An Expanding World Volume 30

European Intruders and Changes in Behaviour and Customs in Africa,

America and Asia before 1800

AN EXPANDING WORLD The European Impact on World History, 1450-1800

General Editor: A. 1. R. Russell-Wood

EXPANSION, INTERACTION, ENCOUNTERS 1 The Global Opportunity Felipe Ferndndez-Armesto 2 The European Opportunity Felipe Ferndndez-Armesto 3 The Globe Encircled and the World Revealed Ursula Lamb 4 Historiography of Europeans in Africa and Asia Anthony Disney 5 Establishing Exceptionalism Amy Turner Bushnell

TECHNOLOGY AND SCIENCE 6 Scientific Aspects of European Expansion William Storey 7 Technology and European Overseas Enterprise Michael Adas

TRADE AND COMMODITIES 8 Merchant Networks in the Early Modern World San jay Subrahmanyam 9 The Atlantic Staple Trade (Parts I & II) Susan Socolow 10 European Commercial Expansion in Early Modern Asia Om Prakash II Spices in the Indian Ocean World M.N. Pearson 12 Textiles: Production, Trade and Demand Maureen Fennell Mazzaoui 13 Interoceanic Trade in European Expansion Pieter Emmer and Femme Gaastra 14 Metals and Monies in a Global Economy Dennis O. Flynn and Arturo Girdldez 15 Slave Trades Patrick Manning

EXPLOITATION 16 The Worlds of Unfree Labour Colin Palmer 17 Agriculture, Resource Exploitation, and Environmental Change Helen Wheatley 18 Plantation Societies in the Era of European Expansion Judy Bieber 19 Mines of Silver and Gold in the Americas Peter Bakewell

GOVERNMENT AND EMPIRE 20 Theories of Empire, 1450-1800 David Armitage 21 Government and Governance of Empires A.J.R. Russell-Wood 22 Administrators of Empire Mark Burkholder 23 Local Government in European Empires A.J.R. Russell-Wood 24 Warfare and Empires Douglas M. Peers

SOCIETY AND CULTURE 25 Settlement Patterns in Early Modern Colonization, 16th-18th Centuries Joyce

Lorimer 26 Biological Consequences of the European Expansion Kenneth F. Kiple and

Stephen V. Beck 27 European and Non-European Societies (Parts I & II) Robert Forster 28 Christianity and Missions l.S. Cummins 29 Families and the Expansion of Europe Maria Beatriz Nizza da Silva 30 European Intruders Murdo MacLeod and Evelyn Rawski

THE WORLD AND EUROPE 31 Facing Each Other (Parts I & II) Anthony Pagden

Please note titles may change prior to publication

An Expanding World The European Impact on World History 1450-1800

Volume 30

European Intruders and Changes in Behaviour and Customs in Africa,

America and Asia before 1800

edited by Murdo J. MacLeod

and Evelyn S. Rawski

First published 1998 in the Variorum Expanding World Series by Ashgate Publishing

Published 2017 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

This edition copyright © 1998 by Taylor & Francis, and Introduction by Murdo 1. MacLeod and Evelyn S. Rawski. For copyright of individual articles refer to the Acknowledgements.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

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British Library elP data European Intruders and Changes in Behaviour and Customs in Africa, America and Asia before 1800. (An Expanding World: The European Impact on World History, 1450-1800: Vol. 30). l. Africa-Social life and customs. 2. Asia­Social life and customs. 3. America-Social life and customs. 4. Africa-Civilization-European influences. 5. America­Civilization-European influences. 6. Asia-Civilization-Foreign influences. I. MacLeod, Murdo J. II. Rawski, Evelyn S. (Evelyn Sakakida). 303.4'82'09

US Library of Congress CIP data European Intruders and Changes in Behaviour and Customs in Africa, America and Asia before 1800/edited by Murdo 1. Macleod and Evelyn S. Rawski. p. cm. - (An Expanding World: The European Impact on World History, 1450-1800: Vol. 30). Includes bibliographical references. Hardback. I. Acculturation. 2. Civilization, Modem-European Influences. 3. First contact of aboriginal peoples with westerners. I. MacLeod, Murdo J. II. Rawski, Evelyn Sakakida. III. Series. GN366. E87 1998 98-23610 303.48'2-dc21 CIP

ISBN 13: 978-0-86078-522-4 (hbk)

AN EXPANDING WORLD 30

Acknow ledgements

General Editor's Preface

Introduction

Contents

EUROPEAN IMPACT IN AMERICA AND AFRICA

The Social and Economic Stability of the Western Sudan in the Middle Ages M. Malowist

2 The Horse in Fifteenth-Century Senegambia

VII-IX

xi-xiii

xv-xxvi

Ivana Elbl 15

3 Passive Resistance: Hopi Responses to Spanish Contact and Conquest E. Charles Adams 41

4 Social Climbers: Changing Patterns of Mobility Among the Indians of Colonial Peru Karen Spalding 57

5 Indian Agriculture, Changing Subsistence Patterns, and the Environment on the Southern Great Plains Paul H. Carlson 77

6 The Process of Farming Diffusion in the Southwest and Great Basin Joseph C. Winter 87

7 La Traite Atlantique des Esclaves et ses Effets Economiques et Sociaux en Afrique: Le Cas du Galam, Royaume de I' Hinterland Senegambien au Dix-Huitieme Siecle Abdoulaye Bathily 97

8 Dahomey and the Slave Trade: Reflections on the Historiography of the Rise of Dahomey Robin Law 123

9 Forms and Types of Work, and the Acculturation of the Colonial Indian of Mesoamerica: Some Preliminary Observations Murdo J. MacLeod 155

2

2

VI CONTENTS

10 L' Acculturation des Espagnols dans Ie Mexique colonial: decheance ou dynamisme culturel? Solange Alberro 173

EUROPEAN IMPACT IN ASIA

11 Cloths, Clothes, and Colonialism: India in the Nineteenth Century Bernard S. Cohn 189

12 The Coming of the Europeans K.T. Achaya 241

13 Bounty from the New World K.T. Achaya 259

14 The Introduction of American Food Plants into China Ping-ti Ho 283

15 From Betel-Chewing to Tobacco-Smoking in Indonesia Anthony Reid 295

16 Opium Smoking in Ch'ing China Jonathan Spence 315

17 The Structure of Cities in Southeast Asia, Fifteenth to Seventeenth Centuries Anthony Reid 347

18 Female Roles in Pre-Colonial Southeast Asia Anthony Reid 363

19 Contentious Traditions: The Debate on Sati in Colonial India Lata Mani 381

Index 419

Acknowledgements

The chapters in this volume are taken from the sources listed below, for which the editor and publishers wish to thank their authors, original publishers or other copyright holders for permission to use their material as follows:

Chapter 1: M. Malowist, 'The Social and Economic Stability of the Western Sudan in the Middle Ages', Past and Present XXXIII (Oxford, 1996), pp. 3-15. Copyright © 1996 by Oxford University Press. Reprinted with permission.

Chapter 2: Ivana Elbl, The Horse in Fifteenth-Century Senegambia', Journal of African Historical Studies XXIV, no. 1 (Boston, Mass., 1991), pp. 85-110. Copyright © 1991 by the African Studies Center, Boston University.

Chapter 3: E. Charles Adams, 'Passive Resistance: Hopi Responses to Spanish Contact and Conquest', in ed. David Hurst Thomas, Columbian Consequences, Vol. I, Archaeological and Historical Perspectives on the Spanish Borderlands West (Washington, D.C., 1989), pp. 77-91. Copyright © 1989 by the Smithsonian Institution.

Chapter 4: Karen Spalding, 'Social Climbers: Changing Patterns of Mobility Among the Indians of Colonial Peru', Hispanic American Historical Review L, no. 4 (Durham, N.C., 1970), pp. 645-664. Copyright © 1970 by Duke University Press. Reprinted with permission.

Chapter 5: Paul H. Carlson, 'Indian Agriculture, Changing Subsistence Patterns, and the Environment on the Southern Great Plains', Agricultural History LXVI, no. 2 (Berkeley, Calif., 1992), pp. 52-60. Copyright © 1992 by the University of California Press. Reprinted with permission.

Chapter 6: Joseph C. Winter, 'The Process of Farming Diffusion in the Southwest and Great Basin', American Antiquity XLI, no. 4 (Washington, D.C., 1976), pp. 421-429. Copyright © 1976 by Joseph C. Winter and the Society for American Archaeology.

Chapter 7: Abdoulaye Bathily, 'La Traite Atlantique des Esclaves et ses Effets Economiques et Sociaux en Afrique: Le Cas du Galam, Royaume de I'Hinterland Senegambien au Dix-Huitieme Siecle', Journal of African History XXVII (Cambridge, 1986), pp. 269-293. Copyright © 1986 by Cambridge University Press.

viii ------------ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ---------------

Chapter 8 Robin Law, 'Dahomey and the Slave Trade: Reflections on the Historiography of the Rise of Dahomey', Journal of African History XXVII, no. 2 (Cambridge, 1986), pp. 237-267. Copyright 1986 by Cambridge University Press.

Chapter 9: Murdo 1. Macleod, 'Forms and Types of Work, and the Acculturation of the Colonial Indian of Mesoamerica: Some Preliminary Observations', in ed. Cecilia Frost, Michael C. Meyer and Josephina Zoraida Vazquez, Labour and Labourers through Mexican History (Tucson, Ariz., 1979), pp. 75-92. Copyright © 1979 by the University of Arizona Press.

Chapter 10: Solange Alberro, 'L' Acculturation des Espagnols dans Ie Mexique colonial: decheance ou dynamisme culturel?', L'Homme: Revue fran~aise d'Anthropologie XXXII (Paris, 1992), pp. 149-164. Copyright © 1992 by Editions de I'Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales.

Chapter 11: Bernard S. Cohn, 'Cloths, Clothes, and Colonialism: India in the Nineteenth Century', in ed. Annette B. Weiner and Jane Schneider, Cloth and Human Experience (Washington, D.C., 1989), pp. 303-353. Copyright © 1989 by the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. Reprinted by permission of the Smithsonian Institution Press.

Chapter 12: K.T. Achaya, 'The Coming of the Europeans', Indian Food: A Historical Companion (New Delhi, 1994), pp. 163-178, 253-254. Copyright © 1994 by Oxford University Press, New Delhi. Reprinted with permission.

Chapter 13: K.T. Achaya, 'Bounty from the New World', Indian Food: A Historical Companion (New Delhi, 1994), pp. 218-238, 257-259. Copyright © 1994 by Oxford University Press, New Delhi. Reprinted with permission.

Chapter 14: Ping-ti Ho, 'The Introduction of American Food Plants into China', American Anthropologist LVII (Washington, D.C., 1955), pp. 191-201. Copyright © 1955 by the American Anthropological Association.

Chapter 15: Anthony Reid, 'From Betel-Chewing to Tobacco-Smoking in Indonesia', Journal of Asian Studies XLIV, no. 3 (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1985), pp. 529-547. Copyright © 1985 by the Association for Asian Studies, Incorporated .. Reprinted with permission.

Chapter 16: Jonathan Spence', 'Opium Smoking in Ch'ing China', in ed. Frederic Wakeman and Carolyn Grant, Conflict and Control in Late Imperial China

-------- ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ------ ix

(Berkeley, Calif., 1975), pp. 143-173. Copyright © 1975 by the University of California Press.

Chapter 17: Anthony Reid, 'The Structure of Cities in Southeast Asia, Fifteenth to Seventeenth Centuries', Journal of Southeast Asian Studies XI, no. 2 (Singapore, 1980), pp. 235-250. Copyright © 1980 by Singapore University Press Private Ltd.

Chapter 18: Anthony Reid,' Female Roles in Pre-Colonial Southeast Asia', Modern Asian Studies XXII, no. 3 (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 629-645. Copyright © 1988 by Cambridge University Press.

Chapter 19: Lata Mani, 'Contentious Tradition: The Debate on Sati in Colonial India', Cultural Critique VII (New York, 1987), pp. 1 17-156. Copyright © 1987 by Cultural Critique. Reprinted by permission of Oxford University Press.

Every effort has been made to trace all the copyright holders, but if any have been inadvertently overlooked the publishers will be pleased to make the necessary arrangement at the first opportunity.

http://taylorandfrancis.com

General Editor's Preface A. J. R. Russell-Wood

An Expanding World: The European Impact on World History, 1450-1800 is designed to meet two objectives: first, each volume covers a specific aspect of the European initiative and reaction across time and space; second, the series represents a superb overview and compendium of knowledge and is an invaluable reference source on the European presence beyond Europe in the early modern period, interaction with non-Europeans, and experiences of peoples of other continents, religions, and races in relation to Europe and Europeans. The series reflects revisionist interpretations and new approaches to what has been called 'the expansion of Europe' and whose historiography traditionally bore the hallmarks of a narrowly Eurocentric perspective, focus on the achievements of individual nations, and characterization of the European presence as one of dominance, conquest, and control. Fragmentation characterized much of this literature: fragmentation by national groups, by geography, and by chronology.

The volumes of An Expanding World seek to transcend nationalist histories and to examine on the global stage rather than in discrete regions important selected facets of the European presence overseas. One result has been to bring to the fore the multicontinental, multi-oceanic and multinational dimension of the European activities. A further outcome is compensatory in the emphasis placed on the cross-cultural context of European activities and on how collaboration and cooperation between peoples transcended real or perceived boundaries of religion, nationality, race, and language and were no less important aspects of the European experience in Africa, Asia, the Americas, and Australia than the highly publicized confrontational, bellicose, and exploitative dimensions. Recent scholarship has not only led to greater understanding of peoples, cultures, and institutions of Africa, Asia. the Americas, and Australasia with whom Europeans interacted and the complexity of such interactions and transactions, but also of relations between Europeans of different nationalities and religious persuasions.

The initial five volumes reflect the changing historiography and set the stage for volumes encompassing the broad themes of technology and science, trade and commerce, exploitation as reflected in agriculture and the extractive industries and through systems of forced and coerced labour, government of empire, and society and culture in European colonies and settlements overseas. Final volumes examine the image of Europe and Europeans as 'the other' and the impact of the wider world on European mentalites and mores.

An international team of editors was selected to reflect a diversity of educational backgrounds, nationalities, and scholars at different stages of their professional careers. Few would claim to be 'world historians', but each is a

Xll ------- SERIES PREFACE ---------

recognized authority in his or her field and has the demonstrated capacity to ask the significant questions and provide a conceptual framework for the selection of articles which combine analysis with interpretation. Editors were exhorted to place their specific subjects within a global context and over the longue duree. I have been delighted by the enthusiasm with which they took up this intellectual challenge, their courage in venturing beyond their immediate research fields to look over the fences into the gardens of their academic neighbours, and the collegiality which has led to a generous informal exchange of information. Editors were posed the daunting task of surveying a rich historical literature and selecting those essays which they regarded as significant contributions to an understanding of the specific field or representative of the historiography. They were asked to give priority to articles in scholarly journals; essays from conference volumes and Festschriften were acceptable; excluded (with some few exceptions) were excerpts from recent monographs or paperback volumes. After much discussion and agonizing, the decision was taken to incorporate essays only in English, French, and Spanish. This has led to the exclusion of the extensive scholarly literature in Danish, Dutch, German and Portuguese. The ramifications of these decisions and how these have had an impact on the representative quality of selections of articles have varied, depending on the theme, and have been addressed by editors in their introductions.

The introduction to each volume enables readers to assess the importance of the topic per se and place this in the broader context of European activities overseas. It acquaints readers with broad trends in the historiography and alerts them to controversies and conflicting interpretations. Editors clarify the conceptual framework for each volume and explain the rationale for the selection of articles and how they relate to each other. Introductions permit volume editors to assess the impact on their treatments of discrete topics of constraints of language, format, and chronology, assess the completeness of the journal literature, and address lacunae. A further charge to editors was to describe and evaluate the importance of change over time, explain differences attributable to differing geographical, cultural, institutional, and economic circumstances and suggest the potential for cross-cultural, comparative, and interdisciplinary approaches. The addition of notes and bibliographies enhances the scholarly value of the introductions and suggests avenues for further enquiry.

I should like to express my thanks to the volume editors for their willing participation, enthusiasm, sage counsel, invaluable suggestions, and good judgment. Evidence of the timeliness and importance of the series was illustrated by the decision, based on extensive consultation with the scholarly community, to expand a series, which had originally been projected not to exceed eight volumes, to more than thirty volumes. It was John Smedley's initiative which gave rise to discussions as to the viability and need for such a series and he has overseen the publishing, publicity, and marketing of An Expanding World. As

--------- SERIES PREFACE ------- XlIl

General Editor, my task was greatly facilitated by the assistance of Dr Mark Steele who was initially responsible for the 'operations' component of the series as it got under way; latterly this assistance has been provided by staff at Variorum.

The Department of History, The Johns Hopkins University

http://taylorandfrancis.com

Introduction Murdo J. MacLeod and Evelyn S. Rawski

European Impact in America and Africa

European invasions of the Asian and African landmasses before 1800 were very different in their gross effects to those of America and Oceania. Centuries of trade and other contacts between the contiguous continents of the 'Old World' had led to exchanges of goods, animals and diseases. Such exchanges had sometimes been the result of serious economic needs, but, as M. Malowist concludes in his essay in this volume, contacts had not always brought development (see chapter I). If we disregard the ephemeral Viking landings in Newfoundland and other more fabulous incursions, however, the Americas had been isolated from Europe, and indeed from the rest of the world, since the crossings of the Bering Straits millenia before. I

On the other hand Europeans were ill-prepared for the environmental and epidemiological hazards of the humid tropical forests. In such regions - Central Africa or Amazonia - Europeans raided for slaves or goods which they could remove quickly, or remained in forts or on islands on the coasts and used surrogates for penetration inland.2

Thus sub-Saharan Africa, while sharing much of Europe's stock of animals and pathogens, had extra tropical disease pools of its own as a defence, whereas the Americas, except for their own tropical rainforests, presented welcoming landscapes by and large, but little resistance to the major epidemic diseases of Eurasia and Africa. Previous contacts, then, plus a unique and hostile disease structure, helped Africans resist outside intrusions; the opposite was the case in the Americas.3

I For contacts between Asia and Europe see, for example, Jacques Anquetil, Les routes de la soie: des deserts de l'Asie aux rives du monde occidental: vingt-deux siecies d'histoire (Paris, 1992), and Denis Sinor. Inner Asia and its Contacts with Medieval Europe (London, 1977). Another large bibliography discusses the centuries of trans-Saharan trade. A pioneer was Robert Ricard. More recent are Vi tori no de Magalhues Godinho. 0 'Mediterraneo' saariano e as caravanas do Ouro. Geografia economica e social do Saara Occidental e Central do XI ao XVI seculo (Sao Paulo, 1956). and Mark Dyer. Central Saharan Trade in the Early Islamic Centuries (Boston, 1979). See also John Day. The Great Bullion Famine of the Fifteenth Century'. Past and Present LXXIX (1980). pp. 3-54.

2 E.g .• Robin Law, The Slave Coast of West Africa, 1550-1750; The Impact of the Atlantic; Slave Trade on an African Society (New York, 1991). and Dauril Alden. 'Indian Versus Black Slavery in the State of Maranhao During the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries'. in ed .• Richard L. Garner and William B. Taylor. Iberian Colonies, New World Societies; Essays in Memory of Charles Gibson (Private Printing, 1985). pp. 71-102.

3 Compare the many works of Sherburne F. Cook and Woodrow W. Borah, e.g .• Woodrow

xvi -------- INTRODUCTION

Before the mid-eighteenth century Western Europeans had not solved the logistical problem of how to transport large numbers of soldiers or settlers great distances from their ports of origin. As a consequence their invasions were undermanned and they commonly resorted to divide and conquer tactics. using previous or newly provoked rivalries to incite wars in which they hoped to lead the winning side. Much has been made of European technological and military advantages. and some such as firearms were manifest. but modern students of the tactics and culture of warfare now present a more complex picture. In the Americas. with allies such as smallpox. pigs. cattle and horses. Europeans had little reason to change their ways of waging war. In Angola and the Congo. as John Thornton points out. it was the Europeans. facing a hostile and unfamiliar environment and short of troops. who were forced to adapt their ways of war. rather than the Africans.4 Moreover. where African customs of warfare did change we have been too quick to suppose that such changes were brought on by outside forces. As Ivana Elbl demonstrates in her study of the warhorse in fifteenth­century Senegambia. it was mostly the demands produced by the play of internal politics within the region that led elites to look beyond their borders for more horses to import for an increased military role (see chapter 2).

As the above discussion of the ways of war shows. we are now less inclined to write grosso modo about European impositions of new ways. and more interested in the social and attitudinal differences among the invaded peoples. Some individuals. groups and cultures resisted the invaders to the point where they disappeared or triumphed. Others resisted passively. adapted selectively from the new panorama offered. accommodated. or even welcomed the new dispensation with apparent enthusiasm. The different social structures present among the native peoples at the time of the European appearance obviously assume greater importance when trying to assess its impact on them. Judith Zeitlin. in her innovative essay on the isthmus of Tehuantepec. studied three Native American nations in a similar environment and undergoing the same Spanish forms of exploitation. Responses ranged from cultural disintegration to ingenious adaptation and cultural cohesion. Her explanation for these differences rests mainly on the varied forms of social structure among these three peoples before the Spaniards arrived there.5

W. Borah, 'America as Model: The Demographic Impact of European Expansion Upon the Non­European World', in ed., Ursula Lamb, The Globe Encircled and the World Revealed (Aldershot, 1985), pp. 131-139, with Philip D. Curtin, Disease and Imperialism before the Nineteenth Century (Minneapolis, 1990), and his 'The End of the "White Man's Grave"? Nineteenth-Century Mortality in West Africa', The Journal of Interdisciplinary History XXI, no. I (1990), pp. 63-89.

4 John K. Thornton, 'The Art of War in Angola, 1575-1680', in ed., Douglas M. Peers, Waif are and Empires: Contact and Conflict Between European and Non-European Military and Maritime Forces and Cultures (Aldershot, 1997), pp. 81-99.

5 Judith F. Zeitlin, 'Ranchers and Indians on the Southern Isthmus of Tehuantepec: Economic Change and Indigenous Survival in Colonial Mexico', Hispanic American Historical Review LXIX,

--------- INTRODUCTION ------- xvii

Among the Hopi of New Mexico, E. Charles Adams in his essay in this volume sets out a whole series of factors affecting acculturative impact (see chapter 3). The Hopi used their relative isolation, subsistence economy, lack of goods desired by the Spanish, plus determined cultural solidarity, evasion and diplomacy to weaken many of the impacts of the new regime. But diseases and new domesticated plants and animals, some of which they gradually welcomed, brought great changes in diet, dress and land use.

In the same vein John Thornton has noted that the Kingdom of Kongo was more receptive to outside goods, people and mores than other neighboring states. Its conversion to Catholicism, for example, was not superficial, and was accepted by a large part of the masses. Catholicism became widespread, but also increasingly African. Portuguese priests were too few to impose orthodoxy, and local beliefs and internal political dynamics were such that the new religion could not be used as an instrument of foreign domination - to such an extent that when large numbers of Europeans arrived much later, they rejected this native Christianity as heretical or even pagan. In this case a cohesive but foreign religious tradition was adopted, and then used not only as an instrument of integrative power by the kingdom's rulers, but also as an element of cultural resistance.6

Thornton had also linked the early Afro-Catholicism of Kongo and elsewhere on the African west coast to new religious blends and adaptations which led to the Voodoo religions of the Caribbean. These belief systems, he claims, should not be thought of as Christian deviations or African retentions, but rather as the results of dynamic movement, and of much more local and temporal give and take than we have supposed.7

European invasions did not only create oppression and colonialism. Their impact was fluid, in many places even chaotic, and such societal upheaval created opportunities as well as disasters. Some individuals among the native peoples, especially those accustomed to power and the attitudes and behaviours coming from it, were able with great speed, to adopt the customs of the new elites and became, in Karen Spalding's words, 'social climbers' (see chapter 4).

The native peoples of Africa and America were, of course, pragmatic. They adopted tools, clothes, materials and foodstuffs selectively, when they saw them as useful or culturally appropriate. As we have seen in the case of the

no. I, (1989), pp. 24-60. See also Nancy M. Farriss, Maya Society Under Colonial Rule: The Collective Enterprise of Survival (Princeton, 1984).

6 John K. Thornton, 'The Development of an African Catholic Church in the Kingdom of Kongo, 1491-1750', in ed., J.S. Cummins, Christianity and Missions. 1450-1800 (Aldershot, 1997), pp. 237-257; Jean Nsonde. 'Christianisme et religion traditionel1e en pays koongo aux XVIIe­XVlIIe siec1es', Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines XXXII. no. 128, pp. 705-711.

7 John K. Thornton, 'On the Trail of Voodoo: African Christianity in Africa and the Americas', The Americas XLIV, no. I (1988), pp. 261-278.

xviii INTRODUCTION

Senegambian warhorse, adoption of new mores often depended more on internal needs and demands than on outside forces. On the southern Great Plains of North America native people eagerly took to wheat bread, sugar, coffee, liquor, the horse and firearms and all before steady contact with Europeans had even begun. As Paul Carlson has pointed out however, these speedy adoptions eventually changed migration patterns, and shifted people from agriculture to nomadism, trading and raiding, all of which in time radically altered their way of life (see chapter 5).

Joseph C. Winter suggests a different sequence of changes in a different part of North America, the (U.S.) Southwest and the Great Basin (see chapter 6). There, the idea of widespread agriculture was introduced, but apparently did not much alter old habits of food collecting, at least at first: speedy adoption of new goods and foodstuffs on the southern Great Plains; deliberate delays in the more mountainous and arid areas to the west. But once the Southwest and the Great Basin were subject to the introduction of vast herds of European sheep and cattle, the ecology of the region was profoundly modified and new cultivation, dress and diet took over.

As Winter demonstrates, European invasion unleashed forces in many regions which secondarily, and later, changed everyday diets, dress, and work. The invasion of the Americas caused an enormous population collapse, most notably in the densely inhabited areas of Central Mexico and the Andes. Introduced domesticated animals soon filled, and may have helped to cause, these demographic vacuums. Yet, one result, for the reduced numbers of native survivors, was more plentiful food, and a diet more heavily dependent on meat.8

Africans lost great numbers of able-bodied adults to the slave trade, although these losses were probably less catastrophic than the ones in the Americas. In any event European invasion brought new foodstuffs, some of them from America, such as maize, cacao, and chile peppers. The Europeans and the slave trade stimulated subsidiary demand, even in nations well inland. As Abdoulaye Bathily points out here, the needs of the slave trade encouraged increased growing and trading of millet to the coast, and the corresponding decline of other cultigens (see chapter 7). Of course, the stimulus that large-scale slave raiding gave to the importation and use of firearms on the slave coast is well known.9

More firearms also contributed to the increased militarization of coastal West Africa, and the resulting warfare, just as in the case of Spalding's social climbing individuals, created winners and losers among the coastal states. Robin Law's essay identifies Dahomey as one of these winners, its rise as a military power closely tied to the slave trade (see chapter 8).

8 John C. Super. Food. Conquest. and Colonization in Sixteenth-Century Spanish America (Albuquerque. 1988).

9 W.A. Richards. 'The Import of Firearms into West Africa in the Eighteenth Century'. Journal of African History XXI. no. I (1980). pp. 43-59.

INTRODUCTION xix

In spite of both the noxious and stimulating effects of the slave trade, tropical Africa successfully defended itself against European occupation of any major areas before 1800. Not so in America, where Spaniards and Portuguese had seized almost all the densely inhabited areas of sedentary populations before the end of the sixteenth century. This European presence made day-to-day contacts more frequent, and European demands were more immediate.

Large numbers of Native Americans were at first enslaved, and forced to migrate long distances. The shipping of Nicaraguans to Panama and Peru, and the slave raiding on the lesser Caribbean islands to replenish labour supplies in Hispaniola and Cuba are the most egregious examples. 1o After the abolition of the slave trade in Amerindians, these peoples continued to work in Spanish or Spanish-dominated employment. Some of these workplaces, such as cattle haciendas, introduced native workers to new animals, diets and clothes, but otherwise interfered little in cultural lives. Other more intensive agricultures, such as sugar, and true industries such as silver mining and textile mills (obrajes) brought closer supervision, the use of new tools and techniques, and even the need to learn at least the rudiments of appropriate Spanish. As MacLeod's essay points out, the different impact of these varied workplaces and specific jobs on Native American mores has been little studied (see chapter 9).

Europeans soon found that they had to adopt the ways of war of the peoples of Kongo and Angola if they hoped to prosper, or indeed to survive at all, in that hostile new environment. As Thornton has shown, religion, especially in areas where European clergy were few in numbers or poorly supported, involved much more mutual accommodation and imaginative reconfiguration on all sides than has been assumed. We also know that Europeans, sometimes scornfully as in the case of tortillas, sometimes gladly after initial hesitations as in the case of chocolate, took to the foods of the lands they invaded. But, as Solange Alberro explains in her contribution, we know too little about the lifestyles of the new settlers, and their incorporation of local diet, clothing, medicines, methods of child rearing, speech, and much else (see chapter 10). The question which she poses about these new mores, whether they represent in their 'acculturation' a decadence in the culture of the conquerors, or a dynamic new variation of the Western European model, is surely too dependent on the value judgments of each observer. What is apparent is that European invasions of Africa and America produced mixed results. Tragic population losses and forced migrations, increased militarism and forced labour were accompanied by new foodstuffs, for both sides of the encounters, new clothes,

10 The classic study of the enslavement of Native Americans is by Jose Antonio Saco, Historia de la esclavitud de los indios en el nuevo mundo, seguida de la historia de los repartimientos y encomiendas (Havana. 1932). The Nicaraguan slave trade and its impact are discussed in Linda Newson, Indian Survival in Colonial Nicaragua (Norman, Oklahoma, 1987).

xx INTRODUCTION ---------

weapons, daily habits, and beliefs. II These introductions, pernicious or beneficial or both, radically transformed the mores of both the invaders and the invaded.

European Impact in Asia

With the exception of inner Asia, where Russian expansion eastward, motivated in large part by the European demand for sables, clashed with Manchu expansion westward in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, the commodities affecting Asian diet, dress, and demography travelled into Asian societies on maritime routes. Japanese, Chinese, and Malay traders were active participants in the Europe-Asia trade, with Malay traders dominating the southeast Asian ports where Chinese and Japanese traders came to buy and sell.

European sailing ships also carried Jesuit missionaries to various regions of Asia, where they played important roles as cultural purveyors from the sixteenth century onward. The Jesuits achieved great success in the Philippines: 'no other people ... prior to the late nineteenth century, had even in the history of the Church been so thoroughly evangelized as were the Filipinos' .12 They converted perhaps a half a million Japanese by 1615. The Manchu rulers of China during the Qing dynasty (1644-1911) employed Jesuits as astronomers, mapmakers, painters, and artisans - even, in negotiations with the Russians, as diplomatic advisors.

The Jesuit influence on Asian arts and music followed from their religious activities. They trained Japanese and Filipino artists to produce iconic paintings for the church. Jesuit painters at the Qing court introduced Western perspective into Chinese painting, and were at least partly responsible for the imperial interest in Western clocks. The high-prestige, extremely expensive furniture made of zitan wood during the Qing dynasty betrayed the strong influence of the French rococo style in its carvings of entwined leaves, shells, roses, and other blooms. 13 Even though many would agree with the statement, 'La musique occidentale ne plaisait pas aux oreilles des Orientaux', 14 Qing emperors were intrigued by the

II Alfred J. Crosby, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900-1900 (Cambridge, 1986).

12 John N. Schumacher, 'Syncretism in Philippine Catholicism: Its Historical Causes', Philippine Studies XXXII (1984), pp. 252.

13 Santiago A. Pilar, 'Philippine Painting: The Early Chinese Heritage', Arts of Asia XXIV, no. 6 (1994), pp. 62-70; C.R. Boxer, 'Some Aspects of Portuguese Influence in Japan, 1542-1640', Transactions and Proceedings of the Japan Society of London XXXIII (1936), p. 35; Boda Yang, 'Castiglione at the Qing Court: An Important Artistic Contribution', Orientations XIX, no. II (1988), pp. 44-51; Tian Jiaqing, 'Zitan and Zitan Furniture', Orientations XXV, no. 12 (1994), p. 46.

14 H.J. de Graaf, 'L'influence involontaire de la civilisation Neerlandaise sur les Indonesiens des XVlle et XVIIIe siecles', Travaux des Col/oques Internationaux d'Histoire Maritime VIII (Paris, 1970), p. 599.

INTRODUCTION ------- xxi

harpsichord and clavichord, introduced into China during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries by the Jesuits. They appointed Jesuits as court musicians and ordered that European musical theory be incorporated into the imperially sponsored compilation on Chinese musical theory produced in the early eighteenth century. The penetration of Western instruments and songs into Chinese popular culture, however, dates only from the late nineteenth century. IS Similarly, despite the early introduction of Western choral singing and instruction in playing European musical instruments in mission schools, Western musical influence in Japan was abruptly halted by the expUlsion of the missionaries and suppression of Christianity in the 1620s and re-emerged only in the late nineteenth century.16

South and Southeast Asia was the centre for world trade from the fifteenth through eighteenth centuries. In addition to spices, the region produced two important exports: cotton and sugar. Sugar cane, which was first hybridized in India, was introduced into China by the third century Be, and became a cash crop in the south. Sugar cane cultivation expanded in Japan only in the eighteenth century, when domainal lords sought to increase their revenues through promotion of the crop. Cotton originated in Southeast Asia and had been diffused to Korea and through China by the fourteenth century. Japan was growing a variety of cotton adapted to its winters by the sixteenth century, but the Japanese short­staple cotton produced a thick yam and was not a substitute for the thin, light, longer staple cottons of southeast Asia. The upmarket demand for high quality cotton textiles was dominated, even in southeast Asia, by Indian cloths. Indian printed cottons - the same chintzes and other patterned cloths that created a new fashion in Europe - were imported into Japan in the seventeenth century, where they were called sarasa. Indian fabrics covered the tobacco pouches and purses of the ordinary householder, while adorning the underwear, sleeve linings, and even the bedding covers of the rich, and inspired Japanese textile design in new directions. 17

Everything about European dress, from wigs to canes and handkerchiefs, seems to have fascinated Asian rulers during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Amangkurat II the ruler of Surakarta (r. 1677-1703), was dubbed 'the Admiral Sunan' because he was so fond of wearing Dutch naval uniform; Hideyoshi, the late sixteenth-century unifier of Japan, was 'so enamoured of Portuguese dress and costume that he and his retainers frequently wear this

15 Joyce Z. Lindorff. 'The Harpsichord and Clavichord in China During Ihe Ming and Qing Dynasties'. Early Keyboard Studies Newsletter VIII. no. 4 (1994). p. 1-8.

16 Kodansha Encyclopedia of Japan, vol. 5 (Tokyo, 1983), p. 283. 17 Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce. 1450-1680, vol. I, The Lands

Below (New Haven, 1988), pp. 90-94; de Graaf, 'L'intluence involontaire de la civilisation Neerlandaise', pp. 598-99; Heita Kawakatsu, 'The West vs. Japan in Hislorical Perspective', Journal of Japanese Trade and Industry V (1983), pp. 46-47; Takezo Osumi, Printed Cottons of Asia: The Romance of Trade Textiles (Tokyo, 1962), chap. 2.

xxii ------- INTRODUCTION ---------

apparel' .18 Although the Qing emperors never, as far as we know, wore European dress in public, album paintings depicting the Yongzheng emperor (r. 1723-1735) in a curled wig and Western coat, vest, and breeches reveal their exotic appea1. 19

European dress became an emblem of elite status. In Java, where Dutch colonization provided sustained cultural contact, the right to don Dutch dress was reserved for the ruling elite and certain palace servants. Dutch dress was supplanted in the late eighteenth century by a notion of 'dressing Javanese style' which formed part of an emerging notion of 'Javanism'. Elsewhere, the interest in European dress was short-lived, with fundamental changes in the dress of commoners occurring only much later. Not until the 1940s did Chinese men abandon their long gowns in favour of Western trousers and a modified Western jacket; Chinese women's fashions were modernized but the 'switch to Western dress styles did not come until the 1960s and 1970s. Even in Japan, where Western clothing came into vogue following the Meiji Restoration (1868), Western-style clothing coexisted with the traditional kimono into the early twentieth century.20

We must conclude that the European impact on Asian clothing was less profound than the Asian impact on European clothing; this included not only the design impact of Indian cotton textiles but the adoption of cotton underwear.21 Moreover, as Bernard Cohn explains in his article here (see chapter II), the English East India Company found the Mughal rulers of India practising a complex symbolic system centered on clothing exchanges which they eventually adopted in creating their own colonial hierarchy.

A similar generalization might be made concerning the European impact on Asian diets. Chapters 12 and 13 by K.T. Achaya demonstrate that the European advent had only minimal impact on Indian diets, while by contrast, the Indian curry, kedgeree, mulligatawny, punch, toddy, and arrack entered the English language and became familiar items of consumption for Englishmen. In Japan, where the sixteenth-century Portuguese legacy is perpetuated in the words for bread (pan), sponge-cake (kasutera) and caramel (karumeru, karumeira), the Portuguese/Spanish practice of frying game combined with previously known techniques of cooking in deep fat to produce the Japanese tempura, deep-fried

18 John Pemberton, On the Subject of 'Java' (Ithaca, 1994), p. 58; de Graaf, 'L'influence involontaire', pp. 598-599, 600. On Hideyoshi see a letter from Father Francisco Passio dated 1594, quoted in Boxer, 'Some Aspects of Portuguese Influence in Japan, 1542-1640', p. 52.

19 Wu Hung, 'Emperor's Masquerade - "Costume Portraits" of Yongzheng and Qianlong', Orientations XXVI, no. 7 (1995), pp. 25-41.

20 Pemberton, On the Subject of 'Java', pp. 58, 65. Valery M. Garrett, Chinese Clothing: An Illustrated Guide (Hong Kong, 1994), pp. 99, 101, 102, 107.

21 Beverly Lemire, 'A Good Stock of Cloths; The Changing Market for Cotton Clothing in Britain, 1750-1800', Textile History XXII (1991), pp. 311-28; John Irwin and Katharine B. Brett, Origins of Chintz (London, 1970).

INTRODUCTION ----------- xxiii

bits of fish and vegetables that were sold in street stalls in the nineteenth-century Tokugawa capital, Edo. Cookbooks during the Edo period featuring namban (literally 'Southern Barbarian', referring to the Dutch, Spanish and Portuguese) dishes were published during the Tokugawa period, so there was a dissemination of knowledge concerning foreign cuisines to the reading public, but the new foods never seriously impinged on the structure of the traditional diet.

Rice continued to be the staple diet for the majority of the population throughout south India and Southeast Asia; it dominated Chinese, Korean, and Japanese diets.22 New World plants like the cashew nut, papaya, avocado, sweet pepper and tomato were only peripherally incorporated into Asian cuisines. Of the many vegetables and fruits entering India from the New World, only the chili pepper (Capsicum annuum, c. !rutescens), found immediate and widespread acceptance. The chili pepper also found an important dietary niche in southwest China as a source of vitamin C and carotene.23 The New World plants also affected certain regions by expanding the boundaries of marginal agriculture. In China, as the article by Ping-ti Ho demonstrates (see chapter 14), New World crops such as the sweet potato, maize, and the Irish potato entered Asia through maritime routes in the sixteenth century and were adopted on marginal soils, enabling settlement of peripheral lands and stimulating population growth.

Nor did European influence fundamentally alter habits of alcohol consumption, at least in the period before 1750. The strength of Islam in Southeast and South Asia may at least partially explain its negligible impact in these regions, while East Asians seem to have clung to their own rice wines and other alcoholic beverages. It was in the areas of narcotic consumption that the European impact was greatest. Betel nut chewing was deeply enmeshed in the social and ritual life of southeast Asians and the people of south India. Anthony Reid explains in his article (see chapter 15), the long drawn out process by which tobacco, introduced in the sixteenth century, first supplemented, then gradually supplanted the betel nut. In Japan, tobacco caught on almost immediately. Despite edicts from the seventeenth century onward prohibiting its use, tabako was smoked in long, thin pipes by both men and women. Chinese adapted the bottle to the uses of snuff, one of the forms in which tobacco was consumed during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. During the Qing dynasty, China produced the exquisite snuff bottles that have been collected by Europeans ever since.24

22 Boxer, 'Some Aspects of Portuguese Influence in Japan', p. 57; Kodansha Encyclopedia of Japan, vol. 8, p. 3, vol. 2, p. 306.

23 Frederick J. Simoons, Food in China: A Cultural and Historical Inquiry (Boca Raton, Florida, 1991), pp. 52-53.

24 Mattoon M. Curtis, The Book of Snuff and Snuff Boxes (New York, 1935), pp. 16, 23, 41,94.

xxiv -------- INTRODUCTION

Like tobacco, opium was initially presented to Asian consumers as a medicinal drug. Unlike tobacco, which like the betel nut became a signifier of sociability, opium smoking was primarily a solitary activity. Jonathan Spence's essay (see chapter 16) recounts the method by which the British processed opium, raised its potency, and marketed it with great success in eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century China.

Before 1750, Asia's cities were the largest in the world, and had achieved their size because of domestic rather than European stimuli. Edo, the capital of the Tokugawa shogunate (1600-1868), held more than a million people in the last half of the seventeenth century; Peking, the capital of the Qing dynasty (1644-1911) was approximately the same size.25 As Anthony Reid notes in his article in this volume, Southeast Asian cities grew with the expansion of maritime trade (see chapter 17). While much smaller in absolute numbers, sixteenth-century cities like Melaka and Ayutthaya, and seventeenth-century cities like Acceh and Banten, were large with respect to the total population of their regions.

Asian societies varied widely in their kinship and family organization. In contrast to the patrilateral descent system of South and East Asia, Southeast Asian societies were characterized by bilateral descent. Korea, like Japan, may have also adhered to a bilateral descent system in earlier centuries. During the Koryo dynasty (918-1392) in Korea and the Heian period (794-1160) in Japan, women could inherit equally with brothers and newly-weds resided with the wife's family. Daughters could rule in their own right in ancient Korea and Japan, something that was not permissible in the patriarchal, patrilineal society of China in historic times.26 Anthony Reid's article (see chapter 18) indicates that several Southeast Asian societies permitted women the freedom to engage in trade, to divorce their husbands, and even to rule. But Reid also points to the long-term growth of male domination, supported by Hindu, Buddhist, Islamic, and Chinese traditions. European colonization did not reverse this historical trend. As Lata Mani argues in her article (see chapter 19), the onset of British colonial rule served to reify the Hindu scriptural voice and to represent the inferiority and victimization of women as emblematic of Indian culture. Even though the British did eventually outlaw the practice of widow immolation known as sati, the European impact on Asian gender relations remains problematic.

25 Gilbert Rozman, Urban Networks in Ch'ing China and Tokugawa Japan (Princeton, 1973), chap. 6.

26 On Korea, see Martina Deuchler, The Confucian Transformation of Korea: A Study of Society and Ideology (Cambridge, Mass., 1992); on Japan, see William H. McCullough, 'Japanese Marriage Institutions in the Heian Period', Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies XXVII (1967), p. 103-67; The Cambridge History of Japan, vol. I, Ancient Japan, ed. Delmer M. Brown (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 258-60.

INTRODUCTION -------- xxv

Select Additional Bibliography

Alatas, Syed Hussein, The Myth of the Lazy Native (London, 1977). Alberro, Solange, Les Espagnols dans Ie Mexique colonial, Histoire d'une

acculturation (Paris, 1992). Chang, K.C., Food in Chinese Culture: Anthropological and Historical

Perspectives (New Haven, 1977). Deffontaines, Pierre, 'L'introduction du betail en Amerique Latine', us CaMers

d'Outre Mer X (1957), pp. 5-22. Eltis, David, 'Trade Between Western Africa and the Atlantic World Before 1870:

Estimates of Trends in Value, Composition and Direction', Research in Economic History XII (1989), pp. 197-239.

-, and Jennings, Lawrence C., 'Trade Between Western Africa and the Atlantic World in the Pre-Colonial Era', American Historical Review XLIII (1988), pp. 936-959.

Hemming, John, Red Gold: The Conquest of the Brazilian Indians, 1500-1760 (Cambridge, 1978).

Hunwick, J.O., 'Religion and State in the Songhay Empire, 1464-1591', in ed., I.M. Lewis, Islam in Tropical Africa (London, 1966), pp. 296-317.

Irwin, John, 'Indian Textile Trade in the Seventeenth Century: (I) Western India', Journal of Indian Textile History I (1955), pp. 5-33.

Lewicki, Tadeusz, West African Food in the Middle Ages: According to Arabic Sources (Cambridge, 1974).

Lockhart, James, 'Views of Corporate Self and History in Some Valley of Mexico Towns, Late Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries', in his Nahuas and Spaniards: Postconquest Central Mexican History and Philology (Stanford, 1991), pp. 39-64.

L6pez, Adalberto, 'The Economics of Verba-Mate in Seventeenth-Century South America', Agricultural History IV (1974), pp. 493-509.

Massarella, Derek, A World Elsewhere: Europe's Encounter with Japan in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (New Haven, 1990).

Miller, Christopher L., and Hamell, George R., 'A New Perspective on Indian­White Contact: Cultural Symbols and Colonial Trade', Journal of American History XXIII (1986), pp. 311-328.

Numbers, Ronald L., ed., Medicine in the New World: New Spain, New France, and New England (Knoxville, 1987).

Pearson, M.N., Before Colonialism: Theories on Asian-European Relations, 1500-1750 (Oxford, 1988).

-, Towards Superiority: European and Indian Medicine, 1500-1700 (Minneapolis, 1989).

Pires, Benjamin V., 'Mutual Influences Between Portugal and China', trans. Marie I. Macleod, Revue de Coree (Seoul) VI (1988), pp. 76-83.

xxvi INTRODUCTION ----------

Rodney, W., 'Jihad and Social Revolution in Futa Djalon in the Eighteenth Century', Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria IV (1968), pp. 269-284.

Sahlins, Marshall, 'Cosmologies of Capitalism: The Trans-Pacific Sector of "The World System"', in ed., Nicholas B. Dirks, Geoff Eley and Sherry B. Ortner, Culture/Power/History (Princeton, 1994), pp. 412-55.

Sangar, S.P. 'Houses and Household Items in Seventeenth-Century India', Panjab University Research Bulletin (Arts) (Chandigarh) XVIII, no. I (1987), pp. 175-200.

Scammell, G.V. 'England, Portugal, and the Estado da India, c. 1500-1635', Modern Asian Studies XVI (1982), pp. 172-92.

Schwartz, Stuart, Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550-1835 (Cambridge, 1985).

Sinha, Pradip, 'Approaches to Urban History: Calcutta (1750-1850)" Bengal Past and Present LXXXVII (1968), pp. 10&-19.

Vogt, John, Portuguese Rule on the Gold Coast, 1469-1682 (Athens, 1979). Wallis, H. 'The Influence of Father Ricci on Far Eastern Cartography', Imago

Mundi XIX (1963), pp. 38-45. Washbrook, D.A ",ogress and Problems: South Asian Economic and Social

History, c. 17..:.v-1860', Modern Asian Studies XXII, no. 1 (1988), pp. 57-96.

Wilks, I., 'The Rise of the Akwamu Empire, 1650-1710', Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana III (1957), pp. 3-21.

Witek, John W., 'The Seventeenth-Century European Advance into Asia - A Review Article', Journal of Asian Studies LlII, no. 3 (1994), pp. 864-80.

1 The Social and Economic Stability of

the Western Sudan in the Middle Ages M Malowist

IT IS WELL-KNOWN THAT AFRICAN SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC STRUCTURES

remained stable from an early date until the twentieth century. I propose to discuss here certain questions concerning the states of the western Sudan during the later Middle Ages; states which achieved a level of development in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, beyond which they were unable to advance before the Moroccan invasion of 1591, which began a decline that lasted several centuries. I shall draw 011 some analogies with eastern European countires, which during the eleventh and twelfth centuries were at more or less the same level of economic development as the western Sudan two centuries later. In so doing I am discounting the important differences of time and place. For what interests me is why Sudanese social and economic structures did not develop further, whereas those of eastern Europe underwent profound changes in the course of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. I intend, in fact, to attempt to pinpoint those elements of social and economic progress and more particularly of stagnation which were to be found in Mali and its successor state, Songhai; and in so doing I hope to contribute to the general discussion on economic incentives in primitive societies.

Agriculture was the basis of life for the vast majority of people in the two extensive regions in question, a primitive agriculture which had hardly yet adopted either the iron tools or two- and three-course rotation of crops which had been widespread in western Europe for some considerable time. In the western Sudan the soil of the savannah and the wide open spaces encouraged a relatively small popUlation to retain the method of burning vegetation in order to fertilize the cultivated area. In many parts of eastern Europe this method was long out-of-date, yet agricultural productivity there seems to have remained very low. In both cases a subsistence economy pre­dominated among the peasantry, though a certain amount of exchange of products was necessary particularly because of differences in the natural environment. There seems to have been little social division of labour. Crafts and agriculture were still not separated in any clear-cut way. Until the thirteenth century and perhaps even the

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fourteenth, a considerable number of craftsmen in the Slav lands lived in villages and were also engaged in agriculture. Only in the thirteenth century did all crafts begin to be concentrated together, especially in the towns. Mention should be made here of "service villages", which probably existed up to the eleventh and maybe to the twelfth century and traces of which are preserved in the place-names of Slav countries. These were settlements whose inhabitants were tied to fixed services, often consisting of delivering to the prince or to his officials certain craft products, such as pots and weapons. The existence of this service system shows that many products were difficult to purchase, even for powerful men who wanted to be certain of obtaining them. It is further proof of low economic productivity in the Slav lands.

Archaeological investigation has demonstrated the existence of towns in eastern Europe before the thirteenth century. But apart from a few exceptions like Prague - which, according to some sources, was an important slave-market in the tenth and eleventh centuries - Kiev or Wollin, the evidence is that these towns were tiny groupings of people around princely residences and were inhabited only by a small number of craftsmen and possibly merchants, whose main task was to satisfy the needs of the prince, his officials and their courts. Relations between town and countryside must have been rather limited at first, although the towns naturally received their supplies from the surrounding district. The archaeological evidence also shows that these towns covered such a limited area that it W!lS

impossible for their inhabitants to engage in agriculture within them. In the economic life of a few more important towns, luxury products in particular played a considerable role, but these products, which were destined for a very limited section of the population, cannot have been very common.

It is often said that the great landed estate developed in Poland in the course of the eleventh and twelfth centuries and a little earlier in Bohemia. TIllS is also the period when serfdom was becoming more and more prevalent. This process could have taken place only at the expense M the free indigenous population. There was, however, another source of slaves, or rather of serfs, although it seems to have been of less importance, namely, prisoners of war taken during the frequent invasions by Poles, Czechs and Russians of the lands of their temporarily weaker neighbours. It is known that these captives were often settled by the conquerors on their lands and obliged to cultivate them and pay taxes. No one seems to have asked whether, among the Slavs, prisoners taken in the course of invading enemy territory

EUROPEAN IMPACT IN AMERICA AND AFRICA --

THE WESTERN SUDAN IN THE MIDDLE AGES 5

were useful in the slave trade. The lack of sources does not permit us to resolve this problem. But it should be remembered that slaves originating in the Slav lands were common everywhere in the Muslim world up to the eleventh century. And the sale of prisoners of war cannot be altogether excluded.

Our evidence for the economic life of the Mali Empire in the western Sudan is thin and very scattered but some conclusions can be drawn from it. This immense state was established by the Malinke tribe, who subjected a large number of different peoples dwelling between the upper courses of the Niger and Senegal rivers and the western limits of the Niger bend. The Mali Empire also exercised strong influence over the Berber tribes of southern and central Sahel. According to the evidence of two Sudanese chronicles of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, based on ancient traditions, the Mali or rather MaHnke were warriors and traders.' Taking into considera­tion the structures of more recent and better known Mrican states, it may be said that the Malinke were a kind of privileged group within the empire. From them were drawn not only the royal clan of Keita but also an aristocracy of powerful families, who surrounded the sultan and supplied the high officers of state. As for the native merchants active in Mali, they were called Wangara, which shows that they belonged to the great ethnic group of the Mandingoes.

We do not know for certain what the obligations of subjects were towards the sovereigns of Mali and its successor, Songhai. The Malinke were undoubtedly liable to military service. They were probably summoned frequently, for according to Sultan Mansa Musa in 1324-5, his empire used to wage incessant war against the infidels.' Written sources also mention the right to lodging which the sultan's subjects owed him in the Mali period. No doubt there were other dues to the sovereigns and their officials, paid probably by the free population, but their character is not known. As for territories conquered by the Mali, we know that they paid tribute to the sovereigns. Thus the sultan collected two thirds of the taxes paid (in gold) by the townsmen of Timbuktu.3 The town and small but

1 Mahmoud Kati ben el-lHidj el-MotaouakkcI, Tarikh el-Fettach [Chrolliqlle du ChercheurJ, French translation by O. Houdas and M. Delafosse (Paris, 1913), p, 65·

2 Ibn Fad! Allah AI-Omari, Masiilik el Absar fi Mamalik el Amsar [VA/rique mains I'Egypte], French translation by Gaudefroy-Demombynes (Paris, 1927), p.81.

• Abderrahman ben Abdallah ben Imran ben Amir es-Sa'adi, Tan'kh es-Soudan, [Chrollique du Soudan], French translation by O. Houdas (Paris, 1900), p, 40.

3

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relatively rich principality of Jenne sent its tribute to the senior wife of the sultan. The peoples engaged in washing gold sifted from the river sand of Bambuk-Galam and Bure paid tribute in kind. ~ Privileges bought by merchants, who exported gold in exchange for salt and other foreign commoditirs, probably constituted a valuable source of revenue for the royal treasury.

Our knowledge of the dues rendered by the population to the monarch is therefore very limited. The authors of the two Sudanese chronicles reveal very clearly that during the period of the Mali Empire the institution known by scholars as the "castes" was already in existence. These were groups of sultan's slaves, who occupied a particular piece of land and were liable to uniform dues in kind. I have analysed this phenomenon in another place5 and wish here merely to draw attention to the striking analogy between these "castes" and the inhabitants of "service villages" in the Slav world during the early Middle Ages. I believe that, in both cases, the emergence of these institutions was caused by the low productivity of the societies in question and that the sovereigns and dominant social groups needed to compel a section of their subjects to produce a surplus of essential articles, a sufficient supply of which could not be guaranteed in the markets. But I do not think that the nature of the renders was always determined by the occupation of the people in question. There is every likelihood that even those who appear in the sources as smiths or other craftsmen also cultivated their fields or lived off fishing; for it is improbable that there was any large number of professional craftsmen in a peasant society living at the stage of a subsistence economy.

Employing a term invented by E. Heckscher for a different purpose, however, one could speak in this case too of a barbaric prosperity. This is well shown in the narrative of Ibn Batoutah, the famous traveller of the mid-fourteenth century. He tells us that during his stay in Mali he could easily obtain food supplies in each locality he passed through. Everywhere peasants offered travellers necessary provisions in exchange for small quantities of salt or luxury commodities like spices and jewels. 8 It is evident that the only essential commodity which the Mali peasants lacked was salt, which they had to import from the Sahara. From an examination of Al-

I Ibid., p. 21; AI-Omari, p. 58. • M. Malowist, Wielkie pans twa Sudallu Zachodniego w poznym sredlliowieczll

[The Great States of the Western Sudan in the Later Middle Ages] (Warsaw, 1964), pp. 147-9, 380-2.

• Ibn Batoutah, Voyages, French translation by C. Defremery and B. R. Sanguinetti, vol. iv (Paris, 1858), pp. 392-4.

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THE WESTERN SUDAN IN THE MIDDLE AGES 7

Omari's writings, which come from the same period and are based on Sudanese accounts, it may be concluded that particularly agriculture and fruit-gathering, and also, in certain parts of the country, hunting and the rearing of livestock, assured the Mali peasants of a relatively prosperous and independent life, satisfying their needs without much contact with the outside world. 7

This prosperity did not demand any great efforts on the part of the Mali peasants. Their needs in clothing and shelter were much less than those of the European peasantry. The wide expanses of savannah were well suited to a rudimentary agriculture, based on firing the countryside and using the wooden hoe as the principal tool. These open spaces also offered enough opportunities of food supply for a population which in any case increased relatively slowly. Collecting fruit yielded much necessary food, particularly in southern Mali, and it was often done by women and children. Thus the Mali peasants did not need to intensify their labour. Their small surplus production probably sufficed to procure them salt and a few luxury objects, if only modest ones at first. In the internal life of the Mali countryside, therefore, I can find no incentives which might have encouraged the peasants to improve and intensify their methods of work and consequendy to change those old social structures which were so closely bound up with the agricultural system, such as the system of large families cultivating their land in common.

We must now ask whether these incentives could not have come from outside: that is, either from merchants or from the state. Arab travellers from the fourteenth to the sixteenth centuries all tell us that Mali towns - Timbuktu, Gao and lesser places - were in general well supplied with victuals, and there is no doubt that the towns obqrined some of their provisions by trade with the peasantry. The rural areas had a surplus of agricultural and animal products which was dispatched for sale in the towns. Ibn Batoutah and other sources indicate that the western Sudan even exported a certain amount of millet and rice to the Sahel regions, not only to Walata but also farther towards the districts where rock-salt and copper were exploited for import into the Sudan.s Yet the export trade of agricultural and animal products was not of sufficient quantity to cover the cost of importing salt, copper, silver and other commodities from the Sahara, North Africa, Egypt and Europe. The really valuable Sudanese commodities were gold and slaves. Both were at

7 AI-Omari, pp. 61-2. • Ibn Batoutah, pp. 378, 391, 431-2; Leo Africanus, Description de l'A/rique,

cd. A. Epaulard (Paris, 1956), ii, pp. 455, 463.

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the disposal of sovereigns of Mali and later Songhai, and likewise of native and Arab-Berber merchants who visited or established them­selves in the country.

Arab and Sudanese sources show that the Mali emperors collected tribute in gold from the regions of Bambuk-Galam and probably Bure. Cadamosto and certain Portuguese authors, relying no doubt on native accounts, have left us a description of the traffic in gold exchanged for salt bctween Sahel, Timbuktu, Jcnne, Gao the Mali capital and the areas supplying gold.' We do not have any figures relating to this trade but the indirect evidence gives some indication of the scale of the trade in gold and in particular of its export north­wards. It should be remembered here that dul'ing the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries there was an acute shortage of precious metals in Europe and in the Muslim lands and that the only really important source of gold was in the western Sudan and its hinterland. This metal had no place in local internal trade for its value was too high. Instead we see that salt, Mahgreb and Egyptian cloths, copper, weapons and horses from North Africa and even from Europe were paid for in gold. In this connection the accounts of Malfante, Cadamosto and Leo Africanus are quite explicit, and give a good deal of information on the subject. Valentim Fernandes and Malfante tell us that even in their own day - in the mid-fifteenth century - gold had the same value as silver in the Sudan.lO We know that the Sudan did not possess any silver mines and that this metal was imported. In any case, even if Cadamosto and Malfante exaggerated, it must be noted that from the foreigners' point of view the price of gold in the Sudan was very low, probably because there was an abundance of it in comparison with local needs. The Maghreb, Egyptian and Sudanese sources give a good deal of information about the activities of the large number of North African and Egyptian merchants who visited the large towns of Mali and later Songhai in order to buy gold. It is well known, thanks especially to the narrative of Leo Africanus, that Jewish jewellers from the Maghreb often settled in southern Morocco, the Sahara and

• Delle navigazioni e f)iaggi di Messer A/vise da Ga'Da Mosto genti/uomo Veneziano, ed. R. Caddeo (Milan, 1929), pp. 196-7; P. Cenival and T. Monod, Descn'ption de I' Afrique de Geuta a Senegal par Va/entim Fernandes, I506-7 (Paris, 1938), pp. 84 if.; Leo Africanus, vol. ii, pp. 464, 468-9, 471, etc.; C. de la Ronciere, "La decouverte d'une relation de voyage datee du Touat en decrivant en 1447 Ie bassin du Niger", Bulletin de /a Section de Geographie, (Paris, 1918), pp. 28, 31.

10 Valentim Fernandes, pp. 60, 94; de la Roncicre, loco cit., p. 32.

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even the Sudan, evidently in order to intercept some of the gold transported northwards and to buy it at a low price. ll Jaime Cortesao has drawn historians' attention to Portuguese sources of the early fifteenth century, according to which Portuguese gold currency was at that time based on importing from Morocco gold which must have come from the Sudan. The same author is of the opinion that it was above all in Sudanese gold that Morocco paid the import costs for European and Levantine goods brought by the Genoese and the Venetians 12 - a suggestion confirmed by several Italian docu­ments. It should be added that Sudanese trade was not the only way in which Sudanese gold in large quantities reached Egypt and the Near East. Sudanese pilgrims, who each year visited Egypt and the holy places of Islam in Arabia, brought with them very considerable quantities of gold to spend on the journey and on arrival in Cairo, Mecca and Medina. The greatest expenses were incurred by the sultans of Mali and Songhai, members of their families and high officials. 13

A substantial amount of gold was at the disposal above all of the sovereigns, who collected it as tribute and certainly too in the form of taxes from merchants. According to Al-Omari and later sources, the fourteenth-century sultans of Mali and the sovereigns of Songhai in the following century would give away a good deal of gold as presents or payments to Muslim scholars and civil and military officials. 14 It is obvious that gold was a very important source of revenue for the sultans of Mali and Songhai and similarly for their entourage and for all powerful men in the western Sudan. It is, however, impossible to determine just how much gold was at the disposal of the sultans and the ruling classes of Mali; similarly nothing can be said about the quantities exported.

The sources of gold supply were not, however, directly controlled by the sovereigns of Mali. They received the metal as tribute from animistic peoples inhabiting regions loosely attached to the empire or even situated outside its frontiers. The sultans were extremely careful in their relations with these peoples. They even gave up imposing the Islamic faith there for fear that any coercion might

11 Ibid., pp. 28, 31; Leo Africanus, vol. i, pp. 87-90, 93, vol. ii, pp. 422-3. 11 J. Cortesao, Los Portugueses-Historia de Americay de los pueblos americallos,

vol. iii (Barcelona/Buenos Aires, 1947), p. 506. U AI-Omari, pp. 77-9; Tarikh el-Fellach, pp. 25-6, 58 ff.; Ibn Khaldoun,

Histoire des Berberes et des dynasties musulmalles de l' Afrique Septentrionale, ed. Slane, vol. ii (Paris, 1927), pp. II2-3.

" AI-Omari, p. 66.

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reduce the flow of gold. IS We hear repeatedly that the gold suppliers were exceedingly suspicious of foreigners, with whom they conducted only dumb barter in order to procure the salt wliich they needed. These accounts are probably exaggerated but they do show that neither the sultans of Mali nor the merchants could completely subdue the suppliers of precious metal. It was feared that at any moment they might break off deliveries and so Mali wished to maintain as friendly relations as possible with them.

Nothing is known of the volume of gold production in powdered or lump form. But the sources suggest that from the thirteenth century onwards, the extraction of gold somewhat increased in the vast hinterland of Mali and Songhai, a development which may be attributed to growing demand. It is generally accepted that the setting up of Portuguese trading stations on the Atlantic coast and in particular at Sao Jorge da Mina considerably decreased the flow of gold towards the Niger region and the Mediterranean. I do not wish to discuss this view here but I do not believe it to be entirely justified. The description of the Sudan given by Leo Africanus and likewise in the Sudanese chronicles shows that in the early sixteenth century there was plenty of gold on the markets of the large towns of Mali and Songhai and that it was exported among other places to North Africa and Egypt. 18 At this period Mali was declining but it was replaced in the Niger bend by Songhai, another very powerful state which controlled most of the commercial routes leading from the tropical zone towards the Maghreb and Egypt. But it seems that the political influence of Songhai over the southern parts of this area was not so well consolidated as that of Mali. The sources of the Songhai period do not mention any tribute paid by the miners to its sultans. So it is probable that their revenues in this field were limited to rights exercised over Wangara merchants, who secured relations with the Bambuk-Galam, Bure and High Volta districts, whence the metal came. It might also be asked whether American gold imported into Europe did not affect, in a negative way, this sector of the Sudanese economy. However that may be, the town of Jenne was still considered an important commercial centre for this precious metal during the first half of the seventeenth century. 17

It is quite evident from all that I have said here that the gold trade was an extremely significant factor in the economic life of the Sudan and a most important source of revenue for its sovereigns arid

Ii Ibid., p. 58. It Cf. 11. II. IT Tarikh es-Souda'l, p. 22.

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wealthiest social groups, notably officials, merchants and Muslim scholars. But there was yet another source of wealth, probably no less considerable. This was the traffic in black slaves with Muslim countries. It is commonly recognized from the accounts of El-Bekri and other Arab writers that slaves were already being exported in the time of ancient Ghana and that this trade developed particularly from the period of occupation of North Africa by the ArabsY The trade was conducted during the Mali period too. Ibn Battuta frequently mentions the presence of slaves in the houses of well-to-do people and he also tells us something about the slave trade with North Africa. Its scale cannot be estimated but we do know that there were numerous black slaves in Egypt and the Maghreb and that they were also to be found in Muslim Spain. n In the two last instances they probably came in particular from the western Sudan. Thanks to the accounts of Valentim Fernandes' informants we have some idea of the trade between the Berbers and Senegal, where the nomads regularly exchanged horses for slaves destined for Morocco.2o From the middle of the fifteenth century the Portuguese followed the example of the Tuareg in importing horses and other merchandise in order to buy slaves and gold.

Sources for the slave trade in Mali territory are not available, although the slave-markets at Timbuktu and Gao, which were under Songhai rule in the early sixteenth century, are relatively well known. It is often claimed that there was one great difference between the two successive empires of Mali and Songhai. According to certain contemporary authors, Mali was a pacific state, whereas Songhai cruelly oppressed its subjects, ravaging neighbouring territories during frequent warlike expeditions and reducing to slavery the inhabitants of the lands upon which they had encroached. I am not convinced that this contrast is justified. For we know almost nothing of the political and military history of Mali, whereas the military expeditions organized by the sultans of Songhai are described in great detail in the two Sudanese chronicles. The provenance of black

11 R. Mauny, Tableau geographique de l'Ouest africain au Moye/l Age d'apres les sOl/rees ecrites, la tradition et l'arclzeologie (Mcmoires de l'Institut Franc;:ais d'Afrique Noire, no. 61, Dakar, 1961), pp. 336-7.

11 Ibn Iyas, Journal d'un bourgeois du Caire Histoire des Marnelouks, vol. ii (Paris, 1960), pp. 60, 161; M. K. RadziwiU, Podroi do Ziemi Swiftej, Syrii i Egipru, 1582-4 [Travels to the Holy Land, Syria and Egypt] (Warsaw, 1962), pp. 141, 159-60; A. N. Poliak, Les re-ooltes populaires en Egypte Ii l'epoque des Mamelouks et leurs causes economiques (Paris, 1936), pp. 272-3; C. Verlinden, L'esclavage dans l'Europe medievale, vol. i (Bruges, 1955), pp. 210, 226, 388, 757-8.

20 Va1cntim Fernandes, p. 70.

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slaves in the Maghreb and Muslim Spain is attested by a variety of sources of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. According to Al­Omari, Mansa Musa the famous sultan of Mali said, during his stay in Cairo in 1324-5, that Mali was conducting unceasing warfare against the infidels.21 In my view, the economic aim behind these wars was to capture slaves for export northwards. The great slave-markets at Timbuktu and Gao, which figure in the early sixteenth-century description of Leo Africanus, do not seem to represent a situation which was in the least novel. Fifty years earlier, Cadamosto tells us that the Tuareg regularly bought slaves in the western Sudan and he states this while describing the trade of these nomads with Timbuktu.22 There is no doubt, therefore, that the slave trade was being conducted on the banks of the Niger during the period of Mali !:upremacy.

But it cannot be denied that the Songhai conquest of the bend in the great river may have caused an increase in this traffic. Songhai possessed a relatively powerful military organization by comparison with its neighbours and derived considerable advantages from this in frequent invasions of adjacent territories. The Songhai often took a large number of prisoners. At the turn of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries some of these captives were settled by Sultan EI-Hadj Muhammad in special villages, whose inhabitants were treated as the sovereign's slaves.23 This policy was probably pursued by the following members of the Askia dynasty, though there is nothing in the sources about this. Furthermore, we know that after each large-scale and successful expedition, there was a resurgence of the slave trade at Timbuktu and Gao. Slaves of both sexes and of all ages were sold, even children, the prices varying with the quality of the slaves and in relation to supply and demand.24 And during the second half of the fifteenth and far into the following century, the slave trade in the Niger area seems to have been even more widespread than that organized by Europeans on the AtlantIc coast and in the Gulf of Guinea. The Polish traveller, Duke Christopher Radziwill saw slave-markets in Egypt in 1582, when Negro transports often holding 2,000 persons appeared each week from Algiers and other west African ports. 26 It must be concluded that a significant proportion of these people was bought in the western and central

11 AI-Omari, p. 81. II Ca'Da Mosto, pp. 187-8. OJ Tarikh el-Fettach, pp. 141, 159-60. It Cf. n. II. II Radziwill, op. cit., pp. 141, 159-60.

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Sudan. The history of the Mamlukes also mentions people coming from this area, who sometimes rose to positions of im­portance, U although in general the condition of slaves recently introduced into Egypt was most lamentable, provoking them to revolt. It is thus clear that there was a great number of slaves from the western Sudan to be found in North Africa and Egypt in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.

Arab and Sudanese sources show that slave hunting presented no great difficulties in the Songhai period. The author of the Tarikh e/-Fettaclz explicitly says so in citing a statement by the sons of Daud, Sultan of Songhai, in the second half of the sixteenth century.27 Whether it was always restricted to the inhabitants of foreign territories is not clear. The two Sudanese chronicles mention several regulations of Songhai sultans forbidding third parties to sell "caste" individuals belonging to the sovereign. From these same sources we have proclamations of sultans banning in addition the sale of descendents of people freed from slavery or even of certain freemen. IS

The author of the TariMz e/-Fettach adds that these royal mandates were not always carried into effcct. 29 From the early sixtcenth­century taxation list of royal slaves it can also be seen that some of these people were bound to give the prince each year a small number of children, boys and girls, destined to be exchanged for horses.3o

From all that I have said about the trade in gold and slaves, it is clear that these two branches of the west Sudanese economy were extremely valuable for Mali and for its successor, Songhai. It was for the most part owing to the export of gold and slaves that the western Sudan could supply itself with salt, horses, weapons and Maghreb, Egyptian and even European luxury products. These Sudanese export commodities were at the disposal above all of sultans and their families, officials and other rich men of the country and notably of merchants, both Arab-Berber and native, and Muslim scholars, who, as is well known, received gold from sovereigns and were often slave-owners. I believe, tllerefore, that throughout the period under consideration, neither sultans nor members of the dominant class were particularly interested in reorganizing the country's economy with a view to any marked expansion in production. They had no need

.. Ibn Iyas, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 60, 161. 27 Tarikh el-Fettach, p. 195 . .. Ibid., pp. 13 sqq . .. Ibid. 3. Ibid., p. 109.

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to do this. The author of the Tarikh el-Fettach tells us that towards the middle of the sixteenth century the Songhai sultans possessed many goods for which the inhabitants - their slaves, or rather their serfs - were obliged to do agricultural work on behalf of the sovereign. The two Sudanese chronicles also relate that the sultans of Songhai sometimes granted to pious scholars or descendants of the Prophet groups of "castes" with all their chattels and obligations. The same conclusions can be drawn from a few references in AI-Omari's account of mid-fourteenth-century Mali.31 These features, however, were not fully developed. In all likelihood, revenues derived from the gold and slave trades were of prime importance to the sultan and ruling classes of Mali and Songhai, whereas taxes paid by the agricultural population played a secondary role. Undel the prevailing conditions, any incentive towards intensifying agriculture and other vital sectors of the country's economy could not have come from the state and the ruling classes.

I have already suggested that the peasants forming the great majority of the population were no longer interested in such changes, so that in the circumstances both Mali and Songhai were condemned to social and economic stagnation. No one needed to make any changes in this field. The abundance of gold and the slave trade held up social and economic progress, and Songhai in the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was not much different from Mali two centuries earlier. This stagnation was not restricted to their economic life; the same phenomenon is noticeable in the structure of the state, in its military organization and even, despite a few appear­ances to the contrary, in the culture of the western Sudan on the eve of the Moroccan invasion.

At the beginning of this article I mentioned some analogies between the situation in eastern Europe during the early Middle Ages and in the western Sudan from the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries. Yet the peoples of eastern Europe developed in a different direction. The natural wealth of eastern Europe, modest compared with that of the Sudan, demanded much effort in order to profit by it. A certain balance of power between the states which had been formed in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries meant that reciprocal invasions could bring significant gains to no one. And German pressure on Bohemia and Poland constituted a very serious threat. In these circumstances the princes, the lay and ecclesiastical aristocracy, were forced to take more interest in developing their own landed resources .

.. Ibid., pp. 16,52-3; AI-Omari: p. 66.

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This was possible, however, only with the co-operation of the peasants. All the while peasant obligations were uncertain and peasants were afraid of being deprived of their surplus production, they had no interest in improving their working methods. Lords, on the other hand, were in no position to increase their demands on their serfs, for the latter could easily run away. Princes and lords who wished to develop their property economically were thus compelled to encourage their subjects to work more intensively and to introduce new methods, particularly in connection with agriculture. They achieved these aims by introducing the German or rather Western custom whereby peasant dues were not only regulated but also reduced. Commutation of services and renders in kind into money rents, begun in Bohemia in the early thirteenth century and carried into effect a little later in Poland, already reflected the development of agriculture and progress in the social division of labour. These methods were applied not only to agriculture but also to the economic life of the towns and in the mines of several eastern European countries. They accelerated the economic and social progress of the peoples in this area and marked the beginning in the thirteenth century of a long process of development.

13

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