Post on 20-Apr-2023
A Study on Work Conditions of Home Based Women Workers in
India: Evidence from Beedi Industry
Mohd Shamim Ansari
Associate Professor
Department of Commerce
AMU, Aligarh (India)
Prof. Aparna Raj
Professor
Department of Tourism and Hospitality Management
Bundelkhand University, Jhansi (India)
ABSTRACTS
Beedi trade contributes significantly to government tax revenue. Beedi trade is the second
largest employer among the unorganised sector in India. The trade employs significantly
large number women belonging to economically weaker sections semi-urban and rural areas.
Given its economic importance, the work conditions for beedi workers continue to remain
disappointing. This study intends to investigate work conditions of female beedi workers in
Bundelkhand region. This study reveals that they are the most vulnerable workforce in the
unorganised sector of Uttar Pradesh. Arbitrary rejection from the number of beedi units
produced by them leading to cut in payments, gender bias in pay and verbal abuse are some
of the common exploitative practices reported by beedi workers. The study also observed that
poor work conditions is one of the root causes of physical and mental stress among them.
Key Words: Beedi, Unorganized Sector, Work Condition, Exploitation
JEL Classification Code: A1, D12, D71
1. Introduction
Beedi industry has significant economic and social implications. “Beedis are hand rolled,
unfiltered cigarettes, filled with dried tobacco flakes, rolled in tendu (temburni) leaf and tied
with cotton thread” (Ansari 2014). According to ILO, the demand for beedi covers over 50
per cent of the tobacco consumed in Indi. Beedi trade employs mainly women and children
from economically weaker section located in semi-urban and rural areas. It reported that
about 4.5 million worker are engaged in this trade. Over 300 branded beedi manufacturers are
operating in India (Das S.K.). It has been widely reported that the beedi workers are the most
vulnerable workforce in the unorganised sector. Living and working space are generally
common. This has serious implications on physical and mental health of workers and their
families. Poor living and working environment is one of the root causes of stress. Lower rates
of payments, arbitrary rejections; verbal and sexual abuse are some of the common problems
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of the beedi rollers in India (Ansari and Raj 2015, Srinivasan 1999, Dudhyal, 2006, Basu and
Timir 1978).
In recent years beedi workers are facing problem of shrinking income as they are not getting
enough work of beedi rolling. Shift in consumer preference from beedi towards cigarettes and
other non-tobacco products viz. gutka, pan masala etc. have led to decline in market share of
beedi. Further, internal competition among the existing manufacturers forced many to move
their work to relatively backward area where cheap labours are easily available (Ansari 2015,
Srinivasan 1999). Surprisingly, beedi business is the most regulated trade in the unorganised
sector. Many social security schemes are legislated by both the central and state governments
for beedi workers. However, even intensive legislations failed to improve the work conditions
of beedi workers. They are still exploited on all fronts (ILO 2005, Pandey 1999)
2. Objective of the Study
This paper attempts to (i) review work conditions of women beedi workers in the areas under
study, (ii) identify reasons for plight of their plight despite intensive legislations, and (iii)
explore why intensive legislation has failed to improve work conditions for beedi wokers in
region.
3. Review Literature
Among the total workforce engaged in beedi making, 76 per cent are women (Sudarshan and
Kaur 1999). Many studies on the subject conducted so far report the plight of women beedi
workers. These studies have highlighted the problems faced by them in availing social
schemes. Some studies also pointed the issues of poverty, indebtedness and living conditions
among beedi workers (Avachat 1978, Basu 1978, Mohandas 1980, Mohandas & Kumar
1992).
Home based- contractual- piece rate system is common business model in beedi trade.
Contractual nature of beedi trade is the root cause of dismal conditions of workers engaged in
this trade. Frequent cuts in payment for the quantity of work done, irregular employment,
exploitative practices by agents, child labour, health vulnerability, illiteracy, pitiable living
conditions, etc. are common narratives (Vadamalai 1990, Thangaraju 1993, Sudarshan &
Kaur 1999, Srinivasan 1999 and Ansari 2015). Even though beedi business is the most
regulated in unorganised sector; lack of implementation will by authorities is accountable for
their plight. They are even unable to meet their basic needs because of low incomes and
under-employment in the beedi making job (Avachat 1978, Mishra 2000, Basu 1978).
Women beedi workers work to earn livelihood for the family (Datar 1995). According to
Dudhyal and Sonar (2006) by doing this work they earn additional Rs.600/- to Rs.1000/- per
month for the family while some studies cites additional earnings of about Rs. 2000/- per
month.
The workers generally make beedis from their home. According to Gopal (2000) beedi
industry is about a century old trade in Tirunelveli and employs 5.5 lakhs workers.
Production of beedi is done through contractors and sub-contractors. The contractors at the
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village level, issue passbook to the home based workers, provide necessary raw material and
collect the finished products (beedis) after paying wages and other benefits due to them. The
other type of work is done through commission shops, where the trademark company
operates through a main contractor. The commission shops used to transfer raw material to
various sub-contractors. These sub-contractors are in touch with the workers who rovide
necessary raw materials and collect output from their home. The sub-contractors exercise
arbitrary powers against workers because the workers are not in direct contact with the
principal companies or employers.
According to Lahangir (2011) a beedi worker can roll about 1000 beedi per day but at a huge
cost of mental and physical stress. It is difficult to count number of working hours devoted to
beedi making because women workers manage this along with their domestic chores. Women
workers generally have to make adjustment with their time for food, sleep, entertainment and
social obligations because of target pressure (Gopal 1997, 1998, Dharmalingam 1993). They
rarely enjoy weekends (Dudhyal and Sonal 2006).
Prasad and Prasad (1985) also examined about the beedi workers in selected areas of Madhya
Pradesh and Maharastra. They observed that beedi workers are the most vulnerable section in
the unorganised sector. A large number of them are absolutely dependent on beedi rolling.
Kumar (2001) conducted case=-0 studies of many beedi workers of Damoh district in
Madhya Pradesh. He also reported that production of beedi in the region is declining which
would directly affect the livelihood of beedi workers. Similar study by Rao (2002) in
Rajnandagaon district of Chhattisgarh reported that the beedi workers were subjugated at
various levels i.e. issue of lesser quantity of material for per thousand beedies required,
arbitrary rejection of finished products leading to cut in payments. He also reported that the
impact of Beedi Workers Welfare Fund is insignificant. Further awareness about labour laws
is decimally low among the beedi workers.
A large chunk of workers are without adequate living space and basic amenities. Generally
the living space and working space are common. Discarded leaves and tobacco dust lie
scattered around. This unhygienic environment has serious health implications on the entire
family members of beedi workers. Agriculture is the main occupation in the region but only
27 per cent of the beedi workers have a marginal land holding which is not adequate to
generate sustainable income. Thus, majority households had to depend on beedi making for
additional earnings. Another study by “Resource Centre for Tobacco Free India, 2009 on
‘Beedi Workers and Livelihood’ had revealed that many households are dependent on income
from beedi only. Low income has forced them to get in local moneylenders trap. This fact
was found to true for about 70 per cent of the surveyed respondents.
Beedi trade administration work is totally dominated by males. This increases the
exploitation probability of women workers at various stages. Exploitation may take the form
of sexual abuse, verbal abuse or even operation abuse such as under weighing or providing
low quality raw material, deliberate large number of rejections and not paying government
approved rates (Painoli 2012).
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Women are considered ideal for the beedi work because of certain natural inherent abilities.
However, atrocities against them are widely prevalent. Beedi packing/labelling work is
mainly dominated by male and paid on average 42 percent higher than women beedi rollers.
Male helpers in the beedi making process are paid 10 per cent higher than women beedi
rollers. Thus, gender discrimination is prevalent even in this trade (Labour Bureau, 1995;
Bhatty 1987).
Employers and intermediaries exploit women workers by providing inferior quality raw
materials and even the material provided are under-weighed. Due to this practice they are
able to roll lesser number of beedi from than given quantity of raw materials than desired by
employers. However, the intermediaries cut pay rather than providing additional material to
cover shortfall in the quantity produced (ILO, 2003). Due to fear of loss of job, workers are
not able to bargain for higher wage or complain for underweight raw material supplied. They
buy short fall raw materials to cover shortfall in desired quantity (Ansari 2015).
A common exploitative practice in the industry is arbitrary rejection citing effective produce.
Such rejection by checker sometimes causes a deficit 300- 400 beedis per 1,000 (ibid). Beedi
and Cigar Workers (Conditions of Employment) Act, 1966, has a provision that rejection
cannot be more than 2.5 per cent of rolled beedis. If the checker rejects more than 2.5 per
cent they must given in writing to the workers citing reasons. The rejected beedis are take
possession of by middlemen but workers are not paid even at the lower rate. (Labour Bureau
1995). Lack of Education, skills, awareness, mobility, and alternate opportunities among
women are the main reasons for preferring this job. These existing characteristics among
majority of the work force have reduced bargaining power (Dharmalingam 1993; , Nair 1990,
Gopal 1998).
4. Research Methodology
In this section research methodology is explained.
i. Area under study: This study is limited to Jhansi, Lalitpur, Mahoba and Jalaun. These
four districts are from Bundelkhand Region of Uttar Pradesh. We have selected these
districts because beedis work is carried mainly in these regions. This study considers
respondents from both rural and urban areas where beedi workers are concentrated.
ii. Data Collection: Primary data were collected using schedules as most the respondents
under study are not literate. In order to have a better understanding of work conditions
among beedi workers were also interviewed different stakeholders.
iii. Sample Design and Size: In this study, purposive sampling is used. Those females
involved in beedi making who were willing to respond to schedules voluntarily were
considered for the study. A sample size of 500 (Jhansi 209 respondents, Lalitpur 126
respondents, Mahoba 90 respondents and Jalaun 75 respondents) was used for the study.
Lesser numbers of respondents were considered for other districts as beedi work is almost
on the verge of shrinking.
iv. Tools and Techniques of Data Analysis: SPSS 16 is used to conduct statistical analyses.
To have a better understanding of work conditions of beedi workers frequency analysis is
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performed. Given the non-parametric nature of data we have conducted t-test and Chi-
square test for hypothesis testing.
v. Hypothesis of the study: Hypothesis considered for the study and result are present in
Section 5. II as Empirical Analysis
5. Result and Discussions
This section provides a brief account of work environment of beedi workers in the area under
study. Analysis is presented in two Sections i.e. 5.I: Descriptive Analysis and 5.II: Empirical
Analysis which basically testing of hypothesis testing.
5.I: Descriptive Analysis
Descriptive analysis with respect to work conditions is conducted is discussed in this section.
Parameters considered for the study are (A) System of Work; (B) Payment System; (C)
Working Environment; (D) Discriminatory Practices; (E) Relationship with Contractors/
Supervisors/Owners and (F) Bargaining ability.
A. System of Work
Among the three form of production system (Home based, Factory System and Common
Sheds); home based system is widely practiced in Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh. In
order to evade various provisions under the Factories Act (1948) beedi companies have
discarded factory system of production and opted for home based system. Further, they
discarded common sheds system to avoid grouping and save cost of providing amenities.
Even women workers also prefer to work from home so that earnings can be made along with
domestic chores. Beedi making facilitates both.
All the respondents reported that they get the work on regular basis. This reveals that the
beedi making is a whole time employment for the unskilled labour force in the region. They
get sufficient work from a single company/contractor. Thus, there is no need to work for
more contactors. The beedi workers are able to roll on an average 400-600 beedis per day as
domestic chores is their first priority. Workers reported that they have to spend time and
money to collect requisite raw material from the manufacturers’/contractors’ home/ godown
and tender finished products. Thus, there is loss of opportunity to earn more (Table 1).
Table 1: Mode of Getting Raw Material Issue and Submission of Finished Goods
District
Getting of material
Submission of
Manufactured/ Finished
Product Total
Collect from
contractor
Collect from
Manufacturer Go to Submit
% (Nil) (100.0) (100.0)
Total f 222 278 500
500 % (44.4) (55.6) 100.0)
Source: Survey by researcher
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Materials Provided:
To roll 1000 units of beedi, workers are provided about 700-750 gram tendu leaves, 250 gram
of tobacco and thread. However, almost all the beedi workers from Lalitpur and Mahoba
reported that they are not provided thread which they have to purchase from market. This is
exploitative practice reduces the real income of the workers. When beedi workers were
asked, “do you find any negative variance in actual number of beedi you are asked to
produce from quantity of raw material supplied?” About 95.4% of the respondents reported
that the materials provided were not adequate to roll 1000 beedi actually required. This
contributes to mental stress among workers. (Figure1).
Figure 1: Percentage of Respondents reporting negative variance in output from
material supplied
Note: 100% of the respondents from Mahoba have reported negative variance in actual production from the
raw material supplied.
Source: Survey by researcher
When asked, “How do you compensate this negative variance?” The respondents cited one
or more ways to compensate the shortfall in production. They reported that shortfall in
numbers of units produced is compensated by purchasing additional materials from either
from contractors (54%) or local market (7%). The most common practice is to purchase the
short raw material from the contractors either for cash or on credit. However, 38% of
respondents reported that sometimes prefer wage cut. Only 1% of the respondents reported
that they are able to use the materials saved from the previous supply (Figure 2).
Figure 2: Ways to compensate negative variance in actual production
Source: Survey by researcher
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The beedi workers were asked, “Which factors do you hold responsible for negative
variation in actual production from the quantity of raw material supplied?” The beedi
workers hold one or more factors responsible for negative variance in output such as
inadequate quantity of material, inferior quality material and imbalanced proportion of
material supplied is also for of the reasons for such variations (Figure 3).
Figure 3: Perception of beedi workers about reasons for negative variance in production
Source: Survey by researcher
Further, the beedi workers were asked, “Whether you are provided with necessary tools
(scissors, knife, stencils, big plate etc.) necessary for production?” Almost every respondent
reported that they are not provided such tools essential to increase productivity. They have to
either purchase such tools from the market or have to manage without it.
Rate of Rejection
Many studies have reported about larger rate of rejection without citing adequate reasons.
Such exploitative practices are also prevalent in Bundelkhand Region of Uttar Pradesh also.
Unnecessary rejection leads to wage cut. 61.4% of the respondents reported that about 100-
150 beedi per 1000 are rejected while 30.8% reported there is no such rejection (Table 2).
Table 2: Rate of rejection of beedis
District Rate of Rejection
0-50 50-100 100-150 150-200 200-250 Nil Total
% (Nil) (Nil) (100.0) (Nil) (Nil) (Nil)
Total f 3 21 307 14 1 154
500 % (0.6) (4.2) (61.4) (2.8) (0.2) (30.8)
Source: Survey by researcher
The beedi workers of the area under study were asked, “In your opinion what are the
reasons for such rejections”? In the opinion of beedi workers one or more factors are
responsible for such rejections. 67% of the respondents hold poor quality raw material
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supplied by the beedi company responsible for such rejections. Other factors that are jointly
responsible for rejections of beedi are less tobacco filling, size variation, weight difference,
loose rolling of beedi etc (Figure 4).
Figure 4: Major Causes of Rejection
Source: Survey by researcher
The respondents were asked whether in their opinion rejection is arbitrary or genuine. Only
13.6% reported that contractors give in writing in case rejection exceeds the threshold limit of
2.5 per cent as mentioned in Beedi and Cigar Worker (Condtions of Employment) Act 1966.
55.6% of the respondents are of the opinion that contractors often violates norms and
arbitrarily rejects about 10% to 15% from the total number of beedi rolled (Figure 5).
Figure 5: Justification provided by contractors for Arbitrary Rejection
Source: Survey by researcher
It has also been reported by 98.8% of the respondents that rejected beedis are taken by the
contractors/agents of the beedi companies. Payments are deducted for the rejected beedis.
Beedi workers are not even paid at the low rate for the rejected beedi. However, these
rejected beedis are sold by the contractors/agents in the local market at a relatively lower
price (Figure 6).
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Figure 6: Use of rejected beedis
Source: Survey by researcher
B: Payment System
Two modes of payment are followed in beedi trade viz. (i) piece rate system and (ii) daily
wage system. Daily wage system is generally adopted in factory system of production while
piece rate system is popular in home based system of production. All the respondents have
reported that the payment is made on piece rate system. There is no provision of daily wages
in the area under study. The beedi workers randomly selected for the study was asked,
“whether you are paid the official rate approved by the government?”The rate of payment
varies between Rs.40-70 per 1000 units of beedis produced. However, Rs.60 per thousand is
the official rate fixed by the government. 99.4% of the respondents are of the opinion that
they are not paid the official rate approved by the government (Table 3).
Table 3: Payment as approved by the government
District
Are you paid government approved
rate? Total
Yes No
Total f 3 497
500 % (0.6) (99.4)
Source: Survey by researcher
The respondents reported many reasons for payment less than the rates approved by the
government. However, factors such weak bargaining power due lack of alternate employment
opportunities and large supply of unskilled unemployed labour are widely held responsible
for exploitation in term of payment lower than approved rates. Another reason cited by them
is that contractors/beedi company are of the perception that beedi rolling is a part time job
for women who prefer to roll beedi after domestic chores is done just to supplement family
income (Figure 7).
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Figure 7: Factors responsible for payment lesser than approved rate
Source: Survey by researcher
The mode of payment also varies in the region viz. daily basis, weekly basis, forth-nightly
basis and monthly basis. However, 66% of the respondents have reported that they get
payment on forth-nightly basis. 99.8% of the respondents reported that they get payment on
regular basis. They workers (99.6%) reported that they have to go to contractors or the office
of Beedi Company for payment. The payment is not made at the time of delivery of finished
goods but at a later stage. 80.4% of the respondents have reported that there is no facility of
advance payment even in case of needs. Another very common form of exploitative practices
adopted by the contractors/manufacturer is that free beedi are demanded from the beedi
rollers which range between 100-200 beedi per 1000. It has been reported by 89.4% of the
respondents that they have to pay Extra beedi per thousand to the contractors.
C: Working Environment
The study reveals that work conditions of the beedi workers are not encouraging. The beedi
workers were asked; “from where they have acquired this skill?” Beedi Making is the easy
to learn and no special training is required. The skill could be acquired even by observing on
regular basis. Of the total 500 respondents 44.6 per cent have reported that they have learned
this skill from their parents while helping them on regular basis and simply observing as the
work is done from their home. About 41.6 per cent of beedi workers reported that they have
learned this skill after marriage from in-laws to contribute additional income for family
income. However, 11 percent and 2.8 per have reported to learn this from neighbours and
other relatives respectively (Figure 8).
The beedi workers were asked; “Do you have separate place of beedi rolling at your
house”? Of total 500 responding beedi workers 85.6 per cent have reported that they do not
have separate place for rolling beedi as they have only 1-2 rooms in their house. It is also
observed about 36.6 per cent of the respondents live in house having only one room while
about 38.6 per cent live in house with two rooms. Majority have reported that they have
common living space and working space. Thus have they and other family members are in
the family are continuously exposed to tobacco and its dust. This has serious health hazard
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(Figure 9).
Figure 8: Sources of acquiring Skill of
Beedi Rolling
Figure 9:
Separate Place for Beedi Rolling
Source: Survey by researcher
The job of beedi rolling is primarily done from home. Majority of the women beedi rollers
have reported that they do the work of beedi rolling after the completing the domestic chores
daily. 75 per cent of the total respondents have reported that they do the work after doing
their domestic chores while 25 per cent have reported that the work of beedi rolling and
domestic chores is shared with the other family members (Figure.10).
Figure 10: Managing of domestic chores and beedi making
Source: Survey by researcher
Apart from domestic chores they have to working for long hours for beedi rolling. About 65
per cent reported that they have to work for 6-8 hours daily for rolling beedi, while 20.4 per
cent have to work for 3-5 hours and 14.6 per cent have reported to work for 9 hours and
above (Figure 11
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Figure 11: Number of Working Hours
Source: Survey by researcher
Beedi workers were also asked, “in order to make optimum number of beedi do you have to
compromise with food, rest, social obligations etc.?” Most of the responded agreed that very
often they compromise in order to make optimum number of beedi. They cited that have to
compromise with many things to get the requisite number of beedi produced in a day. They
even find very less time to look after their children. Sometimes they even have to avoid
attending important functions of relatives and other social obligations. This is one of the
major causes of stress among them (Table 4).
Table 4: In order to make optimum number of beedi; workers have to compromise with
District
time
for
food
time for
rest
entertainment
time for
looking
after of the
children
Other
Social
Obligatio
n
No
Compr
omise
Total f 190 459 430 213 282 468
% (38.0) (91.8) (86.0) (42.6) (56.4) (93.6)
Source: Survey by researcher
It is reported by only 9 per cents of the respondents that they are able to roll 900-1000 beedi
while 45.6 per cent are able to roll 400-500 beedi per day. This indicates that on an average
they are able to earn only Rs.25 daily. This is very small amount for families exclusively
dependent on beedi rolling. This is a clearly indication of financial insecurity of among beedi
rollers (Table 5).
Table 5: Number of beedi able to roll in the given time
District
In pieces
Total
Frequency
201
–
300
301
–
400
401 -
500
501 -
600
601 -
700
701 -
800
801 -
900
901 -
1000
Total f 40 39 228 57 26 59 6 45
500 % (8.0) (7.8) (45.6) (11.4) (5.2) (11.8) (1.2) (9.0)
Source: Survey by researcher
In order to roll maximum number of beedi each day and to return the rolled beedi in time to
the contractors/beedi company the beedi rollers have to work even in the night. Of the total
respondents 41.6 per cent have reported that they roll beedi in night under lamp while 15.2
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per cent have reported that they sometime roll beedi in the night (Figure 12). Very often
beedi workers take the help of their children which affects their academic activities and
health hazard. The children help in folding the open ends of beedi, tying thread to rolled
beedi, cutting leaves, bundling. About 26.2 per cent reported that that they take the help of
children while about 73.8 per cent denied this fact (Figure 13). Some beedi rollers have
reported that they take help on entire stage of beedi rolling. Among the respondent who take
the help of their children; 16.4 per cent reported that they take help of their children because
they don’t go to school while 11.4 per cent said that they do this during extra time (Table 6).
Figure 12: Roll Beedi in Night
Figure 13: Take help from children
Source: Survey by researcher
Table 6: Kind of help taken from children
District
Folding
the open
ends of
beedi
Tying
the
threads
Cutting
of
leaves
Rolling
of
beedis
Bundling Entire
process
Other
kind
of help
Total f 129 112 68 95 87 70 61
% (25.8) (22.4) (13.6) (19.0) (17.4) (14.0) (12.2)
Source: Survey by researcher
About 96 percent of the workers reported that they neither not take weakly leave nor any
other kind of leave. About 97.2 percent do not get any other form of incentives such as gift,
bonus, and festive gifts etc. Earlier they used to get lunch box or plates as gifts/incentives but
in times they are deprived of these benefits also (Table 7).
Table 7: Leave and any other form of incentives
Parameters Yes No
Do you take weekly leave 4.0% 96.0%
Do you take any other form of leaves besides
weekly leave
4.0% 96.0%
Do you get any other kind of incentives (gift,
bonus etc.)
2.8% 97.2%
Source: Survey by researcher
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D. Discriminatory Practices
This section aims to analyse and report different forms of discrimination that the women
beedi workers have to face. In order to evaluate discriminatory practices different types of
questions were put to beedi workers. Beedi workers were asked, “ do you find any form of
discrimination in payment of wages even among women worker based on efficiency,
community, caste, age, domicile, personal repo with the contractor, experience, education,
quality of work done, bargaining ability or gender”? Not even a single women beedi worker
reported that such discriminatory practices are followed in Bundelkhand region. This is
entirely opposite when compared with the similar studies conducted in the other region and
reported in different literature. The beedi workers may be afraid of losing work from the
contractors/beedi companies because initially they were hesitant to answer to any form of
questions related to their work. Some of the workers also reported that once a story was
floated in local newspaper along with statements of beedi workers relating to exploitative and
discriminatory practices followed in the beedi trade in the region; after this the contractors
became angry and stopped giving work to those workers whose name were in the
newspapers. However, after the interference of local leaders and trade union the contractors
started giving work.
However, when they were asked; “do you find any gender bias on the nature of work
allotted?” In contrast to the above statements 78.2 percent of the women workers agreed that
biasness prevails in the industry while allocating work. Some works are exclusively
considered to be of men’s domain and thus no women are given such kind of work. Beedi
rolling is largely considered to be women’s work but many men are also engaged in the job
of beedi rolling (Figure 14).
Figure 14: Gender Bias on the Nature of Work Allotted
Source: Survey by researcher
The main reasons for this kind of discrimination in nature of job identification and allocation
may be because women are Categorized Low Skill who is deprived of training for acquiring
necessary skills. However, majority of women have no idea about the reasons of such
discrimination. The basic issue is society being patriarchy even today and underestimate
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women and assume that women can’t do all kinds of job. The process of beedi rolling has to
pass through many stages after rolling such as sorting, labeling, grading, bundling, roasting
and then final packing. Only three women from Lalitpur report to be engaged in the job of
sorting beedi. It was reported that for these kind of job women are not preferred. Women are
preferred for only the job of beedi rolling- the very first stage of beedi making.
E. Relationship with the contractor/factory owners/supervisors
This section aims to report and document relationship between among beedi workers and
contractor/factory owners/supervisors. One of the common forms of exploitative practices
followed in beedi industry is deliberate large number of rejection. Of the total 500
respondents 50.4 per cent feels that there is deliberate large number of rejection simply to
harass, while 49.6 per cent are of the opinion that rejections are not deliberate. 84.4
respondents from Mahoba and 89.3 respondents from Jalaun are of the opinion there is
significantly large number of rejections. Only 32.5 per cent of the respondents from Jhansi
and Lalitpur have reported rejections are deliberate (Figure 15). Jhansi and Lalitpur are
relatively developed compared to Mahoba and Jalaun where people have more alternate
source of income which may be reasons for relatively better situation of beedi workers. It is
obvious with significantly large number of deliberate rejections; cordial relations between
workers and contractor/supervisor/manufacturer cannot exist.
Figure 15: Deliberate Rejections to harass
Source: Survey by researcher
F. Status of Bargaining Power of Beedi Workers
Beedi workers have almost no bargaining power in this region also. About 94.2 % of the
respondents reported that they tried bargaining, but the contractor never accepted their
demand but were threatened that they would be deprived of further work opportunity if they
demand to implement government standard (Table 8). Contractors prefer to get the work done
at their own terms and conditions. This indicates that women beedi workers have very week
bargaining power or almost zero bargaining ability.
Table 8: Bargaining Power of the Women Beedi Worker
Yes No Total
No. of respondents ability to bargain f 471 29
500 % (94.2) (5.8)
Source: Survey by researcher
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During interview with contractors/owners of Beedi Company; most of them reported that the
beedi work is shrinking in the region so it very difficult for find beedi workers. One of the
reasons they put forward was “MNREGA”. Due to MNREGA most of the beedi workers
preferred to work under the scheme where possibility of earning is much more than the job of
beedi rolling. Keeping this fact in mind beedi workers were asked; “Whether MNREGA has
increased your bargaining power?” 99.6 per cent of the respondents replied that MNERGA
has not increased their bargaining power. They prefer to do this work because it could be
done from home without compromising domestic chores. There is also flexibility of timing.
These are two major reasons which do not influence their bargaining power if though there
are schemes like MNREGA (Table 9).
Table 9: Affect of MNREGA on Bargaining Power
Yes No Total
No of respondents who feel MNREGA has affected
their bargaining power
f 2 498 500
% (0.4) (99.6)
Source: Survey by researcher
Among the many grievances (holidays, wages, work load, arbitrary rejections and the quality
of leaves etc.) that beedi workers have work load and the wages are the most common one.
Very few beedi workers have grievances. It seems that on account of the absence of trade
union in the beedi industry the employers are careless about effective implementations of
regulatory norms of better service conditions for beedi workers. Almost all the workers are
not the members of any trade union (96.4 percent) (Table 10). It may be due to the fear of not
being given any work or lesser workers or fear of arbitrary large rejections workers are not
keen to join any trade union.
Table 10: Membership of Trade Union
Yes No Total
Respondents who have membership of trade union f 18 482
500 % (3.6) (96.4)
Source: Survey by researcher
The Beedi workers were asked, “What are the factors that restrict you from joining any
union?” They reported that fear of being black listed and large supplies of labour are major
reasons for not joining any union However 78.2 percent of the respondents hold both the
factors responsible for acquiring membership of any union (Figure 16). In unorganized sector
it also very difficult to organized because the workers are scattered and they generally work
from home. Thus, the role of trade union is not very significant in beedi trade.
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Figure 16: Factors that restrict to join trade union
Source: Survey by researcher
The beedi workers were asked; “do you feel that forming SHGs/union can help improve
bargaining power?” 49 percent of the respondents are of the opinion that union would not
change their bargaining power, 39 per cent have no idea about the SHGs while remaining 12
per cent are of the opinion that it will decrease their bargaining power (Table 11).
`Table 11: SHGs/Union affected Bargaining Power
Decreased No change No idea
Total F 60 245 195
500 % (12.0) (49.0) (39.0)
Source: Survey by researcher
Beedi companies have shifted from “factory system” to agent system” in order to circumvent
legal provisions. Agents interact between companies and workers. Under the new system
agents assumed much dominance because both companies and workers have to immensely
rely on them. Under this system companies are simply concerned about the supply of finished
products while workers have to heavily depend on them the agents for getting sufficient
work. The role of union is not considered significant by both workers and agents. Thus, the
workers always avoid being part of any union or form any Self Help Groups (SHGs).
5. II: Empirical Analysis: In this section various hypothesis and sub-hypothesis considered
for the study are tested and its results are discussed.
Hypothesis 1: In the first hypothesis I tried to check statistically whether the beedi workers
in the area under study enjoy the favorable work conditions or not. The main hypothesis
framed for this is as follows.
H1o: The working conditions of beedi workers are favourable
H1a: The working conditions of beedi workers are not favourable
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In order to test this, four sub-hypothesis are assumed such as (i) Rate of Rejection within the
regulatory norms of 2.5% of beedi produced by workers, (ii) Payment of Standard Wage rate
and (iii) Beedi Workers work for Standard Working Hours prescribed in India (Table 12).
Table 12: Working Conditions of Beedi Workers
Hypothesis 2: In the second hypothesis the researcher has tried to investigate statistically
whether beedi workers are aware of their rights and welfare schemes. The main hypothesis
framed is for this is as follows.
H2o: Beedi workers are aware about their rights and welfare schemes
H21: Beedi workers are not aware about their right and welfare schemes.
In order to test this, three sub-hypothesis are assumed such as (i) aware of the welfare
schemes (ii) Beneficiary of welfare schemes by the government and awareness about the
government prescribed wage rate .
Table 13: Awareness about the rights and welfare schemes
S.N
o
Hypothesis Pearson's
Chi-Sq.
Value
Result Interpretation
1 Awareness about the
welfare schemes for
registered beedi workers
75.918 Significant
X2 (3, N = 500)= 75.918, p = 7.815.
The observed χ2 test statistics is
greater than the critical value.
1 Many software do not provide Z test option as for a big sample computed value of t –test and Z test would be same
S.
No
Sub-Hypothesis t- test1
Value
Result Interpretation
1. Rate of Rejection (Arbitrary
rejection cannot be more
than more than 2.5% (25
per 1000) of the beedi
rolled)
H102 :µ = 25 (25 per 1000)
H1a2: µ > 25 (25 per 1000)
49.802 Significant
Null hypothesis is rejected in favour
of alternate hypothesis.
t- value > tabulated value (1.960) at
5% level of significance.
Thus, it may be concluded that the
rate of rejection is significantly high
in the Bundelkhand Region.
2. Payment of Standard Wage
rate
H103 :µ = Rs.60 per 1000
(approved by the
government)
H1a3: µ < Rs. 60 per 1000
(approved by the
government)
576.775 Significant
Null hypothesis is rejected in favour
of alternate hypothesis.
t- value > tabulated value (1.960) at
5% level of significance.
Thus, it may be concluded that the
majority of the beedi workers are not
paid even the official rate approved
by the government.
3. Standard Working Hours
H104 :µ = 8 hours (standard
working hours in India)
H1a4: µ > 8 hours (standard
working hours in India)
88.829 Significant
Null hypothesis is rejected in favour
of alternate hypothesis.
t- value > tabulated value (1.960) at
5% level of significance.
Thus, it may be concluded that the
majority of the beedi workers work
for more than normal working hours.
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H201: Beedi worker are
aware of the welfare
schemes.
H2a1: Beedi worker are not
aware of the welfare
schemes.
We reject null hypothesis in
favour of alternate hypothesis.
Hence it is concluded that beedi
workers are not aware about
different welfare schemes.
3 Beneficiary of welfare
schemes by the government
H2o3: Majority of the
workers are beneficiaries of
welfare schemes by the
government.
H2a3: Majority of the
workers are not beneficiary
of welfare schemes
35.101 Significant
X2 (3, N = 500)= 35.101, p = 7.815. The observed χ2 test statistics is
greater than the critical value.
Thus, the null hypothesis is
rejected in favour of alternate
hypothesis. Hence it is concluded
that significantly lesser numbers
of beedi workers received
benefits under different schemes
for them.
4 Awareness about the
government prescribed
wage rate.
H2o3: Workers are aware of
government prescribed
wage rate
H2a3: Workers are not
aware of government
prescribed wage rate
3.98 Insignificant
X2 (3, N = 500)= 3.98, p = 7.815.
The observed χ2 test statistics is
less than the critical value. We
accept the null hypothesis. Thus,
It is concluded that majority of
beedi workers are aware of the
government prescribed wage rate.
This clearly indicate exploitation
tendency of employers.
Hypothesis 3: In the third hypothesis we tried to find out statistically job satisfaction of beedi
workers. (Table 14).
Table 14: Satisfaction level of beedi workers
S.No
Hypothesis Pearson's
Chi-Sq.
Value
Result Interpretation
1 Job Satisfaction
H3o: Beedi workers are
satisfied with the current
Job
H3a: Beedi workers are
not satisfied with the
current job
18.775 Significant X2 (3, N = 500)= 18.775, p = 7.815.
The observed χ2 test statistics is
greater than the critical value.
Thus, the null hypothesis is
rejected in favour of alternate
hypothesis. Hence it is concluded
that beedi workers are not
satisfied with current jobs.
Hypothesis 4: In this hypothesis the researcher tried to find out whether beedi workers in the
region have alternate job opportunity in the area under study.
Table 15: Alternative Job Opportunity
S.N
o
Hypothesis Pearson's
Chi-Sq.
Value
Result Interpretation
1 Alternate Job Opportunity
Ho: Beedi worker have
alternate job opportunity
Ha: Beedi workers do not
have alternate job
opportunity
4.874 Insignifica
nt
X2 (3, N = 500)= 35.101, p = 7.815.
The observed χ2 test statistics is
less than the critical value. Thus,
the null hypothesis is accepted.
Hence it is concluded that beedi
workers have alternate job
opportunity.
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6. Conclusion
It can be concluded from the study that exploitative practice is a never ending phenomenon
even after intensive legislations. There is urgent need to sensitize all the stake holders
involved in this trade. The implementing agencies must take sincere steps to stop the
exploitative practices. Public-Private Partnership Model could be adopted could be adopted to
increase awareness about the welfare schemes and ensure that these measures are provided to
the ultimate beneficary. Appointing NGOs, social activists or even formation of SHGs of the
workers can be instrumental in this direction. “Workers’ Cooperative System” adopted by
Kerala’s Dinesh Beedi can be another novel model; to ensure better life and work conditions
for women working from home (Gulati et. al, 2002). The model helped in improving work
conditions through voluntary delegation and workers democracy at all levels.
The study further reveals that about 86.6 percent of the respondents live in their own houses
but majority doesn’t have separate living and work space. Thus, they are continuously
exposed to tobacco dust; a major cause of health hazard for the family. Workers are aware
about the health implications but as they have no alternate job opportunity in the region, they
are bound to roll beedis to earn livelihood for the family. Many workers pointed out that if
they get an alternate work opportunity; they think of switching over. Work diversification is
solution to this problem. The inherent skills of rolling could be used for paper rolled
handicrafts. They could be linked to various schemes of government such as Kaushal Vikas
Yojna etc.
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