Working Through Political Entertainment: How Negative Emotion and Narrative Engagement Encourage...

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Working Through PoliticalEntertainment: How Negative Emotionand Narrative Engagement EncouragePolitical Discussion Intent in YoungAmericansKristen D. Landreville a Kristen D. Landreville (Ph.D., The OhioState University, 2010) is an assistant professor in the Departmentof Communication & Journalism at the University of Wyoming. &Heather L. LaMarre b Heather L. LaMarre (Ph.D., The Ohio StateUniversity, ) is an assistant professor in the School of Journalism &Mass Communication at the University of Minnesota.a Department of Communication & Journalism, University ofWyomingb School of Journalism & Mass Communication, University ofMinnesota

Available online: 21 Apr 2011

To cite this article: Kristen D. Landreville Kristen D. Landreville (Ph.D., The Ohio State University,2010) is an assistant professor in the Department of Communication & Journalism at the Universityof Wyoming. & Heather L. LaMarre Heather L. LaMarre (Ph.D., The Ohio State University, ) isan assistant professor in the School of Journalism & Mass Communication at the University ofMinnesota. (2011): Working Through Political Entertainment: How Negative Emotion and NarrativeEngagement Encourage Political Discussion Intent in Young Americans, Communication Quarterly,59:2, 200-220

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Working Through PoliticalEntertainment: How NegativeEmotion and Narrative EngagementEncourage Political Discussion Intentin Young AmericansKristen D. Landreville & Heather L. LaMarre

This study examines how a political entertainment film (Man of the Year) can impact

an individual’s political discussion intent after the same political topic is made salient in

a subsequent news story. In addition, a process of communication influence is assessed

when the roles of negative emotion and narrative engagement are considered as potential

mediators of the relationship between political entertainment film viewing and political

discussion intent. Seven hypotheses serve as the foundation for this experimental study,

and structural equation modeling was used to test these hypotheses. Results reveal there

was no direct influence of political entertainment film viewing on political discussion

intent, but there was an indirect effect through negative emotion. Furthermore, narrative

engagement emerged as a predictor of political discussion intent and a mediator of the

association between negative emotion and political discussion intent.

Keywords: Emotion; Engagement; Narrative; Political Communication; Political

Discussion; Political Entertainment

Kristen D. Landreville (Ph.D., The Ohio State University, 2010) is an assistant professor in the Department of

Communication & Journalism at the University of Wyoming. Heather L. LaMarre (Ph.D., The Ohio State

University, 2009) is an assistant professor in the School of Journalism & Mass Communication at the University

of Minnesota. An earlier version of this manuscript was presented at the annual conference of the National

Communication Association, Chicago, IL, 2009. Correspondence: Kristen D. Landreville, Department of

Communication & Journalism, University of Wyoming, 425 Ross Hall, 1000 E. University Ave., Laramie,

WY 82070; E-mail: [email protected]

Communication Quarterly

Vol. 59, No. 2, April–June 2011, pp. 200–220

ISSN 0146-3373 print/1746-4102 online # 2011 Eastern Communication Association

DOI: 10.1080/01463373.2011.563441

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For centuries, political discourse has been regarded as essential for a healthy,

well-functioning democracy. Political theorists from Aristotle to James Bryce to

Jurgen Habermas have argued that political discourse is particularly important for

political engagement (Price, 1992). Interpersonal political discussion has been

regarded as a central feature of democratic life (e.g., Dewey, 1927; Fishkin, 1992).

From formal deliberation, where each contributor is valued equally and the process

is fair, public, and with reason (see Burkhalter, Gastil, & Kelshaw, 2002), to more cas-

ual forms of political conversation (see Kim, Wyatt, & Katz, 1999; Walsh, 2004;

Wyatt, Katz, & Kim, 2000), all types of political discussion are an important area

of study for political communication scholars.

In terms of media, political communication scholarship has started to expand

beyond the study of news to include many different types of political entertainment

television, from late-night comedy (e.g., Baumgartner & Morris, 2006; Baym, 2005;

Hollander, 2005; Moy, Xenos, & Hess, 2006; Young & Tisinger, 2006) to prime-time

dramas (e.g., Holbert et al., 2003). Moreover, the study of political entertainment

film in the form of documentary film is becoming a well-structured area of

research in the sub-field (e.g., Holbert & Hansen, 2006; Holbert, Hansen, Caplan,

& Mortensen, 2006). When taken as a whole, this body of literature demonstrates

a reliable influence of this one type of film (i.e., documentary) on a host of demo-

cratic outcome variables (e.g., political knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors). How-

ever, we know far less about the empirical effects fictional political entertainment

film. In fact, there has been no empirical research completed to date concerning

the potential democratic outcomes generated by the consumption of political enter-

tainment films. This study seeks to fill a void in the literature by examining a fictional

political entertainment film (Man of the Year, Produced by J. G. Robinson &

D. Robinson; Directed by B. Levinson, 2006) and its impact on political discussion

intent. More specifically, the primary research question driving this study is as fol-

lows: To what extent does a political entertainment film directly and indirectly influ-

ence political discussion intent after exposure to a topic-relevant political news story?

In addition to the recent interest in the intersection of entertainment and politics

has been a concerted effort to better understand emotion in the context of politics.

Traditionally, cognition, logic, and reason have dominated theory building and

empirical research on political discourse as it relates to basic democratic processes

(e.g., Arkes, 1993; Hilgard, 1980). Recent political theory consistently and thoroughly

debates the role of emotion in politics and communication (e.g., Richards, 2004),

extending the ideas from historical political thinkers, such as Artistotle, Plato,

Descartes, and Hume, who have considered the role of emotion in persuasion and poli-

tics (Marcus, 2000). Studies in political science and communication (e.g., Marcus &

MacKuen, 1993; Marcus, Neuman, & MacKuen, 2000) have argued that negative

emotions (e.g., anger, disgust, fear, and anxiety) about political candidates, the polit-

ical environment, or political stimuli in general contribute to higher levels of political

engagement. Negative emotions are thought to arouse increased interest, attention,

and engagement with the relevant political issue at hand. With these perspectives

on emotion in mind, this study investigates how negative emotions contribute to

Communication Quarterly 201

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political discussion intent. More specifically, this work examines if negative emotion

is a mediator of the relationship between the direct effect of political entertainment

film exposure on political discussion intent.

This study also looks at narrative engagement in a process of influence leading

from the consumption of a politically oriented entertainment film and ending in

political discussion intent. Previous research has found that narrative engagement

contributes to higher intensity of transportation, absorption, and immersion in the

film world (Green & Brock, 2000). At its core, the narrative engagement process is

about forgetting oneself and becoming immersed in the world created for you by

the narrative. In the case of viewing a political entertainment film, more narrative

engagement with the film should increase the audience’s intention to discuss politics

after subsequent exposure to a topic-relevant news story. This is because narrative

engagement is heightened attention, interest, and concern for the topics in the nar-

rative. Finally, this work explores another mediation process—the possibility that

narrative engagement mediates the relationship between political entertainment film,

negative emotion, and political discussion intent.

This study is a contribution to both political entertainment research and research

at the junction of emotion, narrative engagement, and politics. It sheds light on the

extent to which a political entertainment film impacts political discussion intent, as

well as the degree to which negative emotion and narrative engagement encourage

political discussion intent and serve as mediators of the film’s direct effect. Experi-

mental data are used to investigate these questions. In particular, the influences of

negative emotion and narrative engagement on political discussion intent after sub-

sequent political news exposure are compared between an audience that viewed a

political film (Man of the Year) and an audience that viewed a control film (RV,

Produced by L. Fisher and D. Wick; Directed by B. Sonnenfeld, 2006). Seven hypoth-

eses serve as the foundation for this study, and structural equation modeling (SEM)

was used to test these hypotheses. Results are presented in line with the hypotheses

and discussion ensues as to the implications of this study’s findings.

Political Entertainment and Political Discussion

Political discussion can be stimulated by many sources, including media. Lazarsfeld’s

two-step flow suggests that discussion between citizens and their opinion leaders

arises from media exposure (see Katz & Lazarsfeld, 1955). For example, news media

use is closely associated with the amount of daily political discussion at general and

issue-specific levels (Kim et al., 1999). Furthermore, political discussion is a building

block for other democratic outcomes, such as campaign participation, and should

been seen as part of the system of participation itself (McLeod et al., 1999). In

addition to general informational sources, entertainment media sources can also

influence political discussion. For example, Delli Carpini and Williams (1994) found

that focus-group participants used both informational and entertainment television

sources as stimuli for political talk. They argued that television plays a central role

202 K. D. Landreville & H. L. LaMarre

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in creating an ongoing discourse about public issues because, ‘‘. . . although indivi-

duals may not regularly talk with each other about political issues, television is

engaged in an ongoing political conversation; when we turn the set on, we dip into

this conversation’’ (Delli Carpini & Williams, 1994, p. 799).

Considering research on political media and political discussion, we suggest that

political entertainment film viewing should positively impact an individual’s polit-

ical discussion intent following subsequent exposure to a politically relevant news

story—that is, exposure to a political news story that is topic-relevant to a political

entertainment film should result in higher political discussion intentions compared

to a control group who did not view a political entertainment film. In light of the

research and arguments noted earlier, and in light of Chaffee’s (1982) notion that

the study of complementary relationships (opposed to competitive relationships)

should dominate research on the intersection of media and interpersonal outlets,

this study suggests that political entertainment film enhances intentions for political

discussion after exposure to a subsequent topic-relevant political news story. Thus,

the following hypothesis is posited:

H1: Participants who view a political entertainment film will report higher levels ofpolitical discussion intent about the political issue that is the centerpiece of thepolitical entertainment film than participants who view a control film that doesnot address the political issue that is the focus of the entertainment film.

Political Entertainment and Negative Emotion

The examination of emotion and entertainment is common in communication (e.g.,

Choi, 2003; David, Horton, & German, 2008; Holbert & Hansen, 2006; Oatley, 1994;

Oliver, 1993, 2008). Numerous studies demonstrate that mass media can affect our

emotions (e.g., political communication, Holbert & Hansen, 2006; sports entertain-

ment, Knobloch-Westerwick, David, Eastin, Tamborini, & Greenwood, 2009; per-

suasive messages, Nabi, 2002; and news media, Newhagen, 1998). Specifically,

Vorderer, Klimmt, & Ritterfeld (2004) argued that entertainment is essentially a

physiological, cognitive, and affective experience. They offered a conceptual model

that includes emotional experiences as one manifestation of the entertainment

experience. This phenomenon is not limited to positive emotions or feelings of

pleasantness. Negative emotions, such as sadness and anxiety, can play an important

role in this experience (Vorderer et al., 2004).

Negative emotions also have been the target of communication scholars because of

the connection of negative emotion to behavior. It is important to note here that

negative emotion, as opposed to positive emotion, is the focus of this study due to

its relationship to behavior change. Therefore, a political entertainment film that

had the potential to arouse negative emotion was chosen. To be sure, we are not sug-

gesting that all political entertainment incites negative emotion; rather, we are exam-

ining how an exemplar of a fictional political entertainment film can lead to negative

emotion. In sum, the plausibility of the negative events portrayed in a fictional film


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coming to fruition in the real world, of course in less drastic, but still nonetheless

harmful ways, is made salient as a result of viewing the film. This should generate

negative emotion arousal in the viewer. Thus, the following is posited:

H2: Participants who viewed a political entertainment film about a potentially negativedemocratic event will report higher levels of negative emotion than participantswho viewed a control film that did not depict a negative democratic event.

Negative Emotion and Political Discussion Intent

Of particular interest to communication scholars is how messages incite emotions

and how emotions, in turn, influence behaviors. The impact of negative emotions,

especially on subsequent behavior, has caught the attention of communication scho-

lars and political scientists (e.g., Marcus, Sullivan, Theiss-Morse, & Stevens, 2005;

Nabi, 2002; Newhagen, 1998; Witte, 1992). These studies have found a relatively con-

sistent connection between negative emotion and behavioral tendencies. Behavioral

tendencies are actions that are likely to result from the arousal of a particular emotion

or set of emotions (Frijda, Kuipers, & ter Schure, 1989). For example, high levels of

fear, combined with strong feelings of efficacy, are most effective for encouraging

the behavior change advocated in persuasive messages (Witte, 1992). Anxiety, anger,

and disgust from news reports impact our desire to approach or avoid the message

(Newhagen, 1998). Nonetheless, in general, negative emotion (no matter the specific

emotion) tends to yield strong behavioral tendencies (Frijda et al., 1989; Lazarus,

1991). This is due, in part, because negative emotions result from harms, losses,

and threats, which encourage us to adjust our behavior (Lazarus, 1991). Negative

emotions are one focus of this study due to the ability of negative political events

to generate negative emotions, which, in turn, can encourage civic behavior (e.g.,

interpersonal discussion of politics).

Specifically, recent research and theorizing in political science by George Marcus

and colleagues suggests that there is a link between negative emotion and political

behavior (see Marcus & MacKuen, 1993; Marcus et al., 2000; Marcus et al., 2005).

Marcus et al. (2000) described that people think about politics when their emotions

tell them to. They argued that emotion and reasoned intelligence are not as incom-

patible as traditionally believed. In fact, they believed that emotion and reason inter-

act to influence political decision making. The authors proposed a disposition system

that ‘‘provides people with an understanding, an emotional report card, about

actions that are already in their repertoire of habits and learned behaviors’’ and a sur-

veillance system that ‘‘acts to scan the environment for novelty and sudden intrusion

of threat’’ (Marcus et al., 2000, p. 10).1 The surveillance system is inactive and gen-

erates a sense of calm until an unexpected event occurs, which will then create

negative emotion about the unexpected stimuli (Marcus et al., 2000). In sum, the dis-

position system tells us to be unreflective and rely on our habits until the surveillance

system indicates that we must adjust our behavior to the novel stimuli (Marcus et al.,

2000; Marcus et al., 2005).


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Political entertainment films can be considered novel stimuli that focus on polit-

ical events (e.g., election fraud or allegations of a cover-up). These political events as

portrayed in a fictional film have the potential to provoke negative emotion, initiat-

ing the surveillance system. In turn, behavior adjustment to this negative event

should follow. We suggest that higher levels of discussion intent of the political issue

(i.e., the behavior adjustment) may result from this process. In light of the previously

mentioned arguments regarding the role of negative emotion and behavioral implica-

tions, the third hypothesis is offered:

H3: Negative emotion positively predicts political discussion intent.

Negative Emotion as Mediator of Political Entertainment and Political

Discussion Intent

In addition to the direct effects outlined in H1, H2, and H3, this study examines

negative emotion as a mediator of the influence of political entertainment film on

political discussion intent. Holbert and Stephenson (2003) outlined the importance

of testing for indirect media effects (i.e., an examination of a decomposition of

effects). The combination of hypotheses offered earlier establishes the basic criteria

for negative emotion functioning as a mediator of the relationship between the polit-

ical entertainment film and political discussion intent (Kenny, Kashy, & Bolger,

1998). Thus, the following hypothesis is offered:

H4: Negative emotion is a mediator of the relationship between political entertain-ment film viewing and political discussion intent.

Negative Emotion and Narrative Engagement

Narrative engagement has been conceptualized in many ways—involvement

(Vorderer, 1992, 1993), transportation (Green & Brock, 2000), flow (e.g.,

Csikszentmihalyi, 1990), and presence (for a concept explication, see Lombard &

Ditton, 1997) are just a few examples. Although these conceptualizations are slightly

different (e.g., presence is focused on virtual worlds, whereas transportation is

focused on text-based narratives), in general, narrative engagement can be considered

the amount of immersion and absorption experienced by an individual in a mediated

environment. Attention and interest to the narrative are what define narrative

engagement. Likewise, when an individual is in a mediated environment, but experi-

ences the ‘‘perceptual illusion of nonmediation,’’ then the individual is described as

being ‘‘present’’ (Lombard & Ditton, 1997). At its core, the narrative engagement

process is about forgetting yourself, getting lost, and becoming wrapped-up in the

world created for you by the narrative. This study regards narrative engagement as

a feeling of presence and transportation into the film.

Turning to the relationship between negative emotion and narrative engagement,

there is evidence that the two concepts are linked. Specifically, negative events in film


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and negative-valence films have been associated with higher levels of narrative

engagement and involvement (Sinclair & Marks, 1992). Moreover, the theorizing

and research by Marcus et al. (2000) can also be applied here. In an illustration of

the link between negative emotion and attention=interest, Marcus et al. (2000) noted

that negative emotions (e.g., fear, anxiety, uneasiness, and disgust) and negative

events capture our interest more often than positive emotions and events. In

addition, novel, unusual, and unexpected events trigger high surveillance and inter-

est. In light of Marcus et al.’s (2000) theorizing on the relationship between negative

emotion and attention=interest, we argue that it is reasonable to suggest that negative

emotion from political film can lead to higher levels of narrative engagement.

To clarify, Marcus et al. (2000) were connecting negative emotion with greater

levels of attention=interest. The authors explained that the American National Elec-

tion Study data reveal respondents who felt more negative emotions (i.e., anxiety,

disgust, fear, and anger) about presidential candidates were more interested in the

campaign than respondents complacent about the candidates (Marcus et al., 2000).

To draw a connection to our focus here, participants who view a negative-valence

film about politics should experience more negative emotion and, therefore, should

experience more narrative engagement (a type of attention=interest construct). Thisis consistent with literature that suggests narrative engagement includes attention=

interest to the narrative (e.g., Green & Brock, 2000). If the narrative conveys negative

events and the participants experience negative emotion, then the link between nega-

tive emotion and narrative engagement (similar to the link between negative emotion

and attention=interest) should be apparent. In other words, a perceived negative

event is considered threatening and unique, thus inciting interest and attention to

the event in the form of narrative engagement with the film. More narrative engage-

ment should result from more negative emotions because more attention is paid to

the film. Thus, the following hypothesis is offered:

H5: Negative emotion positively predicts narrative engagement.

Narrative Engagement and Political Discussion Intent

In the case of viewing a political entertainment film, more narrative engagement with

the film should increase the audience’s intention to discuss politics after subsequent

exposure to a topic-relevant news story. This is because narrative engagement is

heightened attention, interest, and concern for the topics in the narrative. Narrative

engagement is cognitive and affective immersion in the text, which creates vested

interest, concern, and urgency regarding the issues in the narrative. Losing oneself

in the narrative should encourage the individual to be more concerned with

topic-relevant issues presented to him or her after that narrative experience. In other

words, when presented with the same issue in a news story (i.e., electronic voting

fraud), then the individual should want to discuss those topic-relevant issues more

because he or she was engaged with the narrative.


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In addition, the literature on presence sheds light on the potential impact of nar-

rative engagement on discussion intent. To reiterate, presence is generally regarded as

the ‘‘perceptual illusion of nonmediation’’ (Lombard & Ditton, 1997), and research is

typically focused on virtual reality experiences. However, Klimmt and Vorderer

(2003) noted the many similarities between presence and media entertainment

theories, such as involvement (Vorderer, 1992, 1993), affective disposition theory

(Zillmann, 1994, 1996), and simulation theory (Oatley, 1994, 1999). All of these

theories focus on emotional and cognitive engagement in the mediated environment,

whether a book, television show, or video game. The narrative engagement experi-

enced by the individual discourages disruption of that experience with concerns

in the real world outside of the mediated experience (Klimmt & Vorderer, 2003).

Narrative engagement should stimulate higher intentions to discuss politics after

exposure to a topic-relevant news story.

In the case of this study, if the audience is engaged, highly involved, and feels present

with themediated environment of the political entertainment film that deals with a spe-

cific democratic issue, then they will be more likely to intend to discuss that democratic

issue after subsequent exposure to a news story that is reporting on that issue:

H6: Narrative engagement positively predicts political discussion intent.

Narrative Engagement as Mediator of Negative Emotion and Political

Discussion Intent

In addition to the direct effects outlined in H3, H4, and H5, this study examines nar-

rative engagement in the production of an indirect effect of negative emotion on

political discussion intent. The combination of hypotheses offered earlier establishes

the basic criteria for narrative engagement functioning as a mediator of the relation-

ship between negative emotion and political discussion intent (Kenny et al., 1998).

Thus, the following hypothesis is offered:

H7: Narrative engagement is a mediator of the relationship between negativeemotion and political discussion intent.

Hypothesized Model

This study examines the extent to which exposure to Man of the Year, a

Hollywood-produced fictional film about voter fraud, impacts political discussion

intent after subsequent exposure to a topic-relevant news story (H1). Second, the

political entertainment film, Man of the Year, should encourage negative emotion

due to the negative events in the narrative about fraudulent election activities and

electronic voting malfunctions (H2). Third, negative emotions should positively

influence political discussion intent (H3). The first hypothesized mediating relation-

ship is between the influence of political entertainment and political discussion intent

(H4). In addition, negative emotion is predicted to positively impact narrative


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engagement (H5), and narrative engagement is expected to positively predict dis-

cussion intent (H6). Last, narrative engagement is expected to mediate the relation-

ship between negative emotion and discussion intent (H7). Figure 1 depicts the

hypothesized structural model.

Method

Participants

To investigate the proposed hypotheses, an experiment with random assignment was

conducted. Three hundred-two participants from several large communication

courses offered at a large Midwestern university completed all phases of the study.

Course extra credit was given in exchange for participation. Women comprised

63% (n¼ 189) of the total sample. The majority of participants were White

(n¼ 246; 82%), followed by African American (n¼ 20; 7%), Asian American

(n¼ 15; 5%), ‘‘other’’ (n¼ 12; 4%), and Hispanic (n¼ 7; 2%); two participants did

not respond to the race question. The average age of the participants was 20.46 years

(SD¼ 3.56), with a range from 18 to 56 years old. The mean family income was

between $50,001 to $75,000 and over $75,000. Thirty-three percent (n¼ 98) of the

sample were Democrats, 32% (n¼ 95) were Republicans, 34% (n¼ 102) were Inde-

pendents or not affiliated with a political party, and 2% (n¼ 6) belonged to another

political party; one participant did not respond. To ensure random assignment, sev-

eral independent-samples t tests were used to compare the conditions on the demo-

graphic variables, and no significant differences were found.

Procedure

A hyperlink to an online pretest was e-mailed to interested participants one week

before the experimental stimuli was presented. The purpose of the pretest was to

Figure 1 Hypothesized structural model. Endogenous variables are depicted. Latent variables are represented

by ovals, and observable variables are represented by rectangles. Indicators, error terms, and exogenous variables

are excluded from the figure. The two mediation hypotheses are a combination of H2 and H3, and H5 and H6,

respectively. The mediation hypotheses are not explicitly depicted in the figure.


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gather demographic information and let participants know about the three dates,

times, and locations the films were to be screened. A total of 416 individuals com-

pleted the pretest. Participants were free to attend any of the screenings, but could

only attend once.

Upon arrival to the screening location, participants were randomly assigned to the

stimulus or control film. To reduce participant-related validity threats, there was no

interaction between groups from the time of random assignment to the end of the

experiment. In addition, both films were shown in rooms of equal audience size,

comfort level, and sound quality to control for context effects. After the film, both

groups then read a short news article about H.R. 811, real federal-level legislation

about implementing a paper-receipt requirement for all electronic voting machines.

After reading the article, the participants completed a pencil-and-paper posttest ques-

tionnaire. Posttest measures included emotional response about the film, narrative

engagement with the film, and political discussion intent about the H.R. 811 Con-

gressional bill. A total of 302 participants completed both the pretest and posttest,

with 173 participants in the political film condition and 129 in the non-political film

condition.

Design and Stimuli

The political entertainment film chosen was Man of the Year, with Robin Williams.

This film was chosen because of its focus on how an electronic voting glitch leads to a

political satirist television host becoming President Elect of the United States. RV, a

comedy with Robin Williams as the lead actor, was chosen as the control film. RV is

about a family who rent an RV for a road trip to the Colorado Rockies. The purpose

of using the control film, RV, was to ensure that any effects of the political entertain-

ment film could not be attributed to the film experience—merely watching any com-

edy entertainment film for approximately 100min with Robin Williams playing the

main character. It was used to illustrate that a topic-irrelevant film does not impact

discussion intent like a topic-relevant film.

The second stimulus was the fake news story read by both groups. This story

detailed the Electronic Voting Accountability Act (H.R. 811) being debated in Con-

gress (note that at the time of the experiment, H.R. 811 was pending in the U.S.

House of Representatives), as well as evidence of electronic voting machine hacking

that has been accumulated by academic and policy researchers. The main focus of the

article was to provide arguments both in favor and against requiring a paper trail for

electronic voting machines used in national elections, with specific attention to H.R.

811 that was currently being debated in Congress.

Measures

The main independent variable was experimental condition (viewing Man of the Year

or RV). The endogenous and exogenous variables are detailed later. In addition, a


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zero-order correlation matrix for all endogenous observable variables used in the

model can be found in the Appendix.

Negative emotion. Participants rated intensity of six negative emotions—‘‘While

thinking about the film you watched, how did it make you feel?’’—immediately fol-

lowing the film, on a scale ranging from 0 (not at all) to 7 (very much). The scale items,

means, standard deviations, and reliability estimates are as follows: anger (frustration,

aggravated, mad, anger, irritated, and annoyed), M¼ 1.65, SD¼ 1.53 (a¼ .91);

disgust (disgust, revolted, repulsed, and sickened), M¼ 1.13, SD¼ 1.41 (a¼ .89);

sadness (despair, misery, gloomy, and sadness), M¼ 0.93, SD¼ 1.06 (a¼ .75); guilt

(shame, guilt, humiliated, and regretful), M¼ 0.68, SD¼ 0.96 (a¼ .75); fear (fearful,

afraid, scared, and frightened), M¼ 1.08, SD¼ 1.38 (a¼ .87); and anxiety (anxious,

nervousness, tense, and worried), M¼ 1.68, SD¼ 1.53 (a¼ 83).

Narrative engagement. Narrative engagement was operationalized using four items

adapted from Kim and Biocca’s (1997) telepresence scale (a¼ .82). Participants rated

how intense their engagement was on a scale from 0 (not at all) to 7 (very much):

Item 1¼ ‘‘When the program ended, I felt like I came back to ‘reality’ after a jour-

ney’’ (M¼ 3.00, SD¼ 2.12); Item 2¼ ‘‘The film came to me and created a new world

for me, and the world suddenly disappeared when the film ended’’ (M¼ 1.51,

SD¼ 1.61); Item 3¼ ‘‘My body was in the room, but my mind was in the world cre-

ated by the film’’ (M¼ 2.61, SD¼ 1.86); and Item 4¼ ‘‘I felt I was in the world the

film created.’’ (M¼ 2.31, SD¼ 1.92).

Political discussion intent. Participants circled how strongly they agreed or dis-

agreed on a 5-point scale with three statements about their plans to discuss electronic

voting legislation, which was the focus of the news article they read, with friends

(M¼ 2.59, SD¼ 1.05), family (M¼ 2.69, SD¼ 1.08), and coworkers (M¼ 2.47,

SD¼ 1.00; a¼ .68).

Prior viewing and biological gender as exogenous variables. Prior viewing of the

stimuli was measured because both Man of the Year and RV were popular films;

and when using real-world stimuli, it is important to account for prior viewing—

42 of the 173 participants (24%) had previously seen Man of the Year, and 18 of

the 129 participants (14%) had previously seen RV. In addition, biological gender

was considered as an exogenous variable in the model, for reasons outlined later

in the structural model analysis.

Analyses

Measurement model analysis. This study uses covariance-based SEM with

maximum likelihood estimation in AMOS 16.0 (SPSS, Inc., Chicago, IL) to evaluate

the hypotheses offered. Before the hypothesized structural model was tested, a con-

firmatory factor analysis (CFA) was conducted using all 302 participants, allowing

all of the endogenous latent variables in the model to covary with one another

(i.e., negative emotion, film engagement, and discussion intent). This two-step


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approach provides the advantage of establishing unidimensionality of constructs

before testing the structural paths among constructs (Anderson & Gerbing, 1988).

The results of the CFA are reported first in the Results section.

Structural model analysis. In regard to the structural model, a hybrid model is

the dominant modeling technique. Hybrid modeling is ideal for this study because

it better corrects for attenuation compared to observable and latent-composite mod-

els (Holbert & Stephenson, 2002). For the latent variable negative emotion, item

parceling was selected for its ability to correct for attenuation and deal with multiple

item indexes (Little, Cunningham, Shahar, & Widaman, 2002). This was necessary for

the large number of negative emotion items; the negative emotions were parceled

conceptually into six distinct emotions (i.e., anger, disgust, sadness, guilt, fear, and

anxiety).

The first exogenous variable in the model was prior viewing of the film the par-

ticipant watched, which may have an influence on the intensity of negative emotion

felt and engagement with the film; however, prior viewing of the film should not

impact discussion intent because this was measured as intention to discuss the news

article in the posttest and did not refer to the film at all. Therefore, free paths from

prior viewing to negative emotion and narrative engagement were included in the

model. The second exogenous variable in the model was biological sex, which may

have an influence on negative emotion and narrative engagement due to prior

research that has found differences in media engagement, enjoyment, and involve-

ment according to biological sex (Green, 2004; Harris et al., 2000; Konijn & Hoorn,

2005). Also, it is important to note that the hypothesized model was first tested with-

out negative emotion or narrative engagement to assess the direct relationship of

political entertainment film viewing to political discussion intent. After this assess-

ment, then negative emotion and narrative engagement were added to the model

and evaluated.

Mediation analysis. Mediated indirect effects are hypothesized in the model where

the political entertainment film’s direct effect on political discussion intent about

electronic voting is mediated through negative emotion, and negative emotion’s

direct effect on political discussion intent is mediated through narrative engagement.

Following Holbert and Stephenson’s (2003) suggestion for systematically decompos-

ing the total and specific indirect effects in the model, mediation was tested using the

MacKinnon, Lockwood, and Hoffman (1998) distribution of products test. This test

has been shown in MacKinnon, Lockwood, Hoffman, West, and Sheets’s (2002)

Monte Carlo simulation to outperform other products of coefficient mediation tests.

According to MacKinnon et al. (1998), a cutoff value of �2.18 indicates significant

mediation at the p< .05 alpha level.

Model fit. The fit statistics used to evaluate overall model fit are the comparative

fit index (CFI) as an incremental fit statistic and the root mean square error of

approximation (RMSEA) as an absolute fit statistic. The cutoff for good fit with

the CFI statistic is .95 (Hu & Bentler, 1999), and the cutoff for good fit with the


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RMSEA statistic is .06 (Browne & Cudeck, 1993). Moreover, the chi-square statistic

with degrees of freedom noted is reported for purposes of model comparison. Last,

missing data were not a problem for the dataset (i.e., out of 302 participants, no more

than two participants skipped any one item); therefore, single imputation (mean

replacement) was used for the few missing values.

Respecification procedures. Ideally, the CFA and hypothesized structural model will

yield a satisfactory fit and respecification will not be necessary. However, if the CFA

or hypothesized model does not fit well, the model will be respecified in a path-by-

path manner, using the modification indexes (MIs) and theoretical reasoning to

ensure that the respecified model does not over-fit the data (MacCallum, 1995). After

each modification to the model, estimates will be recalculated and model fit

reassessed.

Results

Measurement Model

The measurement model using all 302 participants, which included the three latent

variables (i.e., negative emotion, narrative engagement, and political discussion

intent), revealed v2(62, N¼ 302)¼ 176.4, p< .001; and model fit statistics of

CFI¼ .95 and RMSEA¼ .078 (90% confidence interval [CI]¼ 0.065–0.092). This

model fit was not fully satisfactory (i.e., RMSEA was over .06), so the MIs were exam-

ined. The MIs showed that the fear and anxiety parcels under the latent variable nega-

tive emotion had strongly covaried error terms. Therefore, for the respecified model,

the eight observable variables in the fear and anxiety parcels were combined to form a

single parcel: fear=anxiety. Once the fear and anxiety scales were combined, the

measurement model offered the following statistics: v2(51, N¼ 302)¼ 104.6,

p< .001 (CFI¼ .979 and RMSEA¼ .059; 90% CI¼ 0.043–0.075). This fit is satisfac-

tory and unidimensionality of the constructs was established. Next, the hypothesized

structural model was tested.

Hypothesized Model

Results showed that the hypothesized model, which only included the direct relation-

ship from political entertainment film viewing to political discussion intent, was sat-

isfactory—v2(2, N¼ 302)¼ 2.70, p¼ .26—according to the fit statistics (CFI¼ .999

and RMSEA¼ .034; 90% CI¼ 0.000–0.125). H1 predicted a positive direct path from

political entertainment film viewing to political discussion intent. Results show this

path was not significant (B¼ .163, SE¼ .121, p¼ .178). H1 was not supported.

To analyze H2 and H3, negative emotion was added to the model with hypothe-

sized paths from political entertainment film viewing to negative emotion (H2) and

negative emotion to political discussion intent (H3). Again, the fit statistics were sat-

isfactory, v2(41, N¼ 302)¼ 73.0, p¼ .002 (CFI¼ .981 and RMSEA¼ .051; 90%


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CI¼ 0.031–0.070). H2 posited a positive relationship from political entertainment

film viewing to negative emotion. This was supported. Indeed, viewing Man of the

Year led to more negative emotion than viewing the control film (B¼ .765,

SE¼ .135, p< .001). The relationship from negative emotion to political discussion

intent was also significant, which supported H3 (B¼ .158, SE¼ .057, p¼ .006).

H4 posited a mediating role of negative emotion on the relationship between

political entertainment film viewing and political discussion intent. This was sup-

ported using the z score product (P¼ 5.580� 2.748¼ 15.609) and according to

MacKinnon et al.’s (1998) recommendation of a �2.18 cutoff for the distribution

of products tests for mediation analysis. In other words, this indicates evidence of

a statistically significant positive indirect effect of political entertainment film viewing

on political discussion intent through negative emotion.

Next, narrative engagement was added to the model in order to assess H5, H6, and

H7, v2(83, N¼ 302)¼ 160.90, p< .001; and the model fit was again satisfactory

(CFI¼ .964 and RMSEA¼ .056; 90% CI¼ 0.043–0.069). H5 proposed a positive

relationship between negative emotion and narrative engagement, and this statement

was supported (B¼ .462, SE¼ .083, p< .001). In addition, H6 was supported, which

hypothesized a positive relationship between narrative engagement and political dis-

cussion intent (B¼ .118, SE¼ .053, p¼ .027). Last, the second mediation analysis was

performed. This referred to the potential of narrative engagement mediating the

relationship between negative emotion and political discussion intent (H7). Results

revealed this was supported using the z score product (P¼ 5.550� 2.216¼ 12.299).

Thus, in addition to the direct effect of negative emotion on political discussion

intent, the mediation analysis indicates evidence of a positive indirect effect of nega-

tive emotion on political discussion intent through narrative engagement.

In sum, the hypothesized model exhibited satisfactory model fit (see Figure 2 for

the final model with unstandardized coefficients and variance accounted for). There

was no direct effect of political entertainment film viewing on political discussion

intent (H1 was not supported). However, there was evidence of an indirect effect

through negative emotion (H4 was supported). This supports the notion that the

Figure 2 Structural model. The upon-entry unstandardized regression coefficients are reported first, followed

by upon-entry standard errors in parentheses. Variance accounted for is reported in parentheses in the latent

variable. Latent variables are represented by ovals, and observable variables are represented by rectangles.�p< .05. ��p< .01. ��p< .001.


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political entertainment film by itself did not influence the audience; rather, the influ-

ence of political entertainment film viewing on political discussion intent (after

exposure to a topic-relevant news story) occurred through experiencing negative

emotion. Moreover, negative emotion positively predicted both narrative engage-

ment (H5 was supported) and political discussion intent (H3 was supported). Nar-

rative engagement also served as a mediator of the relationship between negative

emotion and political discussion intent (H7 was supported). This analysis reveals that

narrative engagement has a significant influence on political discussion intent over

and above negative emotion. Thus, negative emotion leads individuals to have higher

discussion intention levels, and this process indirectly occurs through narrative

engagement.

Discussion

We examined how a political entertainment film impacts an individual’s political dis-

cussion intent after the same political topic is made salient in a subsequent news

story. In addition, the process of communication was assessed when the roles of

negative emotion and narrative engagement were considered as mediators. Although

there was no direct influence of political entertainment film viewing on political dis-

cussion intent, there were two indirect effects—through negative emotion and narra-

tive engagement. This indicates that there are two avenues for political entertainment

film viewing to exert its influence, through negative emotion and through narrative

engagement.

First, negative emotion had to be present for the film’s influence to be apparent.

This shows that the study of negative emotion relative to the influence of mass media

on political engagement outcomes should be a focus of more research. Furthermore,

narrative engagement emerged as a predictor of political discussion intent and

emerged as a second mediator of the process. These results reveal the importance

of narrative engagement. Recall that, at its core, the narrative engagement process

is about forgetting yourself, getting lost, and becoming wrapped-up in the world cre-

ated for you by the narrative. In the case of viewing a political entertainment film,

more narrative engagement with the film increased the audience’s intention to dis-

cuss politics after subsequent exposure to a topic-relevant news story. This is, in part,

because narrative engagement is heightened attention, interest, and concern for the

topics in the narrative. In sum, the process of narrative engagement with the film

world is an important factor to encouraging political discussion intention. Specifi-

cally, the political film raised questions about electronic voting, and if individuals felt

more narrative engagement with the film, then individuals had higher intentions of

discussing an actual congressional bill about electronic voting and paper trails.

In terms of real-world consequences, this study contributes to understanding the

process of complementary media effects—that is, politics can become salient and

accessible by viewing political entertainment and after subsequent exposure to a

topic-relevant political news story an individual’s political discussion intent can

increase through feeling negative emotion. Considering the popularity and ambiguity


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of political entertainment shows, such as The Colbert Report (LaMarre, Landreville, &

Beam, 2009), this finding is particularly relevant. For example, if an individual is a

frequent viewer of a political entertainment or satirical show and experienced nega-

tive emotion and narrative engagement with the show, then that individual may have

a greater motivation and intention to discuss politics after consuming subsequent

political communication (e.g., a political news article). Again, although direct

effects of political entertainment may not always emerge, as in this study, efforts

to examine potential mediators of political entertainment, such as emotion and

narrative engagement, should continue.

Future research should also investigate actual political discussion, in addition to

behavioral intent. Although behavioral intent is typically a strong predictor of beha-

vior (e.g., Ajzen & Fishbein, 1980), research in political communication and com-

munication, in general, should move beyond intent and measure behavior itself.

Of course, this requires significantly more resources, time, and effort, but it is a

necessary step in the right direction. For example, in future studies similar to this

one, we can contact participants 1 week after the experiment and ask them to

self-report political discussion since the experiment—that would go beyond intent

and to behavior. In addition, future endeavors may want to expand the study of emo-

tion and examine positive emotion in addition to negative emotion. Moreover, this

study is limited in that Man of the Year is the single exemplar political entertainment

film used. That is why further research in the area of political entertainment,

emotion, narrative engagement, and democratic outcomes is necessary.

Note

[1] This argument seems to assume that emotions arise before cognition, which is a contro-

versial topic in psychology. There are two approaches to the role of cognition in the

emotion-development process: cognitive theories and perceptual theories (also known as

biosocial theories). The fundamental disagreement is based on when cognition occurs in

the emotion development process (Charland, 1997). Cognitive theories claim that cognition

occurs before emotion, and perceptual theories claim that cognition occurs after emotion

(Charland, 1997). Although these theories are different, they both assume that emotions

are not reflexes (reflexes are sensory-motor driven and physiological), and reflexes can

stimulate emotions (Smith & Lazarus, 1990). In addition, both agree that emotions are

the feeling-states that result from a person–environment interaction (Izard, 1992).

In regard to this study, Marcus, Neuman, and MacKuen (2000) took a perceptual

approach. This perspective relies on neurobiology and does not require cognitive appraisal

or judgment (Charland, 1997). Affect is argued to be an entirely independent information

processing system (LeDoux, 1989; Panskepp, 1982; Zajonc, 1980). Mental imaging has been

used to reinforce the idea that when exposed to stimuli, the affective area of the brain is acti-

vated before the cognitive area of the brain (Marcus et al., 2000). In the end, the debate

between cognitive and perceptual theories may boil down to how cognition is defined.

Lazarus (1982) argued that deliberative, rational, reasoned, or conscious thought is not

necessary in the emotion development process; rather, cognition can be preconscious,

unconscious, and completely automatic categorization of stimuli. Nevertheless, Marcus

et al. (2000) took a perceptual approach, and so does this study.


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Appendix

1Zero-O

rder

CorrelationsforAllObservable

Variablesin

theStructuralModel

Variable

Anger

Disgust

Sadness

Guilt

Anxiety

Fear

Eng.

1Eng.

2Eng.

3Eng.

4Disc.1

Disc.2

AngerScale

1.000

Disgust

Scale

0.628��

1.000

SadnessScale

0.688��

0.645��

1.000

GuiltScale

0.532��

0.541��

0.644��

1.000

AnxietyScale

0.626��

0.567��

0.684��

0.528��

1.000

FearScale

0.596��

0.633��

0.728��

0.561��

0.812��

1.000

Eng.

Item

10.189��

0.169��

0.161��

0.100��

0.303��

0.233��

1.000

Eng.

Item

20.229��

0.287��

0.261��

0.297��

0.342��

0.292��

0.535��

1.000

Eng.

Item

30.186��

0.228��

0.150��

0.215��

0.294��

0.284��

0.461��

0.565��

1.000

Eng.

Item

40.229��

0.304��

0.244��

0.246��

0.309��

0.275��

0.500��

0.570��

0.617��

1.000

Disc.friends

0.225��

0.171��

0.113

.080

0.118�

0.119�

0.133�

0.046

0.057

0.202��

1.000

Disc.family

0.160��

0.151��

0.105

0.116�

0.138�

0.195��

0.117�

0.079

0.087

0.184��

0.415��

1.000

Disc.coworker

0.151��

0.100

0.106

0.052

0.046

0.069

0.147�

0.047

0.083

0.215��

0.738��

0.376��

Note.

Anger,disgust,sadness,guilt,anxiety,

andfear

areindexes.Engagement(Eng.)item

sarelabeled

accordingto

themeasuressection.N

rangesfrom

296–302.Dis.¼

discussion.

� p<.05.��p<.01.

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Working Through Political Entertainment: How Negative Emotion and Narrative Engagement Encourage...

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