalwood box, now extant only in fragments.
The pictorial content can still be inferred by a few surviving pieces. One
fragment was originally the section above a presiding Amitabha Buddha
of die Western Paradise (fig. 5), as it shows a screen in front of which the
Amitabha Buddha would be installed, a halo, and a cartouche that reads:
"Amitabha of the Western Land of Bliss." Another piece of the box shows a
haloed and crowned regal figure in Chinese courtly robe holding some kind
of offering plate, accompanied by what appear to be a royal consort and a
junior (fig. 6). The regal figure is very likely Emperor Yizong, escorted by
his consort and the fifth son, soon to succeed him as Emperor Xizong. The
historical circumstances surrounding die relic enshrinement of 874 support
this conjecture.
Planning for the relic translation started in 871. However, the official
ceremony of welcoming the relics into the capital city did not take place until
two years later, when in the fourth month of 873, the relics were welcomed
into the imperial palace.12 In the seventh month of die same year, the emperor
died. His successor, Xizong, was enthroned "right in front of the coffin." Five
months later, the relics were returned to the Famen Temple crypt, which
remained sealed for a millennium.
The symbiosis of the relic re-enshrinement ceremonies and Emperor
Yizong's birthday/death is striking. It highlights the elusiveness and elasticity
of the term "True Body," a period term for the Buddha's relics. The relic
re-enshrinement, tied to the emperor's health and death, made plain the
conflation of the bodies of the Buddha and the dying emperor. This is almost
explicit in the stele composed by the prominent monk Sengche of the Anguo
Monastery,'3 and placed along widi the inventory stele at the front door of the
front chamber in 874.'4 The text traces the history of relic translations under
Tang imperial patronage. In particular, it documents the entire process of
the final welcoming of the relic into die capital and its return to the Famen
Temple. Sengche's narration is revealing. It abruptly shifts from the emperor's
ebullience over the relic's arrival to his death. After gushing over the
emperor's excitement roused by the sight of the relic, the text careens to the
sobering matter of the emperor's death in tactful phrases couched in ethereal
terms: "Suddenly growing tired of the worldly affairs, [die emperor] was bent
for transcending the Ten Regions. He departed for good, heading toward the
Nine Lotuses; stepping on the Five Clouds, he will never return. The Dragon
Chart has been bequeathed to the Bright Ruler, and the Phoenix Pedigree will
be continued by the filial branch." 'J
Having narrated both the welcoming of the relic and the emperor's
death, the author then described the return of die "True Body" to Famen
6 0 T H E E M P E R O R S N E W B O D Y
Vaisravana riding across the waters,mid-10th century. Painting from cave 17,Mogao, near Dunhuang, 61.8 x 57.4 cm.British Museum, London
Front face of fig. 9: Heavenly Kingof the North
Temple. At this juncture, it is no longer possible to distinguish between the
ritual lamentation over Shakyamuni's entry into nirvana and the mourning
for the deceased emperor: "The cloud sprinkled flowers from the Treasure
Realms, which were teardrops sprayed from the celestial river." As the relic
was interred in the crypt, it struck Sengche that "the imperial family's
bountiful blessedness is boundless, and Virtuous Seed [embodied in the relic]
that had endured extensive kalpus [cycles of creation and destruction] defies
decay." The votive text ends in the vein of a funerary memorial:
The whole Dhyana River is drenched in tears, the Bodhi Trees are
shivering with sadness ... The temple chimes reverberate in sync.
At the thought that the golden gate is to be closed forever, [one is]
overwhelmed by ten thousand kinds of pathos. Knowing the Excellent
Body will last for eternity, [one is able to] take some consolation.
The Meeting with [Maitreya and] the Three Groups under the Dragon
Flower Trees gathers all those who are there to see the Buddha; the
[Pure Land of] fragrant Nine Lotuses greets those who transcend life
and death.'6
It is hard to imagine any sensible reader of this text still holding on to
the strict equation of the "True Body" and the Buddha relic. The description
is a perfect caption for the outermost sandalwood box. Here is the emperor
heading to Amitabha's Pure Land. The cast of characters is a careful
assemblage: there is his consort, probably Empress Hui'an, already dead;
and his son, soon to be installed as his successor Emperor Xizong. The key
dynamic is the father-son relationship, which continues onto the next casket.
On the gilded silver casket (fig. 9), the relief compositions on the four
faces make sense only in relation to set iconographic conventions. The Four
Heavenly Kings, respectively, occupy the four faces. Their presence suggests
a particular altitude. The Four Heavenly Kings occupy the upper level of
the Realm of Desire, the lowest of three realms that comprise the Buddhist
cosmos. This means that the imaginary flight to the upper level starts with
this fourfold cast poised at the border. They thus shoulder the border-crossing
task. Vaisravana, the Northern Heavenly King, is singled out for the symbolic
border-crossing mission, since north is associated with winter, water, cold,
and death in the traditional Chinese cosmological scheme. Ninth-century
pictorial conventions typically feature Vaisravana holding a human-palm-sized
stupa-tower across the oceanic boundary and ascending to a higher plateau
(% 7).
E U G E N E Y . W A N G 61
LEFT TO R I G H T , FROM TOP
9Front face of gilded silver casket,from the eightfold reliquary in therear chamber, by 874. Gilded silver,height 23.5 cm. Famen Temple Museum
10Side of fig. 9: Heavenly King of the East
Side of fig. 9: Heavenly King of the West
12Back face of fig. 9: Heavenly King ofthe South
The iconographic twist here is suggestive. Technically, the miniature
stupa-tower is a reliquary. This is confirmed by the presence of the batman-
like demon in such reliquary scenes. This figure is given to stealing the
Buddha's relic. The archer inVaisravana's entourage makes sure that the relic
thief is kept away from the relic. Here is a twist. The miniature reliquary
contains a whole body instead of a body part. The bodily form amounts to the
imagined postmortem humanoid spirit.'7
The front-face relief on the gilded silver casket recapitulates these
elements (fig. 8). The archer takes aim at the fleeing batman-like relic stealer.
Vaisravana holds the stupa-tower reliquary on his left hand. To reinforce
the point that this is a relic-centred scene, the composition includes a few
other features. Two cherubic figures in the lower corners hover over jars and
present relic-like jewels to Vaisravana. This is derived from the Division-of-
Relics convention current in Tang times. Relics are typically contained in a jar
and then distributed among the delegates who claim their equal share of the
relics (see discussion in Cat. 63).
The relief here makes its point through its heavy-handed variation
from the two conventions sketched above. One convention involves the relic-
escorting Vaisravana crossing the boundary from one realm to another. The
other is the division of relics among neighbour-state delegates. These two
conventions normally do not mix, but the casket conflates them. Moreover,
the Northern Heavenly King monopolizes the relic to the exclusion of
others. Equal and fair distribution of relics is out of the question here. Unlike
other images of the Four Heavenly Kings, here the primacy of the Northern
Heavenly King is total and uncompromising. He and his entourage occupy the
privileged front of the casket, and the assembly is presented symmetrically
with a frontal view. The other three Heavenly Kings are presented in a three-
quarter view, facing left, reduced to subservient status.
The real protagonist central to our storyline is not the seemingly
commanding Northern Heavenly King, but the figure in Chinese-style robes
standing to his left. Each of the four assemblies on the casket features a lay
ruler in foreign-style garment. Here is a curious fact. The sartorial styles
of the lay rulers associated with the west, south, and east are all of foreign
kings (figs. 10, n, 12). Since they are part of the entourages of the left-
facing Heavenly Kings, they are apparently of lower status, yet they all appear
taller in stature than their Chinese counterpart on the front. Moreover,
each of them has a female consort. The Chinese ruler does not. There is
no way that the design would downplay the Chinese ruler's importance in
this constructed universe. It turns out size matters in this context, not in
terms of importance, but in registering the circumstances of the moment.
6 2 T H E E M P E R O R S N E W B O D Y
When Xizong was installed as emperor, he was only twelve and still unwed.
This explains his shorter stature on the front-face relief and the absence
of a consort. Moreover, he displays a jewel-like object on his right hand,
apparently a reference to the Buddha relic. Jewels were habitually perceived
as relics. Given the Division-of-Relics convention, the relief suggests the
young emperor's monopoly of the "True Body." This is as the memorial
tablet would have it: "The Dragon Chart has been bequeathed to the Bright
Ruler, and the Phoenix Pedigree will be continued by the filial branch." '8 The
relief is essentially about the succession of 873. The elusive high-order "True
Body" links the dead Emperor Yizong and newly installed Emperor Xizong.
Meanwhile, the old body needs to go through its postmortem motions. The
stupa-tower-holding Northern Heavenly King makes sure that the "body" is
transported to the other realm.
This scenario may draw on a much-circulated sutra. The text recalls
Buddha Amitabha's life coming to an "end." Even he entered nirvana.'9 It
also presents two "young boys" named Baoyi and Baoshang. They blithely
announce, in Gatha, that "the dharma of the past has been extinguished;
and that of the future is yet to come," and that everything in this world of
delusions and emptiness amounts to an improvised "fictive device."20 All this
resonates well with the situation of the twelve-year-old soon to be installed
as Emperor Xizong. It may also explain why the outermost casket features the
crowned figure—Amitabha in the sutra and Emperor Yizong in real life—in
the Western "Land of Bliss." Inhabitants of that distant land are said to look at
our world as if they view the "dmalaka fruit in their hand." They see the Four
Heavenly Kings in the assembly of Shakyamuni Buddha, a scene depicted in
the next casket in line.
The key concept that governs the design of the overall scheme of the
casket sets is the Wish-Granting Jewel. The balls presented by the two boys
could be visual iterations of this jewel. The jewel-themed design becomes
more salient when the programme progresses to the fifth casket. For now,
suffice it to say that the Wish-Granting Jewel is the organizing concept
governing disparate relic-related imaginary scenarios featured on the caskets.
It is derived from the notion of pdramita, a Sanskrit term meaning at once
"crossing over to the other shore" and "perfection." 2I While Indian texts
hesitate between these two senses, the Chinese embraced both. Accordingly,
the "Wish-Granting Jewel" is an illustrative visual trope to encompass these
two senses. The sense of "perfection" means that no physical object can fully
capture the all-encompassing quality of the Wish-Granting Jewel. A human-
engineered composite simulation is a second best solution, mixing "Buddha
relic, gold, silver, Aloe wood, white sandalwood, purple sandalwood, fragrant
6 4 T H E E M P E R O R ' S N E W B O D Y
peachwood ... lacquer."22To the extent that it is a conceptual object, physical
objects — seashore pebbles, etc.—may serve as surrogates. The sense of
"crossing over to the other shore," on the other hand, evokes a range of
domains, in particular, the distant Buddhaland of bliss. The optical property
of the magical jewel means unlimited freedom in displaying visionary vistas
encompassing the subterraneous depth to die "dragon palace in the sky."
The encasement design, therefore, gives form to these realms and
processes. It encompasses "dragon palaces" both in the deep sea and in the
sky. The two sets of caskets suggesting, respectively, the "below" and "above",
are in sync with this scheme. Meanwhile, the design also encompasses myriad
material realms and textures: "First, the refined-iron colour; then, the gold
and red-hued white of silver." According to the scriptural design scenario, the
multilayered encasement of the Wish-Granting Jewel amounts to as many as
one-hundred-eighteen-fold textures and realms, signifying "nine surrounding
mountains and seas within the circling Iron Mountains".23 This explains why
the unadorned silver casket in the eightfold casket set is strikingly different
from all the adorned boxes in the series (fig. 2). It evokes the Iron Mountains
that enclose the Buddhist cosmos, marking the boundary that sets the inner
and outer realms.
This design scheme sets the stage for the "crossing over to the other
shore." More specifically, it comes down to a set of transformations. There is,
according to scriptural plans, a more literal scenario of boundary-crossing.
The fourth casket is a notable stage of this scenario. The reliefs on the two
sides of the casket (figs. 13, 14) feature the elephant-riding Samantabhadra
and lion-riding Manjushri, ready to meet on the front face. Their appearance
typically signals the arrival of delegations from the Buddhaland to fetch and
escort the deceased's spirit to the Buddhaland. The pair thus commonly
appears on walls flanking the entrance to a Buddhist inner sanctuary, thereby
signalling the transportation of the earthbound beings into a higher realm.
Here they escort Emperor Yizong's postmortem spirit, recognizable through
his crown and imperial robe, on the way to the Buddha's assembly. The
Buddha occupying the casket's front face is probably Shakyamuni, preaching
before passing into nirvana (fig. 15). The temporal framework therefore is set
in the present kalpa (a cycle of creation and destruction of the universe). The
Buddha assembly on the rear side of die casket signals the future (fig. i6).The
Buddha's tall topknot and regal robe identify him as Maitreya in front of the
Dragon-Flower trees and the palatial structure evoking theTushita Heaven.24
The casket thus suggests a front-to-back, or present-to-future, movement.
Emperor Yizong's footsteps can be followed through this nesting set
of virtual galleries. The next in line, the fifth casket, is a crucial stage in this
E U C E N E Y . W A N C 6 5
LEFT TO R I G H T , FROM TOP
13
Side of the fourth casket of theeightfold reliquary, by 874. Gildedsilver, height 16.2 cm. Famen TempleMuseum
14
Side of the fourth casket of theeightfold reliquary
15Front face of the fourth casket of theeightfold reliquary
16
Back face of the fourth casket of theeightfold reliquary
modelled process of postmortem transformation. It is the last casket with
figural motifs in the outside-in series. That the termination of the figuration
coincides with the disappearance of Emperor Yizong's avatar is notable.
Indeed, previous caskets' reiterations of the emperor raise the expectation
of more recapitulations to come. But the run stops here, and the imperial
figure is no longer present. Or so it seems. In fact, it is precisely at this
juncture that our central storyline—Emperor Yizong's postmortem bodily
transformation —reaches its climactic moment.
Again, the Wish-Granting Jewel remains the organizing concept.
The front face suggestively features a Wish-Granting Jewel Sound-Observer.
On the opposite end is Mahavairocana. The two faces spell out two states
compromising the ritual process ordered by the Wish-Granting Jewel, namely,
bodily transformation. Through ritual performance, the subject—whether
it is the Shakyamuni Buddha, a bodhisattva, a devotee, or the postmortem
being—mutates into a different state, shedding his individual, earthbound
body and symbolically merging with the vast domain of Vairocana, or the
Great Sun Buddha. For the living person going through this ritual, the change
is one of symbolic initiation or ordination. For the postmortem spirit, as
in the case of the Emperor Yizong, it means symbolic dissolution of bodily
self and entrance into the Buddha world. To provide testimonial to the
success of this ritual transformation, other Buddhas present to witness the
transformation are said to emanate rays of light. The two side faces of the
casket precisely depict this scenario.
What happens, then, after one leaves the body behind? Buddhist
scenarios posit a heightened state of arrival at the "lotus dais" of the Western
Land of Bliss. Bejewelled floral designs are typical devices evoking this beryl,
or lapis lazuli, domain. The sixth and seventh casket designs register thisl ' o o
exalted state of affairs. The innermost container, in the shape of a stupa-tower,
allegedly enshrines a Buddha finger bone relic. It signals this state as in an
aerial height, in opposition to the coffin-centred relic enshrinement under
the rear chamber floor.
The two sets of caskets are inextricably related. In general doctrinal
terms of Buddhist practice, meditation goes hand in hand with the change
in the meditator's bodily state. Shedding one's mortal body and fusing with
Mahavairocana's domain is in sync with acquiring a vision. The arrival at
the "lotus dais" high up there is a prerequisite condition. Having attained a
liberated state, one looks down from that vantage point on the earthly domain
below. The abandoning of the mortal body, a disembodied meditative stance,
results in the "permanent diamond-like samadhi", or adamantine absorption.
The adamantine stance corresponds to the hardened state of the diamond
world below.25
E U G E N E Y . W A N C 67
17Kneeling bodhisattva holding a tray forthe display of the relic, dated 871.Gilded silver and pearls, height 38.5 cm.Famen Temple Museum
In view of the particular historical circumstances, this esoteric above/
below scheme amounts to no more than a more exalted way of explaining
what essentially is a burial situation, albeit a symbolic one. It could be another
way of framing the traditional Chinese conception of binary postmortem
condition. The disembodied intelligent spirit (hun) flies high; and the bodily
remains (po) stays underground. Two casket sets thereby accommodate both.
Other objects in the rear chamber are largely accessory pieces to the
central ritual drama the two casket sets embody. The four identical arghya
pitchers (Cat. 19) placed in the four corners of the rear chamber are props
used in the abhisheku ritual, a ceremonial consecration involving sprinkling
water on a person to confer a changed status. Derived from an Indian
practice of baptism, abhisheka was an Esoteric Buddhist rite of initiation which
gained currency in China in the eighth century. Through the ritual, a person
undergoes initiation, symbolically transcends his parents-begotten body,
and merges with the Mahavairocana. The standard account often posits a
bodhisattva going through stages culminating in "becoming" a Buddha body.
The decoration of the fifth casket stages this process. The pitchers are part of
this symbolic regimen.
One thing becomes clear from the above. Mapping a progression into
a series of gallery-like spaces from outside in, the two reliquary casket sets
in fact spell out a succession of changing bodily states. A statue made in 871,
on the occasion of Emperor Yizong's thirty-ninth birthday, says much about
this body/space conflation (fig. 17).26 This work consists of a three-tiered
base supporting a half-kneeling figure holding a plate. The votive inscription
on the plate states, in essence, that the bodhisattva statue presenting the True
Body (that is, the Buddha relic) was made for the emperor on his birthday.
The sculpture is inscribed with the wish that "His Highness Lives for Ten
Thousand Springs, and that Ten Thousand Leaves blossom from His Pedigree
Tree. The barbarians of the eight quarters submit themselves to his rule, and
the Four Seas remain calm."
The sculpture was a fitting gift for Yizong's birthday. The figure derives
from Lakshmi, the life-giving Indian mother-goddess of fortune and beauty.
The elaborate coiffure suggests femininity.27 Two notable attributes establish
her identity. The interior surface of the base features the oceanic domain
teeming with swirling dragons, and the figure holds a lotus-leaf-shaped
plate.28 These traits recall Lakshmi's coming into being: she once sprang from
the sea holding a lotus in hand.
The design on the three-tiered stand further develops the themes
of life-giving and growth. Modelled after Mount Sumeru, the axis mundi of
the Buddhist cosmos, the surface of the stand is covered with flame or lotus
T H E E M P E R O R S N E W B O D Y
18
Figure of Mahavairocana3 placed atop theeightfold reliquary in the rear chamber;by 874. Partly gilded silver, height 15 cm.Famen Temple Museum
petal frames, featuring constituent figures of Mahavairocana's vast domain
(that is, luminous kings and a variety of bodhisattvas). The design suggests
mandala compositions.19 The mandala, however, was not there to illustrate
Esoteric doctrine. Rather, the spatial form maps evolving bodily states. The
Indie Siddham-script syllables arranged circularly and inscribed on top of the
three-tiered stand begin with the primary formula of the True Word: a, vam,
ram, ham, kharn.30 The five syllables correspond to five elements (earth, water,
fire, wind, and air) that comprise the substance of Mahavairocana. Following
the traditional Chinese disposition to correlate natural elements with body
parts, Tang monks accordingly matched these Indie letters — and their range
of references—to the five organs. A was thus made to stand for liver, yam for
lung, ram for heart, ham for kidney, kham for spleen (or stomach).3' The same
body/space correlation scheme also allowed Tang monks to conceptualize
Mahavairocana's cosmos by way of the human body. The mandala structured
around the fivefold formula thus became a neatly ordered corporeal schema.
Likewise, the Buddhist striving for the three kinds of "consummation" (siddhi)
conveniently lends itself to a three-tiered mapping of the human body in a
Chinese apocryphal Buddhist sutra.31 This body/space modelling apparently
informs the design of the relic-holding statue. The artefact was a physical
prayer for the -well-being of the emperor's ailing body.
Contrary to these hopes, EmperorYizong did not last long. It is all
too revealing that the wistful statue made for the emperor's birthday was left
outside the door to the rear chamber. This decision presumably stems from
some kind of awareness of the irony it engendered. In its stead, another statue
(fig. 18) was made and pointedly placed on top of the eightfold reliquary
casket. The gilded figure of Mahavairocana sits atop a three-tiered stand,
much like its counterpart outside the rear chamber (fig. 17). Keeping in mind
the body/space correlation, it is not too hard to sense what it is all about.
Emperor Yizong has left behind his parents-begotten body, a state signified
by the mother-goddess-inspired statue left outside the rear chamber. His
disembodied spirit has merged into Mahavairocana's vast cosmos that spans
heaven and earth, which the eightfold and fivefold casket series respectively
signal. If Mahavairocana does have a "body," it is pure space. The Tang
mourners could thus take some consolation, knowing that "Excellent Body
will last for eternity."33
E U G E N E Y . W A N C
Objects found in the rear chamber of
the Famen Temple crypt (upper layer)
From the top:
040, 084: Arghya water pitchers (Cat. 19)111, 110: Guardian figures
030: Bodhisattva atop the eightfold reliquary043: Basin with mandarin ducks (Cat. 12)
001: Bottle (Cat. 3)
075: Incense burner with stand (Cat. 16)
089: Hand warmer (Cat. 13)
069: Soup bowl (Cat. 5)
074: Box with lions (Cat. 4)
70 C A T A L O G U E , P A R T 1
25cm
Objects found in the rear chamber of
the Famen Temple crypt (lower layer)
From the top:
011-1-8: Eightfold reliquary casket
077: Basket with flying geese (Cat. 8)
076: Turtle-shaped container (Cat. 9)
095, 096: Tea grinder (Cat. 7)
017, 083:Arghya water pitchers (Cat. 19)
T H E F A M E N T E M P L E C R Y P T 7 1