Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 1
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis?
Does the Internet Really Displace Traditional Media?
By Edson C. Tandoc Jr.
Missouri School of Journalism
University of Missouri-Columbia
Paper presented at the
Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication 2012 Conference
Chicago
August 2012
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 2
Abstract
Using two representative national surveys in the Philippines in 2003 (n = 76,100) and
2008 (n = 60,817), this study revisits the media displacement hypothesis. It looks at the relative
proportions of total media use devoted to traditional media (newspaper, magazine, movies, radio
and television) and to the internet. The findings do not displace the displacement hypothesis.
Instead, it finds that the proportions devoted to newspaper, magazine and radio use actually
decreased as that devoted to internet increased. However, the proportions devoted to movie-
going and television also increased. The study offers an explanation to this pattern, a
combination of displacement and redistribution, using the framework of the relative constancy
principle and the theory of the niche.
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 3
Introduction
The newspaper is doomed, naysayers say. The tug-of-war for eyeballs is over. Internet
emerged victorious. People’s media habits have changed and newspaper organizations, in order
to catch up, have started online news sites (Boczkowski, 2005, 2010) that only speed up the
demise of the traditional print medium. In the United States, for instance, not only are the
numbers of newspapers and those that read them declining, but print advertising is also shrinking
(Edmonds, Guskin, & Rosenstiel, 2011).
A sweeping assumption is that the internet is displacing traditional media. This
displacement hypothesis has been tested not only on time spent on specific media (e.g. Ha &
Fang, 2012; Lee & Leung, 2008) but also on how much households spend on mass
communication consumption (e.g. McCombs & Nolan, 1992; Son & McCombs, 1993). The
literature, however, is not unanimous in finding that internet displaces traditional media. For
instance, others advance the saturation hypothesis, arguing that people accommodate new media
while maintaining use of traditional media (Newell, 2007; Newell, Pilotta, & Thomas, 2008) or
that use of new media can drive use of the old (Dutta-Bergman, 2004; Lin, 2001). These offer
some hope to the embattled print medium: the internet can actually be an ally. Thus, print
newsrooms converge operations with online platforms in an attempt to maximize resources and
to make sure they follow wherever news consumers are, making media convergence a media
industry buzzword (Dailey, Demo, & Spillman, 2005; Singer, 2008, 2009; Wasserman, 2006).
But most of these efforts at shedding light on the relevant area of changing media
consumption patterns have been Western-centric. This current study aims to contribute to this
growing area of research through a trend analysis using national surveys from the Philippines, a
country of 99 million people with one of the most vibrant and freest media systems in Asia.
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 4
Literature Review
The story of the newspaper is the story of an endless struggle for survival. Having
survived the challenges posed by the radio, television and cable TV, it again finds itself
confronted by the internet. For some, the battle is over. Online news has won. A testament is the
continuous decline in the number of newspapers and those who pay for them (Edmonds, et al.,
2011). The institutionalization of media convergence in many newsrooms around the world
proves the central place online news has occupied. Readers are shifting from the embattled
newspaper to their online counterparts. It is only a matter of time before advertisers follow these
readers in droves. From a technological perspective, media convergence refers to the coming
together of different platforms or mediums—print, telecommunications and internet—to provide
information (Killebrew, 2003). For businesses, each platform means a potential avenue for
revenue. Therefore, Wasserman (2006) argued that convergence is “a response to business needs,
not to journalistic ones.” A chilling idea is how media convergence might not be the goal but
rather just a phase in a future that holds no place for the traditional newspaper.
This fear is not unfounded.
The coming of new technology has always been heralded by fears that it would displace
the old. And questions about the future of the newspaper at the mercy of the internet find what
could be a chilling answer from two theories in media ecology: relative constancy (McCombs,
1972; McCombs & Nolan, 1992) and theory of the niche (Dimmick, 2003; Dimmick &
Rothenbuhler, 1984).
Relative Constancy
The principle of relative constancy argues that the mass media have become a “staple of
consumption” much like food and clothing (McCombs, 1972). Households devote a fixed portion
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 5
of their resources to mass media consumption. This allocation of resources, measured by
household expenditures, should be constant across time. Son and McCombs (1993) found that
the percentage of expenditure households devoted to mass media in the US from 1929 to 1974,
before and after the coming of Cable TV and the VCR, stayed constant. Though total
expenditures increased over time, the percentage devoted to media spending remained the same
(Son & McCombs, 1993). An implication of this principle is that when the consumption of one
form of media increases, then another decreases (McCombs & Nolan, 1992). The principle of
relative constancy, therefore, can be used to explore the future of both old and new media
(McCombs, 1972; McCombs & Nolan, 1992).
“Only a small and fixed proportion of the economy is available to finance mass
communication,” McCombs (1972) noted. The pie grew, but only at the same rate as the
economy did. “New media in the marketplace did not produce a bigger pie; instead the old pie
was re-sliced to feed the newcomer” (McCombs, 1972, p. 61). This has serious implications on
the future of the mass media as more new technologies come in. If money will not be an issue,
another will: There is only 24 hours in a day (McCombs, 1972). This competition among media
for a constant resource is parallel to competition among members of the population to occupy a
particular niche.
Theory of the Niche
The concept of the niche was adapted from ecology. In media economics, where media
organizations are considered as populations, niche refers to their relationship with the
environment, an important part of which are media consumers (Dimmick, 2003). Populations
compete for resources. No two truly separate channels can occupy the same niche (Dimmick,
Feaster, & Hoplamazian, 2011). For media organizations, the most important resources are
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 6
gratifications and gratification opportunities, for these drive media consumption in both time and
spending, and in turn advertising (Dimmick, 2003). Gratifications refer to those obtained from
the media while gratification opportunities refer to those that allow gratifications to be satisfied,
like time and space. When new media enter the population, they will have to compete for older
media for these resources. The degree of competition hinges on, among other factors, the overlap
between two or more niches. Dimmick (2003) outlined three possibilities when there is high
overlap: resources will be increased, a competitor might be displaced, or a competitor might be
excluded (Dimmick, 2003; Dimmick & Rothenbuhler, 1984).
However, new media succeed not because they provide more gratifications (e.g. need for
information or entertainment) but because they are superior in terms of providing gratification
opportunities (Dimmick, 2003; Dimmick, Chen, & Li, 2004). For instance, the internet is
considered superior over most daily news media because it is available at any time of the day and
anywhere (as long as there is internet access) (Dimmick, et al., 2004). Thus, a new technology
that is better at providing gratification opportunities might displace an old one that provides the
same gratifications but not the same gratification opportunities.
Media Displacement
Displacement refers to the “permanent replacement of one medium by another medium
over time for some specific functions of the medium” (Ha & Fang, 2012, p. 178). It is different
from substitution which tends to be temporary (Ha & Fang, 2012). But the concept of the new
displacing the old in the media is not new. Long before the coming of the internet, Lazarsfeld
(1940) pointed out that new inventions would lead to a “struggle for survival” (p. 259). That
time, Lazarsfeld (1940) was just talking about the radio. The fear was that radio, which provided
faster information delivery for free, would drive newspapers out of business. Though Lazarsfeld
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 7
(1940) found no evidence to support this first occurrence of the displacement hypothesis, the
same fear lingered with the coming of television.
Thus, two seminal works on television’s effects on children explored how it displaced
traditional media (Himmelweit, Oppenheim, & Vince, 1958; Schramm, Lyle, & Parker, 1961).
These large-scale studies compared media habits of children in areas in the US and Canada that
television had not yet reached (which Schramm and colleagues called Radiotown) with those of
children in areas that had just adapted the then new technology (called Teletown). Both studies
found support to the displacement hypothesis. Television reduced a whole range of activities:
comic book reading, movie-going and radio-listening (Schramm, et al., 1961). The radio was
relegated to specialized roles (Himmelweit, et al., 1958). When exposed to one medium, children
wanted less of the other (Himmelweit, et al., 1958). A reason is how television met the same
needs being fulfilled by these activities.
The coming of VCRs and Cable TV also displaced some of the expenses that used to be
just devoted to traditional media (Son & McCombs, 1993). New media technologies did not lead
to any increases in household budget allocations to media consumption, which remained constant
from 1929 to 1974 (McCombs, 1972; Son & McCombs, 1993). Instead, expenses devoted to
print declined as those devoted to audio-visual media increased (McCombs & Nolan, 1992).
However, Brown and colleagues (1974) argued that displacement did not necessarily lead to the
extinction of a medium but rather to “functional reorganization” where the introduction of a new
medium “creates a change in the communications environment” to which an individual would
adapt (p. 107). Another possibility is how old media use might be “redirected to different times
and places” (Newell, 2007, p. 16) instead of disappearing.
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 8
Studies on the effects of the internet on traditional media are not unanimous, although
most of them also found support for the displacement hypothesis. But even with studies that
supported the displacement hypothesis, it remained unclear which traditional medium was indeed
in danger (Lee & Leung, 2008). For some, it should be television, which was functionally similar
to the internet (Kayany & Yelsma, 2000; Venkatesh, Vitalari, & Gronhaug, 1985). But other
studies found that television use actually increased with internet use (Coffey & Stipp, 1997;
Kaye & Johnson, 2003).
Reasons for Displacement
Lee and Leung (2008) talked about two approaches in the study of displacement. A
medium-centric approach argues that functional similarity would play a big role in determining
which medium will be displaced. If a new medium is functionally similar to an old one, the old
one is in danger. For example, a study found that computing activities were more likely to
displace activities in the same environment, such as watching television which also occurs in the
home (Venkatesh, et al., 1985). In contrast, activities such as sports and socializing with friends
that are in a different task environment are likely to stay the same (Venkatesh, et al., 1985).
A user-centric approach argues that if a new medium fulfills the same set of gratifications
that an old one does, the new is likely to displace the old (Dimmick, 2003; Himmelweit, et al.,
1958; Schramm, et al., 1961). For example, a telephone survey found that gratification-seeking
motivations drove adoption of online service (Lin, 2001). Lee and Leung (2008) also predicted
that the internet would displace traditional media in the long term because “it intrinsically serves
the functions of traditional media better” (p. 154). But as Dimmick (2003) argued, new media
technologies displace old media not because of gratifications provided but because of providing
more opportunities to fulfill these gratifications. For instance, van der Wurff (2011) found that
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 9
online media’s displacement of traditional media was “a question of accessibility and habit
formation, rather than a matter of conscious choice for (new) media that serve the same user
needs better,” (p. 155).
Displacement effects also vary among individuals. For instance, highly educated users in
Sweden shifted to reading online news from print evening tabloids (Westlund & Färdigh, 2011).
Children also reported higher displacement effects than adults (Kayany & Yelsma, 2000).
Gender also influences media consumption patterns, although Westlund and Färdigh (2011)
found that men actually displayed complementing—instead of displacement—effects as they use
print and online together more than women. Thus, in this study, I shall control for the effects of
age and gender.
Media Saturation
The niche theory argues that when there is overlap between new and old media, a
possibility aside from displacement is an increase in resources to overcome the new. This is also
called saturation, or when there is “an overall increase in media consumption, as individuals
increased their consumption of some media while not reducing their intake of other media,”
(Newell, et al., 2008, pp. 133-134).
This is what Newell (2007) found in a revisit of the participants in Schramm and
colleagues’ (1960) original Radiotown. Through interviews with 28 of the original participants in
the earlier study, Newell (2007) found that neither did they give up radio for television, nor did
they substitute internet for television. A survey in the same community also found support to
media saturation (Newell, 2007). This has also been called as a complementary relationship
between old and new media. An early study on the effects of the internet found that internet users
continued to use television (Coffey & Stipp, 1997). A study also found that as far as news
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 10
consumption is concerned, a search about a specific content drives the consumption of news
types across different media (Dutta-Bergman, 2004). Online news is said to supplement
traditional news use (Althaus & Tewksbury, 2000). A recent study also found that different news
media occupy different niche based on time intervals (Dimmick, et al., 2011). For instance, the
newspaper’s niche is early in the morning at home, while the television’s niche for news is late
evening also at home (Dimmick, et al., 2011). In contrast, desktop and laptop computers fill the
niche for use at work (Dimmick, et al., 2011). Since these do not overlap, these news media can
exist together.
Displacement or Saturation
A possible reason for the conflicting findings about the relationship between new and
traditional media is how variables have been gathered and tested in different ways. A
straightforward technique to test displacement is to ask people if their use of traditional media
decreased when they started using the internet (e.g. Kayany & Yelsma, 2000; Kaye & Johnson,
2003). This kind of measurement, however, depends a lot on the accuracy of people’s perception
of their media habits. For an individual, remembering how many hours have been spent per
medium is already a challenge; remembering how much these consumption patterns have
changed will be more difficult.
Instead, other studies just measured use of different media and compared these using
correlations, taking a negative correlation with the internet as a manifestation of displacement
(e.g. Ha & Fang, 2012). This strategy does not depend on respondents’ own perception of how
much they decreased consumption of one medium because of a new one. This does not ascertain,
however, if this negative relationship is due to displacement or just due to a natural relationship
between two media serving different needs. It also does not rule out media saturation. Lee and
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 11
Leung (2008) argued that the use of absolute amounts of time in testing displacement was
problematic, especially if individuals begin with different media time budgets. The use of
absolute time will be more proper in longitudinal analysis, when individuals’ media consumption
patterns are monitored over time. Thus, each person serves as his or her own comparison. But
panel surveys are costly and thus rarely used in media research (Lee & Leung, 2008). The few
studies which used panel data had to rely on secondary data, gathered by companies for example,
and therefore measurement of variables are constrained to the companies’ original measurement.
These secondary data sets measure media use not in terms of number of hours, limiting the kind
of tests that could be ran (e.g. Newell, et al., 2008; Westlund & Färdigh, 2011).
Lee and Leung (2008) demonstrated that using absolute and relative proportions yielded
different conclusions. When they used absolute measures, results hinted at media saturation.
When they used relative measures, they found support for displacement effects. “It is important
to emphasize that the use of relative proportions of time spent on each medium can reflect more
accurately the impact of the new medium in displacing or supplementing the old media” (Lee &
Leung, 2008, p. 153). This current study, also constrained by the use of available data, uses
relative proportion measures.
I am using two national surveys conducted in the Philippines in 2003 and 2008 that
measured, among other things, self-reported media consumption. Using relative proportions
within a relatively constant resource, I hypothesize that:
H1. There will be no difference in the average total media score in 2003 and 2008.
H2. Controlling for age and gender, the proportion an individual devotes to internet use
will increase from 2003 to 2008.
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 12
H3. Controlling for age and gender, the proportion an individual devotes to each of the
following traditional media will decrease from 2003 to 2008:
a. Newspaper
b. Magazine
c. Movies
d. Radio
e. Television
Internet in the Philippines
Though most of the studies testing the displacement hypothesis looked at data from the
United States, they have not arrived at a uniform conclusion. A way to move this area of
research forward is to look at the experiences of other countries that might be different from the
United States and other developed countries in terms of how institutionalized internet has
become. This current study tests this hypothesis by looking at the experience of the Philippines, a
developing country with a vibrant media system known for its free press.
A recent report that looked at internet use in Southeast Asia estimated the internet
penetration rate in the Philippines at 33% as of October 2011 (Nielsen, 2011). The archipelago of
some 99 million people still does not have a national broadband system unlike its neighboring
countries. Still, this is a significant increase from an internet penetration rate that began at a
negligible 2.6% in 2000 and grew to only about 14.6% in 2008 ("Philippines: Internet Usage
Stats and Marketing Report," 2009).
These numbers do not tell the bigger picture, however, that internet users in the
Philippines are very active users. Filipinos have won numerous international competitions—from
beauty pageants, search for picturesque sites and even an international network’s search for
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 13
modern day heroes—where winners are chosen through internet voting (Anda, 2009; CD, 2008;
Inquirer, 2009). The internet is also made more relevant by the huge and growing population of
Filipinos working outside the Philippines, pegged at 10 percent of the national population, who
communicate with relatives back home through email and social networking sites (Karan,
Gimeno, & Tandoc, 2009). Filipinos are also among the most active Facebook users around the
world (Morrison, 2010).
Method
This study is based on a trend analysis using data from the Philippines’ National Statistics
Office (NSO). The NSO conducts a Functional Literacy, Education and Mass Media Survey
(FLEMMS) every five years. I obtained data sets from 2003 and 2008. The earlier data sets were
no longer available.
FLEMMS uses a stratified, three-stage cluster sampling. First, the NSO randomly selects
primary sampling units (PSUs) composed of a barangay (village) or a group of barangays.
Second, it randomly selects enumeration areas (EAs) or areas with discernible boundaries with
about 350 contiguous households within each PSU. Finally, 30 housing units are selected
through systematic random sampling within each EA. All households in the sampling housing
units are interviewed. The NSO records information per household and per individual. For this
study, I am using only the individual responses in both surveys. The 2003 FLEMMS data set had
76,100 individuals (10-64 years old) while the 2008 FLEMMS data set had 60,817 individuals
(10-64 years old).
Media Use
A disadvantage of using secondary data is how researchers are constrained with the
original measurement used for the variables under study. The media use questions in both 2003
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 14
and 2008 are similar and asked respondents to rate in a 4-point scale how often they used
different media. I am focusing on traditional media—newspaper, magazine, movies, radio and
television—and new media, which is basically the internet. However, the 4-point scales in those
years were slightly different in their qualitative meanings (see Table 1). In order to have a
meaningful comparison of 2003 and 2008 data, I recoded the scores using a common 3-point
scale that was still meaningfully faithful to the original scales. Working with the constraints of
secondary data ensures that we maximize valuable data obtained through systematic sampling
rather than ignoring their contributions to answering relevant questions that could advance our
understanding of the changing media terrain.
Consistent with Lee and Leung’s (2008) argument that using absolute scores might not
capture the real underlying relationship among media uses, I use relative proportion measures.
This required three steps. First, I calculated a total media score per respondent by adding their
ratings of each medium. This should resemble a total media consumption pie, although I was
mindful of the limitations of how the data was originally measured which was not in number of
hours, and so I am considering them as total media scores. In an ideal world, use of each medium
would have been measured in terms of number of hours in a typical day. Since use of a medium
might overlap with another, total number of hours spent across different media would not be
reflective of the total media consumption pie, For instance, I can say I spend four hours watching
television on a typical day and four hours using the internet. It does not mean that I use the two
media for a total of eight hours, especially if I go on Facebook while watching Glee. Since time
of the day is a limited resource, using total number of hours per day as a reference point will be
appropriate in calculating the proportion of time devoted to each medium. Since I am using
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 15
secondary data, I do not have this luxury. Using total media score as a reference point will
approximate this kind of conceptualization.
The second step is to account for the proportion each individual devoted to each medium.
This is calculated by getting the percentage of one’s rating of one medium out of one’s total
media score. This is again an imprecise measure, as I am using the total media score as a proxy
for total resources devoted to media use. I argue that this is a meaningful measure considering
that the recoded scale does not refer to number of hours but to meaningful categories in terms of
frequency of use that range from seldom to everyday. Finally, I compared the proportions of
media use between 2003 and 2008 using Multivariate Analysis of Covariance (MANCOVA).
Sample
The average age in the 2003 sample is 30.08 years (SD = 14.9). The sample is almost
evenly split in terms of gender (50.6% males). In terms of using particular media every day,
television ranked first (73.1% said they used it every day). For the 2008 sample, the average age
is 30.56 years (SD = 15.31). The sample is again almost evenly split in terms of gender (49.5%
males). In terms of using particular media every day, the percentage for almost all media
decreased, except for internet which slightly increased to 8.1% (see Table 2).
Results
I ran a MANCOVA to test differences between 2003 and 2008 media usage while
controlling for the effects of age and gender. The overall MANCOVA revealed a significant
multivariate main effect for year, Wilks’ λ = .892, F (6, 70,853) = 1425.98, partial eta squared =
.11. Age significantly and positively predicted all media consumption patterns. Older people tend
to consume more media, whether traditional or new. Females also spent more time reading
newspaper, reading magazines, and watching movies than males did.
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 16
H1 predicted that total media score from 2003 to 2008 will remain constant. Controlling
for age and gender, H1 is not supported. There is a significant difference in total media scores
between 2003 and 2008, F (1, 70,858) = 4,490.58, p < .001. The average individual’s total
media score actually decreased from 11.47 (SD = .01) in 2003 to 10.26 (SD = .01) in 2008 (see
Table 3).
H2 predicted that the proportion of internet use in the total media score will increase from
2003 to 2008. H2 is supported, F (1, 70,858) = 1,632.18, p < .001. The proportion of internet use
increased from 11.67 (SD = .03) in 2003 to 13.04 (SD = .02) in 2008 (see Table 3).
H3 predicted that the proportion of traditional media use in the total media score will
decrease from 2003 to 2008, a manifestation of media displacement. H3a is supported, F (1,
70,858) = 1,820.55, p < .001. The proportion of newspaper use shrank from 16.08 (SD = .03) in
2003 to 14.37 (SD = .03) in 2008.
H3b is also supported, F (1, 70,858) = 353.27, p < .001. The proportion of magazine use
also shrank from 16.50 (SD = .03) in 2003 to 15.70 (SD = .03) in 2008.
Likewise, H3d is supported, F (1, 70,858) = 564.02, p < .001. The proportion of radio
use also declined from 21 (SD = .04) in 2003 to 19.71 (SD = .03) in 2008.
However, H3c and H3e are rejected. The proportion of movie-going increased, contrary
to expectations, from 11.85 in 2003 (SD = .03) to 12.34 (.02) in 2008, F (1, 70,858) = 220.4, p <
.001. Likewise, the proportion of television use increased, also contrary to expectations, from
22.9 (SD = .04) in 2003 to 24.85 (SD = .03) in 2008, F (1, 70,858) = 1432.43, p < .001 (see
Table 3 for the comparisons).
In summary, the study found that while the proportion allocated to internet use grew
while those allocated to newspaper, radio and magazine use shrank from 2003 to 2008 as
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 17
expected, the proportions allocated to movie-going and television watching actually increased.
An equally intriguing finding is how the total media score did not remain constant, but even
decreased from 2003 to 2008.
Discussion
The results hint at a possible displacement effect of the increasing proportion of total
media use devoted to internet on the proportion devoted to newspaper, magazine and radio.
However, the results also showed an increase in the proportion devoted to movie-going and
television use. In this section I will try to explain these findings and offer a different way of
looking at the phenomenon of media displacement and its consequences.
First, the data showed a slight decrease in the total media score from 2003 to 2008.
Again, I recognize the limitations of how the total media score is calculated, but a quick
comparison with the percentages of everyday users of each medium clearly shows a decrease in
almost all media, except internet and movie-going. This confirms the pattern that emerged in the
comparison of total media scores. This finding is counter-intuitive. The principle of relative
constancy, and hence displacement, would have expected no change. The media saturation
hypothesis would have expected an increase. It is possible, however, that the decrease is due to
an increasing overlap between new and old media use. For instance, in its infancy internet was
probably being used for purposes different from those served by television or newspaper. Thus,
each medium might have contributed unique proportions to the total media score. However,
when internet gained mainstream status and began to serve some of the functions previously
exclusively served by traditional media, the proportion of internet use might not have changed,
but its actual uses might have expanded to include those previously served by traditional media.
If this is true, then the proportion devoted to internet use might stay the same, or increase only
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 18
marginally, but those devoted to other traditional media might decrease because the same
proportion devoted to the internet is already serving multiple previously traditional-media bound
uses. Thus, total media score will decrease. This is what the data showed.
Second, the data showed a decrease in the proportions devoted to newspaper, magazine
and radio. This is a possible indication of a displacement effect. The changes are tiny, but again
this is because of the limitation of how the variables were originally measured. Still, the use of
relative proportions strengthens the argument that a possible displacement effect was at work. An
interesting finding, however, is that these decreases are amid the increase in movie-going and
more so for television use. These findings do not support the media saturation hypotheses as the
data showed a decrease in three traditional media. But if displacement was at work, how come
two traditional media increased in terms of relative proportions?
When resources devoted to an old medium are displaced by a new one, these resources
are not necessarily redirected to the new medium that caused the displacement. The findings
support this assumption. A similar concept is what Brown and colleagues (1974) called
“functional reorganization,” although they used the concept to refer to a child’s potential
response when the larger communications environment shifts. Within the context of media
displacement, functional reorganization could also mean a reallocation of the relatively constant
resource (e.g. limited hours of a day) not only to the new medium but also to those which survive
the displacement. This is what the findings hint at and what I shall call as redistribution that
accompanies displacement. Thus, future studies on media displacement can also look at factors
that bring about redistribution of sources to, instead of extinction of, particular media.
An advantage of the internet is not only providing the same gratifications but providing
more opportunities for these gratifications to be fulfilled. The internet could provide the
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 19
opportunity to fulfill almost simultaneously various gratifications that used to be fulfilled by
different tools and devices. This multi-functionality of the internet should also be considered as
an agent of displacement, on top of providing the same sets of gratifications as traditional media
and of providing more opportunities to fulfill these.
Television remains to be a strong institution in the Philippines. Filipino soap operas still
reign supreme. Time is a gratification opportunity. But so is immediacy. As long as television
still provides popular and exclusive content, which might be uploaded online but much later than
the actual broadcast on free TV, it would still maintain its hold of relative resources. Movie-
going is also an experience more than just access to content. The act of going out and staring at a
big screen (and for some, wearing 3D glasses) is also an activity that is functionally unique.
Thus, movie-going is among the activities located in a different “task-environment” that
Ventakesh and colleagues (1985) found to be immune to the displacement by the internet—or
maybe at least for now.
Conclusion
Using secondary data is a clear limitation of the study, although using national surveys
with representative samples provide a generalizable peek into the changing media consumption
patterns in the Philippines. A panel study would have yielded more control. However, I chose to
take advantage, rather than dismiss, systematically obtained secondary data to contribute in our
understanding of the changing media system and turn this area of research into a more
encompassing, rather than a Western-centric, discourse.
It is also possible that other contextual factors influence the degree of displacement and
redistribution that the findings revealed, but this study’s findings are also consistent with
previous studies that looked at how media displacement occurred in other countries (e.g. Kayany
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 20
& Yelsma, 2000; Kaye & Johnson, 2003; van der Wurff, 2011; Westlund & Färdigh, 2011). The
differences observed in the findings are very small. However, these are differences in
proportions and not in absolute measures. There is no way to translate these relative proportions
into number of hours, primarily because of how media use was originally measured. I will argue,
however, that these small differences in proportions translate into significant percentages of
resources, which in the future can be measured either by time or money spent (of course
television and radio offer free access, but resources for these media could be measured by
attention that translate into advertising potential which is the lifeblood of the media; the internet
also offers free access to content, but internet access to begin with also incurs expenses). A way
to move the research forward is to continue examining the pattern in the next few years as the
internet continues to assert and expand its own niche in the media environment. For instance,
Lee and Leung (2008) argued that the internet is more likely to displace than supplement the
traditional media and that the “full array of its effects is yet to be seen” (p. 154).
The results, therefore, do not displace the displacement hypothesis.
Instead, they confirm the fears about the future of the traditional print medium: the
proportion of total media use devoted to newspaper and magazine experienced not only the
displacement effects by the internet, but also the subsequent redistribution of some of the
displaced resources to movie-going and more so to television. In terms of business ramifications,
more research should be devoted to re-conceptualize the principle of relative constancy as also
referring to advertising. Advertising sustains most media organizations (Curran, 2010; Lippman,
1922; McManus, 1992). Is the advertising pie constant, or do companies increase their resources
to accumulate new media platforms for advertising?
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 21
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Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 25
Table 1
Merging Different Scales
Score
2003
2008
Merged
1
Seldom/Not at all
Not at all
Seldom/Not at all
2 Once a week Seldom Once a week or more
3 Twice or thrice a week At least once a week Everyday
4 Everyday Everyday
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 26
Table 2
Percentage of Everyday Users
2003
2008
Newspaper
21.6%
12.6%
Magazine 24.2% 16.5%
Movies 5.3% 5.8%
Radio 58.9% 36.7%
TV 73.1% 64.6%
Internet 6.9% 8.1%
Displacing the Displacement Hypothesis? 27
Table 3
Comparison of Means
2003
2008
F–value
Means
SD
Means
SD
Newspaper
16.08
.03
14.37
.03
1,820.55
Magazine 16.50 .03 15.70 .03 353.27
Movies 11.85 .03 12.34 .02 220.4
Radio 20.99 .04 19.71 .03 564.02
Television 22.90 .04 24.85 .03 1432.43
Internet 11.67 .03 13.04 .02 1,632.18
Total Media Score 11.47 .01 10.26 .01 4,490.58
Note. The estimated means have been controlled for the effects of age and gender. Statistically
significant differences were found across all dependent variables based on year.
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