“Black Bodies, Wrong Places”:Spatial and Morality Politics of Rolezinho Racialized Youth...

Osmundo Pinho – março de 2014 1

“Black Bodies, Wrong Places”: Spatial and Morality Politics of Rolezinho Racialized Youth “Invasions” and Police Repression in the Public Spaces of Today’s Brazil1

Osmundo Pinho

Federal University of Recôncavo -‐ Bahia (Cachoeira) BRAZIL Visiting Scholar at University of Texas (Austin)

Fellow of CAPES (Coordination for Improvement of Higher Level Personnel) [email protected]

Introduction: Subjectivity and Contradiction in the Making of Rolezinho

In this paper I present a provisionary interpretation of a new type of social

phenomenon that mobilized a new kind of social subject, which became known as

"rolezinho". The interpretation is provisional, not only because the relevant facts in

question are still ongoing in its original setting, the Brazilian urban society, but also

because the material collected has not been fully analyzed.

The interpretation proposed here is based on two different sets of data. On

one side I have collected, without pretense of exhaustion, but with amplitude,

newspapers articles, videos and other texts available on the Internet about the

subject, since the starting event in the city of Vitoria in November 2013, until the

relative dilution of the strength of the phenomenon in February 2014. At the time

this dossier has 101 records for articles and 13 records for videos.

The other set of data on which I base refers to my previous and current

research experience in the states of Bahia and Rio de Janeiro, with social subjects of

a very similar or analogue social profile (age, class origin, racial composition) of the

protagonists of “rolezinho” on its main stage, the State of Sao Paulo

Considering these two distinct sets of data lead me to build the following

interpretation: first, how the media and current interpretations of “rolezinho”

helped to build its sociological meaning and define the course that events would

1 I I would like to thank Justin Perez for the revision of the text.

Osmundo Pinho, Santa Barbara – marco de 2014 2

take and assume; secondly, andwhat may interest me more, allow me to ask how

Subjectification processes, marked by inequality and violence, racism and

contradictory relationships with the state and the market, are the basis for the

agency of young people involved in “rolezinho” precisely because subjectivity and

agency seem to define the political and explosive content of the phenomenon.

The “rolezinho” is not an organized social movement, with explicitly political

purposes, some kind of hierarchy or formal program, but conversely appears to be

relatively spontaneous, inspired by the ambitions of young people to gather in places

they consider appropriate and interesting to talk, date, and take pictures to post on

Facebook and other social networks. Neither it is a performance, or flash-‐mob,

despite clearly being “site-‐specific” (Kwon, 1997).

But precisely because of its spontaneous trait it appear so politically radical. I

argue that it is because it is the collective expression, of a subjective contradiction,

or rather, of a structural contradiction in Brazilian society, lived in a subjective way.

The “rolezeiros” do nothing more than take in their full extension the values that

organize the society of the spectacle in peripheral capitalism, giving to the market

the power to make their identities objective. However as they are racialized and

marked as subjects of class, coming from the “periphery”, the realization of these

aspirations is impossible without the proper social order has been disturbed, and in

that sense the conservatives who are fiercely opposed to the phenomenon in the

media and public space are correct. It is impossible that the shopping malls of São

Paulo integrate these subjects, their music, their way of talking, having fun, living in

public, and dressing, their values and perspectives, and their racialized bodies, and

remain what they are today. So it is the very subjectivity of the young people who

seek to express themselves that produces panic, violence and repression.

I start with a relatively comprehensive chronology of the phenomenon. Then

I turn to the ethnographic basis of my argument. Finally, I conclude by suggesting

how and why these are new securitized social subjects, trapped in the contradictions

of the Brazilian national project, as discussed respectively by Amar Paul and Joao

Vargas (Amar, 2013; Vargas, 2012).


Chronology of the Panic

On November 30, 2013, a funk ball that occurred in the Enseada do Sua, the coastal

area of the city of Vitoria, in the Espirito Santo State, was dispersed by military police

with their usual methods. Some claim that fights occur, others who had “minors and

drug trafficking”, other than just poor youth of the region that had fun listening to

funk music, a demonized soundtrack of Brazilian favelas (Miranda, 2013).

Through the dissemination of a mobile video on the Internet, we learned that

some young boys fled from the police, taking refuge in the nearby Shopping Vitoria

Mall (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WoLa1Rw42b8 ). It was enough that the

police were called, the young persecuted, and put in queue. The officers with heavy

weapons, forced the youth to sit shirtless on the floor of the food court, with hands

on head, then queued were removed from the building. Consumers who watched

the scene applauded the police action.

Police Action at Vitoria Shopping. 2013.

A week later, on December 9, according to several media websites, around six

thousand young people and teenagers -‐ according to CBN 10,000 -‐ attended an

appointment gathered through social networks in the area outside the Itaquera Mall


in Sao Paulo, the cosmopolitan megalopolis that is the financial and industrial capital

of the country, known for its particularly severe socio-‐spatial segregation (Caldeira,

2000). The event in Itaquera was classified as “funk party by News Websites and as

“arrastão” by newspapers and TV, and as a kind of “stampede” and “invasion” as

well. In Itaquera the police used even higher violence than in Vitoria, including

rubber bullets and tear gas (Krepp & Souza, 2014; Krepp, 2014; CBN, 2013; Donato,

2013; R7, 2013).

On December 16 it was the turn of Shopping Guarulhos. According to Folha

de São Paulo “A ghost haunted yesterday Guarulhos International Mall, the ghost of

funk" (Capriglione, 2013). Because as in Itaquera and Vitoria, young poor people and

“rolezinho” are associated with funk music. In Guarulhos the youths “invaded” the

mall singing the music of Mc Daleste, “funkeiro” from São Paulo murdered on stage

while doing a show in Campinas city. The song in question, “Let me go” celebrates

and makes fun of marijuana use (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q6Ag8gBRQkc

). On 22 December it was the turn of Shopping Interlagos. And by that time the

press, especially the popular TV channels, accused the young as criminals and

troublemakers. Even though in all these incidents no one had been formally charged

with any crime (Silva & Orrico, 2013).


Police Action at Itaquera Shopping. Frame of the video “Rolezin” by Luk@az Ogsawara. Veja Sao Paulo. 2014.

In the rich and pleasant city of Campinas the São Paulo Iguatemi Mall banned the

entry of unaccompanied minors, unless they reached the shopping by car

(Polycarpo, 2013). The disproportion between the intentions of the young, and the

panic of the press, with the subsequent crackdown by police and legal action as this,

sparked intense debate in society (Moretti, 2014; G1 Sao Paulo, 2014; Bunduky,

2014; Joven Pan, 2014). The means of mass communication, recruited experts from

multivariate origin, and broad political spectrum from far right to far left, past the

black movement and even the LGBT movement2. And, perhaps, most interestingly,

from the sociological point of view, the comments sections of newspapers, blogs and

online video channels exploded in comments that we don’t have time to discuss

here.

On December 2nd, Douglas Belchior, professor of history and sociology,

activist in the black movement in São Paulo and columnist of the leftist magazine

“Carta Capital”, published in his column, in the online version of the magazine, the

article “Shopping Vitoria: Black Bodies in the Wrong Place”, which I quote in my own

title here (Belchior, 2013). Belchior points out, correctly, what later would be more 2 As in the article “Seria Possivel um ‘rolezinho’ Guei?” (Would be possible a Gay ‘rolezinho’?) by Lima, 2014.


obvious. The main, and only true trespass committed by the young people, is the

fact that they are who they are, and tried to be there – in the malls -‐ when they

should be in another place or position.

Reactions to the Belchior article were not slow to appear. A young college

student and political columnist for a local newspaper in Vitoria synthesized the camp

of those who came to support the action of the police in the repression of

“rolezinho”. The title of his article introduces the prospect: “Arrastao of Imaginary

Racism-‐ Now what craves such racist discourse? Exalt a culture or opposing social

groups”. The thesis of “cultural Marxism” that circulates between groups on the

right, ultraconservative blogs and Face Book profiles of young affluent people, made

another appearance here (Tebaldi, 2013).

With the spectacular media coverage and biased opinions the phenomenon

“rolezinho” entered a new phase. Forcing public authorities and traditional political

actors to take the position setting. So, obviously, many remembered several

previous discrimination in malls throughout Brazil. And we cannot overlook, of

course, the background formed by state violence against the black population, which

resists, impenitent, disregarding any change of parties in government and political

trends. In the same month of November 2013, the press widely reported results of a

survey commissioned by the Brazilian Public Security Forum

(http://www2.forumseguranca.org.br/novo/ ), a non-‐governmental organization

dedicated to public safety studies.

According to the research all over Brazil, just in 2012, police killed 1,890

people. Champions states are Rio de Janeiro, Sao Paulo, which are the most

populous and urbanized states, and Bahia, in the impoverished northeast, a state

that has 80% of the population of African origin. Only in Sao Paulo were 563 deaths.

Other studies such as the “Violence Map” indicate that blacks are most victimized in

these statistics (Waiselfiz, 2011).

Organized social movements sought to reinterpret the “rolezinho” as a social

movement, which clearly it is not, as it is also not a flash mob, or as Ruda Ricci,

researcher of movements of June, called, a periphery “occupy” (Ricci, 2014).

Anyway, acts to support “rolezeiros” were marked and we sought an association


between “rolezinho” and protests that shook Brazil in June, even without taking into

account the obvious difference between the demonstrators in June, largely college

students, autonomists and leftists, committed to an anti-‐capitalist perspective, and

the “rolezeiros”, poor youth, fascinated with the world of commodities and media

glamor. In Victoria, where it all started, social movements marked the “Grand Funk

dance: Arrastao against Racism”.

Great Funk Ball – “Arrastão” against Racism. 2013

According to the leftist newspaper “Carta Capital” in January 14, 2014 there were

already at least 17 "rolezinhos" marked across the country (Carta Capital, 2014).

The racist and exclusionary dimension of panic, motivated by the presence of

young folk of popular class background became more evident when the media and

social networks have realized that since 2007 students of the Faculty of Economics,

Administration and Accounting (FEA), of the University of São Paulo, the more elitist

and prestigious of Brazil, performing a sort of party to celebrate the entry of

freshmen at Shopping Eldorado (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gdyqIlOify0 ).

According to the magazine “Caros Amigos” and by the evidence of several videos,

hundreds of young people from São Paulo elite “invade” the Mall singing college

hymns, “FEA USP Wonderful, best school in Brazil”, go up on the tables of the food

court, they doing this without the police were ever called Shopping and Shopping

administration took no action (Sartorato, 2014).

The international repercussions began on December 23, the Brazilian online

edition of the Spanish newspaper “El País” published a long article, “Brazil Young


Vandals” (Brum, 2013). On January 14, the same “El País” publishes another article

“The Rebellion of the Excluded” and interview four Brazilian intellectuals about the

phenomenon, such as the writer Paulo Lins and the anthropologist Alba Zaluar, one

of the major specialist in safety studies and violence, who asks: “What needs to be

examined is whether their presence in Shopping is harmful. If I was in a mall, and

found a group of people of any social class screaming, making riot, I would be

frightened. They should go to the park, why not go to Ibirapuera? ". (Martin &

Bedinelli, 2014).

The BBC News Website has also published several articles on the subject,

starting repercussion in English on the subject on January 5, 2014, with the subject

"Rolezinhos, Brazil's Flashmob Trend". On Jan. 15, the New York Times asks "Whose

Mall Is It?" and on jan. 19 “Brazil’s Latest Clash with Its Urban Youth Takes Place at

the Mall”. (Hebblethwaite, 2014; Vanessa, 2014; Romero, 2014).

Due to these developments, it became impossible for sectors of the black

movement, that are part of President Dilma Rousseff government, (Workers Party),

remain silent. Faced with pressures and demands coming from the more radical

sectors of the black movement, Luiza Bairros Minister for the Special Secretariat for

the Promotion of Racial Equality, herself a radical black activist in the 70s and 80,

and sociologist and researcher of racism, stated in the press on January 16: “The

demonstrations are peaceful. The problems are derived from the reaction of white

people who frequent these places and are frightened by the presence of young black

people”. Minister Bairros was called soon after by President Rousseff to attend a

meeting of counseling on the “rolezinho”, together with the Ministers of Justice and

Culture (Franco, 2014).

The Meaning of "Rolezinho": Public Sphere, Market Place and Funk Music

If there is, as Mariana Assis points, lack of real public spaces for qualified leisure in

São Paulo, as in other Brazilian cities, this alone does not explain the choice of young

people for the malls, neither the overreaction, as a manifestation of contradictions,

that, I believe, are deeper. We should seek to discuss and understand the

perspectives of young people themselves, the meaning of “public”, and the content


of social interactions in socially regulated environment in Brazil. Because one of the

essential aspects that the “crisis of rolezinho” brings out is the lack of social spaces,

in the full sense of public spaces, for interaction of different identities and

subjectivities that make up urban life (Assis, 2014).

On the other hand, we should interrogate the contradictory modes of

production of the very subjectivity of these boys and girls and how they are

constituted as subjects, how they manifest agency and live the contradictions of

peripheral capitalism, as the very same set of their self-‐making. What, as I seek to

develop, they do exactly using the resources available to them in fetishized popular

cultural elements, especially in music, and particularly in this case, the so-‐called

“funk ostentacao”. In doing so that subjectivities can become objective for the

subjects, through externalized relationship with the symbolic elements present as a

grammar in “funk ostentacao”, and other genres, which can be defined as its core

elements of worship, fetishized goods and (imaginary) luxury consumerism.

I recall here then two other investigations where I worked before and which

provide elements, I believe, to understand the relationship between, music, public

space, subjectivity and market place, what I believe shapes the agency behind the

“rolezinho”, which as I pointed out, is essentially political.

In the late 90s I conducted fieldwork in the Historic Center of Salvador, state

capital of Bahia founded in 1549 by the Portuguese. Since 1993 the area of

Pelourinho3, the Historic Center, which is relatively preserved, went through what

was called urban renewal, in order to make the area a showcase for international

tourism. The region had previously been recognized, as World Heritage by UNESCO,

and despite the intense social and architectural degradation, romanticized by artists

such as Jorge Amado, also became a focus for black cultural renaissance known as

"Re-‐Africanization". The work we did sought to identify and describe outbreaks of

territorial and cultural resistance to the conversion of Pelourinho into a “landscape

of power” using Sharon Zukin phrase, I intended to do this by the ethnography of the

3 Is worth to mention that “Pelourinho” means literally Pillory, and that area received this name because in the slavery times there were in its main square a pillory where slaves were public flogged


“war of places” that unfolded in that situation (Pinho, 2001; 2010; Zukin, 1991;

Arantes, 1996).

One of the areas I described was the Reggae Bar. All the regulars attendants,

according to the small survey we did, consisted of manual workers, maids,

unemployed people, etc. With the help of De Certeau I described how “proliferating

illegitimacies”, micro space hegemonies subvert the legitimate order and erode the

disciplinary systems of space and route (De Certeau, 1994). Well, the category used

by agents to describe their own movements and routes in the new Pelourinho was

just “role”(Pinho, 1998).

"Bar do Reggae”, Salvador. Photo by the author. 1995.

Some years later I worked on another investigation, this time in São Gonçalo, in the

Metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro, wondering about how modernization was

lived under conditions of poverty and how the production of this scenario of poverty

and periphery affected the making of practices of race and gender among young

people (Pinho, 2010).

I presented part of that investigation right here in Santa Barbara and perhaps

Dr. Amar and Dr. Miller-‐Young will remember that I said that the contradictions and

unfulfilled promise of modernity were experienced in a excruciating way by these

young people according to our data, which describes how their particular modes of


subjectivity place them in permanent contradiction. The promises of subjective

emancipation, which appear as ideologically universal foundation for national

citizenship, and for the political and subjective belonging of the Brazilian nation,

were routinely denied to them by the particularism of the race that was imposed on

them; and the young people were well aware of that (Pinho, 2006).

And it is here, then, that comes into play the called “funk ostentacao”. There

is no time here to develop the complex history of funk in Rio de Janeiro, and the

various conflicts and crises in his tone. We can not reconstruct the numerous times

that the bourgeois press has produced intense moral panic around the funk parties

occurred in the slums, or the intended connection between funk and “arrastoes”

that occurred on the beaches of the South Zone of Rio in the 90s. But this context

helps us understand then why the press and conservative stress so fast and make

the automatic connection between rolezinho, funk, crime and danger( Palombini,

n.d.; Scruggs & Lippman, 2012).

“Funk ostentacao”, is one particular funk genre, which emerged in Santos,

the coastal region of São Paulo. The production of the “funk ostentacao” hits is

inseparable from the production of the videos, which invariably shows young

peripheral boys driving expensive imported cars, using high luxury jewelry, famous

brand clothes, drinking champagne and whiskey, accompanied by half-‐naked women

and displaying a hundred real bills, thrown to the wind, or falling from the sky like

rain on the delighted boys (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s9xoz7zRGn0 ).


Frame of the video "Tanto Faz, Tanto Fez". Mc Pablo do Capão. 2013.

Currently, I perform research on racialized youth masculinities in Bahia. Within the

methodological features we are using we found the monitoring of Facebook profiles

of our main partners in the field. One of these is Uallyson, Inho Mc, beginner singer

of “funk melody”, a romantic version of funk. On his Facebook profile, Uallyson,

living in Cachoeira, the locus of research, and a small town 100 km away from the

capital Salvador, comments and posts pictures of his visit to the nearby city of Feira

de Santana, who unlike Cachoeira has a Shopping Mall. Uallyson titled his album,

released in November 2013, before the events of December/January, as “Rolezin no

Shopping”.


From the Facebook Photo-‐Album "Rolezin no Shopping". 2013.

Securitized New Subjects and Racial Antagonism

In “The Security Archipelago” Paul Amar offers analytical framework to describe the

eruption of “rolezinho” in connection with new modes of global governance and its

articulation in the production of subjects, subjectified under the contradictory

confluence of neoliberal state hegemony and securitized State in the form of a new

humanitarianism (Amar, 2013).

In securitized domination, he says, sexuality attribute value of adherence to

control policies and regulation, so the “humanitarian securitization” is guided by

abstract conventions of morality and respectable behavior, aimed at providing

protection to the average citizen and family values, under attack of the destructive

forces of the wild market, and nonconforming subjectivities.

In Brazil, under presidents Lula and Dilma, the hegemony of the Workers

Party is defended with decisive support of morally conservative groups such as neo-‐

Pentecostal religious clusters, in this case neo-‐liberal rhetoric did not see the same

resonance. Rather the “rescue” of moral, community, religious and cultural values

seems more important. In this environment, and in a society marked by unthinkable

levels of violence, the discourse of security and return to family values seems widely

prevalent. If we consider just how funk, since associated to “rolezeiros” and

“criminal” is the subject of intense moral panic for a long time in Brazilian society,


we can understand how those involved in “rolezinho” seems as corrupted by

exacerbated “consumerism”, uncontrolled sexuality and criminal potential.

In a society such as the Brazilian, the racial variable can never be

underestimated. Neither race nor racism may be treated as incidental explanatory

factors; neither they must be understood as structural elements of state formation,

of the subjectivities and even of the “national project”. As Joao Vargas questions,

can Brazil as political-‐cultural “polis” integrate blacks and blackness? Vargas

discusses this impossible position, hopelessly antagonistic, the (im)possible black

subject in Brazil, in this sense:

“It ensues that the gendered black subject is an impossible subject, one whose impossible gender, impossible blackness, impossible being, inhabits the very impossible co-‐ordinates of time and space that make the nation possible. The nation is possible because the gendered black subject, qua subject, qua citizen, is an oxymoron”. (Vargas, 2012: 5). The oxymoron of the black gendered subject is objectified in the popular culture

expressive forms as well in subjective self-‐making, immersed on contradictions.

There is no space, as we said, for black bodies in wrong places in Brazil, and there is

no possibility of integration, the only acceptable policy, seems to be the widespread

violence that takes shape as an effective genocide.

The black bodies are not only out of place in the malls, where this incongruity

gained spectacularized visibility through the agency of young “rolezeiros”, but in the

very country’s own national imagination and in their political and cultural landscapes

as an uncomfortable and fundamentally inassimilable presence.


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“Black Bodies, Wrong Places”:Spatial and Morality Politics of Rolezinho Racialized Youth...

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