Post on 13-May-2023
Paideia Kyriou: Biblical and Patristic Models for an Integrated Christian
Curriculum
In his book, The Lost Tools of Learning, Douglas Wilson
surmised that the fundamental reason for the struggle and
frustration of public schools in America is that education
has been isolated from its religious context. Wilson wrote,
“Education is a completely religious endeavor. It is
impossible to impart knowledge to students without building
on religious presuppositions… This is because all the
fundamental questions of education require religious
answers. Learning to read and write is simply the process of
acquiring tools to enable us to ask and answer such
questions” (1991, p. 59). Entailed within this assessment is
the consequence of the loss of a coherent center by which
all subject material can be integrated and interpreted. The
world is therefore presented in terms of particulars
fragmented from other particulars, resulting in an ecology
characterized by alienation, an alienation that inevitably
works its way into the student’s sense of identity. The
solution offered by Wilson, echoing Dorothy Sayers, is a
return to the integration of all subjects through “the queen
of the sciences, theology” (p. 63). It is in the
inexhaustible knowledge of God from which all things emerge
and in which all things cohere.1
There have been a number of studies that have
corroborated the importance of an integrated or
interdisciplinary curriculum, most notably Mortimer Adler’s
1982 educational manifesto, Paideia Proposal.2 While Wilson’s
observation on the religious nature of education has not
gone entirely unheeded,3 theology as the source of
1 Wilson’s concern over the religious nature of education is hardly novel. Archbishop Temple, a former headmaster, remarked: “An education which is not religious is atheistic … If you give to children an accountof the world from which God is left out, you are teaching them to understand the world without reference to God” (quoted in Doble, 2000, p. 192). Such sentiments were corroborated by one of the most influential Catholic thinkers of the 19th century, John Henry Newman, who wrote: “Christianity, and nothing short of it, must be made the element and principle of all education. Where it has been laid as the fist stone, and acknowledged as the governing spirit, it will take up into itself, assimilate, and give a character to literature and science”(quoted in Doble, 2000, p. 192). Both men witnessed the loss of theology’s plausibility in the secularization of the modern world and the consequential abdication of its role as the “queen of the sciences.”2 For a survey of the studies over the last two decades with bibliography, see the development by the Northwest Regional Educational Laboratory based on the work sponsored by the Office of Educational Research and Improvement, U.S. Department of Education, at: http://www.nwrel.org/scpd/sirs/8/c016.html. 3 For example, The Religious and Public Education Resource Center at California State University, Chico, promotes the study of comparative
2
integration has been addressed primarily by sectarian
communities and remains a work in progress. A fruitful path
toward this work has been a number of historical surveys of
theology and education, particularly exemplified in the work
of Arthur F. Holmes (1991; 2001) and George R. Knight
(1998a; 1998b), and the role of worldview in education and
the development of a “Christian mind” in the work of Harry
Blamires (1963). This essay is an attempt to contribute to
these historical and worldview surveys by demonstrating how
current research in biblical and patristic studies offers
models for the integration of curricula, providing
interdisciplinary precision for a more effective education
in the cultivation of what C.S. Lewis envisioned as nothing
less than true humanity (1972 [1944]).
Christ and Caesar
A rather immediate point of integration is the
historical relationship between scripture and the Graeco-
Roman world. Such integration is the hallmark of a
religion as indispensable to understanding the advancement of civilization. See http://www.csuchico.edu/rs/rperc/.
3
collection of essays published under the title, Paul and
Empire: Religion and Power in Roman Imperial Society. Edited by Richard
A. Horsley, the essays are situated within a strand of
scholarship that has built upon the work of D. Georgi with a
particular eye toward the supposed verbal and conceptual
parallels between Paul’s eschatological presentation of
Christ and the Roman Imperial language that surrounded the
unparalleled figure of Caesar.4 Such analysis on the
relationship of the NT to Roman imperial eschatology
suggests that the universal nature of Jesus’ kingship
pronounced by Paul represented a deliberate ‘counter-
imperial’ theology to the pseudo-gospel of Caesar.
Interpreting Paul’s pronouncement of Jesus as sōter and
kyrios as a direct challenge to the imperial propaganda of
Paul’s day, one of Horsley’s own essays explores the
significance of Paul’s use of the term ekklesia (i.e.
“church”) which, in accordance with its primary meaning in
the Greek speaking eastern Roman Empire, denoted his
communities as “citizen assemblies” of the Greek polis (1997,
4 Cf. the studies by Georgi 1991; Brown 2001; Harrison 1999; Wright 1994; 1998; etc.
4
p. 208). Horsley thus maintains that “Paul evidently
understood the ekklesia of a Thessalonica or Corinth not as a
‘cultic community,’ but as the political assembly of people
‘in Christ’ in pointed juxtaposition and ‘competition’ with
the official city assembly (e.g. 1 Thess. 1:1; 1 Cor. 11:18;
cf. all the ‘assemblies’ of a given Roman province, 1 Cor.
16:1; 16:19; 2 Cor. 8:1; Gal. 1:2; 1 Thess. 2:14)” (p. 209).
That Paul intentionally referenced his communities with such
politically charged terminology is corroborated by Larry
Hurtado’s observation that of the variegated nomenclature
for religious gatherings available to Paul – thiasos (worship
of a particular deity), eranos (religious feast), koinon
(fellowship), or synados (group following a particular
teaching) – ekklesia, however, was not one of them (1999, p.
54). While the roots of the term “ekklesia of God” are rooted
in the Septuagint’s translation of qahal for the formal
assemblies of ancient Israel, Paul’s appropriation of the
term for his communities as the legitimate heirs of the
Jewish commonwealth is interpreted by Horsley and others to
5
represent alternative societies to the Roman imperial order
(1997, p. 209).
The political significance of the early church provides
a bridge between biblical studies and classical literature.
A major difference between the Caesarean and the Augustan
age at least partially accounts for the Julio-Claudian
permeation of imperial propaganda. The men who represented
the new age were neither scholars like Varro nor
philosophers like Cicero: they were poets – Horace, Virgil,
Propertius, Ovid, Manilius, who communicated the ideal of
Rome to the spiritual imagination of the senate and
citizenry alike (Momigliano, 1984, p. 210-11). With Virgil’s
Aeneid overlapping his Fourth Eclogue, Augustus emerged as the
second founder of the eternal city, the father of his
country, the law-giver who “reinforced the trembling hopes
of the lovers of peace with the magic splendor of ancient
ritual and the benign compulsion of a world-wide security”
(Granger, 1897, p. 285). Indeed, as the sixth book of The
Aeneid suggests, if Rome were not patterned after paradise
then maybe the gods would want to do a bit of remodeling
6
after Rome. Horace’s pen echoed the imperial praises of
Virgil: “We believe that Jove is king in heaven because we
hear his thunders peal; Augustus shall be deemed a god on
earth (praesens divus) for adding to our empire the Britons and
dread Parthians” (1988, 3.5:1-4, p. 194-95). Thus, Horace
could celebrate: “Neither civil strife nor death by violence
will I fear, while Caesar holds the earth” (3.14:14-16, p.
226-27).
Moreover, the counter-imperial significance of the NT
can be further illuminated by the introduction of extant
epigraphy in a Western Civilization I or social studies
class. Such a historical survey would introduce the student
to how the pen of the emperor’s poet was but the blueprint
for a surge of images and inscriptions that permeated the
Empire with billboard-like ubiquity. In Ankara (central-
western Turkey), an inscription of the Prologue to the Res
Gestae publicly pronounces: “[A copy of] The acts of the
Deified Augustus by which he placed the whole world (orbem
terrarium) under the sovereignty of the Roman people”
(Paterculus, 1924, p. 344-45). In Halicarnassus in Caria
7
(south-western Aegean Turkey), an inscription reads: “Since
the eternal and immortal nature of everything has bestowed
upon mankind the greatest good with extraordinary
benefactions by bringing Caesar Augustus in our blessed time
the father of his own country, divine Rome, and ancestral
Zeus, saviour of the common race of men, whose providence
has not only fulfilled but actually exceeded the prayers of
all. For land and sea are at peace and the cities flourish
with good order, concord and prosperity” (Braund, 1985, p.
40). At Narbo (in southern France), the imperial cult was
honored with the following: “The colonists and inhabitants
of Colonia Julia Paterna of Narbo Martius ... have bound
themselves to the worship of his [Augustus’] divinity in
perpetuity. The plebs of Narbo erected an altar at Narbo in
the forum, at which each year on 23rd September, on which
day the felicity of the generation (saeculum) brought him
forth to guide the world [sacrifices should be offered]”
(Braund, 1985, p. 61). Perhaps most significant for the
language of the NT is the inscription from Priene (9 BC)
which acknowledges the blessings brought by Augustus:
8
Since the Providence [Pronoia] which has ordered all things and is deeply interested in our life has set in most perfect order by giving to us Augustus, whom she filled with virtue [divine power] that he might benefitmankind, sending him as a Savior [Soter], both for us and for our descendants, that he might end war and arrange all things, and since he, Caesar, by his appearance [phaneis] [excelled even our anticipations], surpassing all previous benefactors [euergetai], and noteven leaving to posterity any hope of surpassing what he had done, and since the birthday of the god Augustuswas the beginning for the world of the good tidings [euagelion] that came by reason of him … (Ferguson, 2003, p. 46)
In contrast to such an eschatological counterfeit, the
lordship of the resurrected Christ entailed in Paul’s gospel
stretches over the entire cosmos and all that is in it, both
in heaven and on earth (Rom 1:1-7; cf. Eph 1:20-21). And
because God the Father has subordinated all things to his
Christ, including earthly kingdoms and civilizations (1 Cor
15:21f; cf. Eph 1:21-22), divine beneficence is mediated
through his messianic throne (Eph 1:3-14). The very
existence of the church for Paul is an affront to Caesar,
since it is within this Spirit circumscribed community that
allegiance is given to another lord, to “another king” (Acts
17:7). Here we have a horizontal integration between Bible,
9
history, and literature classes reciprocating and thus
reinforcing one another and providing a point of subject
integration that invites further participation. For example,
it has been observed that the counter-imperial thesis opens
up possibilities for exploring Pauline theology in the
Government and Civic Education classroom (Wright, 1998,
n.p.). Students can then be encouraged to understand how
Paul’s message applies to proclaiming Christ’s lordship over
against imperial tendencies in our time.
The Emergence of a Christian Paideia
It is highly significant that students of classical
education are periodically introduced over the course of
their studies to the sacred texts of the Graeco-Roman world,
such as Homer and Hesiod. Of importance to subject
integration is understanding the role of these sacred texts
as the foundation for a distinct education model termed
paideia. According to Werner Jaeger, paideia had been for
centuries “the unifying cultural ideology of the Roman
Empire and the civilization for which it stood” (1965, p.
10
71-2). At the heart of paideia was a formative process termed
morphosis, the formation of a particular kind of human
personality (Jaeger, 1965, 86-7). The object of this
formative process was the literary texts by which the
student was shaped (Jaeger, 1965, 91). The emulative
instrument through which such shape took place was mimēsis
(imitatio) which, beginning with the Sophists, became an
established educational technique where both text and
imitation provided the means by which the heroism of the
past could be embodied in the present (Conte and Most, 2003,
p. 749).
Against the backdrop of the church as an alternative
society, what is of further interest is how paideia related
to the ancient polis. The classical idea of paideia as an
educational ideal or integrated model did not exist in a
social vacuum. Since paideia was more a process of slow
vegetable-like growth, it required a climate and nutrients
by which it might be nurtured and cultivated, which, as
Plato taught, the social atmosphere of the polis was more
than able to provide (Kelsey, 1992, n.p.). The interaction
11
between paideia and polis developed into a synonymous
identification of paideia and culture. It was the polis that
gradually defined the difference between “barbarian” and
Greek as the polis embodied the standard of “education and
culture” on (Georgi 1991, 34; cf. Hale, 1970, 81-2). Thus,
Paul’s conception of the ekklesia as the new eschatological
polis would provide a natural foundry for a distinct
Christian paideia.
The exhortation to a distinctively Christian paideia is
evident in the earliest epistolary witnesses to
Christianity, particularly Ephesians (6:4), Hebrews (12:5),
and II Timothy (3:14-16). However, the conjunction of polis,
sacred text, mimesis, and morphosis weaved together by Paul
into a network of formally related terms is entailed
throughout his epistolary corpus. For example, Paul’s
distinctly textual argument for the Galatians’ new identity
in Christ by virtue of their relationship to the new polis –
“Jerusalem above” – involves the maternal motif of his
“laboring” over them until Christ is “formed” (morphoō) in
them (Gal 4:19), a formation that has already taken place in
12
the life of Paul (1:16; 2:20). Thus Paul exhorts his
Galatian “children” (teknon 4:19) who embody the Spirit
(3:1-5) to be imitators of him (4:12 ginesthe ōs egō; cf. 1 Cor
4:16; 11:1) as he himself imitates Christ (cf. 3:1 with
6:17; cf 2 Cor 4:10), not by keeping the “works of the law”
but rather by exemplifying the cross of Christ in his life
(putting to death sinful inclinations) together with his
resurrection and law-keeping life within him, enabling God’s
servants to endure suffering with joy as lived-out
testimonies of God’s grace exemplified on the cross. As such
the Galatians were to formulate a distinctly Christian
identity through mimesis. A distinctive characteristic of
Christian mimesis, observed by Judith M. Lieu, is the
dilemma of the NT authors writing to an audience that feel
themselves sharing a Christian identity but who do not yet
grasp what that identity entails (2004, p. 157). Reminiscent
of this dilemma is the indicative-imperative relationship
summarized in the exhortative, “become as you are.” As they
are “in Christ,” they are to live in terms of who they have
become (cf. Rom 6) and, which is to say the same thing, in
13
terms of who Christ is (Phil 2:5). Thus their practice
serves to generate an identity that embodies the virtues of
Jesus Christ (Lieu, 2004, p. 158). In the case of Galatians,
this identity-generating practice is imitatively based upon
both the personal Christ-like example of Paul and the
textual paidagōgos function of the law which leads them to a
new polis, the freedom of “the Jerusalem above” (3:24-5;
4:26), and a new identity (4:28) that they are called to
embody (5:1). Paul’s paternal metaphor in Galatians
conceptually mirrors Paul’s argument in 1 Corinthians 4,
when, in the context of rebuking their “over-realized
eschatology,” he writes in verse 15: “For if you were to
have countless tutors (paidagōgous) in Christ, yet you would
not have many fathers; for in Christ Jesus I became your
father (gennaō, lit. “given birth”) through the gospel.” He
thus exhorts in verse 16: “be imitators of me” (mimētai mou
ginesthe).
The Primacy of Narrative
14
The emergence of a distinctly Christian paideia entails
a profound significance for course integration. For example,
the mimetic nature of early Christianity serves as a common
factor for all classes that integrate personal narratives
and stories in their curriculum. Along side of learning
proverbs and morals, doctrines and catechisms, narrative
communicates life lessons in ways only a story can. Only a
story is able to show how what appears to be courage is
actually foolish recklessness or how what appears to be
infidelity is in actuality an expression of commitment
(Guroian, 1998, p. 19). As such, the story nurtures what has
been called the “moral imagination,” the center for
cognitive and affective integration that classical thought
understood as the means of moral formation. It is not a
coincidence that the Greek word for “character” (charaktēr)
means “impression.” This character-impression is formed by
the subjective embodiment by the student of the virtues and
wisdom entailed in the story which is itself a mimēsis of
the sacred texts that form the foundation of paideia. Thus,
all narratives read in the Christian classrooms should be
15
read in terms of the student thinking through how they shed
light on, imitate, or are critiqued by the scriptures, thus
stimulating his or her moral imagination as the means of
Christian character formation.5
Exegesis and the Formation of Culture
But the student’s familiarity with stories that form
Christ-likeness can provide a further model for
interdisciplinary subject material, one that historically
differentiated itself from its social milieu. This model is
shaped by how biblical exegesis historically led to the
formation of a distinct Christian culture in the midst of
the Jewish and Graeco-Roman worlds. In her 1997 publication
Biblical Exegesis and the Formation of Culture, patristic scholar
Frances M. Young provides a breathtaking account of how a
distinctly Christian paideia emerged by means of an
alternative literary culture to that fostered by classical
paideia (p. 51). Young traces the process, following a
precedent already established in the synagogue, whereby
5 An excellent introduction to the use of narrative in the formation of the moral imagination is Guroian 1998.
16
Christian apologists deliberately attempted to subordinate
the sacred writings of the Greeks (e.g. Homer, Hesiod) to
the philosophical, chronological, and theological primacy of
the (developing) Christian canon (p. 68). The selective
survey of early Christian apologists, like Justin, Tatian,
and Theophilus, demonstrates that such efforts were not
interested in getting rid of Hesiod and Plato as much as
they were interested in reading these texts in light of a
canonically circumscribed theological foundation different
from that which characterized Hellenistic culture (p. 53).
Young observes that the patristic aim of such subordination
was the provision of “a body of approved literature to be
used for Christian paideia” (p. 68).
Young draws out the significance of mimēsis for the
early Church by pointing to the Christian narratives that
were mimetic of Scripture and intended to inspire mimēsis
(240). Liturgical and literary mimēsis, the latter
represented by The Acts of Paul and The Martyrdom of Polycarp,
generated new panegyrics, new Christian narratives which
were in turn incorporated back into liturgy and life, thus
17
formulating a recursive framework for the emergence of a
distinctly Christian cultural identity. Young writes: “Just
as paideia in the schools was based on exegesis of texts and
their appropriation by critical mimēsis of style or ethics,
so Christian paideia took place through reading texts and
discerning their appropriate application…The corresponding
analogy between Church and school became more apposite …”
(p. 241). A survey of the homilies and catechetical lectures
in the early Christian period highlights the particularly
pedagogical interest of the body of writings, especially in
terms of how literature functioned in the process “of
educating people into a particular culture … with a body of
literature rather different from the elite texts of the
classical tradition” (p. 243). Young concludes that “there
are, then, many reasons for supposing that the early Church
was more like a school than a religion in the social world
of antiquity” (p. 244).
Such mimetic exegesis of scripture is indicative of a
larger entailment within sacred texts, an entailment
observed by the ecological anthropologist Roy Rappaport.
18
According to Rappaport, there are entailed within divine
discourse cosmological axioms which constitute “assumptions
concerning the fundamental structure of the universe or, to
put it differently,…refer to the paradigmatic relationships
in accordance with which the cosmos is constructed” (1999,
264). As a necessary entailment of sacred discourse,
cosmological axioms serve to interpret ecology in relation
to divine referents. This is perhaps most explicitly
demonstrated in the theology of the American Puritan
theologian Jonathan Edwards, who exemplifies a stunningly
detailed understanding of creation as an arena of divine
glory (see his Typological Writings). The patristics were no
exception to this. Note Ephrem’s scriptural interpretation
of ecology:
A bird grows up in three stagesFrom womb to egg, then to the nest where it sings;And once it is fully grown it flies in the air,Opening its wings in the symbol of the Cross.But if the bird gathers its wings,Thus denying the extended symbol of the Cross,Then the air too will deny the bird: The air will not carry the birdUnless its wings confess the Cross (quoted in Young,
1997, p. 148).6
6 An exceptional book on the nature of biblical imagery is Jordan 2000.
19
Theophilus deliberately cast the Genesis cosmogony account
in light of Hesiod’s Theogony, demonstrating the reliability
and consistency of the former at the expense of the latter
(Young, 1997, p. 54-56). Aristides presented Christians as a
new race amidst the Greeks, barbarians, and Jews (Dulles,
1999, p. 31-2). Justin Martyr was anxious to demonstrate how
Christ’s fulfillment of prophecy contained in the Jewish
scriptures enshrined within those scriptures a philosophical
veracity of which Plato and the other philosophical schools
were but foreshadows (Young, 1997, p. 67). Clement of
Alexandria challenged the Pythagorean concept of the music
of the spheres by presenting Christ as “the minstrel who
imparts harmony to the universe and makes music to God”
(Dulles, 1999, p. 39-40). Cosmology, race, philosophy,
history, and music are but examples of how early Christian
paideia functioned to integrate the totality of life around
the lordship of Christ in the midst of the Graeco-Roman
world. Even the gym class can be understood in distinctly
Christian terms. The recent study by James R. Harrison
20
compares and contrasts the ideals of Paul with those of the
ancient gymnasium, the most popular educational institution
in antiquity (2005). Harrison argues that the ubiquity of
gymnasia accounts for Paul’s “basic familiarity with the
athletic ideal of the Greeks (1 Cor 9.24-27; cf. 1 Tim 4:7-
8) and the honours it bestowed (9.25; cf 2 Tim 2.5), as was
the case with many other first-century Jews” (2005, p. 6).
The Christian athletic program can contribute to the
formation of Christian identity by interpreting athletic
participation as mimetic representations of biblical ideals,
such as the development of spiritual discipline,
perseverance, and character, projecting upon an athletic
competition the metaphor for a student’s life in Christ.
Observations
Our models for an integrative curriculum provided by
the survey of current research in biblical and patristic
scholarship yield the following set of observations:
First, the primacy of biblical text and mimēsis that
led to the formation of a distinct Christian culture in the
21
Graeco-Roman world corroborates what Temple, Newman,
Blamires, Van Til, et al, have argued, namely, that
institutions and pursuits of education are situated within a
social story, a meta-narrative, in relation to which the
totality of human experience is understood, however
incoherent that relation may be (as per the contemporary
post-modern phenomenon). Therefore, Christian education, if
it is going to be distinctly Christian, must understand
itself in relation to the divine narrative that climaxes in
the messianic ministry and reign of Christ. The importance
of such situatedness is the filtering function entailed
within such an interpretive paradigm, one that causes its
adherent to morally and intellectually cling to the
plausible and dismiss the implausible. Thus, Paul’s
messianic narrative did not merely subvert the reigning
imperial paradigm or the sacred texts of his particular age.
The Christian story was the reality of which the classical
world and Caesar’s Empire was the parody (Wright, 1998,
n.p.). From this posture, Paul and his churches could
embrace the good and reject the evil of their age by the
22
arbitration of the biblical narrative embodied through the
process of mimēsis. The Christian narrative, as the
realization of the hope and dreams so often expressed in a
variety of competing but inexorably grave-bound ideologies,
enables the people of God to affirm the good and shun the
evil, to collaborate and critique. It is essential, then,
that the biblical narrative remains foundational to the
endeavours of Christian education, for if presuppositional
narratives entail a filtering function by which the claims
of competing non-Christian ideologies are rendered
implausible, then the foundational occupation of a competing
ideology will only serve to render distinct elements within
the Christian narrative proportionately implausible.
Second, the implications of our study are such that the
Christological centre of Christian education would manifest
in both classroom and character alike. In the classroom,
Paul’s message of messianic kingship deliberately subverting
the imperial propaganda of his day demolishes the
Enlightenment separation of politics from religion, the
23
civil from the ceremonial. Pauline thought is just as
relevant in Government and Social Studies classes as in
Bible classes. The cosmological axioms entailed in sacred
discourse engender fundamental structures of the universe so
that every square inch of cosmos and culture symbolically
reflects the reign of Christ. In terms of character, the
heart of such Christological integration is a daily mimetic
reinforcement of the characteristic virtue of the Christian:
self-giving love. Students and teachers should together
strive to live out the cross in their daily lives by
considering the needs of others as more important than their
own. The prayerful, spiritual, and moral fostering of this
orientation collectively would go a long way to promoting a
constant presence of the cross and crown in every area of
life.
Third, and perhaps most profoundly, the imitation of
Christ by the student as it is modeled by the teacher means
that both teacher and student reciprocally grow together in
Christ-likeness. The beauty of Christian education is that
it provides a foundry for progressive Christ-formation in
24
both teacher and pupil. Christian education is not just for
the student. In seeking to form Christ in our students,
Christ is in turn formed in us. We together begin to realize
our own integration of mind and heart, resulting in what is
expressed in John Ruskin’s description of “moral taste”:
The entire object of true education is to make people not merely do the right things, but enjoy the right things — not merely industrious, but to love industry —not merely learned, but to love knowledge — not merely pure, but to love purity — not merely just, but to hunger and thirst after justice (1905, 435-36).
Conclusion
This essay was an attempt to demonstrate how current
research in biblical and patristic studies can contribute
models for the integration of curricula and provide a more
effective Christian education. The counter-imperial thesis
for Paul’s theology broke down walls between Bible,
Literature, History, and Government classes. The emergence
of a distinctly Christian paideia modeled the importance of
mimēsis for the formation of Christian character and identity
based on text and narrative. And the patristic formation of
25
Christian culture from biblical exegesis and the
cosmological axioms entailed in sacred discourse modeled a
comprehensive cosmic and cultural application of the
lordship of Christ which shaped a distinct Christian culture
in the midst of the Graeco-Roman world. For the early
church, a new cultural world was formed out of their
confidence in the inexhaustible knowledge of God as that
from which all things emerge and in which all things cohere.
Perhaps these recent studies of scripture and exegesis will
provide resources for Christian students today to learn to
think coherently within – and thus provide healing to – an
exhausted and fractured world.
26
Bibliography
Blamires, Harry. 1963. The Christian Mind. New York: The SeaburyPress.
Braund, David C. 1985. Augustus to Nero: A Sourebook on Roman History31 BC – AD 68. Totowa, NJ: Barnes and Noble Books, 1985.
Brown, Michael Joseph. 2001. “Paul’s Use of DOULOS XRISTOU IHSOU in Romans 1:1.” JBL 120/4, p. 723-737.
Conte, Gian Biagio and Glenn W. Most. 2003. “imitatio.” In The Oxford Classical Dictionary. 3rd Edition. Edited by Simon Hornblower and Antony Spawforth, 749. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Doble, Peter. 2000. “Education.” In The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought. Edited by Adrian Hastings, Alistair Mason, Hugh Pyper, 362-4. Oxford: Oxford University Press,191-93.
Dulles, Avery Cardinal. 1999. A History of Apologetics. San Francisco: Ignatius Press.
Ferguson, Everett. 2003. Backgrounds of Early Christianity. 3rd edn. Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company.
Georgi, Dieter. 1991. Theocracy in Paul’s Praxis and Theology. Philadelphia: Fortress Press.
Granger, Frank. 1897. “The Moral Life of the Early Romans.” International Journal of Ethics Vol. 7, No. 3, pp. 281-301.
Guroian, Vigen. 1998. Tending the Heart of Virtue: How Classic Stories Awaken a Child’s Moral Imagination. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Hale, William Harlan. 1970. Ancient Greece. New York: American Heritage Press.
27
Harrison, James R. 1999. “Paul, Eschatology and the AugustanAge of Grace.” Tyndale Bulletin 50.1, p. 79-91.
_______. 2005. “Paul and the Gymnasiarchs: Two Approaches toPastoral Formation in Antiquity.” http://www.pitts.emory.edu/hmpec/docs/Harrison-Gymnasiarchs-SBL05.pdf.
Horace. 1988. Horace: The Odes and Epodes. Trans. by C. E. Bennett, LCL 33. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Holmes, Arthur F. 1991. Shaping Character: Moral Education in the Christian College. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company.
_______. 2001. Building the Christian Academy. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company.
Horsley, Richard A., ed. 1997. Paul and Empire: Religion and Power in Roman Imperial Society. Harrisburg: Trinity Press International.
Jaeger, Werner. 1965. Early Christianity and Greek Paideia. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.
Jordan, James. 2000. Through New Eyes: Developing a Biblical View of the World. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers.
Kelsey, David. 1992. “To Understand God Truly.” http://www.religion-online.org/showchapter.asp?title=379&C=56.
Knight, George R. 1998a. Issues and Alternatives In Educational Philosophy. 3rd ed. Berrien Springs, MI: Andrews University Press.
_______. 1998b. Philosophy and Education: An Introduction in Christian Perspective. 3rd ed. Berrien Springs, MI: Andrews University Press.
28
Lake, Kathy. 1994. “Integrated Curriculum.” http://www.nwrel.org/scpd/sirs/8/c016.html.
Lewis, C.S. (1972 [1944]). The Abolition of Man, or Reflections on Education with Special Reference to the Teaching of English in the Upper Forms of Schools. New York: Touchstone.
Lieu, Judith M. 2004. Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Momigliano, Arnaldo. 1984. “The Theological Efforts of RomanUpper Classes in the First Century B.C.” Classical Philology Vol. 79, No. 3, pp. 199-211.
Paterculus. 1924. Velleius Paterculus: Compendium of Roman History & Res Gestae Divi Augusti. Trans. By Frederick William Shipley, (LCL 152. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1924),pp. 344-45 (for Preamble).
Rappaport, Roy. Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999.
Ruskin, John. 1905. The Works of John Ruskin. Ed. by E.T. Cook and Alexander Wedderburn. New York: Longmans, Green, and Co.
Wise, John E. 1961. “Jesuit School Beginnings” History of Education Quarterly Vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 28-31.
Wright, N.T. 1994. “Gospel and Theology in Galatians,” in Gospel in Paul: Studies on Corinthians, Galatians and Romans for Richard N. Longenecker, eds. L. Ann Jervis and Peter Richardson, pp. 222–239, Journal for the Study of the New Testament, Supplement Series 108. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press.
______. 1998. “Paul’s Gospel and Caesar’s Empire.” http://www.ctinquiry.org/publications/wright.htm.
29