Osmundo Pinho – março de 2014 1
“Black Bodies, Wrong Places”: Spatial and Morality Politics of Rolezinho Racialized Youth “Invasions” and Police Repression in the Public Spaces of Today’s Brazil1
Osmundo Pinho
Federal University of Recôncavo -‐ Bahia (Cachoeira) BRAZIL Visiting Scholar at University of Texas (Austin)
Fellow of CAPES (Coordination for Improvement of Higher Level Personnel) [email protected]
Introduction: Subjectivity and Contradiction in the Making of Rolezinho
In this paper I present a provisionary interpretation of a new type of social
phenomenon that mobilized a new kind of social subject, which became known as
"rolezinho". The interpretation is provisional, not only because the relevant facts in
question are still ongoing in its original setting, the Brazilian urban society, but also
because the material collected has not been fully analyzed.
The interpretation proposed here is based on two different sets of data. On
one side I have collected, without pretense of exhaustion, but with amplitude,
newspapers articles, videos and other texts available on the Internet about the
subject, since the starting event in the city of Vitoria in November 2013, until the
relative dilution of the strength of the phenomenon in February 2014. At the time
this dossier has 101 records for articles and 13 records for videos.
The other set of data on which I base refers to my previous and current
research experience in the states of Bahia and Rio de Janeiro, with social subjects of
a very similar or analogue social profile (age, class origin, racial composition) of the
protagonists of “rolezinho” on its main stage, the State of Sao Paulo
Considering these two distinct sets of data lead me to build the following
interpretation: first, how the media and current interpretations of “rolezinho”
helped to build its sociological meaning and define the course that events would
1 I I would like to thank Justin Perez for the revision of the text.
Osmundo Pinho, Santa Barbara – marco de 2014 2
take and assume; secondly, andwhat may interest me more, allow me to ask how
Subjectification processes, marked by inequality and violence, racism and
contradictory relationships with the state and the market, are the basis for the
agency of young people involved in “rolezinho” precisely because subjectivity and
agency seem to define the political and explosive content of the phenomenon.
The “rolezinho” is not an organized social movement, with explicitly political
purposes, some kind of hierarchy or formal program, but conversely appears to be
relatively spontaneous, inspired by the ambitions of young people to gather in places
they consider appropriate and interesting to talk, date, and take pictures to post on
Facebook and other social networks. Neither it is a performance, or flash-‐mob,
despite clearly being “site-‐specific” (Kwon, 1997).
But precisely because of its spontaneous trait it appear so politically radical. I
argue that it is because it is the collective expression, of a subjective contradiction,
or rather, of a structural contradiction in Brazilian society, lived in a subjective way.
The “rolezeiros” do nothing more than take in their full extension the values that
organize the society of the spectacle in peripheral capitalism, giving to the market
the power to make their identities objective. However as they are racialized and
marked as subjects of class, coming from the “periphery”, the realization of these
aspirations is impossible without the proper social order has been disturbed, and in
that sense the conservatives who are fiercely opposed to the phenomenon in the
media and public space are correct. It is impossible that the shopping malls of São
Paulo integrate these subjects, their music, their way of talking, having fun, living in
public, and dressing, their values and perspectives, and their racialized bodies, and
remain what they are today. So it is the very subjectivity of the young people who
seek to express themselves that produces panic, violence and repression.
I start with a relatively comprehensive chronology of the phenomenon. Then
I turn to the ethnographic basis of my argument. Finally, I conclude by suggesting
how and why these are new securitized social subjects, trapped in the contradictions
of the Brazilian national project, as discussed respectively by Amar Paul and Joao
Vargas (Amar, 2013; Vargas, 2012).
Osmundo Pinho, Santa Barbara – marco de 2014 3
Chronology of the Panic
On November 30, 2013, a funk ball that occurred in the Enseada do Sua, the coastal
area of the city of Vitoria, in the Espirito Santo State, was dispersed by military police
with their usual methods. Some claim that fights occur, others who had “minors and
drug trafficking”, other than just poor youth of the region that had fun listening to
funk music, a demonized soundtrack of Brazilian favelas (Miranda, 2013).
Through the dissemination of a mobile video on the Internet, we learned that
some young boys fled from the police, taking refuge in the nearby Shopping Vitoria
Mall (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WoLa1Rw42b8 ). It was enough that the
police were called, the young persecuted, and put in queue. The officers with heavy
weapons, forced the youth to sit shirtless on the floor of the food court, with hands
on head, then queued were removed from the building. Consumers who watched
the scene applauded the police action.
Police Action at Vitoria Shopping. 2013.
A week later, on December 9, according to several media websites, around six
thousand young people and teenagers -‐ according to CBN 10,000 -‐ attended an
appointment gathered through social networks in the area outside the Itaquera Mall
Osmundo Pinho, Santa Barbara – marco de 2014 4
in Sao Paulo, the cosmopolitan megalopolis that is the financial and industrial capital
of the country, known for its particularly severe socio-‐spatial segregation (Caldeira,
2000). The event in Itaquera was classified as “funk party by News Websites and as
“arrastão” by newspapers and TV, and as a kind of “stampede” and “invasion” as
well. In Itaquera the police used even higher violence than in Vitoria, including
rubber bullets and tear gas (Krepp & Souza, 2014; Krepp, 2014; CBN, 2013; Donato,
2013; R7, 2013).
On December 16 it was the turn of Shopping Guarulhos. According to Folha
de São Paulo “A ghost haunted yesterday Guarulhos International Mall, the ghost of
funk" (Capriglione, 2013). Because as in Itaquera and Vitoria, young poor people and
“rolezinho” are associated with funk music. In Guarulhos the youths “invaded” the
mall singing the music of Mc Daleste, “funkeiro” from São Paulo murdered on stage
while doing a show in Campinas city. The song in question, “Let me go” celebrates
and makes fun of marijuana use (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q6Ag8gBRQkc
). On 22 December it was the turn of Shopping Interlagos. And by that time the
press, especially the popular TV channels, accused the young as criminals and
troublemakers. Even though in all these incidents no one had been formally charged
with any crime (Silva & Orrico, 2013).
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Police Action at Itaquera Shopping. Frame of the video “Rolezin” by Luk@az Ogsawara. Veja Sao Paulo. 2014.
In the rich and pleasant city of Campinas the São Paulo Iguatemi Mall banned the
entry of unaccompanied minors, unless they reached the shopping by car
(Polycarpo, 2013). The disproportion between the intentions of the young, and the
panic of the press, with the subsequent crackdown by police and legal action as this,
sparked intense debate in society (Moretti, 2014; G1 Sao Paulo, 2014; Bunduky,
2014; Joven Pan, 2014). The means of mass communication, recruited experts from
multivariate origin, and broad political spectrum from far right to far left, past the
black movement and even the LGBT movement2. And, perhaps, most interestingly,
from the sociological point of view, the comments sections of newspapers, blogs and
online video channels exploded in comments that we don’t have time to discuss
here.
On December 2nd, Douglas Belchior, professor of history and sociology,
activist in the black movement in São Paulo and columnist of the leftist magazine
“Carta Capital”, published in his column, in the online version of the magazine, the
article “Shopping Vitoria: Black Bodies in the Wrong Place”, which I quote in my own
title here (Belchior, 2013). Belchior points out, correctly, what later would be more 2 As in the article “Seria Possivel um ‘rolezinho’ Guei?” (Would be possible a Gay ‘rolezinho’?) by Lima, 2014.
Osmundo Pinho, Santa Barbara – marco de 2014 6
obvious. The main, and only true trespass committed by the young people, is the
fact that they are who they are, and tried to be there – in the malls -‐ when they
should be in another place or position.
Reactions to the Belchior article were not slow to appear. A young college
student and political columnist for a local newspaper in Vitoria synthesized the camp
of those who came to support the action of the police in the repression of
“rolezinho”. The title of his article introduces the prospect: “Arrastao of Imaginary
Racism-‐ Now what craves such racist discourse? Exalt a culture or opposing social
groups”. The thesis of “cultural Marxism” that circulates between groups on the
right, ultraconservative blogs and Face Book profiles of young affluent people, made
another appearance here (Tebaldi, 2013).
With the spectacular media coverage and biased opinions the phenomenon
“rolezinho” entered a new phase. Forcing public authorities and traditional political
actors to take the position setting. So, obviously, many remembered several
previous discrimination in malls throughout Brazil. And we cannot overlook, of
course, the background formed by state violence against the black population, which
resists, impenitent, disregarding any change of parties in government and political
trends. In the same month of November 2013, the press widely reported results of a
survey commissioned by the Brazilian Public Security Forum
(http://www2.forumseguranca.org.br/novo/ ), a non-‐governmental organization
dedicated to public safety studies.
According to the research all over Brazil, just in 2012, police killed 1,890
people. Champions states are Rio de Janeiro, Sao Paulo, which are the most
populous and urbanized states, and Bahia, in the impoverished northeast, a state
that has 80% of the population of African origin. Only in Sao Paulo were 563 deaths.
Other studies such as the “Violence Map” indicate that blacks are most victimized in
these statistics (Waiselfiz, 2011).
Organized social movements sought to reinterpret the “rolezinho” as a social
movement, which clearly it is not, as it is also not a flash mob, or as Ruda Ricci,
researcher of movements of June, called, a periphery “occupy” (Ricci, 2014).
Anyway, acts to support “rolezeiros” were marked and we sought an association
Osmundo Pinho, Santa Barbara – marco de 2014 7
between “rolezinho” and protests that shook Brazil in June, even without taking into
account the obvious difference between the demonstrators in June, largely college
students, autonomists and leftists, committed to an anti-‐capitalist perspective, and
the “rolezeiros”, poor youth, fascinated with the world of commodities and media
glamor. In Victoria, where it all started, social movements marked the “Grand Funk
dance: Arrastao against Racism”.
Great Funk Ball – “Arrastão” against Racism. 2013
According to the leftist newspaper “Carta Capital” in January 14, 2014 there were
already at least 17 "rolezinhos" marked across the country (Carta Capital, 2014).
The racist and exclusionary dimension of panic, motivated by the presence of
young folk of popular class background became more evident when the media and
social networks have realized that since 2007 students of the Faculty of Economics,
Administration and Accounting (FEA), of the University of São Paulo, the more elitist
and prestigious of Brazil, performing a sort of party to celebrate the entry of
freshmen at Shopping Eldorado (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gdyqIlOify0 ).
According to the magazine “Caros Amigos” and by the evidence of several videos,
hundreds of young people from São Paulo elite “invade” the Mall singing college
hymns, “FEA USP Wonderful, best school in Brazil”, go up on the tables of the food
court, they doing this without the police were ever called Shopping and Shopping
administration took no action (Sartorato, 2014).
The international repercussions began on December 23, the Brazilian online
edition of the Spanish newspaper “El País” published a long article, “Brazil Young
Osmundo Pinho, Santa Barbara – marco de 2014 8
Vandals” (Brum, 2013). On January 14, the same “El País” publishes another article
“The Rebellion of the Excluded” and interview four Brazilian intellectuals about the
phenomenon, such as the writer Paulo Lins and the anthropologist Alba Zaluar, one
of the major specialist in safety studies and violence, who asks: “What needs to be
examined is whether their presence in Shopping is harmful. If I was in a mall, and
found a group of people of any social class screaming, making riot, I would be
frightened. They should go to the park, why not go to Ibirapuera? ". (Martin &
Bedinelli, 2014).
The BBC News Website has also published several articles on the subject,
starting repercussion in English on the subject on January 5, 2014, with the subject
"Rolezinhos, Brazil's Flashmob Trend". On Jan. 15, the New York Times asks "Whose
Mall Is It?" and on jan. 19 “Brazil’s Latest Clash with Its Urban Youth Takes Place at
the Mall”. (Hebblethwaite, 2014; Vanessa, 2014; Romero, 2014).
Due to these developments, it became impossible for sectors of the black
movement, that are part of President Dilma Rousseff government, (Workers Party),
remain silent. Faced with pressures and demands coming from the more radical
sectors of the black movement, Luiza Bairros Minister for the Special Secretariat for
the Promotion of Racial Equality, herself a radical black activist in the 70s and 80,
and sociologist and researcher of racism, stated in the press on January 16: “The
demonstrations are peaceful. The problems are derived from the reaction of white
people who frequent these places and are frightened by the presence of young black
people”. Minister Bairros was called soon after by President Rousseff to attend a
meeting of counseling on the “rolezinho”, together with the Ministers of Justice and
Culture (Franco, 2014).
The Meaning of "Rolezinho": Public Sphere, Market Place and Funk Music
If there is, as Mariana Assis points, lack of real public spaces for qualified leisure in
São Paulo, as in other Brazilian cities, this alone does not explain the choice of young
people for the malls, neither the overreaction, as a manifestation of contradictions,
that, I believe, are deeper. We should seek to discuss and understand the
perspectives of young people themselves, the meaning of “public”, and the content
Osmundo Pinho, Santa Barbara – marco de 2014 9
of social interactions in socially regulated environment in Brazil. Because one of the
essential aspects that the “crisis of rolezinho” brings out is the lack of social spaces,
in the full sense of public spaces, for interaction of different identities and
subjectivities that make up urban life (Assis, 2014).
On the other hand, we should interrogate the contradictory modes of
production of the very subjectivity of these boys and girls and how they are
constituted as subjects, how they manifest agency and live the contradictions of
peripheral capitalism, as the very same set of their self-‐making. What, as I seek to
develop, they do exactly using the resources available to them in fetishized popular
cultural elements, especially in music, and particularly in this case, the so-‐called
“funk ostentacao”. In doing so that subjectivities can become objective for the
subjects, through externalized relationship with the symbolic elements present as a
grammar in “funk ostentacao”, and other genres, which can be defined as its core
elements of worship, fetishized goods and (imaginary) luxury consumerism.
I recall here then two other investigations where I worked before and which
provide elements, I believe, to understand the relationship between, music, public
space, subjectivity and market place, what I believe shapes the agency behind the
“rolezinho”, which as I pointed out, is essentially political.
In the late 90s I conducted fieldwork in the Historic Center of Salvador, state
capital of Bahia founded in 1549 by the Portuguese. Since 1993 the area of
Pelourinho3, the Historic Center, which is relatively preserved, went through what
was called urban renewal, in order to make the area a showcase for international
tourism. The region had previously been recognized, as World Heritage by UNESCO,
and despite the intense social and architectural degradation, romanticized by artists
such as Jorge Amado, also became a focus for black cultural renaissance known as
"Re-‐Africanization". The work we did sought to identify and describe outbreaks of
territorial and cultural resistance to the conversion of Pelourinho into a “landscape
of power” using Sharon Zukin phrase, I intended to do this by the ethnography of the
3 Is worth to mention that “Pelourinho” means literally Pillory, and that area received this name because in the slavery times there were in its main square a pillory where slaves were public flogged
Osmundo Pinho, Santa Barbara – marco de 2014 10
“war of places” that unfolded in that situation (Pinho, 2001; 2010; Zukin, 1991;
Arantes, 1996).
One of the areas I described was the Reggae Bar. All the regulars attendants,
according to the small survey we did, consisted of manual workers, maids,
unemployed people, etc. With the help of De Certeau I described how “proliferating
illegitimacies”, micro space hegemonies subvert the legitimate order and erode the
disciplinary systems of space and route (De Certeau, 1994). Well, the category used
by agents to describe their own movements and routes in the new Pelourinho was
just “role”(Pinho, 1998).
"Bar do Reggae”, Salvador. Photo by the author. 1995.
Some years later I worked on another investigation, this time in São Gonçalo, in the
Metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro, wondering about how modernization was
lived under conditions of poverty and how the production of this scenario of poverty
and periphery affected the making of practices of race and gender among young
people (Pinho, 2010).
I presented part of that investigation right here in Santa Barbara and perhaps
Dr. Amar and Dr. Miller-‐Young will remember that I said that the contradictions and
unfulfilled promise of modernity were experienced in a excruciating way by these
young people according to our data, which describes how their particular modes of
Osmundo Pinho, Santa Barbara – marco de 2014 11
subjectivity place them in permanent contradiction. The promises of subjective
emancipation, which appear as ideologically universal foundation for national
citizenship, and for the political and subjective belonging of the Brazilian nation,
were routinely denied to them by the particularism of the race that was imposed on
them; and the young people were well aware of that (Pinho, 2006).
And it is here, then, that comes into play the called “funk ostentacao”. There
is no time here to develop the complex history of funk in Rio de Janeiro, and the
various conflicts and crises in his tone. We can not reconstruct the numerous times
that the bourgeois press has produced intense moral panic around the funk parties
occurred in the slums, or the intended connection between funk and “arrastoes”
that occurred on the beaches of the South Zone of Rio in the 90s. But this context
helps us understand then why the press and conservative stress so fast and make
the automatic connection between rolezinho, funk, crime and danger( Palombini,
n.d.; Scruggs & Lippman, 2012).
“Funk ostentacao”, is one particular funk genre, which emerged in Santos,
the coastal region of São Paulo. The production of the “funk ostentacao” hits is
inseparable from the production of the videos, which invariably shows young
peripheral boys driving expensive imported cars, using high luxury jewelry, famous
brand clothes, drinking champagne and whiskey, accompanied by half-‐naked women
and displaying a hundred real bills, thrown to the wind, or falling from the sky like
rain on the delighted boys (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s9xoz7zRGn0 ).
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Frame of the video "Tanto Faz, Tanto Fez". Mc Pablo do Capão. 2013.
Currently, I perform research on racialized youth masculinities in Bahia. Within the
methodological features we are using we found the monitoring of Facebook profiles
of our main partners in the field. One of these is Uallyson, Inho Mc, beginner singer
of “funk melody”, a romantic version of funk. On his Facebook profile, Uallyson,
living in Cachoeira, the locus of research, and a small town 100 km away from the
capital Salvador, comments and posts pictures of his visit to the nearby city of Feira
de Santana, who unlike Cachoeira has a Shopping Mall. Uallyson titled his album,
released in November 2013, before the events of December/January, as “Rolezin no
Shopping”.
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From the Facebook Photo-‐Album "Rolezin no Shopping". 2013.
Securitized New Subjects and Racial Antagonism
In “The Security Archipelago” Paul Amar offers analytical framework to describe the
eruption of “rolezinho” in connection with new modes of global governance and its
articulation in the production of subjects, subjectified under the contradictory
confluence of neoliberal state hegemony and securitized State in the form of a new
humanitarianism (Amar, 2013).
In securitized domination, he says, sexuality attribute value of adherence to
control policies and regulation, so the “humanitarian securitization” is guided by
abstract conventions of morality and respectable behavior, aimed at providing
protection to the average citizen and family values, under attack of the destructive
forces of the wild market, and nonconforming subjectivities.
In Brazil, under presidents Lula and Dilma, the hegemony of the Workers
Party is defended with decisive support of morally conservative groups such as neo-‐
Pentecostal religious clusters, in this case neo-‐liberal rhetoric did not see the same
resonance. Rather the “rescue” of moral, community, religious and cultural values
seems more important. In this environment, and in a society marked by unthinkable
levels of violence, the discourse of security and return to family values seems widely
prevalent. If we consider just how funk, since associated to “rolezeiros” and
“criminal” is the subject of intense moral panic for a long time in Brazilian society,
Osmundo Pinho, Santa Barbara – marco de 2014 14
we can understand how those involved in “rolezinho” seems as corrupted by
exacerbated “consumerism”, uncontrolled sexuality and criminal potential.
In a society such as the Brazilian, the racial variable can never be
underestimated. Neither race nor racism may be treated as incidental explanatory
factors; neither they must be understood as structural elements of state formation,
of the subjectivities and even of the “national project”. As Joao Vargas questions,
can Brazil as political-‐cultural “polis” integrate blacks and blackness? Vargas
discusses this impossible position, hopelessly antagonistic, the (im)possible black
subject in Brazil, in this sense:
“It ensues that the gendered black subject is an impossible subject, one whose impossible gender, impossible blackness, impossible being, inhabits the very impossible co-‐ordinates of time and space that make the nation possible. The nation is possible because the gendered black subject, qua subject, qua citizen, is an oxymoron”. (Vargas, 2012: 5). The oxymoron of the black gendered subject is objectified in the popular culture
expressive forms as well in subjective self-‐making, immersed on contradictions.
There is no space, as we said, for black bodies in wrong places in Brazil, and there is
no possibility of integration, the only acceptable policy, seems to be the widespread
violence that takes shape as an effective genocide.
The black bodies are not only out of place in the malls, where this incongruity
gained spectacularized visibility through the agency of young “rolezeiros”, but in the
very country’s own national imagination and in their political and cultural landscapes
as an uncomfortable and fundamentally inassimilable presence.
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REFERENCES
AMAR, Paul. The Security Archipelago: Human-‐Security States, Sexuality Politics and the End of Neoliberalism. Durham. Duke University Press, 2013. ARANTES, Antonio. The War of Places: Symbolic Boundaries and Liminalities in Urban Space Theory, Culture & Society November 1996 13: 81-‐92. ASSIS, Mariana. Rolezinho. Or is There Politics in the Shopping Mall? Dissident Voice. 16/01/2014. http://dissidentvoice.org/2014/01/rolezinho/ . BARBARA, Vanessa. Whose Mall Is It?. 15/01/2014. The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2014/01/16/opinion/barbara-‐whose-‐mall-‐is-‐it.html?_r=0 BELCHIOR, Douglas. Shopping Vitória: corpos negros no lugar errado. Carta Capital. 2/12/2013. http://negrobelchior.cartacapital.com.br/2013/12/02/shopping-‐vitoria-‐corpos-‐negros-‐no-‐lugar-‐errado/ .
BUNDUKY, Ricardo. Rolezinho faz Shopping Fechar mais cedo. Folha de Sao Paulo. http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/fsp/cotidiano/146551-‐rolezinho-‐faz-‐shopping-‐fechar-‐mais-‐cedo.shtml .
BRUM, Eliane. Os Novos ‘Vandalos’ do Brasil. El Pais. 23/13/2013. http://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2013/12/23/opinion/1387799473_348730.html
CALDEIRA, Teresa P. R. City if Walls: Crime, Segregation and Citizenship in Sao Paulo. Berkeley: University of Berkeley Press. 2000.
CARTA CAPITAL. "Rolezinhos" se espalham pelo País. Carta Capital. 14/01/2014. http://www.cartacapital.com.br/sociedade/veja-‐rolezinhos-‐marcados-‐para-‐o-‐proximo-‐mes-‐5517.html
CAPRIGLIONE, Laura. Mesmo sem Crimes, “rolezinho” causo panico e levou policia a Shopping de Gaurulhos. Folha de Sao Paulo. 16/12/2013. http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/cotidiano/2013/12/1386132-‐mesmo-‐sem-‐crimes-‐rolezinho-‐causou-‐panico-‐e-‐levou-‐policia-‐a-‐shopping-‐de-‐guarulhos.shtml .
CBN Foz do Iguacu. Rolezinho do shopping traz medo e pânico a sociedade. CBN Foz do Iguacu Online. 14/12/2013. http://www.cbnfoz.com.br/editorial/brasil/15122013-‐60789-‐rolezinho-‐do-‐shopping-‐traz-‐medo-‐e-‐panico-‐a-‐sociedade .
DE CERTEAU, Michel. A Invenção do Cotidiano. Artes de Fazer. Petropólis. 1969. DONATO, Mario. A Onda de Invasoes a Shoppings. O Essencial. Diario do Centro do Mundo. 16/12/2013. http://www.diariodocentrodomundo.com.br/o-‐que-‐significa-‐a-‐onda-‐de-‐invasoes-‐a-‐shoppings/ . FRANCO, Bernardo Mello. Medo de ‘Rolezinho e Reacao de Brancos, diz Ministra. Folha de Sao Paulo. 16/01/2014. http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/colunas/painel/2014/01/1398312-‐medo-‐de-‐rolezinho-‐e-‐reacao-‐de-‐brancos-‐diz-‐ministra.shtml
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G1 Sao Paulo. PM é chamada para conter tumulto em shopping na Zona Norte de SP. G1. 04/01/2014. http://g1.globo.com/sao-‐paulo/noticia/2014/01/pm-‐e-‐chamada-‐para-‐conter-‐tumulto-‐em-‐shopping-‐na-‐zona-‐norte-‐de-‐sp.html . HEBBLETHWAITE, Cordelia. #BBCtrending: #Rolezinhos, Brazil's 'flashmob' trend . 15/01/2014. BBC News Trending. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/blogs-‐trending-‐25746456 . JOVEM PAN ONLINE. Shopping Metrô Tucuruvi é alvo de “rolezinho” em São Paulo. Joven Pan. 5/01/2014. http://jovempan.uol.com.br/noticias/brasil/policia/shopping-‐metro-‐tucuruvi-‐e-‐alvo-‐de-‐rolezinho-‐em-‐sao-‐paulo.html . KREPP, Ana. Video Mostra PMs agredindo Jovens em ‘rolezinho’ dentro do Shopping Itaquera. Folha de Sao Paulo. Folha de Sao Paulo. 11/01/2014. http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/cotidiano/2014/01/1396629-‐video-‐mostra-‐pms-‐agredindo-‐jovens-‐em-‐rolezinho-‐dentro-‐no-‐shopping-‐itaquera-‐em-‐sp.shtml . KREPP, Ana & SOUZA, Milton. PM usa Bombas e Balas de Borracha em ‘Rolezinho’ em SP; Dois sao Presos. Folha de Sao Paulo. 11/01/2014. http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/cotidiano/2014/01/1396595-‐policia-‐usa-‐bombas-‐de-‐gas-‐e-‐bala-‐de-‐borracha-‐em-‐rolezinho-‐em-‐sp.shtml . KWON, Miwon. One Place After Another: Notes on Site Specificity. OCTOBER, 80, Spring. 1997. pp.85-‐110. LIMA, Carlos Henrique Lucas. Seria Possivel um “Rolezinho” Guei?. Cultura e Sexualidade. 2014. http://www.ibahia.com/a/blogs/sexualidade/2014/01/17/seria-‐possivel-‐um-‐%E2%80%9Crolezinho%E2%80%9D-‐guei/ . MARTIN, Maria & BEDINELLI, Talita. A Rebeliao dos Excluidos. El Pais. 14/01/2014. http://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2014/01/14/politica/1389736517_226341.html . MIRANDA, Jader. Confusao no Shopping Vitoria deixa Clientes em Panico. A Gazeta. Vitoria. 30/11/2013. http://gazetaonline.globo.com/_conteudo/2013/11/noticias/cidades/1470338-‐confusao-‐no-‐shopping-‐vitoria-‐deixa-‐clientes-‐em-‐panico.html MORETTI, Juliene. Com medo de rolezinho, JK Iguatemi barra entrada até de funcionários. Veja Sao Paulo. 11/01/2014. http://vejasp.abril.com.br/materia/rolezinho-‐shopping-‐jk-‐iguatemi . PALOMBINI, Carlos. Funk Proibido. https://www.academia.edu/5268654/_Funk_proibido_ PINHO, Osmundo de A. The Songs of Freedom: notas etnográficas sobre cultura negra global e práticas contraculturais locais. In . ___ . SANSONE, L. e SANTOS, J. T. dos. Ritmos em Trânsito. Sócio-‐Antropologia da Música Baiana. Salvador. Dynamis Editorial/ Programa a Cor da Bahia/Projeto Samba. pp. 181-‐200. 1998. PINHO, Osmundo de Araujo. "Fogo na Babilônia": Reggae, Black Counterculture and Globalization in Brazil. In . ___ . PERRONE, C. & DUNN, C. (Eds.). Brazilian Popular Music and Globalization. Gainesville. University Press of Florida. 2001. pp. 192-‐216.
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PINHO, Osmundo. Ultra-‐Modern Heroes: Race, Gender and Unequal Modernization in the Rio de Janeiro Periphery. Santa Barbara. 2006. https://www.academia.edu/5672412/Ultra Modern_Heroes_Race_Gender_and_Unequal_Modernization_in_the_Rio_de_Janeiro_Periphery PINHO, O. S. A. . "Tradition as Adventure": Black Music, New Afro-‐Descendent Subjects and Pluralization of Modernity in Salvador da Bahia. In: Idelber Avelar; Christopher Dunn. (Org.). Brazilian Popular Music and Citizenship. 266 ed. Duke: Duke University Press, 2010, v. 1, p. -‐250. PINHO, O. S. A. . Heróis Ultra-‐Modernos: raça, gênero e modernização desigual na periferia do Rio de Janeiro. In: Rosana Heringer; Osmundo Pinho. (Org.). Afro-‐Rio Século XXI -‐ Modernidade e Relações Raciais no Rio de Janeiro. 1 ed. Rio de Janeiro: Garamond, 2010, v. 1, p. 173-‐251 POLYCARPO, Cecilia. Shopping Barra a Entrada de Aolescentes ‘Suspeitos”. Correio Popular. Campinas. 16/12/2013. http://correio.rac.com.br/_conteudo/2013/12/capa/campinas_e_rmc/133882-‐shopping-‐barra-‐entrada-‐de-‐adolescentes-‐suspeitos.html . RICCI, Ruda. O Fenomeno do Rolezinho, o Ocuppy da Periferia. Geledes Instituto da Mulher Negra. 13/01/2014. http://www.geledes.org.br/areas-‐de-‐atuacao/questao-‐racial/violencia-‐racial/22755-‐o-‐fenomeno-‐do-‐rolezinho-‐o-‐occupy-‐da-‐periferia . ROMERO, Simon. Brazil’s Latest Clash with Iys Urban Youth Takes Place at the Mall. The New York Times. 19/01/2014. http://www.nytimes.com/2014/01/20/world/americas/brazils-‐latest-‐clash-‐with-‐its-‐urban-‐youth-‐takes-‐place-‐at-‐the-‐mall.html .
R7 Noticias. Dois são presos após baile funk em shopping terminar em arrastão. R7. Sao Paulo. 9/12/2013. http://noticias.r7.com/sao-‐paulo/dois-‐sao-‐presos-‐apos-‐baile-‐funk-‐em-‐shopping-‐terminar-‐em-‐arrastao-‐09122013 .
R7 Noticias. Presença da PM afasta jovens de “rolezinho” no shopping Campo Limpo. R7. 22/12/2013. http://noticias.r7.com/sao-‐paulo/presenca-‐da-‐pm-‐afasta-‐jovens-‐de-‐rolezinho-‐no-‐shopping-‐campo-‐limpo-‐21122013 . SARTORATO, Diego. Shopping barra jovens da periferia, mas libera 'rolezinho' de alunos da USP. Caros Amigos. 13/01/2014. http://www.carosamigos.com.br/index.php/cotidiano/3814-‐shopping-‐barra-‐jovens-‐da-‐periferia-‐mas-‐libera-‐rolezinho-‐de-‐alunos-‐da-‐usp . SCRUGGS, Gregory & LIPPMAN, Alexandre. From Funkfication to Pacification. Norient. Network for Local and Global Sounds and Media Culture. 23/05/2012. http://norient.com/en/academic/rio-‐funk-‐2012/ . SILVA, Joel & ORRICO, Alexandre. ‘Rolezinho causa Tumulto em Shopping da Zona Sul de SP. Folha de Sao Paulo. 22/12/2013. http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/cotidiano/2013/12/1389158-‐rolezinho-‐causa-‐tumulto-‐em-‐shopping-‐na-‐zona-‐sul-‐de-‐sp.shtml .
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TEBALDI, Gabriel. Arrastão do racismo imaginário -‐ Ora, o que anseia o tal discurso racista? Exaltar uma cultura ou opor grupos sociais?. Gazeta Online. Vitoria.07/12/2013. http://gazetaonline.globo.com/_conteudo/2013/12/noticias/politica/1471098-‐arrastao-‐do-‐racismo-‐imaginario.html . VARGAS, Joao H. Costa. Gendered Antiblackness and the Impossible Brazilian Project: Emerging Critical Brazilian Studies. Cultural Dynamics. 24(1) 3-‐11. 2012. Pp. 3-‐11 ZUKIN, Sharon. Landscapes of Power. From Detroit to Disney World. University of California Press: 1991. WAISELFISZ, Julio Jacobo. Mapa da violência 2011: os jovens no Brasil. Instituto Sangari. Brasília. Ministério da Justiça, 2011.
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