Products, Producers, Place: The Creative City Value Spectrum
January 2013 Alexia Serpentini
King’s College London
ABSTRACT This paper argues that no onesizefitsall Creative City policy collection exists, nor exists a
singular model ‘Creative City’ to directly emulate because the Creative City is a symbol
harnessed and interpreted just as uniquely as the word ‘creativity‘ itself. Arguably many of its
objectives are in competition with one another as each urban adaptation of the thesis
legitimises creativity and culture in a different way through policy, either as a public good
and/or as a generator of profit.
How exactly then, with so many different denotations and priorities, can a city harness
creativity and culture as well as produce it? The answer is in the intersectionsa complex
ecosystem where social, economic and cultural capital are interconnected and creativity and
culture are prioritised diversely by each city on a spectrum of public and private incentives.
In order examine how this is accomplished, this paper addresses a twofold objective: (i) to
explore the policy methodology outfitted for creative and cultural consumption (ii) and to
comprehensively analyse the spectrum of publicly and privately prioritised production
policies for creative and cultural goods.
1.0 Introduction
Popularised by Richard Florida and Charles Landry, the Creative City (CC) thesis has
not only been championed by urban centres around the world but has also made a significant
debut in urban, economic, and cultural policy. The thesis, stressing the importance of creative
and cultural exchange, is often wielded through instrumentalist approaches, promoting
creativity and culture as an urban cureall for a laundry list of items. The Creative City is said
to simultaneously: combat social exclusion (Sasaki, 2010), invigorate the economy (Hall,
2000; Landry, 2000; Florida, 2010) revitalise spaces and neighbourhoods, strengthen
communities and families, foster artistic development (Hutton, 2006; Markusen, 2006), bring
in heavy tourism capital (Vanolo, 2008), protect cultural heritage (Landry, 2008), herald
cultural diplomacy (Bilton, 1997), provide a safe space for decidedly highrisk small creative
firms (Champion, 2010), produce innovative technology and goods, replace declining
industry, celebrate diversity, and, perhaps most importantly, give the city an edge in the
global ‘competition’ for resources (Florida, 2004, 2010). Those resources (or rather the grand
prizes in this competition) are attracting both talent and investors, notably producing creative
and cultural goods, and generally increasing the livability of an urban area.
However, no one set of policies are capable of fulfilling all of these objectives and a
closer examination reveals that many are in contradiction with one another. Thus the Creative
City, a thesis valued for its morality, idealism and access to alternative sources of capital, has
been heavily criticised since its conception. Among many others, the thesis has been
specifically targeted for engendering yet another rebrand of gentrification (Lees, 2008),
displacement (Luckman et al., 2009; Peck, 2005), inequality (McCann, 2007; Long, 2009;
Bayliss, 2007, Catungal & Leslie, 2012), and deregulation (Gibson & Klocker ,2005; Peck,
2005). Even Florida himself has now hinted that the rewards of the Creative City perhaps
may not be as robust as once promised (Florida, 2013). Yet creativity and culture are still
understood to add an intangible social value to the city and the aims of the Creative City
individually remain valid objectives. Likewise, the fruits of the Creative Citythe Creative
and Cultural Industriesare still real and valuable producers of innovation and profit, helping
to “establish the world class nature of the city’s cultural attractions” (Catungal & Leslie,
2012: 113) and are labeled “as one of the topfive sectors of strategic significance” (Peck,
2011: 471). Certainly some urban centres have experienced more success than others, but
regardless of its limited success and heavy criticism, the Creative City has proven itself to be
an ideological concept worth pursuit.
There are complex actors involved in actualising the Creative City: individuals such
as artists, elites, consultants, politicians, advocates and entrepreneurs; organisations such as
businesses, think tanks, real estate agencies, nongovernmental organisations, not and
forprofit sectors, and cultural communities; and institutional systems such as museums,
universities, and public agencies or subsidiaries thereof (Bonet et al., 2011; Catungal &
Leslie 2012; Catungal et al., 2009; Peck, 2005; Peck & Theodore, 2010; Rantisiet al., 2006).
Many have begun to recognise that successful policies target more specific, measurable goals
beyond simply attempting to make a city and it’s populace more united and ‘creative’ vague
terms that defy any one definition and translate distinctly with each use. This paper argues,
then, that no onesizefitsall Creative City policy collection exists, nor exists a singular
model ‘Creative City’ to directly emulate because the Creative City is a symbol harnessed
and interpreted just as uniquely as the word ‘creativity‘ itself. Arguably many of its
objectives are in competition with one another as each urban adaptation of the thesis
legitimises creativity and culture in a different way through policy, either as a public good
and/or as a generator of profit.
The ‘and/or’ in the above statement is part of the key attraction of the Creative City a
space where social, economic and cultural capital inextricably weave together to produce just
the right environment for contemporary and innovative forms of production and
consumption. Within this vision, creativity and culture are both interlinked, yet they are not
the same nor are they easy to untangle. Interestingly, almost parallel to this dialogue is the
comparison between public and private incentivesboth promised to be the rewards of the
Creative Cityyet neither are the same and again neither are easy to untangle. How exactly
then, with so many different denotations and priorities, can a city harness creativity and
culture as well as produce it? The answer is in the intersections a complex ecosystem where
social, economic and cultural capital is interconnected and creativity and culture are
prioritised diversely by each city on a spectrum of public and private incentives. In order
examine how this is accomplished, this paper addresses a twofold objective: (i) to explore the
policy methodology outfitted for creative and cultural consumption (ii) and to
comprehensively analyse the spectrum of publicly and privately prioritised production
policies for creative and cultural goods.
2.0 Consuming the Creative City
Because the Creative City has been adopted and integrated within a diverse array of
urban contexts, many academics such as Markusen and King (2003), Pratt (2010), Sasaki
(2010) and Luckman (2009) especially warn about the complications and failures of direct
Creative City policy transfer and critically cite the need to incorporate preexisting cultural
and creative environments inherent to the city. Whether contextually incorporated or not, CC
policies around the world (in congruence with general policy metaanalysis), will always be
shifting, morphing, and adapting to social and spatial specificities (Peck & Theodore, 2010).
This has been documented in many placebased case studies. For example, in Darwin,
Australia, “walkability, [the] creative milieux and clusters of spatially proximate actors, while
highly credible in many contexts, do not fit Darwin’s tropical climate and geographical
realities” (Luckman et al. 2009: 11); within this space, ‘traditional’ interactionbased CC
policies (social, urban and entrepreneurial) had to be completely recontextualised to fit with
the locational constraints of the city itself. Alternatively, in Osaka City, Sasaki (2010) writes
that CC policies were completely unsuccessful as they were loosely implemented urban
strategies in conjunction with an alreadysevere economic decline, including high rates of
unemployment, rampant social exclusion and nearbankruptcy. Yet “in spite of these failures,
a lively and inclusive grassroots movement has emerged around the creative city” (3)
completely in absence of any public agency, warning that any successful future policy
instruments must continue to encourage these independently successful small organisations.
However, despite mutation and contextspecificities, overall themes have definitively
emerged within Creative City policies. The complicated ecosystems involved in moulding,
fostering and governing the Creative City lie specifically in catering to or receiving from
culture and creativity. Creative and cultural production and consumption are interwoven
within this thesis in reciprocal, complimentary relationships that are neither wholly dependent
nor independent of one another. It is a “system where consumption stimulates production”
(Sasaki, 2010). To produce creativity, individuals and organisations capable of unique
assemblage are likely required, yet the mere inhabitance of ‘creatives’ does not make a city
creative (Sasaki, Unknown Year). Furthermore, not all positions within creative and cultural
organisations utilise creative skills or contribute to cultural development (Dubina et al.,
2012), yet Sasaki (2010) notes the need to have a large speciallyskilled workforce. It is also
argued that vibrant, diverse and innovative spaces are required to attract talent and increase
creativity (Florida, 2004), thus many urban centres worldwide have undertaken significant
artsled urban regeneration projects. Yet even family policies like affordable “afterhours
childcare” can boost production, livability and inclusion, thus “providing more stability to the
Creative City image than any immediate financial aid could” (Luckman et al,. 2009; 79).
As mentioned previously, the hearts of these unique ecosystems are constructed by
inherent value attributions and a broad set of characterisations can be defined in symbolic
distinctions. Focusing on consumption first, policy trends can be categorised by value
attribution on a spectrum of creativity versus culture, good versus gain. However, it is critical
to keep in mind that many of the categorisations are, for the purposes of this paper, charted
on a spectrum and are not concrete definitions as many urban contexts could potentially use
what is listed below as a public good to make a strong case for economic advantage.
2.1 Culture as Public Good
For the Creative City that augments culture more as a public good, policies primarily
focus on provision, subsidy and regulation (Boorsma, 1998) in order to incentivise social and
cultural amenities and encourage social inclusion and heterogeneity. Regardless of method,
the objectives aim to ultimately increase sociocultural consumption exponentially. The
farthest extreme within this side of the spectrum is more idealistic and humanitarian;
however, this side has been criticised for leaning towards focusing heavily on constructing
goals and composing rhetoric (Hugoson, 1997). Over here, “direct and intrinsic support” is
offered among “inclusionary urban development” (Jakob, 2010: 193), and cultural policy is
often instrumentalised to nurture social inclusion. Social exclusionan articulation of poverty
not only lacking in economic capital but social capital as wellis defined as the lack of
“community networks; civic engagement or participation in community networks; a sense of
community identity, solidarity and equality with other community members and norms of
trust and reciprocal help and support” (PercySmith, 2000: 67). This is actualised through
cultural policies aimed not to merely accommodate but include and engage, cultivating a
diversity of people, a diversity of jobs, and fostering communities though support networks,
awareness campaigns, and celebratory events (PercySmith, 2000; Pratt, 2010; Romein &
Trip, 2010). Financially, these policies materialise in the form of public funding, perhaps
through dispersion of lottery capital or grants, or alternatively through taxincentives (Lee,
2005).
The more moderate, centred side of this array keeps profit generation in mind and
often articulates itself through providing physical infrastructure as places to continue social
engagement, generally focused towards the accessibility of cultural amenities, such as
galleries, events, projects and festivals (PercySmith, 2000)and many of these overlap with
the creative side of public goods. PercySmith also charts that publicgood policies also
recognise heritage sites and artefacts as corporeal embodiments of cultural symbolism. The
UKbased think tank Demos regards cultural conservation on this side of the scale as a call
for social interaction and reflection of ideals: “in choosing what things to conserve, and how
to conserve them, we simultaneously reflect and create social value. . . . [It] is a statement of
what we respect, who we are and who we wish to be” (Demos manifesto, 2008: 15). These
policies entrust preservation to governmental bodies and their subsidiaries as spaces that
continue respect and cultural engagement (2000).
2.2 Culture as Profit Generator
Depending on context and place, cultural amenities and preservation of heritage can
also be argued to be located on the far opposite end of the spectrum, utilised as a main
proponent of cultural tourism in the form of flagship projects, festivals, mega projects,
museums and dramatic architectural attractions (Pratt, 2010; Jakob, 2010). Jakob critically
analyses this side, however:
‘these developments . . . [alone] are noble achievements if they serve the
public good and are universally accessible. Often, however, they are rather
exclusionary places and events of supervised conspicuous consumption . . . that
reinforce social boundaries instead of overcoming them and are guided by
profitdriven principles’ (2010: 194).
It is these interactions by both private and public organisations that also contribute to the
overall cultural landscape of the city and are integral to consumption of space. Deregulatory,
neoliberal policies that contribute to the marketisation of culture also operate under the
banner of market democracy and address the lack of public voice and consensus within
governmentled cultural provisions (Lee, 2012). Interestingly, seemingly immediate,
profitdriven consumption policies facilitating cultural activity are not always “of primary
importance in directed economic value generation; rather, [they] play . . . a supportive or
facilitating role: such as attracting, or differentiating cities, in relation to foreign direct
investment” (Pratt, 2010: 4). Consequently, it is for these reasons that this side of the scale is
both harshly criticised and regaled for the ability to attract and bring in social, economic and
cultural capital from external locations and provide privatelyled local opportunities where
public agencies could not due to financial or political constraints.
2.4 Creativity as Profit Generator
As previously mentioned, the parallels between culture and creativity in the Creative
City are numerous. While they are often held in the same regard and seem to be colloquially
interchangeable, creativity and culture are not, by denotation, the same. The overlaps here,
however, are profitdriven creative consumption and creative production polices. Within the
marketisation of the arts, the policy emphasis is directed towards privatisation,
commercialisation and managerialism of the arts as economic and social returns produce job
creation, boosts to local businesses, enhancement of the local image and attraction of tourists
and multinational companies (Lee, 2012).
The productionconsumption feedback loop is generally created to provide creative
amenities for the creative milieux, creative class, creative tourists, and younger creative
graduates (Romein & Trip, 2010). Those physical amenities include physical redevelopment
of urban infrastructure from bike paths to street facades and designated creative quarters
(Banks, 2009) while entrepreneurial amenities facilitate a “favourable environment for the
arts sector” (Lee, 2005: 5). The market and private organisations are primary actors within
this environment and recurrently are stimulated by “tax breaks and subsidies, often for a
specific and geographical area or investment scheme” (Bonet et al., 2011: 4). This also
includes (usually limited) government subsidy and weighted attention to the encouragement
of business sponsorship towards the distribution of creative goods, practices and spaces, such
as theatres, galleries, media, advertising music, fashion, art festivals, and creative
marketplaces (Bonet et al., 2011; Pratt, 2004, 2009).
2.3 Creativity as Public Good
Livability also sits on the side of public good within creative consumption policies.
However, instead of catering to the creative class, milieu and tourists, ‘livability’ policies
quantify themselves in socially inclusive and sustainably longterm ways, such as family
policies like “household amenities, child day care, schools, shops, sport etc., quality and price
of housing” (Romein & Trip, 2010: 6), walkability (Banks, 2009), and encouragement of
communitydriven bottomup projects, organisations and creative institutions (Jakob, 2010;
Matarasso, 1997). Local arts involvement, such as arts education, schoolbased artists, public
workshops and artistic community involvement of excluded residents is key here (Jakob,
2010: 198). In these policy manifestations creativity and arts participation have been
ideologically championed as counters to social poverty and that involvement and
collaboration are “habitforming” (Matarasso, 1997: 82).
3.0 Producing in the Creative City
Cluster and networkbased polices take up much of the academic dialogue about
cultural and creative production, especially in regard to the Creative and Cultural Industries
(CCI). But as just as others argue that Creative City polices need to be firmly rooted in
existing frameworks, value systems and communities, so too must production policies.
Because cultural and creative products are different from industrial products, typical
industrial policy cannot simply be recycled (Champion, 2010; Sasaki, 2010). To understand
this difference, philosophy on product evolution is insightful. Inspired by Linné’s Systema
Naturae, Lamarak’s theories of evolution, Darwin’s views on the role of environments in
natural selection, Koenings’ writings on the genealogy of mechanisation, and Deforge’s work
on the evolution of the technical object, Cavalluci et al. addresses the evolution of industry
and innovative product lines (2013). They note that both industry and industrially designed
products advance once basic demands are fulfilled, much akin to Maslow’s Hierarchy of
Needs. It is only natural, then, that products developed beyond functionality, to utilitarian,
aesthetic and finally symbolic. In some artistic cases this even includes intangible products
that are strictly auditory, conceptual, virtual or experiencebased. It crucial to understand the
contexts evolving these outputs; thus the veritable ecosystem of cultural and creative
products, or rather, the places, the people and the connections, are paramount references for
policy implementation.
In regards to place, “[t]he precise set of conditions that produce a creative
environment are almost impossible to define’ (Champion, 2010: 12), and it “represents the
kind of nonreplicable resource” (Taylor, 2013: 9). Place is critical to creativity and culture for
dissemination of information and knowledge, strengthening communities, offsetting risk,
financial, social and specialised support, formation of identity, integration within local labour
markets, and more (Banks et al., 2000; Hutton, 2004; Markusen, 2006); all are factors
socially and economically important within CCIs. On a larger scale, citywide identity
formation is important to value formation and prioritisation of creativity and culture, which
coincidentally affects use of the built environment and public support (Champion, 2010).
Furthermore, interconnecting these people and places are networks, intermediaries, resources
and institutions (Scott, 2006), thus cluster policies are a core part of the production ecosystem
regardless of public or private priorities. Horizontal networks are what bridge the social,
economic, and cultural gap in the Creative City and are an integral part of both producing
both public and private goods (this has been extensively documented: Banks et al., 2000;
Evans, 2009; Gu & O’Connor, 2010; Nobuoka, 2010; Sotarauta, 2011; etc.). They can be
utilised to strategically foster specific sectors like animation in Tokyo (Nobuoka, 2010),
fashion in Paris, or the development of cultural space in Amsterdam (Evans, 2009).
Networking polices are therefore arguably dead centre of the spectrum and are of the utmost
importance in every vector.
Additionally, there are three other main policy approaches to supporting creative and
cultural production that arguably occur at the heart of the spectrum. Firstly, intellectual
property rights “support the applications for protection or other means to safeguard the
creators’ rights” (Braun & Lavanga, 2007: 11): and are a necessity for both economically and
socially driven ideas and products in the creative and cultural sectors (Bach, 2013; Grodarch,
2012). Secondly, policies encouraging entrepreneurial interaction within these sectors are
mutually beneficial to all involved and have been proven to result in higher GDP growth
while locally facilitating higher rates of success; according a ‘quickscan’ of national CCI
policies in 2007, this policy set includes “skills training (marketing, management, accounting,
[etc.,] . . .) information provision, networking, business startup facilities, [and] dedicated
business support’ (Braun & Lavanga, 2007: 10) among others. However, Romein and Trip
argue that all Creative City policy is entrepreneurial because its motives are inherently
economically driven (2010). Lastly, connection to venture capital is also included to
minimise risk for entrepreneurs and cultural and creative producers alike through
incentivising equity investment, loan distribution and general cooperation between financial
institutions (Braun & Lavanga 2007; Cunningham, 2002; Landry, 2005, 2008). While these
three policy approaches do fundamentally lean towards prioritising the generation of revenue
and private gain, all public and private organisations occurring within the publicgood side of
the spectrum cannot function on government assistance alone and thus are not specifically
included below for being inherently categorised within each vector.
3.1 Culture as Public Good
Catungal & Leslie (2012) argue that “[i]n the cultural economy symbolic values,
trends and fads are the fundamental goods being traded” (206); yet tangible cultural public
goods are often catered towards welfare and general social inclusion through distribution.
Cultural consumption overlaps considerably within these policies and many toe the line of
profit generation. Furthest away from that line are policies directed towards distribution of
public services, such as educationlibraries, schools, vocational training and workshops
(Romein & Trip, 2010)and free outputs within the cultural industries, such as television,
film, radio, some publishing and local sports. These products are socially based and are
informational, entertaining, symbolic or community driven. Physically, these policies
support production from notforprofit and micro, small and mediumsized enterprises
(SMEs) with lowcost environments (PercySmith, 2000)as rents can help or hinder cultural
development and creativity (Rantisi et al., 2006)and by developing cluster/networking
strategies that cultivate cultural communities, organisations and businesses socially (Evans,
2009, Grodach, 2012). Outside of altruistic intentions, public aid is understood to be
beneficial because of the “positive impact of cultural industries upon the regional creative
climate” (Cooke & Lazzeretti, 2008: xiii) and thus where governmental support is generally
limited to tax breaks, awards, contests, social security, labour protection and access to
amenities and training, private involvement is highly incentivised (Braun & Lavanga, 2007;
Gollmitzer & Murray, 2012). Policy focus on the producers rather than productincluding
labourbased policies including security and legitimisation of economicrightsis labeled as
the ‘cultural occupational model’ and focuses on occupations and input rather than output
(Markusen, 2004).
3.2 Culture as Profit Generator
Again, there is considerable overlap with economically inclined creative production.
Forprofit cultural industries are prioritised in this vector and while individual labour policies
are still included, output is targeted and the objectives of distribution are markedly wider in
scope than social inclusion (see: Hesmondhalgh, 2007). Distributive policies can include
government support for both local and “international market development . . . [involving]
raising awareness of market potential, . . . develop[ing] new markets (at home or abroad)
through traditional export promotion, commissioning, trade missions, representatives abroad,
networking, audience development, etc.”(Braun & Lavanga, 2007: 11). Outputbased policies
focus on minimising risk while spatial policies accommodate growing SMEs and seek to
strengthen economically beneficial networks and partnerships (Grodach, 2012). Education
and training are still important as is creating partnerships and pathways between cultural
institutions, cultural industries and universities to develop a suitable workforce (Romein &
Trip, 2010). Here, cultural production is either publicly supported through management and
administration policies (for example: Seoul has constructed eight creative and cultural
armslength organisations, two including the Cultural Affairs Bureau and the Cultural
Facilities Bureau) (Hwang & Lee, 2012) or through the neoliberalisation of culture by
opening up cultural organisations and industries to the market through privatisation
(Boorsma, 1998).
3.3 Creativity as Profit Generator
Foundationally, the same revenuegenerating policies exist for creativity and culture
with only institutional differences. Instead of cultural production, however, creative
production is statistically incorporated more in policy as creativity and innovation are said to
“drive economic development” (Braun & Lavanga, 2007: 10). Included in the creative
industries are not only the arts but also the much soughtafter capital coming from
advertising, design, hightech and R&D sectors. Bach (2013) illustrates that while separate,
STI (Scientific, Technology, Innovation) production policies are slowly influencing CCI
production policies. Stimulating innovation is thus given precedence through encouragement
(again) of nurturing competition, increasing information, collaboration through literal and
social network construction (Bach, 2013). Intermediaries, therefore, are the fulcrum in
knowledge and resource distribution, and include “consultants, academics, policy advisors, . .
. journalists, designers, architects, . . . [and] entrepreneur[s] . . . straddling activities such as
property development, urban design, public art,’ etc., (Taylor, 2013: 5). Intermediaries also
come in the form of educational, innovative and creative institutions as policies incentivise
developing and keeping young ‘creatives’ through training and placement opportunities,
bridging the gap from school to the workforce (Romein & Trip, 2010).
3.4 Creativity as Public Good
Lastly, when creativity is prioritised as a public good (like culture) a considerable
amount of value is placed on management, artsled projects, quality of place, social inclusion
and ‘creating’ rather than ‘producing.’ Markusen and Schrock (2006) and Jakob (2010)
highlight positive causality between artists, art, economic growth and urban development and
thus these policies focus more on grassroots, artsled projects as well as offer support for
inclusionary products. According to Gollmitzer and Murray (2008), in the few occasions
where creativity was prioritised as a public good, policy support for creators has manifested
in what they call the Status of the Artist Legislative Approach (45). For artists and SME
owner/employers/employees, these policies move beyond welfare, social security, education,
training and tax incentives for creators to special protection, including: “sliding scales of
income deductions for individual artists, . . . exempt all [or 50% of] intellectual property
royalties, bursaries or foreign earnings [from tax deductions], . . .” and, as in the Canadian
case, offer selfemployed artists limited financial aid without repayment (Gollmitzer &
Murray, 2008: 51).
4.0 Conclusion In conclusion, this paper strongly warns against Creative City policy cherrypicking.
Each urban area’s contextspecificities must be examined through the values of their resident
populations and enterprises. In order to successfully implement a Creative City policy based
on consumption or production, it must be predetermined if culture and creativity are being
viewed as public goods or purely used as an economic incentive. While the Creative City
thesis is valued for its ability to bridge the connections between sociocultural and economic
capital, urban priorities will lead the policies into different directions of the spectrum to
accomplish their own objectives.
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