! Koutseridi, ! 1
Ostia, Rome, and the Tyrrhenian Coast: Reconsidering the Function of Coastal Colonies ! The expansion of early Rome and its power is an extremely important phenomena. The
comprehensive studies of many scholars have significantly improved our understanding of this
process such as Salmon, Sherwin-White, Forsythe, Cornell and Eckstein. The analysis of this 1
complicated process of Roman expansion has been greatly broadened and enhanced by applying
methodologies from seemingly disparate fields of archaeology, social history, international
affairs and political science. Since the literary and archaeological evidence alone is too
fragmentary to reconstruct this complicated historical process the interdisciplinary nature of
scholarly collaboration allows for a fuller picture of early Rome’s expansion. The study of
Roman colonization has been a major part of explaining the gradual expansion of Roman control
over the Italian peninsula. Early Roman colonization facilitated the enlargement of the periphery 2
of Rome’s territorial power and solidified them as borders of defense. The placement and the
actual location of Roman colonies is one of particular interest for this paper. The period of the
late 4th and 3rd centuries BCE was a time of extensive Roman colonization especially along the
Tyrrhenian coast. Ostia, a colony of particular interest due to its proximity to Rome and strategic
location, deserves to be reanalyzed within the larger Tyrrhenian world which Rome was
becoming an increasingly greater part of at this time. The purpose of this paper is to look at the
specific coastal locations of colonies such as Ostia, Cosa, Antium and others in order to expand
! Salmon 1970, Sherwin-White 1973, Forsythe 2005, Cornell 1995, and Eckstein 2006. 1
! The scholarly consensus is that Roman colonization takes off in 338 with the establishment of both coloniea 2
latinae and coloniae civium Romanorum. The coloniae latinae followed the tradition of colonization established under the Latin League which the citizen colonies were first introduces after the year 338BCE with the dissolution of the Latin League and Rome solidified control of Latium. For detailed distinctions in status and rights see Sherwin-White 1973. See Salmon 1955, 1970 for discussion on patterns of colonial settlements.
! Koutseridi, ! 2
our understanding of Roman sea power which contributed just as much as Roman land power (if
not more) to Rome’s dominance first of the Tyrrhenian and then of the Mediterranean world.
The role of Ostia within the larger Tyrrhenian world can only be achieved by securing the
proper historical context of its foundation and development. The debate about the date of Ostia’s
castrum among various scholars has yielded a vast array of results due to the inconclusive nature
of the evidence. However the archaeological work of Archer Martin has finally provided a more 3
conclusive date for the castrum. A close analysis of pottery ranging from 300 to 275BCE was
discovered at the foundation level of the castrum walls, thus providing a stratigraphically safe
date for the foundation of the castrum. As a result of the more confident date it is now possible 4
to place Ostia within its appropriate historical context, reexamine the motivations behind its
founding at the later date of 290BCE and most importantly to investigate the function it occupied
on the Tyrrhenian coast. 5
Before examining the historical events of the 3rd century BCE, it is important to examine
Rome’s social and political changes which took place as a result of Rome’s growth in the two
centuries preceeding. These changes had significant effects on later Roman colonization. The
one thing that is significantly deemphasized when looking at early Roman expansion is the role
! Carcopino 1911 and 1919 relies on historical connections between Actium and Ostia for the date sometime in 3
between 338BCE and 317BCE. Meiggs 1973 accepts 338BCE as the terminus ante quem but argues for an earlier date of somewhere around 350BCE as a result of Greek raids of 349BCE that called for coastal defense. Coarelli 1988, argues for 426BCE on the basis of construction material. Beazley, 1947 looks at fragments of “Genucilia” plates and compares them to Olynthus pottery, concluding that it should be dated to no later than 348BCE. Adembri, 1996 reconsiders the date of attic fragments placing them in somewhere in between 380/370 and 340/330BCE. Zevi 2001, associates the establishment of duumviri navales in 311BCE with the foundation of the castrum. ! See Martin 1996.4
! See Demetrius Waarsenburg 1998 for further suggestion of a date in between 292/1 and 275BCE. 5
! Koutseridi, ! 3
of Rome on water. This part of the paper will highlight the significance of Roman sea power that
was already emerging in the 5th and the 4th centuries BCE primarily in the realm of commerce. 6
Some of the most important pieces of evidence that represent the earliest existence of
Rome’s fleet within the commercial sphere can be found in the three peace treaties between
Rome and Carthage. The first Romano-Carthaginian treaty, according to Polybius, dates to the
very beginning of the Roman Republic in 509/507BCE under the consulship of L. Iunius Brutus
and M. Horatius. The main reason to support the early date is due to the fitting historical 7
circumstances of the late sixth century BCE in which the Romans controlled the territory of
roughly 100km south of Rome presented in the first treaty. A later date does not fit the historical
circumstances since the Romans lose the territory mentioned in the first treaty to Volscians in the
5th century from whom they are not able to win back the land until the middle of the 4th century.
Mommsen suggested a much later date for the first treaty in the mid-forth century. This date has
been disproven on the basis of textual inconsistencies in Livy and the more established
uncertainty of Diodorus than previously assumed by Mommsen. The first treaty also fits well 8
into the historical circumstances of the late 6h century BCE from the contemporary Carthaginian
interest in creating alliances not only with Rome but with Etruscans as demonstrated by the Pyrgi
inscriptions. The inscriptions further demonstrates Carthaginian concerns in protecting its trade 9
within the Tyrrhenian sea. The earlier date is further supported by Polybius’ mention of an
! Maritime commerce will also be reflecting in the existence of coastal colonies that I argue were not simply 6
defensive but rather were protecting Rome’s trading routes and ships.
! Although the authenticity of the exact date of 509 BCE is questioned, there is no reason to complete dismiss the 7
existence of this very early treaty between two developing cities. For a full discussion of scholarly opinions on the exact date of the treaty see Cornell 1995 pg. 210-218. ! See Mommsen Die römische Chronologie 1859.8
! See Salmon 1982, Cornell 1995, and Forsythe 2005.9
! Koutseridi, ! 4
archaic form of language in which the first treaty was written, where as there is no mention of
having any language variation for the Second Punic Treaty. The stipulations of the treaty for
φιλία (friendship) are divided into two main categories for the Romans: the maritime limits and
the permitted limits of trade. The first category clearly sets the Fair Promontory as the limit of 10
Roman maritime exploration. The second category lists international places of Libya, Sardinia 11
and Sicily with whom Rome was allowed to do trade with under the condition of a herald being
present. The treaty clearly demonstrates some form of a commercial fleet that was necessary to
carry out international maritime travel from Rome to places like Libya. The size of the fleet was
most likely of modest proportions but there would be little reason for these stipulations if Rome
had no commercial fleet that indirectly threatened maritime interests of Carthage. This treaty is
also our earliest mention of Rome’s undeniable interest in sea exploration, navigation and
commerce.
The second treaty between Carthage and Rome dates to 348BCE. The terms of the 12
friendship are divided into three major categories with a number of subsections for the Romans
and Carthaginians separately. Geographical limits were placed on Roman seafaring denying
them the ability to plunder, trade and colonize on the far side of the Fair Promontory with the
addition of Mastiam Tarseiom located securely in Spain. Further restrictions were placed on the 13
previously accessible area of Sardinia and Libya with whom the Roman’s were no longer able to
carry out trade and with addition of a new clause putting constraints on colonization. The
! For the terms of the Carthaginians in the treaty see Scullard 1989.10
! For the discussion of the exact location of Fair Promontory see Scullard 1989 pg. 522-523. 11
! Although Polybius does not provide the exact date for the treaty the exclusion of Campania in the treaty puts the 12
treaty before 343BCE. See Forsythe 2005, Scullard 1969.
! For the location of Mastiam Tarseiom and textual modification see Scullard 1989 pg. 528-530. 13
! Koutseridi, ! 5
prohibition to colonize in those parts of the world would suggests that the Romans and their
Latium allies were spreading their influence on a more significant scale than before and were
maybe beginning to colonize outside of the Italian peninsula. Whether or not the Romans were
already colonizing, their maritime power appears more threatening to the Carthaginians in
control of those territories, who no longer felt safe with permitting Rome’s influence through
commercial interaction. The threat posed by the Romans could only have been expressed through
their increasing maritime activity along the Tyrrhenian coast, possibly hurting the Carthaginian
trading routes and their economic profits. The additional restrictions might have also been
influenced by the new scale of growth in Roman power that was not hidden from the
Carthaginians who wanted to maintain their domination of the trade routes in the Tyrrhenian
waters. The modest Roman fleet of the late 6th century was gradually expanding with the 14
extension of Roman power on land which provided the necessary capital to reinvest in further
maritime commerce and exploration. The extent of Roman exploration as is seen from the
conditions of the second treaty has clearly reached all the way to Spain. In turn the profit
brought in from maritime commercial enterprise solidified further the expansion of Rome. The
one thing that can be definitively discerned from the second peace is the widening horizons of
Roman maritime influence.
Another piece of evidence that needs to be considered in relation to the importance of
early Roman sea power are the food shortages described by Livy. According to Livy in 411BCE,
Rome was struck with a food shortage. Grain had to be import from inland Etruria which was
! See Salmon 1982, Gruen 1984, Keaveney 1987, and Cornell 1995. 14
! Koutseridi, ! 6
brought down the Tiber and from coastal Sicily which was transported inward from the sea. 15
The food shortage implies that the city of Rome relied on maritime transportation of grain
already in the late 5th century BCE. Such transportation had to be supported not only with ships
but with some form of harbor facilities. Since we know that the castrum of Ostia can not be
earlier than 290BCE it is reasonable to postulate that a pre-castrum Ostia possessed small harbor
facilities that facilitated the transportation of goods into the city of Rome. The unfortified 16
harbor facilities might have actually been one of the reasons to set up the fortified camp. Rome’s
interest in securing the mouth of the Tiber was driven by their growing interest in the Tyrrhenian
coast and its trading routes.
One of the most important dates of the second half of the 4th century is 338BCE. This
year signifies the solidification of Roman power over all of Latium through the dissolution of the
Latin League and the establishment of Rome as chief military power. The Roman state 17
incorporated a number of Latin states after its victory including Lanuvium, Aricia, Pedum and
Nomentum. The territory of Rome now held all of Latium Vetus under its control as well as 18
extending its control into Latium Adjectum. This included the area stretching approximately
from Circeii-Setia down to northern Campania with cities such as Capua, Casilinum, Atella,
Calatia, Cumae, Suessula, and Acerrae. The settlement of these Campanian communities most 19
likely did not take place until 332. These settlements were granted civitas sine suffragio 20
! Livy 4.52.5-8 15
! See Houston 1988. 16
! See Forsythe 2005, Slamon 1955, Perkins 1955. 17
! See Cornell, 1989. 18
! See Forsythe 2005, Salmon 1970, MacKendrick 1952.19
! Preserved in Livy and Vellius: Livy 8.14.10-11 and 8.17.12. 20
! Koutseridi, ! 7
(citizenship without vote) making them socii of Rome and creating a sort of allied buffer zone to
protect ager Romanus. The ager Romanus encompassed 5,525 square kilometers at the end of
the Latin Wars with an estimated population of 347,300. The decade following 338BCE 21
clearly shows that the extent of Roman territory drastically increased after the Latin War. A large
majority of these settlements were located near or directly on the Tyrrhenian coast, which
demonstrates Rome’s interest in primarily securing its dominance over the coast of central
southern Italy. The already established harbor facilities at some of these conquered locations
would provide the necessary accommodations for transportation of goods from Sicily (where the
Romans were still allowed to do trade). The middle of the 4th century was a time of Roman 22
control solidifying its grip over central coastal Italy that would bring more economic profit by
firmly securing its trade routes with Sicily and Ptolemaic Egypt. 23
The foundation of Antium, in 338BCE, is very important because it is Rome’s first citizen
coastal colony. The victory of C. Maenius over the Antiate ships was commemorated by
decorating the rostra at Rome with beaks and prows of the enemies ships which represented
Rome’s expansion southward along the Tyrrhenian coast. The colony was established on a 24
preexisting city that was known for its maritime activity - particularly its piracy. The 25
destruction of the Antiate pirates also relieved the Roman commercial fleet from unexpected
! Afzelius 1942, pg. 153. 21
� The second Punic-Romano treaty allowed Rome to continue trade with Sicily but not with Sardinia or Libya. See 22
Scullard 1989.
! For Roman interaction with Ptolemy Philadelphus see Thiel 1954 pg. 23-26, Grainger 2002. 23
! Livy 8.14.12. For the function of the beaks and other spolia as a sign of noble commemoration see Hölkeskamp 24
1993.
! See Attema and Alessandri 2011, Houston 1988. 25
! Koutseridi, ! 8
raids and achieved a greater sense of security for the Roman ships which were full of goods
when sailing back to Rome. The proximity of Antium to the mouth of the Tiber would have made
it a perfect location to intercept Roman ships for looting. The coastal colony at Antium shows
Rome’s undeniable interest in maritime power. Rome is clearly looking towards securing and
safeguarding its presence on the sea. Antium was already equipped with harbor facilities due to
its long standing maritime activity which the Romans could now put to its own use. The fleet of
Antium was surrendered to the Romans with only some of their ships destroyed. There is little 26
doubt that the Romans used the ships for their own maritime activities, such as securing their
control of the coast one new colony at a time. We know from later sources that Rome kept a
permanent fleet at Antium. It is possible that a few ships under Roman control were stationed at
Antium to defend the new citizens from maritime raids and provide a naval base for the
protection of Roman maritime commerce.
Antium is the first in a series of many coastal colonies that will solidify Rome’s power
over the southern part of the Tyrrhenian coast. In 329BCE Tarracina, another citizen coastal
colony to the slight south of Cerceii, was established. The central coast of Italy south of Rome
had a system of interchanging colonies extending down the coast to Cumae. This system of 27
citizen and Latin colonies clearly secured Rome’s authority of southern trade by seizing control
of strategic locations with preexisting harbor and port facilities that made valuable bases to
support the growing Roman naval fleet. The Romans also made Neapolis in 332 and later
! See Starr 1980, 1989. 26
! See Paget 1968. 27
! Koutseridi, ! 9
Tarrentum in 272 their socii navales. The creation of socii navales broadened Rome’s control 28
over powerful maritime cities which could aid Rome in securing and expanding its maritime
power. A quick mention of the third Punic-Romano treaty, or the so-called “Philinus Treaty,” is
necessary since it further demonstrated the growth of Roman power at the end of the 4th
century. The island of Corsica was established as an inner mediate buffer zone which represents 29
Roman sea power as a force worth compromising with. The two previous treaties simply 30
represented Rome as “laying claim to Latium” where as in the third treaty, signed in 306BCE,
Carthage clearly recognizes Rome as the dominating force of the Italian peninsula. 31
After Rome was able to solidify its power along the coastline, it started to further expand
its power into the Tyrrhenian sea. In 312BCE the Romans established a Latin colony on a small
island of Pontinae. The reason why this colony is particularly important is due to its location in 32
the open sea some distance away from the actual coast. If we are to assume, as some scholars
do, that Rome at this time had no access or need for a fleet, how would it be possible for a
“purely” land power to establish a colony overseas? Therefore the foundation of this colony can
further support that the Romans were not reluctant to holding a full time fleet but rather
employed it for a variety of reasons such as commerce, transportation, communication as well as
military defense against Greek and Etruscan pirates that were still a major hazard to coastal
� It has been long assumed that the socii navales were responsible for carrying out all of Roman maritime needs but 28
as the paper demonstrates Rome had its own extremely significant role in maritime commerce and military sea power which used the socii navales to further its own sea power. For the traditional view see Scullard 1989.
! See Scullard 1969 pg. 531-536. 29
! For the authenticity of the treaty see Scullard 1989 and Oakley 1998. Servius who was a late antique commentator 30
further supports the existence of the treaty.
! See Forsythe 2005 pg. 312. 31
! Livy 9.28.7. See Staveley 1989, Salmon 1970. 32
! Koutseridi, ! 10
settlements. Theophrastus, a 4th century Greek philosopher, also mentions an expedition of
twenty-five ships to Corsica which was aiming at surveying the area for colonization. This 33
maritime expedition confirms the existence of an expanding Roman fleet that was able to provide
twenty-five ships with no effort for purely explorational purposes. The colony on Pontinae
provided further protection for Roman traders whose route was meant to go directly to Rome
without the need to offload at Naples or Cumae. It is reasonable to postulate that by this time the
market of Rome was the largest in central Italy which required a substantial amount of goods to
be delivered directly to Rome from international sources. The efficiency of cost and speed of 34
sea transport would have been a preferred method of transportation for the practical-minded
Romans. The strength of Rome was being accumulated through its maritime activity that
perpetually stimulated the growth of the Roman market.
The final decades of the 4th century BCE were responsible for securing Roman control of
all of central Italy. The northern area of the Tiber valley came to be under direct Roman control
with the defeat of Etruscan and Umbrian cities of Perusia, Cortona and Arrentium in 311BCE as
well as Volsinii three years later in 308BCE. In 311BCE the Romans created a new political 35
office that is representative of its expanding naval power. Two men under the title of duumviri
navales were elected for the maintenance of a permanent fleet of ships and the up keep of their
conditions. A creation of such an office would not have been necessary without the existence of 36
a permanent Roman naval fleet. Therefore a permanent political office was a formal
! Theophrastus Hist. Plant. 5.8.2.33
! See Starr 1980, 1989, Salmon 1970, 1982 and Cornell 1989, 1995.34
! See Forsythe 2005, Keaveney 1987. 35
! Livy 7.5.9.36
! Koutseridi, ! 11
solidification of a Roman fleet which helped secure coastal territories and Roman trade routes.
Roman naval power was undergoing formalization at the same time as Rome was establishing its
Republican political practices and traditional offices.
The final steps in solidifying Roman control over its Italians neighbors were the
conclusive years of the Third Samnite War which lasted from 298 to 290BCE. In the battle of
Sentinum Rome was able to break a powerful coalition created between Etruscans, Samnites,
Umbrians and Gauls. The consequences of the war resulted in a staggering amount of land 37
annexation as well as a large enslavement of people from native Italian communities that
continually fought against Roman control. The Sabines, upstream along the Tiber north of
Rome, were also incorporated under Roman power by the granting of civitas sine suffragia. The
year 290BCE marked the solidification of Roman power from the Tyrrhenian to the Adriatic
coast. Foundation of two more citizen colonies in 295BCE, Minturnae and Sinuessa, on the
Tyrrhenian coast completed the solidification of the southern trade route creating opportunity for
Rome to explore and seize different trade routes further south. Roman territory at that time
measured approximately 14,000 square kilometers. The final solidification of central Italy and 38
the Tiber valley allowed and demanded for a permanent presence in strategic location such as the
mouth of the Tiber which will become known as Ostia.
The establishment of Roman control over the Tiber river played a significant factor in the
founding of Ostia. The city of Rome was now able to dictate the transportation and trade of
goods up and down the river which was the main sea access into central Italy. In order for Rome
! Livy 10.21.11-15. 37
! See Beloch 1926, Afzelius 1942, Brunt 1971.38
! Koutseridi, ! 12
to securely control the access into the Tiber as well as the exit into the Tyrrhenian sea, the mouth
of the river needed to have fortified facilities with its own troops instead of relying on protection
coming directly from the city of Rome. The permanent fortifications provided immediate
response to raids. The camp also controlled traffic of commerce into central Italy and along the
Tyrrhenian coast.
A demographically important consequence of Roman expansion was the increase in
Roman population from the 4th into the 3rd century BCE. The population of Rome was growing
steadily starting in 350BCE with the population of 30,000 people, by 300BCE it doubled to
60,000 and at the time of war with Pyrrhus 280BCE to 275BCE the number reached around
90,000. These population estimates as any demographic studies need to be used with much 39
caution. A population of relatively this size would have to import grain to sustain itself estimated
to around 11,000 to 18,000 tones of wheat per year. This quantity of grain would have to be 40
transported by the means of water which was shipped into Rome along the Tiber to the Portus
Tiberinus. Rome’s reliance on the Tiber and the Tyrrhenian sea was consequently increasing with
the city’s own expansion. The transportation of grain must have been a major priority for the
Roman state and its people. The safety of the grain was further secured through the permanent
fortification of Ostia since it could monitor and defend its transportation. Without a doubt the
growing population created a very significant incentive in expanding Rome’s maritime power.
The security of Roman sea commerce was now of higher stakes than ever before with Rome
! See Starr 1980, Staveley 1989, Cornell 1995. The total population of Roman citizens in Italy in 293BCE is 39
recorded at 260,000 see Scheidel 2008. ! See Cornell 1989, Cornell 1995. The equation that was used to reach 18,000 by Cornell was calculating at a 40
consumption rate of 200kg per person a year. The consumption rate of 120kg per person was used to achieve 11,000 tones of wheat.
! Koutseridi, ! 13
relying on it for its own survival. The growing quantity of goods had to be accommodated
through sea transport. A very indicative sign of the expansion of city of Rome is the construction
of fourteen known temples from 302BCE to 264BCE. One other major building project that 41
clearly signifies the city’s growth is the erection of the first Roman aqueduct, the Aqua Appia in
312BCE. 42
The pacification of central Italy, Campania, and large parts of Lucania provided Rome
with the ability to established fortifications at Ostia. The permanent establishment at Ostia is
representative of Rome’s new interest in the northern coast of central Italy. The citizen colony of
Antium was the first in a series of many colonies in securing Rome’s control of southern trade
along the Tyrrhenian coast. Ostia on the other hand was playing a similar role in establishing
security over the new trading prospects of Rome along the northern coast of Italy. The
solidification of the trade route along the Tiber was the first step in expanding into the northern
sphere of Italy. Since the mouth of the Tiber was the main access into central Italy it played an
extremely important strategic role for the Romans. The narrow width of the river allowed for
easy defense with a relatively small fleet. The existence of harbor facilities at Ostia can be
postulated on the basis that all other coastal colonies had some form of harbors which provided
Romans with the necessary equipment to house and maintain its fleet as was mandated by the
office of the duumviri navales.
The expansion of Roman sea power can further be seen through the continuous
establishment of colonies along the northern coast of the Italian peninsula. The establishment of
! See Ziolkowski 1993. For a complete list of temples constructed fro 302-264BCE see Cornell 1995 and Wissowa 41
1912 for speculation of 18 other temples. The construction of temples requires large number of transported material, manpower and artisans which would all signify an increase in the overall population of the city.
! See Ashby 1935. 42
! Koutseridi, ! 14
a number of important colonies took place in 273BCE. After the defeat of Caere, it was granted
the status of citizenship sine suffragio following the foundation of a Latin coastal colony at
Cosa. The growing reliance of Rome on the sea was not only the result of heavy importation of 43
goods but also due to exportation of Roman goods which has been given more considerable
weight in recent scholarship. The early 3rd century was a time of heavy pottery manufacturing 44
in the city of Rome. A great variety of pottery such as the ‘Genucilia’ ware, poculum type and a
group known from a Roman workshop as ‘Atelier des petites estampilles’ were all mass
produced and were meant to be exported. Pieces of ‘Genucilia’ ware were found at Ostia 45
which represent the early commercial importance of the settlement. It served as a transitional 46
point of exporting goods from the city of Rome into the Tyrrhenian sea. Small river vessels could
have offloaded their goods on to larger sea-faring ships that were sailing out to different
international locations. Interestingly traces of the wares have been found in southern France,
particularly in Marseille, and also as far as eastern Spain. This pottery dates to roughly 47
290BCE and suggests the existence of new trading routes that the Romans were forming along
the norther coast of Italy leading into France and continuing into Spain. The colony at Cosa had
known harbor facilities that could have provided Roman commerce ships with an opportunity to
dock incase of storms which could cause damage to the ships as well as allocating the necessary
protection they needed from piracy. Sometime in between 289 and 264BCE Castrum Novum, a
! See Forsythe 2005.43
! See Starr 1980, Cornell 1995. 44
! See Greene 1992.45
! Lauro 1979, Adembri 1996. 46
! Euzennat 1980. 47
! Koutseridi, ! 15
citizen colony, was established just north of Caere to further solidify control of the northern trade
route. The chain of maritime colonies along the northern Tyrrhenian coast was not 48
unintentional but served a strategic role in securing Rome’s commercial sea routes to their new
destinations of southern France and Spain. Although it is impossible to reconstruct the scale and
profit of Rome’s exportation of goods it is still important to acknowledge its existence and the
connections that it shared with maritime colonies such as Ostia. 49
Rome’s focus on the Tyrrhenian coast through the expansion of an intricate system of
citizen and Latin colonies clearly represents the importance of Roman ship power. The scholarly
consensus seems to be that maritime colonies were meant to simply defend the coast line through
land garrisons that were established at these fortified camps. It seems to me that it was just as 50
likely that the maritime colonies were equipped with ships or modest fleets since coastal colonies
and allied cities such as Ostia, Antium, Cosa, Caere, Cumae, Pontiae, Circeii, Minturnae,
Sinuessa and Tarracina all had some form of harbor or docking facilities. The coastal colonies 51
provided security both with land forces and naval fleets. The poor preservation or the complete
lack of these early harbors is due to the perishable nature of the construction materials as well as
constant silting problems and natural erosion. The ships were most likely equipped with a
number of soldiers who would supplement the needed military force, sailing along the coast
protecting it and Roman commerce ships from unexpected raids. The duumviri navales also
! See Salmon 1955, 1982 and Cornell 1989, 1995. 48
! Further studies on the economic conditions of late 4th century and early 3rd century Rome are much needed.49
! Starr 1943, MacKendrick 1952, Salmon 1955, Keaveney 1987, Mason 1992, Cornell 1995, Forsythe 2005.50
! Paget 1968, Raban 1986. 51
! Koutseridi, ! 16
needed a permanent place to house and most importantly maintain and service Rome’s formal
naval fleet.
The first known demonstration of Roman warships is represented in the early conflict
between Rome and Tarentum. It is known that a peace treaty was signed between Rome and
Tarentum in 303/302BCE which clearly prohibits Rome from sailing past the Lacinian
Promontory south of Croton, thus denying Romans the access into the Gulf of Taranto. This 52
treaty clearly shows Rome’s interest in maritime expeditions which had to be controlled by
external powers that must have felt threatened by the increasing presence of the Romans. It is
crucial to point out that the restrictions are not placed upon land territory but rather restrict
Rome’s power according to the sea. Therefore if all Roman power was comprised of land forces
there would be no need to restrict its maritime activity. This clearly indicates a strong Roman sea
power. However in 282BCE, a squadron of ten Roman warships appeared off the coast of
Tarentum beginning the hostilities which lead to the outbreak of the Pyrrhic War. Rome’s 53
unquestionable breach of the treaty demonstrates the fact that the Romans felt extremely
confident in their sea power by directly challenging a city that was known for its maritime
power. Thus it is worth reconsidering, as first suggested by Starr, the traditional view of early
Roman sea power. The codified tradition of Rome’s disinterest in maritime power was a result 54
of remarks of ancient figures such as Polybius who claims that “the Romans had never given
thought to the sea” and possessed no naval resources prior to 260BCE. 55
! See Thiel 1954, Franke 1989, Lomas 1993. 52
! See Starr 1982, Gruen 1984. 53
! See Starr 1980.54
! Polybius 1.20.12. See also Seneca de brev. vit. 13.4 in claiming that the first man to persuade the Romans to take 55
interest in the sea was the consul of 264BCE Appius Claudius Caudex.
! Koutseridi, ! 17
The scholarly reluctance towards Rome’s maritime power both in commercial and naval
fleet also stems from the long-established view of Roman economy in the begging of the 3rd
century as being nearly subsistence and with very small amount of trade. As we saw previously, 56
Rome was becoming a manufacturing city with a variety of goods produced at surpassing
quantities to qualify for exportation. The existence of Roman pottery in foreign markets is an
even better indicator of Rome’s economic prospects. The transportation of goods along the
Tyrrhenian coast had to be secured and protected. Therefore it is reasonable to argue that the
primary role of maritime colonies was to facilitate and secure the transportation of Roman
trading goods and not to serve a purely defensive purpose against enemy attacks. The creation 57
of colonies was a financial investment of Rome that was ultimately connected with its growing
economy fostered by maritime commerce. The security of Roman trading routes along the
Tyrrhenian coast was the main concern of coastal colonies that were looking towards sea power
and not at inland defense. The function of land defense was secured by larger Latin colonies
established in the norther frontiers of the Italian peninsula throughout the 3rd century BCE. 58
The militaristic nature of early Ostia is due to the vulnerability and importance of its
location. The mouth of the Tiber had to be extremely well secured to supply the necessary
protection for ships that were either coming in full of cargo, such as grain, or coming out of the
Tiber with goods from Rome and central Italy. It is obvious that citizen coastal colonies were
protecting something very valuable to the Romans along the Tyrrhenian coast. The location of
! For conventional views of Roman economy see Frank 1933, Rostovtzeff 1957, Wallace 1990.56
! For a purely defensive role of coastal colonies as supported by these scholars see Salmon 1955 and 1982, 57
MacKendrick 1952, Scullard 1959 and 1989, Perkins 1955, Sherwin-White 1970, Cornell 1995, Forsythe 2005. See Mason 1992 for the agrarian role of coastal citizen colonies. ! See Salmon, 1955 and Dyson 1985. 58
! Koutseridi, ! 18
maritime colonies were in parts of Italy that were firmly secured under Roman control and were
not established as military outposts for land defense; instead coastal colonies were looking
towards protecting Roman interests on the sea where piracy continued to be a threat until
60BCE. The fortifications at Ostia were used to protect the access into the Tiber but more 59
importantly it was guarding the transportation of valuable goods which perpetuated the growth of
the Roman market. The location of maritime citizen colonies in between Latin coastal colonies
would suggest a planned system of securing the coast. The ones that served and housed the 60
military forces and the others that provided docking and maintenance opportunities. The
utilitarian nature of Ostia should not be overshadowed by the militaristic role that it played but
rather should be viewed as compatible. The harbor provided the necessary facilities where one
of the duumviri navales were permanently stationed with ten of their ships monitoring traffic into
the river mouth and along the coast.
Sea power as much as land power was the key to Roman military success. Its land armies
were matched by Rome’s commercial and naval fleet, which transported a significant amount of
goods along the Tyrrhenian coast in between Sardinia, Carthage, Spain, France Syria and Sicily.
Rome’s naval fleet did not come about in one great overhaul in 261 with the construction of 100
quinqueremes and 20 triremes. There is enough evidence to support an existence of a Roman
naval fleet prior to the First Punic War. In the words of Scullard to claim that “the Romans had 61
no tradition in sea-faring; rather, their roots were in the land” is a disregard to the multiple
! See Seager for 2002 for Pompey’s command granted to him by the lex Gabinia in which he was finally able to 59
eradicate the problem of piracy in the Tyrrhenian water. See Gruen 1984 for Illyrian pirates as a problem along the Adriatic coast from 229BCE until the end of the Third Illyrian War in 168BCE. ! See Salmon 1982.60
! Scullard 1989, pg. 549. 61
! Koutseridi, ! 19
sources of evidence that outweigh the legitimacy of this statement. The aim of the paper was to 62
point out that the network of maritime colonies and coastal settlements were a system of naval
bases used to primarily secure the extremely important trading routes on which the Roman
economy heavily relied on in the begging of the 3rd century. The foundation of Ostia can be
explained in its proper historical context when the vulnerability of the mouth of Tiber became
too great an asset to risk. The newly established colonies along the northern coast of the
Tyrrhenian sea were initiated with the founding of Ostia that was beginning to look towards the
northern trade route leading into southern France and eastern Spain. The fortifications at Ostia
also secured the most important central location of exporting and importing goods from all over
the Tyrrhenian world into Rome and central Italy. New studies on the economic nature of Rome
in the 3rd century will allow for further exploration of economic motives behind the construction
of citizen colonies such as Ostia. With the information that we now have available, it is
reasonable to postulate that coastal colonies were just as much an economic investment as they
were military. The protection of the Tyrrhenian coast was inseparable from the Rome’s economic
prosperity.
!!!!! Scullard 1969 and 1989, pg. 548. The establishment of the duumviri navales is undermined by assuming that it 62
only provided ships when there was a ‘need’ instead of keeping a permanent fleet. This assumption has no founding in the actual evidence and is simply created to discredit what the evidence is actually implying due to conventional mindset that the Romans were opposed to keeping a permanent fleet. The Roman need for ships was constant due to its international commerce that required the necessary maritime protection by keeping a permanent naval fleet along the Tyrrhenian coast in coastal colonies which this paper was supporting by reading the evidence without holding traditional views about Roman sea power and economy.
! Koutseridi, ! 20
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