Towards a genealogy of Avicennism

copy koninklijke brill nv leiden 2014 | doi 10116318778372-04203003

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

brillcomorie

Towards a Genealogy of Avicennism

Robert WisnovskyMcGill University

robertwisnovskymcgillca

Abstract

Naṣīr al-Dīn al-Ṭūsī described Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzīrsquos Sharḥ on Avicennarsquos Ishārāt as ajarḥ (ldquocalumnyrdquo or literally ldquoinjuryrdquo) rather than a sharḥ (ldquocommentaryrdquo) and this labelwould become almost proverbial in later discussions of Rāzīrsquos role in the history ofAvicennism A survey of the introductions to Ishārāt-commentaries composed duringthe 6th12th to the 8th14th centuries many of them still available only asmanuscriptshelps us put Ṭūsīrsquos remark in historical perspective and contributes to recent attemptsto reevaluate Rāzīrsquos role in propelling the Avicennian tradition forward

Keywords

Avicennism ndash commentaries ndash Rāzī ndash Ṭūsī ndash jarḥ ndash Ishārāt

In the introduction to his Ḥall Mushkilāt al-Ishārāt (Resolving the Problemsof the Pointers) Naṣīr al-Dīn al-Ṭūsī (d 6721273ndash4) famously claimed that

I would like to thank Asad Ahmed and the anonymous reviewer for their helpful commentsand suggestions An earlier version of part of this paper was delivered as a lecture in January2014 at the Oriental Institute Oxford University and I am grateful to those who pressedme toclarify and rethink a number of issues including Judith Pfeiffer the organizer of that lectureas well as the audience members especially Ayman Shihadeh Sajjad Rizvi Wahid Amin andHasan Spiker Geert Van Gelder also deserves my gratitude for sending me corrections to mytranscriptions and translations Special thanks go to Walter Young and Naser Dumairieh fortheir precious help with the initial transcriptions of some of these passages This article isone element of a larger project being undertaken in collaboration with Reza Pourjavady andAdamGacek on the commentary-tradition of Avicennarsquos Ishārāt and I amextremely gratefulto them for their advice and suggestions on several crucial points

324 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

the Sharḥ al-Ishārāt (Commentary on the Pointers) by Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī(d 6061210) was a jarḥ (ldquocalumnyrdquo) not a sharḥ (ldquocommentaryrdquo) (In fact Ṭūsīascribes the remark to an anonymous wit [ẓarīf ])

l1 Ṭūsī Ḥall = Ibn Sīna al-Ishārāt wa-t-Tanbīhāt maʿa Sharḥ Naṣīr ad-Dīnaṭ-Ṭūsī ed Sulaymān Dunyā (Cairo Dār al-Maʿārif 1957ndash60) Vol i 16210ndash19

Amongst thosewhohave commented upon it [viz the Ishārāt] is theDis-tinguished Scholar [al-fāḍil al-ʿallāmah] Fakhr al-Dīn king of the debaters[malik al-mutanāẓirīn] Muḥammad ibn ʿUmar ibn al-Ḥusayn al-Khaṭībal-Rāzī may God reward him well He strove to explain in the plainestway the parts of it that are obscure and he worked hard to articulate inthemost elegant way the parts of it that are ambiguous In pursuing whathe aimed for he followed the path of emulation and in scrutinizing whatwas set forth in it he reached the utmost level of investigationmdashexceptthat during the course of his writing he went too far in refuting its authorand in contradicting its fundamental precepts he transgressed theboundsof fairness With these efforts he added nothing but denigration [lamyazidhu illā qadḥan] and for this reason some clever person labeled hiscommentary a ldquocalumnyrdquo [wa-li-dhālika sammābaʿḍu ẓ-ẓurafāʾi sharḥahujarḥan] It is a prerequisite for commentators that they expend everyeffort to the extent possible for the sake of what they have commit-ted themselves to comment on and to defend by means of whicheverdefense the founder of that discipline uses what they have burdenedthemselves with elucidating in order that they be commentators and notcontrarians interpreters and not objectors [li-yakūnū shāriḥīna ghayranāqiḍīna wa-mufassirīna ghayra muʿtariḍīna]

The term jarḥ literally means ldquoinjuryrdquo and was used to translate the Greektrauma (ldquohurtrdquo) and helkos (ldquowoundrdquo) among other Greek words1 It camehowever to have a technical sense amongst both Sunni and Shiʿite hadithscholars who evaluated hadith-transmitters according to the rules set out in

1 eg helkecirc at Aristotle An Post i13 79a15 = Kitāb Anūlūṭīqā l-awākhir wa-huwa l-maʿrūf bi-kitāb al-Burhān ed ʿA Badawī (Manṭiq Arisṭū ii) (Cairo Maṭbaʿat Dār al-Kutub al-Miṣriyyah1949) 3539 traumatocircn at Galen In De off med ed CG Kuumlhn (Claudii Galeni Opera omniaVol xviii2) (Lipsiae Prostat in officina libraria Car Cnoblochii 1830) 9208 = Tafsīr kitābQāṭiyaṭrīyūn li-Buqrāṭ edMC Lyons (Berlin In aedibusAcademiae Scientiarum 1963) 9218and traumatos at Porphyry Isag 815 = Īsāghūjī Furfūriyūs ed ʿA Badawī (Manṭiq Arisṭū III)(Cairo Maṭbaʿat Dār al-Kutub al-Miṣriyyah 1952) 10368

towards a genealogy of avicennism 325

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

ʿilmar-rijāl ldquothe scienceofmenrdquo this exercisewas commonly referred to as jarḥwa-taʿdīl ie attacking somehadith-transmitters as unreliable and establishingothers as trustworthy2 Whatever its provenance Ṭūsīrsquos seemingly casual asideaboutRāzīrsquos commentary being a jarḥ rather thana sharḥbecame soproverbialthat in Iran today non-specialists as well as specialists in Islamic philosophyrecite it whenever Rāzī is mentioned in connection with Avicenna and thesentiment that Ṭūsī saved Avicennism from Rāzīrsquos attacks continues to berepeated by Western scholars as well3

In what follows I shall survey the introductions found in Ishārāt commen-taries composed between the 6th12th and the 8th14th centuries in order tobegin the task of placing Ṭūsīrsquos remark in historical context and tracing itsreception-history Since most of these Ishārāt-commentaries remain in manu-script my hope is that this survey will throw new light on howAvicennism firstemerged as a school of thought among post-classical Sunni and Shiʿite thinkersAs such this article builds upon and extends the importantwork of Ayman Shi-hadeh andHeidrun Eichner (among others) in revising our view of Rāzīrsquos placein Islamic intellectual history4 It also serves as a companion-piece to another

2 For an overview see J Robson ldquoal-Djarḥ wa ʾl-taʿdīlrdquo Encyclopaedia of Islam (Second Edition)(Leiden Brill 1960ndash2007) Vol ii 462

3 See for example S Schmidtke Theologie Philosophie undMystik im zwoumllferschitischen Islamdes 915 Jahrhunderts die Gedankenwelten des Ibn Abī Ğumhūr al-Aḥṣāʾī (um 8381434ndash35mdashnach 9061501) (Leiden Brill 2000) 5ndash6

4 A Shihadeh ldquoFrom al-Ghazālī to al-Rāzī 6th12th Century developments in Muslim philo-sophical theologyrdquo Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 151 (2005) 141ndash179 The Teleological Ethicsof Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (Leiden 2006) and now ldquoFakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzīrsquos response to Sharaf al-Dīn al-Masʿūdīrsquos Critical Commentary on Avicennarsquos Ishārātrdquo The Muslim World 104 (2014)1ndash61 (I saw this article only when my own was in proofs) H Eichner The Post-AvicennianPhilosophical Tradition and Islamic Orthodoxy Philosophical and Theological summae in Con-text (unpublished Habilitationsschrift Halle 2009) especially Chapter iii (ldquoObservations onFakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzīrsquos methodrdquo 61ndash80) See also T Street ldquoConcerning the life and works ofFakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzīrdquo in P Riddell and T Street eds Islam Essays on Scripture Thought andSociety A Festschrift in Honour of Anthony H Johns (Leiden Brill 1997) 135ndash46 and F GriffelldquoOn Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzīrsquos life and the patronage he receivedrdquo Journal of Islamic Studies 183(2007) 313ndash344 On the evolution of Avicennismmore generally see G Endress ldquoReadingAvi-cenna in the madrasa Intellectual genealogies and chains of transmission of philosophy andthe sciences in the Islamic Eastrdquo in J Montgomery ed Arabic Theology Arabic PhilosophyFrom the Many to the One Essays in Celebration of Richard M Frank (Leuven Peeters 2006)371ndash422 and R Wisnovsky ldquoAvicennarsquos Islamic receptionrdquo in P Adamson ed InterpretingAvicenna Critical Essays (Cambridge 2013) 190ndash213

326 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

article that I published last year in this journal5 That earlier article focused onproblematizing the claim that Ṭūsī makes immediately after the ldquojarḥrdquo remarknamely that commentators are obliged to defend the doctrines articulated inthe core text Focusing on evidence from the early commentaries on the Ishārātas well as from the late-antique commentaries on Aristotlersquos works I showedthat as commentators onAvicenna both Rāzī and Ṭūsī operatedwithin the tra-ditional spectrum of exegetical functions which I described as the spectrum oftaḥqīq or ldquoverificationrdquo Rāzī and Ṭūsī certainly had different understandingsof where exactly the spectrum of taḥqīq ended Rāzī thought that in additionto establishing and glossing the core text and decompressing and structuringits arguments the commentatorrsquos jobmdashtaḥqīqmdashincluded testing the validity ofthe authorrsquos theories Ṭūsī maintained that the commentatorrsquos job ended withdecompressing and structuring the core text and he construed taḥqīq as estab-lishing the truth of the authorrsquos theories In this sense Rāzī stood in relationto Avicenna as Avicenna stood to Aristotle as a sometimes critical but nev-ertheless deeply indebted appropriator of the original authorrsquos theories Ṭūsīby contrast stood in relation to Avicenna as Averroes (Ibn Rushd d 5951198)stood to Aristotle as an energetic defender stamping out the corruptions ofprevious (mis)interpreters

Partly as a result of his broader understanding of exegetical practice Rāzīcame to be presented in subsequent narratives of post-classical Islamic phi-losophy as one of Avicennarsquos greatest opponents while Ṭūsī was portrayed asAvicennarsquos greatest defender One slogan of such narratives was that Rāzī wasldquoLeader of those who raise objectionsrdquo (imām al-mushakkikīn) whereas Ṭūsīwas ldquoLeader of those who establish the truthrdquo (imām al-muḥaqqiqīn) In otherwords Rāzīrsquos way of construing taḥqīqmdashas including a critical engagementwith the theories being interpretedmdashwas rejected and relabeled as tashkīkwhereas Ṭūsīrsquos more restrictive view of taḥqīq was embraced and came to pre-dominate at least in the context of Avicennian exegetical practice The follow-ing passage from a Qajar-era bio-bibliographical entry on Ṭūsī is emblematicof this trend After mentioning a few of Ṭūsīrsquos works including his Tajrīd [al-iʿtiqād] and his Naqd al-Muḥaṣṣal (ie Ṭūsīrsquos Rejection of [Rāzīrsquos] Summary)Muḥammad ibn Sulaymān Tunukābunī (d ca 13091892) claims that Plato andAristotle would have been proud of Ṭūsī and that it was thanks to Ṭūsīrsquos singu-lar efforts that the spirit of Avicennarsquos thought (zabān-i ḥāl-i Abū ʿAlī Sīnā ie

5 RWisnovsky ldquoAvicennism and exegetical practice in the early commentaries on the IshārātrdquoOriens 412ndash4 (2013) 349ndash378 There is a small degree of overlap between this and the earlierpiece in particular my translations of the Ṭūsī and Āmidī passages (l1 and l7) are repeatedhere though with minor modifications


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

as opposed to the letter zabān-i qāl presumably referring to Avicennarsquos owntexts) was articulated6 Tunukābunī then goes on to make the extravagantmdashand falsemdashclaim that the day Ṭūsī was born (11 Jumādā al-Ūlā 59717 Febru-ary 1201) was also the day that Rāzī died (likely on ʿĪd al-Fiṭr 60629 March1210)

l2 Tunukābunī KitābQiṣaṣ al-ʿulamāʾ no ed (Tehran no pub 1304 [188687])27811ndash14

يزارنی984041ارخفتاكیکشتويدوهيتاكربلاىباتاهبـشمراصتبهکىلعوباتاقیقحتملاعم

نهوودومنکاردتـساکاردالامکوتمكحولعتیاغزادوبهدیـسرساردن983560کیدزن

زورردویدادد983560ربدوبرصاقدوجويئامندوخورهاظمهفیورزاهکارناشیاتاداریا

هفیرشۀیانیاناخير983561وداهنمدقکاخۀطخردکاپرهوگنايزاررخفماماتافو

الطابلاقهزوقحلاءاجlaquoدیدرگraquoاقوهزناكلطابلان

On account of his extremely lofty wisdom and perfect grasp Ṭūsī per-ceived the signposts of Abū ʿAlīrsquos verifications [maʿālim-i taḥqīqāt-i AbūʿAlī]mdash[signposts] that cameclose to obliterationdue to the ruinous inter-play of the sophisms of Abū l-Barakāt the Jew and the doubt-castingsof Fakhr al-Dīn Rāzīmdashand he [Ṭūsī] discredited their feeble allegationswhich were due to their superficial understanding and the preening na-ture of [their] limited existence The day that Imam Fakhr-i Rāzī died he[Ṭūsī] was born and this holy verse [of the Qurʾan] captures that date

6 On Tunukābunīrsquos method as well as the structure and sources of his biographical entriessee RM Gleave ldquoIslamic biography and hagiography in Tunukabunirsquos Qisas al-ʿUlamaʾrdquo inC Melville ed Proceedings of the Third European Conference of Iranian Studies Part 2 Medi-aeval and Modern Persian Studies (Weisbaden Dr Ludwig Reichert Verlag 1999) 237ndash255Tunukābunī also refers to Rāzī as Imāmal-mushakkikīn and claims that Ṭūsī was born on theday Rāzī died in the entry on Ṭūsī from his earlier ṭabaqātwork the Tadhkirat al-ʿulamāʾ edMR Aẓharī and GhR Parandah (Mashhad Bunyād-i Pizhūhishhā-yi Islāmī-i Āstān-i Quds-i Razavī 13721993ndash1994) 14710 Tunukābunī may have been inspired by the rather criticalentry on Rāzī (with swipes at Rāzīrsquos choleric disposition) in Shams al-Dīn al-Shahrazūrīrsquoshistory of Islamic philosophy although Shahrazūrī neither pairs Rāzī and Abū l-Barakāttogether nor refers to Rāzī as Imām al-mushakkikīn Nuzhat al-Arwāh wa-Rawḍat al-Afrāḥed ʿA Abū Shuwayrib (no loc Jamʿiyyat al-Daʿwah al-Islāmiyyah al-ʿĀlamiyyah 1988) 3927ndash396ult (Shahrazūrī asserts that he is not aiming to slander Rāzī at 39520) The Tunukābunīpassage was cited by Shlomo Pines ldquoNouvelles eacutetudes sur Awḥad al-Zamacircn Abuʾl-Barakacirct al-Baghdacircdicircrdquo Meacutemoires de la Socieacuteteacute des eacutetudes juives 1 (1955) 7ndash88 at 7 (reprinted in his Studiesin Abū l-Barakāt al-Baghdādī [Jerusalem Magnes Press 1979] 96ndash173 at 96)

328 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

ldquoThe truth has come and what is false has passed away Verily the false isa thing that passes awayrdquo [q1781]7

Rāzīrsquos label as Imām al-mushakkikīn appears even earlier in the Mirʾāt al-ʿuqūlfī ʿilm al-uṣūl of Dildār ʿAlī (d 1820) the Shiʿite theologian of Awadh and DildārʿAlī was himself following the lead of the Safavid philosopher and theologianMīr Dāmād (d 10401630) who refers polemically to Rāzī as ldquoLeader of thedoubt-castersrdquo dozens of times8 This shows that the Iranian-Shiʿite tradition ofattacking Rāzī was appropriated by Indian-Shiʿite thinkers motivated by theirrivalry with the Sunni theologians of the Farangī Maḥall school9

It is certainly true that the first commentary on the Ishārātwas a set of objec-tions But the author of thoseobjectionswas Sharaf al-Dīn al-Masʿūdī (d shortly

7 I am grateful to Pouneh Shabani-Jadidi and Sajjad NikfahmKhubravan for their help withthis passage

8 MīrDāmād almost always calls Rāzī Imāmal-mutashakkikīn rather than Imāmal-mushak-kikīn presumably in order to reserve the term tashkīk for use in referring to the ana-logical gradation of quiddity existence and so on (This may also be why Mullā Ṣadrā[d 10501640] generally resists using ldquoLeader of the doubt-castersrdquo to refer to Rāzī) SeeMīr Dāmād Kitāb al-Qabasāt ed M Muḥaqqiq et al (Tehran Dānishgāh-i Mak GīlMuʾassasah-i Muṭālaʿāt-i Islāmī Shuʿbah-i Tihrān bā hamkārī-i Dānishgāh-i Tihrān 1977)148ndash9 219 8318 103ult 1054 10521 10618 1089ndash11 1265 1644ndash5 17015 28713ndash1431010 31116ndash17 34014ndash15 3523ndash4 3556ndash7 3585 36416ndash17 3728ndash9 40314ndash15 4041840918 41721ndash22 41922 4422 4433ndash4 4442ndash3 4476 4569 46718ndash19 4695ndash6 47112480ultndash4812 See alsoMīrDāmādrsquosNibrāsal-Ḍiyāwa-Taswāʾal-Sawāʾ fī SharḥBābal-Ibdāʾwa-Ithbāt Jadwā al-Duʿāʾ ed ḤN Iṣfahānī (Tehran Mīrāth-i Maktūb 1374 [19951996])65ndash7 78 169 In the Qabasāt and Nibrās Mīr Dāmādrsquos references to Rāzī as Imāmal-mutashakkikīn often cluster around the contentious theological issue of badāʾmdashtherevealing of an apparent change in the divinely ordained course of events (along withrelated concepts such as qadar)mdashwhich split Sunnis andTwelver Shiʿites This also seemsto have been one of Dildār ʿAlīrsquos main problems with Rāzī Dildār ʿAlī Mirʾāt al-ʿuqūl fī ʿilmal-uṣūl no ed (no loc al-Maṭbaʿ al-musammā bi-Qawmī Pirīs 1319ndash1320 [1902ndash1903])1172 The Dīldār ʿAlī passage was cited by Goldziher ldquoAus der Theologie des Fachr al-Dīnal-Rāzīrdquo Der Islam 3 (1912) 213ndash247 at 223

9 On the appropriation of Safavid Avicennismby Shiʿite scholars of Awadh see AQ AhmedldquoThe Shifāʾ in India i Reflections on the evidence of themanuscriptsrdquoOriens 402ndash3 (2012)1ndash24 On Dīldār ʿAlīrsquos theological project see now S Rizvi ldquoFaith deployed for a new Shiʿipolity in India The theology of Sayyid Dildar ʿAli Nasirabadirdquo Journal of the Royal AsiaticSociety Series 3 (2014) 1ndash18 Rizvi (ldquoFaith deployedrdquo 16 [fn 71]) also cites two other worksby Dildār ʿAlī where Fakhr al-Dīn Rāzī is the target of Dildār ʿAlīrsquos anti-Ashʿarite polemicsṢawārim-i Ilāhiyyāt no ed (Calcutta no pub 12181804) 237ndash241 andḤusāmal-Islām noed (Calcutta no pub 12181804) 405


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

after 5821186) not Rāzī In his Shukūk wa-Shubah (Doubts and Aporiai) raisedagainst the Ishārāt Masʿūdī zeroed in on what he viewed as the fifteen mosttroublesome claims in the Ishārāt and thenmdashoften basing himself on earliercritiques by Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī (d 5051111) and Abū l-Barakāt al-Baghdādī(d after 5601164ndash5)mdashMasʿūdī pointed to vulnerabilities in Avicennarsquos argu-mentation Masʿūdī did agree with Avicenna on a few occasions But MasʿūdīrsquosShukūk is essentially a critique rather than a commentary Can the same besaid of Rāzīrsquos exegetical works on the Ishārāt On the contrary in the introduc-tion to his Jawābāt (Responses) to Masʿūdīrsquos Shukūk Rāzī asserts that his roleis to unravel knotty problems that an objectormdashMasʿūdīmdashhad raised aboutthe Ishārāt Just as Ṭūsi called his own commentary Ḥall Mushkilāt al-Ishārāt(Unraveling the Problems of the Pointers) so Rāzī before him claimed that hewas asked ldquoto plunge into the seas of these problems and unravel the knots ofthese difficulties (an akhūḍa fī biḥāri tilka l-mushkilāti wa-aḥulla ʿuqada tilkal-muʿḍilāti)rdquo ie the problems and difficulties that Masʿūdī had exposed in thetext of the Ishārāt

l3 [Fakhr al-Dīn] Rāzī Jawābāt ms Tehran Majlis-i Shūrā-yi Millī 16022 4b4ndash21

ةیقیقحثحابمىلعةیوطنم984039اسرءامكحلالضافاوءاملعلارباكانمدحاويلعضرعدقفدعبو

قبـسلابصقبتالامكلالكيفزئافلاونامزلااذهلضفاوهنمىلاةبوسنمةیمكحتاملكو

فرصاهبحاصناكوقئاقحلالجاىلع984040متـشمقئاق984041ارثكالةنمضتماهتدجوفنارقالانيبنم

تاهمالاولوصالاةمكحلانمبختنادقداقنلاهرطاخوداقولاهنهذنعتالامكلانيعهللا

وباخیـشلاهركذامامیـسالتاضارتع983559وثاحبالانماهيفامىلاراشامثتامهملاودعاوقلاو

ققحملا984045ذينمسمتلامثرر984041اوررغلانمةمئالارئاسهركذامرئاسوربتعملاباتكيفتاكربلا

تلقوتالضعملا984046تدقعلحاوت984034شملا984046تراحبيفضوخانالماكلاررحملاولضافلا

984051فلاوعاعشلايفسمشلاةعزانمنكميفیك984046يف983559بابضللنوكینانكميفیكوعافتر

ةینی984041اةینیقیلادئاوفلاراثكتـساىلعهزارحانافةرخال983560وباقعلاراطمبارغللوباحسلاءون

هذهتررحفعاف984041او984040طامملادقعلحوعانتم983559يف984009اجلمزه⟩hellip⟨ريغلابلاطملار983907تساو

هذهيفاهتبثاوب983560لكيفبابللاودصقملاىلعةرصتقمبانطالاولیوطتلانعدیعب984039اسرلا

راظنالامراوصلالقیصوراكفالاد983563زلاحدقنوكتلءازجالا

Now then One of the senior scholars and distinguished philosophers pre-sentedmewith an essay comprising true investigations andphilosophicalremarks which is attributed to someone [ie Masʿūdī] who is the mostexcellent of this era and who has taken pride of place in every perfection

330 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

throughout the centuries I found it to include the most abstruse pointsand to encompass the most important realities Its authormdashmay Goddivert the evil eye of envy from his blazing intellect and critical mindmdashhas taken up from philosophy the bases the sources the foundations andthe pivots and then indicated the points to be investigated and objectedto in them especially those discussed by Master Abū l-Barakāt in Whatis Known by Personal Reflection [Kitāb al-Muʿtabar] and other blazing[insights] and pearls [of wisdom]mentioned by other leading [thinkers]Next this excellent truth-seeker and complete expert made a request ofme that I plunge into the seas of these problems and unravel the knotsof these difficulties I said to him ldquoHow is it possible to vie with the sunin respect of shining and with the celestial sphere in respect of loftinessHow is it possible for the fog to have the [same] rain as the clouds andfor the crow to have the [same] flight-path as the eaglerdquo In the end hisacquisition of the desire to increase the benefits of religious certainty andto make fruitful use of non-lthellipgt questions overcame my stubbornness insaying no and disentangled the knot of [my] procrastination and dilatori-ness So I composed this essay which far from being a lengthy and prolixtreatment is restricted in scope to the gist of each topic I set it out inthese parts in order for it to be a spark from the flint of ideas and a glintfrom the blades of thoughts

That Ṭūsī was familiar with Rāzīrsquos Jawābāt is beyond question In his ḤallṬūsī quotes the Jawābāt twice10 In addition to following Rāzīrsquos Jawābāt bycalling his own commentary a Ḥall (ldquountyingrdquo ie ldquoresolvingrdquo) Ṭūsīrsquos intro-duction to the Ḥall echoes Rāzīrsquos introduction to the Jawābāt because of theeffusive praise each offers to the previous commentatormdashto Rāzī in Ṭūsīrsquos caseand to Masʿūdī in Rāzīrsquos case And Rāzīrsquos constant references to Masʿūdī as al-fāḍil al-muʿtariḍ (ldquothe distinguished objectorrdquo) are echoed by Ṭūsīrsquos referencesto Rāzī as al-fāḍil ash-shāriḥ (ldquothe distinguished commentatorrdquo) All of thispraise and respect was primarily rhetorical intended to convince the reader ofthe supercommentatorrsquos eirenic rather than polemical attitude In other con-texts Rāzī was very dismissive of Masʿūdīmdashjust as Ṭūsī was later to be of Rāzīin for example the introduction to Ṭūsīrsquos Talkhīṣ of Rāzīrsquos Muḥaṣṣal11 In his

10 Tusi Ḥall Vol ii 18923ndash19014 = Rāzī Jawābāt (adMasʾalah 2) 8b24ndash9a9 and Tusi ḤallVol ii 35417ndash3557 = Rāzī Jawābāt (adMasʾalah 2) 12a1ndash6 and 12a16ndash20

11 Ṭūsī Talkhīṣ al-Muḥaṣṣal (al-maʿrūf bi-Naqd al-Muḥaṣṣal) ed ʿA Nūrānī (Beirut Dār al-Aḍwāʾ 1985) In his Introduction (29ndash11) Ṭūsī notes that Rāzīrsquos Muḥaṣṣal has received the


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

Munāẓarāt Rāzī presents Masʿūdī as being too thick-headed for proper philo-sophical debate claiming that at one point during their discussions Masʿūdīcould understand Rāzīrsquos argument only after Masʿūdīrsquos own student had re-peated it to him ten times12

But Ṭūsī also followed Rāzī in a deeper way What motivated Rāzī to writehis Sharḥ was the conviction that in order to do justice to Avicennarsquos theo-ries a commentator must move beyond the ultimately unproductive point-scoring that is found in works such as Masʿūdīrsquos Shukūk Ghazālīrsquos Tahāfut andShahrastānīrsquos Muṣāraʿah Each of these works consists in isolated objectionsto particular Avicennian positions distinctions and theories all of which areextracted from their philosophical and argumentative context In the JawābātRāzī cites Ibn Sahlān al-Sāwī (d ca 5651170) several times and Rāzī may havehad inmind the relatively limited impact Sāwī had in defending Avicenna fromthe problems Shahrastānī had raised13 Whatever the reason Rāzī saw that a

attention ofmany scholars some clarified it and commented on it ( fī īḍāḥihiwa-sharḥihi)while others having diverged from the principle of fair judgment (al-inṣāf ) and indulgedin bias and heedlessness (al-mayl wa-l-iʿtisāf ) contradicted its principles and defamedit ( fī naqḍ qawāʿidihi wa-jarḥihi) Even though Ṭūsī asserts his own even-handedness byclaiming that the Muḥaṣṣal contains good as well as bad and by using the neutral termTalkhīṣ (Abridgement) to name his commentary the fact remains that later scholars (suchas Ṭūsīrsquos supporters Tunukābunī and Mīr Dāmād mentioned above) usually referred toṬūsīrsquos work as Naqd al-Muḥaṣṣal (Refutation of [Rāzīrsquos] Summary)

12 ldquoBy the time the discussion had reached this stage Raḍī Nīsābūrī understood the waythis discussion [worked] so he took to reiterating this discussionmdashin this order and withthis structuremdashapproximately ten times until Masʿūdī [finally] got itrdquo (wa-lammā ntahāl-kalāmu ilā hādhā l-maqāmi fahima r-Raḍiyyu n-Nīsābūriyyu kayfiyyata hādhā l-kalāmithumma akhadha fī iʿādati hādhā l-kalāmi ʿalā hādhā n-naẓmi wa-t-tartībi qarīban minʿashara marrātin ilā an waqafa l-Masʿūdiyyu ʿalayhi) Rāzī Munāẓarāt ed F Kholeif inhis A Study on Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī and his Controversies in Transoxiana (Beirut 1966)97 3811ndash13 In general the aggressiveness and acid sarcasm that Rāzī exhibited duringhis encounters with senior Transoxanian scholars who often began their discussionswithRāzī in a dismissive and condescendingway is very similar toAvicennarsquos behavior towardsAbū l-Qāsim al-Kirmānī an older philosopher whomAvicenna debated during his visit toa salon in Hamadhān on their encounter see the Risālat Ibn Sīnā ilā al-Wazīr Abī Saʿdal-Hamadhānī ed and trans Y Michot as Ibn Sicircnacirc Lettre au vizir Abucirc Saʿd Editio princepsdrsquoapregraves le manuscrit de Bursa (Beirut Eacuteditions al-Bouraq 2000)

13 Sāwī is citedbyRāzī at Jawābāt 19b23 20a18 and20b1 thoughadmittedlynot in the contextof Sāwīrsquos defenses of Avicenna Sāwīrsquos responses to Shahrastānīrsquos critiques of Avicennaare contained in three manuscript witnesses Iʿtirāḍāt al-Shahrastānī ʿalā kalām Ibn Sīnāarsalahā ilā al-qāḍī ʿUmar ibn Sahl [sic] multamisan jawāban maʿa ajwibat Ibn Sahl msTehran Tehran University 227f222 351ndash352 (which is itself a microfilm of ms Istanbul

332 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

proper engagement with Avicennarsquos theories one that amounted tomore thana simple critique and defense obliges the commentator to proceed in a com-prehensive and systematic way14 Proceeding in a comprehensive way meanscommenting on an entire text without leaving out any section or sectionsespecially the more technical logical parts which Ghazālī Shahrastānī andMasʿūdī had ignored in their critiques In his Sharḥ Rāzī meets the immensechallenge of unpacking (and when he thought it necessary correcting) Avi-cennarsquos logic and especially Avicennarsquos modal syllogistic Rāzīrsquos massive effort

Revan Koumlşkuuml 2042) = Iʿtirāḍāt Muḥammad al-Shahrastānī ʿalā kalām Ibn Sīnā wa-jawābal-qāḍī ʿUmar ibn Sahl [sic] ms Bursa Genel Kitapliǧi 4363 123a1ndash133bult = Shukūk suʾilaal-qāḍī ʿUmar ibn Sahlān Sāwī min jihat al-Imām Muḥāmmad al-Shahrastānī wa-ṭulibaḥalluhā ms Kazan 1125a 98a1ndash135bult Reza Pourjavady and Lukas Muehlethaler arepreparing an edition and study of these exchanges

14 Responding to Masʿūdīrsquos accusation that Rāzī had indulged in sophistry Rāzī retortedthat ldquoTruly I ask God the Almighty the Merciful to protect my mind and soul againstsuch crooked thinking This is because a philosopher will use arguments to argue fora desired [conclusion] and then if a questioner brings up an objection this objectionwill be fulfilled only if the questioner makes clear that everything [the philosopher]mentioned in seeking to prove [the hypothesis] is covered by that question Now if he[the questioner] is not capable of doing this that objection will become false and fee-ble talk which warrants no noticerdquo (innī asʾalu llāha l-ʿaẓīma r-raḥīma an yuʿīdha ʿaqlīwa-nafsī min mithli hādhihi l-ḥikmati l-muʿawwajati wa-dhālika li-anna l-faylasūfa ḥtajjabi-ḥujjatin ʿalā maṭlūbihi thumma inna s-sāʾila awrada ʿalayhi muʿāraḍatan fa-hādhihi l-muʿāraḍatu innamā tatimmu idhā bayyana s-sāʾilu anna jamīʿamā dhakirahu l-mustadilluḥāṣilun fī hādhā s-suʾāli fa-ammā idhā lam yaqdir ʿalayhi ṣārat tilka l-muʿāraḍatu kalāmanfāsidanwāhiyan lā yajibu l-iltifātu ilayhi)Munāẓarāt 92 3620ndash373 After he left Bukhārāand arrived in Samarqand Rāzī accused a local eminence al-Farīd al-Ghaylānī (ie IbnGhaylān al-Balkhī) of straying far from investigation and the rules of argument (wa-kānabaʿīdanmina n-naẓari wa-rusūmi l-jadali 161 599) This is because Ibn Ghaylān claimedthat his attack on one isolated position of Ibn Sīnāmdashthe eternal motion of bodiesmdashundermined all of Avicennarsquos cosmology and that he (Ibn Ghaylān) did not need to provethe opposite view ie the temporal production of bodies ldquoI [Rāzī] said with that method[viz Ibn Ghaylānrsquos] this investigation will not be an intellectual scientific investiga-tion but merely a disputation of sorts with some particular person over some particularstatementrdquo ( fa-qultu fa-ʿalā hādhā ṭ-ṭarīqi lā yakūnu hādhā l-baḥthu baḥthan ʿilmiyyanʿaqliyyan wa-innamā huwa nawʿunmina l-mujādalati maʿa insānin muʿayyanin ʿalā qawlinmuʿayyanin) 16518-1662 On Ibn Ghaylān see J(Y) Michot ldquoLa pandeacutemie avicenni-enne au viexiie siegravecle Preacutesentation editio princeps et traduction de lrsquo introduction duLivre de lrsquoadvenue du monde (Kitāb ḥudūth al-ʿālam) drsquo Ibn Ghaylān al-Balkhīrdquo Arabica403 (1993) 287ndash344 as well as Michotrsquos Introduction (ldquoIbn Ghaylān al-Balkhī un critiquepost-ghazālien drsquoAvicennerdquo) to M Mohagheghrsquos edition of Ibn GhaylānrsquosḤudūth al-ʿAlam(Tehran Anjuman-i Āthār wa-Mafākhir-i Farhangī 2005) indashxv


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

to comment on the logical section of the Ishārāt stands in stark contrast to therather elementary syllogistic found for example in the first part of GhazālīrsquosMustaṣfā a text that in Rāzīrsquos opinion did not warrant the time and effort thatRāzīrsquos contemporariesmdashat least those in Ṭūsmdashwere devoting to it15 Proceed-ing in a systematic way meant excavating the underlying structure of the coretext especially in the case of books such as the Ishārāt whose basic divisionsmdashLogic Natural Philosophy Metaphysics andMysticismmdashwere plain to see butwhose progression of chapters within those divisions often remained mysteri-ous

Finally Rāzī believed that a commentator must proceed in an explicit wayAs seen above in the introduction to his Jawābāt Rāzī singles out Abū l-Barakāt and it is clear that Rāzī took Abū l-Barakāt much more seriously asa reader of Avicenna than he took Ghazālī to be Abū l-Barakātrsquos Kitāb al-Muʿtabar (The Book of What is Produced by Personal Reflection) served as amodel forRāzī in twoways The first is thatAbū l-Barakāt followedbyRāzī con-structed his philosophy on the basis of his independent-minded engagementwith Avicenna that is by being an appropriator of some Avicennian theoriesand a critic of other Avicennian theories This is the path of the muʿtabirūnautonomous philosophers who avoid blindly following previous authorities

l4 Abū l-Barakāt al-Baghdādī Kitāb al-Muʿtabar (Ḥaydarābād [al-Dakkan]Jamʿiyyat Dāʾirat al-Maʿārif al-ʿUthmāniyyah 1357ndash13581938ndash1939) 44ndash17

I named it The Book of What is Produced by Personal Reflection becauseI included in it what I have come to know what has been produced bymy personal reflection and that the investigation of which I have veri-fied And I completed it notwith things that I transmitted without under-standing nor with things that I accepted without investigation and per-sonal reflection In relying upon the views and doctrines that I relied

15 Irritated by Masʿūdīrsquos praise for Ghazālīrsquos Mustaṣfā Rāzī says ldquoI said At one time I waspresent in Ṭūs so they putmeup in [or ldquobroughtmedown tordquomdashanzalūnī]Ghazālīrsquos cham-ber and gathered together around me I said lsquoYou are wasting your lives reading the PurePortionrsquo rdquo ( fa-qultu innī fī baʿḍi l-awqāti ḥaḍartu bi-Ṭūsa fa-anzalūnī fī ṣawmaʿati l-Ghazālīwa-jtamaʿū ʿindī fa-qultu innakum afnaytum aʿmārakum fī qirāʾati Kitābi l-Mustaṣfā) RāzīMunāẓarāt 116 457ndash8 Rāzī goes on to say about a particular argument Ghazālī makesin the Mustaṣfā ldquothat Ghazālīrsquos discussion of this issue is extremely weakrdquo (inna kalāmal-Ghazālī fī hādhā l-masʾalati fī ghāyati ḍ-ḍuʿfi) Rāzī Munāẓarāt 117 4513) Rāzī alsomocks the self-contradictoryway thatGhazālī in the introduction to theMustaṣfā definesknowledge (Rāzī Munāẓarāt 120 4617ndash47ult)

334 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

on I have not agreed with a major figure on account of his eminencenor have I disagreed with a minor figure on account of his insignifi-cance On the contrary truth has been my aim in this whereas agree-ment and disagreement [with previous authorities] has been acciden-tal hellip In arranging the parts treatises problems and questions I fol-lowed Aristotlersquos model with respect to his books of logic natural phi-losophy and metaphysics For each problem I cited the views of thosewhose philosophy is produced by personal reflection I provided vari-ous opinions whose discussion is neglected andmdashas required by theinvestigationmdashI brought up expositions and arguments that have beenpreviously discussed as well as those that have not Then I ponderedupon them [ie each problem] by means of personal reflection relyingin all cases upon that on whose side the scale of the balance weighedheavy in terms of intelligibility and [upon that which] prevailed andwas established by evidence and proof and I rejected every other [opin-ion] whatsoever it may have been and whomsoever it may have comefrom16

The secondway that theMuʿtabar served as amodel for Rāzī is that in a numberof cases Abū l-Barakātrsquos revisions of and alternatives to Avicennarsquos theorieswere themselves appropriated by Rāzī This happened to some extent withAbū l-Barakātrsquos theories of knowledge andperceptionwhichRāzī built upon informulating his own epistemology17 But in his Sharḥ Rāzī is explicit in setting

16 This passage has also been translated into French by Pines ldquoNouvelles eacutetudesrdquo 12ndash13(reprinted in his Studies in Abū l-Barakāt al-Baghdādī 101ndash102) On Abū l-Barakāt seenow F Griffel ldquoBetween al-Ghazālī and Abū l-Barakāt al-Baghdādī The dialectical turnin the philosophy of Iraq and Iran during the sixthtwelfth centuryrdquo in P Adamsoned In the Age of Averroes Arabic Philosophy in the SixthTwelfth Century (London 2011)45ndash75

17 It is possible that Rāzī and Suhrawardī were introduced to Abū l-Barakāt by their teacherMajd al-Dīn al-Jīlī given the fact that in his Talwīḥāt Suhrawardī cites (though ascrib-ing it to an anonymous Jewish philosopher) Abū l-Barakātrsquos new theory of perceptionwhich substantially modifies Avicennarsquos theory ldquoA certain Jew who practiced philosophyaffirmed that perception consists in the percipientrsquos self grasping the perceptible itselfnot [grasping] its form [ie as Avicenna had thought]rdquo (wa-baʿḍu man tafalsafa mina l-yahūdi awjaba an yakūna l-idrāku an yanāla [alt tanāla] dhātu l-mudriki dhāta l-mudrakilā ṣūratahu) Suhrawardīrsquos unnamed Jewish philosopher was later identified as Abū l-Barakāt by Ibn Kammūnah in his commentary on the Talwīḥāt ldquoI say the Jewish prac-titioner of philosophy referred to [here] is Awḥad al-Zamān [Abū l-Barakāt al-Baghdādī]the author ofWhat is Known by Personal Reflection he is the one who articulates this the-


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

outpreciselywherehe agreeswithAvicennaandwherehedisagrees and in thisway Rāzī departs from Abū l-Barakāt whose Muʿtabar is usually quite obliquein its references to previous thinkers and contains relatively few citations of aparticular author or text

In the introduction to his Sharḥ Rāzī claims that previous interpreters of theIshārāt came backwith nothing to show for their efforts because theymdashunlikeRāzīmdashdid not proceed in a comprehensive systematic and explicit manner

l5 [Fakhr al-Dīn] Rāzī Sharḥ ed ʿAlī Riḍā Najaf-zāda (Tehran Anjuman-iĀthār wa-Mafākhir-i Farhangī 2005) Vol i 15ndash32

Know that intellects are in agreement and minds concur that knowl-edge is the most excellent of happinesses and the most perfect of per-fections and ranks and that its [knowledgersquos] possessors are the mostexcellent people on the inside and themost handsome people on the out-side [afḍalu n-nāsi shiʿāran wa-aḥsanuhum dithāran] the best of them indignity and nobility and the highest of them in honor and glory espe-cially [those in possession of] the true sciences and the certain pursuitswhich do not vary with the varying of places and times nor changewith the changing of religious codes and religions [wa-lā tataghayyarubi-taghayyuri sh-sharāʾiʿ wa-l-adyāni] The most excellent of them [iethe true sciences and certain pursuits] is the science of the beings thatare free of matter [that are] far from potentiality and disposition [toreceive new forms] The sciencesrsquo inequality in rank is on account of theinequality of objects of knowledge howsoever the object of knowledge

oryrdquo (aqūlu al-mushāru ilayhi min mutafalsifati l-yahūdi huwa Awḥadu z-zamāni ṣāḥibul-Muʿtabari fa-innahu huwa l-qāʾilu bi-hādhihi l-maqālati) cf Ibn Kammūnah Sharḥ al-Talwīḥāt ed H Ziai and A Alwishah (Costa Mesa California Mazda 2003) 3819ndash10 (forSuhrawardīrsquos lemma) and 38213ndash14 (for Ibn Kammūnahrsquos commentary) (On this edi-tion see J Lameer ldquoIbn Kammūnarsquos commentary on Suhrawardīrsquos Talwīḥāt Three edi-tionsrdquo Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 3 [2012] 154ndash184 at 165ndash168) These passages werecited by S Pines ldquoEacutetudes sur Awḥad al-Zamacircn Abuʾl-Barakacirct al-Baghdacircdicircrdquo Revue deseacutetudes juives 103 (1937) 3 (n 4) (reprinted in his Studies in Abū l-Barakāt al-Baghdādī 1)who was himself following M Schreiner ldquoZur Geschichte der Polemik zwischen JudenundMuhammedanernrdquo Zeitschrift derDeutschenMorgenlaumlndischenGesellschaft 42 (1888)591ndash675 at 640 (n 2) See also R Pourjavady and S Schmidtke A Jewish Philosopher ofBaghdad ʿIzz al-Dawla ibn Kammūna (d 6831284) and his Writings (Leiden Brill 2006)25 (n 111) On Rāzīrsquos epistemology see now B Ibrahim ldquoFakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī and Aris-totelian science Essentialism versus phenomenalism in post-classical Islamic thoughtrdquoOriens 413ndash4 (2013) 379ndash431

336 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

is elevated the knowledge that attains it in the two domains [ad-dāraynie dār al-fanāʾ (our world) and dār al-baqāʾ (the eternal world)] will bemore useful There is nodoubt thatGodAlmightyrsquos essence and attributesare the most perfect beings (indeed the Almighty has no relation to anycontingent thing with respect to some attachement it has to the perfec-tion of the attributes and essence) so there is no avoiding the fact thatknowledge of it becomes the highest of knowledges in respect of expla-nation the most manifest of them in respect of exposition the strongestof them in respect of fundamental principles and the clearest of themin respect of demonstration Since the Book of Pointers and Remindersamong the books of the Chief Master [Avicenna] though small in size isnevertheless abundant in knowledge great in name mysterious in struc-ture difficult to understand comprehends the wonder of wonders con-forms to a discourse that is nearest to the hearts and includes curiousplays on words and peculiar lessons which most epitomes are devoid ofand which are not found in any lengthy work I saw many people attendto verifying its meanings [muqbilīna ʿalā taḥqīqi maʿānīhi] investigatingits mysteries and foundations researching the riddles and problems con-tained in it and scrutinizing the peculiar lessons and plays on wordsit contains Then I saw some of them returning from it empty-handed[literally ldquoreturning from it with Ḥunaynrsquos two bootsrdquo yarjiʿūna ʿanhu bi-khuffay Ḥunaynin] and turning their attention to what was next for themwithout any consolation I had devoted a goodly portion of [my] life topursuing its crucial points and understanding its statements and reveal-ing its mysteries and plumbing its depths I wanted to establish theselessons as a guide to those seeking this great pursuit and noble aim SoI pulled the reins of [my] mind towards making this commentary con-cise structuring it dividing it into sections and revising it [ilā talkhīṣidhālika sh-sharḥi wa-tartībihi wa-tabwībihi wa-tahdhībihi] steering clearof the prolixity that causes tediousness aswell as of the brevity that causesoffense

Rāzīrsquos basic rationale for commenting on the Ishārāt is plain the Ishārāt is adifficult work and it therefore demands plain comprehensive interpretation18

18 The implication is also that the Ishārāt genuinely deserved a commentary unlike (forexample) the ʿUyūn al-ḥikmah which Rāzī also commented on but criticized for beingworded and organized in such a way that errors of transmission inevitably ended upcorrupting the text On this see Eichner The Post-Avicennian Philosophical Tradition and


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

As mentioned above this is in implicit contrast to Abū l-Barakātrsquos obliquemethod of appropriating and criticizing Avicenna and other earlier philoso-phers whose texts are hardly ever cited explicitly in the Muʿtabarmdasha practicethat makes the Muʿtabar frustrating to any reader trying to reconstruct pre-cisely which particular thinker and which particular argument or thesis Abūl-Barakāt is responding to in a given passage Three of Rāzīrsquos other commentsin this passage are worth pointing out however The first is that Rāzī far frombeing the standard narrativersquos hide-bound Sunni traditionalist out to destroyphilosophy shows himself to be a supporter of the view that metaphysicsmdashie theology and ontology the culmination of ldquothe true sciences and the cer-tain pursuitsrdquomdashis stable over time and transcends religion and culture a claimthat (at least in the Islamic context) is most famously associated with Part iiof al-Fārābīrsquos Kitāb al-Ḥurūf But this should not really surprise us since it isconsistent with Rāzīrsquos praise of Fārābī and Avicenna in the Munāẓarāt19 Thesecond is that in the last line of the introduction Rāzīmaintains that he is striv-ing to compose a kind of Goldilocks commentary that is one that is neither toolengthy nor too brief an ambition thatmdashas we shall seemdashwould also be heldby several subsequent commentators Finally following late-antique exegeti-cal practice which required that the commentator address a set number ofldquocapitalrdquo questions (kephalaiaruʾūs) about the core text Rāzī is systematic infixing the structure and rank of the different sections of the core text (tartībGreek taxis tecircs anagnocircseocircs) and then dividing the core text into chapters (tab-wīb Greek diairesis eis merecirc or diairesis eis kephalaia)20

Rāzīrsquos Sharḥ thus marks a crucial transition from a period of partial andscattershot commentaries on some of the issues (masāʾil) arising in Avicennarsquos

Islamic Orthodoxy 64ndash66 which includes a translation of Rāzīrsquos introduction to his SharḥʿUyūn al-ḥikmah

19 cf Rāzī Munāẓarāt 78ndash81 where Rāzī attacks Masʿūdīrsquos astrological beliefs by citingFārābīrsquos Abū Sahl al-Masīḥīrsquos and Avicennarsquos arguments against astrology and refersto them as ldquothe most distinguished philosophers and greatest sages hellip in relation towhom the people of this era of ours even if they have attained a lofty status are as theraindrop is to the ocean and as the firebrand is to the full moonrdquo (aʿyānu l-falāsifatiwa-akābiru l-ḥukamāʾi hellip wa-ahlu zamāninā hādhā wa-in balaghū d-darajāti l-ʿāliyyatafa-humbi-n-nisbati ilayhim ka-l-qaṭrati bi-n-nisbati ilā l-baḥri wa-sh-shuʿlati bi-n-nisbati ilāl-badri) 81 335ndash7

20 For Yaḥyā ibn ʿAdīrsquos discussion of the kephalaiaruʾūs along with references to furtherscholarship on this subject see R Wisnovsky ldquoYaḥyā ibn ʿAdīrsquos discussion of the prole-gomena to the study of a philosophical textrdquo in M Cook et al eds Law and Tradition inClassical Islamic Thought (Basingstoke Hampshire Palgrave 2013) 187ndash202

338 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

works and especially in the Ishārāt to a period of comprehensive and system-atic commentaries on all of the issues arising in the Ishārāt Rāzīrsquos superim-posed structure of masāʾil served as a template for subsequent commentatorsincluding Najm al-Dīn al-Nakhjuwānī (fl 6261229) whom we know very littleabout (In fact it has taken a while to disentangle him from another Nakhju-wāni who wrote a commentary on the Ishārāt Akmal al-Dīn al-Nakhjuwānī[fl 7011301]) It is true that here and there Najm al-Dīn Nakhjuwānī tweaksRāzīrsquos structure of masāʾil sometimes giving them slightly different titles andother times shifting one of the sub-chapters ( fuṣūl) into a different masʾalahNevertheless Rāzīrsquos structuring of the Ishārāt was going to be followed byalmost all subsequent commentators the main exception being Zayn al-DīnṢadaqah (d before 6781279) who wrote a problem commentary likeMasʿūdīrsquosShukūk21 In other words virtually every commentator on the Ishārāt after Rāzīapproached the Ishārāt on the basis of Rāzīrsquos interpretive division of that textWhat I mean is not only that Rāzī detected the underlying narrative logic ofthe Ishārāt whose Namaṭs unfold with a kind of dramaticmomentum He alsodivided and structured the Ishārāt in light of how it comprises a sequence ofpropositions that themselves serve as points (masāʾil) of further investigation(naẓar) and research (baḥth) by future commentators By providing a structureof masāʾil for the entire text of the Ishārāt Rāzī completed the task begun byMasʿūdī22

In the introduction to his commentary Nakhjuwānī is referred to as ldquoLeaderof the philosophers and successor of the ancientsrdquo (imām al-ḥukamāʾ wa-khalī-fat al-awāʾil) and we would therefore expect him to be sympathetic to phi-losophy in general and to Avicenna in particular The lemma below appearsto indicate however that Nakhjuwānī was partly motivated to write his com-mentary by what he regarded as the mistaken conflation of falsafah withḥikmahmdashḥikmah being understood by its proponents as a more ldquogenuinelyrdquoIslamic philosophy than falsafah which was the Arabic transliteration of theGreek philosophia and therefore hopelessly foreign-sounding The terms ḥikmaand ḥakīm by contrast are found throughout the Qurʾān especially in ref-erence to Godrsquos wisdom in designing the world so perfectly Nakhjuwānī it

21 For Ṣadaqahrsquos dates see my ldquoAvicennism and exegetical practicerdquo op cit 353 (n 10)Neither Masʿūdī nor Ṣadaqah includes an introduction in his problem-commentary andinstead just launches straight into his firstmasʾalah

22 The Ishārāt thus served as a template for future philosophical treatises whose authorshoped to initiate commentary traditions the Sullam al-ʿulūm of al-Bihārī being a primeexample (I am grateful to Asad Ahmed for suggesting this to me)


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

seems wants to have nothing to dowith this conflating of falsafah and ḥikmahbecause ḥikma strictly speaking is what the prophets brought in the scrip-tures23

l6 [Najm al-Dīn] Nakhjuwānī Zubdat an-Naqḍ wa-Lubāb al-Kashf ms Istan-bul Ahmet iii a3264 1b3ndash16

لصاولالمكملالماكلاسدقالارهطالالمكالافرعالالضفالاملعالامامالا983563الوملوقیدعبو

قحلاناهربءاملعلاةجحموءایبنالاةجحءایلوالاةفیلخءامكحلامامااىلايداهلالصوملا

دعاوقضقنبىمسملاريبكلاباتكلامامتالاقفواملهنايناوجخنلاhellipنی984041اوىدهلامجن

ةروهشملاةفسلفلادعاوقفییزتىلعلمتـشاى984043اةاجنلاوءافشلاهیومتفشكوتاراشالا

اهفعضنيبالامهلوصانمالصاالومهدعاوقنمةدعاقرداغیملثیحبةمكحل983560سانلانيب

مهبتكرئاسيفاهضقنالامهججحنمةجحالولوصالا984046تنيبتاضقانملانایبباهنالطبو

نانيبوةقحلاةیوقلالوصالاررق984045ذدعبمثزربتل983560نیروهشملامهلاجرىلاةبوسنملاةروهشملا

984040باقلاسوفنللاهومهفواهوررقوةیهلالابتكلاىفءایبنالااهبتتاىتلاىهةقیقحل983560ةمكحلا

فقیملنموءافعضلااهبريغیومهولاولایخلاناطیـشاهبكریتاطلاغمهلكف984045ذفلاخيامو

ىفاهلقنولوصالا984046تبخنجارختـسالاضیاقفوواباتكىفةعدوملاةمكحلاماسقاىلع

ريخبدروىلارظنلالهانم984045اسلاىدهتاهنافةمكحلاةصالخبةامسملاىهةريسیقاروا

نيفرحنملافئاوطتاهبـشعفدنمضتتاهمجحرغصعماهنامثاباتكىفةعدوملاةمكحلا

نعنیرصاقهئازجاةرثكوهمجحربكلريبكلاباتكلالیصحتنعنیزجاعةبلطلاضعبتدجو

مجحلاريغصاتكمهنمةفئاطسمتلافهزاجيالةصالخلاىفى984043اردقل983560ةريثكلاتاهبـشلالح

ضقانتلانایبوتاهيبنتلاوتاراشالاباتكهیلعلمتـشیامبفییزتلاوحرشلاثیحنمصتخي

اونكمتةصالخلاىفامىلا984045ذمضنااذافهمهفتو984052ینمهيلعلهسیلدعاوقلاولوصالا984046تنيب

ناداشرالاىفمزجلانافباوصلانم984045ذىلاةباجالاتیارولطابلاوقحلانيبزيیمتلانم

نادعبمثةیعطقلاةمالعل983560ميقتـسمريغهكلسى984043اقیرطلاناىلعهقیرطنعلاضلاهبنی

امريغلبقتاملق984045ذلبقوقحلاىلعهبنميقتـسملاطارصلابلطىلارطضاوزيحتو984045ذملع

هتیمسوهبتكا983909فباوصلاماهلاوهمامتالقیفوتلاىلاعتاتلاسهیفتعرشنيحفهیلعوه

23 On the other hand ms Istanbul Ayasofya 4862 159b1ndash182a15 which is a sketch of Nakhju-wānīrsquos commentary (it is entitled al-Multaqaṭ min Sharḥ al-Ishārāt) names him as ldquotheperfect sage and the distinguished philosopher Najm al-Millah wa-l-Dīn al-Nakhjuwānīrdquo(li-l-ḥakīmi l-kāmili wa-l-faylasūfi l-fāḍili Najmi l-millati wa-d-dīni n-Nakhjuwānī) It is pos-sible that the scribe responsible for supplying the authorrsquos honorifics at the beginning ofthis manuscript was not aware of Nakhjuwānīrsquos concernmdasharticulated in the full Sharḥmdashabout the conflation of falsafah and ḥikmah

340 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

رثكیناهتمحرنموجراوبتكلارئاسىلعدرویامةداموهذافشكلابابلوضقنلاةدبز

983559لاققطنملاضرغىفلوالاجهنلالوؤسممركاولوماممحراهنافيورخالاعفنلاهبعافتن

hellipقطنملانمدارملا

Now then Our master the highest leader the most excellent most well-known most perfect most pure most holy the complete one whomakes[others] complete the one who has arrived and whomakes others arrivethe one who guides towards God leader of the ḥukamāʾ successor of theancients proof of the prophets and the source of proofs of the schol-ars demonstration of the Truth Najm-al-hudā-wa-l-dīnhellip al-Nakhjuwānīsays when God granted [me] success in finishing the big book calledRefuting the Principles of the Pointers and Revealing the Misconceptionsof the Cure and the Deliverance which includes the falsification of theprinciples of philosophy known popularly as ldquowisdomrdquo [al-falsafah al-mashhūrah bayna n-nās bi-l-ḥikmah] in the sense that it [ie the Refut-ing] leaves aside none of their bases or principles except to expose theirweakness and falsity bybringing to light the contradictionsbetween thesebases nor any of their arguments except to [expose how they] contradictthe rest of the well-known books that are attributed to those men whoare famously distinguished among them Following this it establishesthe strong true principles and exposes the fact that wisdom in realityis what the prophets brought in the divine scriptures They establishedit and made it understood in receptive souls and everything that is inopposition to this are errors that the devil of imagination and delusioncompounds together [errors which cause] changes of mind in weak peo-ple and in thosewho do not understand the categories of wisdom that areset out inGodrsquos Book [God] also granted [me] success in extracting selec-tions of these principles and transmitting them in a few leaves which arecalled Synopsis ofWisdom It [the Synopsis] will guide the onewho ismak-ing the journey away from the people of speculation to a source-text withthe best wisdom set out in Godrsquos book and then in spite of its small sizeit repels the aporiai of the sects of deviators I found some of the studentsincapable of analyzing the big book due to the bulkiness of its size andthe multiplicity of its parts and unable to resolve the many aporiai withthe amount [ofmaterial] in the Synopsis due to its terseness So a group ofthem requested a book that was small in size and specialized in the senseof a commentary and a showing-false of what the Pointers and Reminderscontains and an exposing of the contradiction between these bases andprinciples in order that it will be easy for them to get it and understand


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

it If this is joined together with what is in the Synopsis they will becomemasters of distinguishing between the true and the false Iwas of the opin-ion that it was my duty to respond positively to this [request] for thecriterion of right-guidance is to warn with a decisive signal the personwho strays from his path that the path he is following is not a straightone After he learns this and is inclined and compelled to seek the straightpath he is alerted to the truth whereas before this he hardly acceptedanything other thanwhatwas before himWhen I started it I askedGod togrant [me] success in finishing it and to inspire [me] to be correct in whatI write I named it The Cream of the Refuting and the Gist of the Revealingsince it consists in material that appears in the other books I hope thatas a result of His mercy there will be much use of it for the benefit of thenext life He is themostmerciful thing to be hoped for and themost noblething to be asked for ldquoThe First Way On the Aim of Logicrdquo He said hellip

Nakhjuwānīrsquos attempt to reclaim the term ḥikmah by distinguishing it sharplyfrom falsafah could well have been directed at Rāzī who was a primary tar-get of other conservative thinkers such as Ibn Taymiyyah (d 7281328) andIbn Khaldūn (d 8081406) each of whom bemoaned the fusion of kalām andfalsafah One rationale for these critiques was that it will be easier to attackAvicennarsquos ideas if they are isolated from the theological uses that subse-quent mutakallimūn made of them This explains why Nakhjuwānīrsquos com-mentary is not a supercommentary on Rāzīrsquos Sharḥ (as Āmidīrsquos commentarywas or even Ṭūsīrsquos) And although Nakhjuwānīrsquos commentary is in one senseless comprehensive than Rāzīrsquos commentary since Nakhjuwānī neglects tocomment on quite a few chapters of the Manṭiq part of the Ishārāt it ismore comprehensive in another sense Nakhjuwānī does not just cite rele-vant passages in other works of Avicenna he sometimes quotes them in fullmdashdespite Nakhjuwanirsquos protestations that he was only writing a middle-lengthldquoGoldilocksrdquo work In addition Nakhjuwānī is evenmore systematic than RāzīFor although Nakhjuwānī largely adopts Rāzīrsquos structure ofmasāʾil with minormodifications here and there Nakhjuwānī sharply separates his exposition ofthe Ishārāt from his critique of the Ishārāt signaling his commentary (sharḥ)with a rubricatedش and his objections (iʿtirāḍāt) with a rubricated atmdashع leastin the two manuscripts (ms Istanbul Ahmed iii a3264 for the full commen-tary and ms Istanbul Ayasofya 4862 for the Multaqaṭ) that we have in ourpossession In Rāzīrsquos commentary by contrast the critical analysis percolatesthroughout the exposition

What Nakhjuwānīrsquos commentary therefore provided to subsequent com-mentators was a strong basis for arguing that in Rāzīrsquos Sharḥ the exposition

342 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

of the text of the Ishārāt (the lexis to put it in late-antique Greek exegeti-cal terms) was not properly set apart from the critical analysis of the theoriesthat Avicenna articulates (the theocircria) and that the two exegetical functionsmdashexposition and critical analysismdashintermingled there to the detriment of under-standing Avicennarsquos own philosophy This convictionwas held both byNakhju-wānī who placed himself in opposition to Avicennarsquos ideas as well as by thosewho set themselves up as defenders of Avicennarsquos ideas such as the Sunnimutakallim Sayf al-Dīn al-Āmidī (d 6411243) who wrote a supercommen-tary on Rāzīrsquos Sharḥ entitled Kitāb Kashf at-Tamwīhāt fī Sharḥ al-Ishārāt wa-t-Tanbīhāt (Uncovering the Misrepresentations in [Rāzīrsquos] Commentary on thePointers and Reminders) also known as Kitāb al-Iʿtirāḍāt ʿalā Sharḥ al-Imāmar-Rāzī li-l-Ishārāt (Objections to Imām Rāzīrsquos Commentary on the Ishārāt) Inhis supercommentary Āmidī repeats Rāzīrsquos criticism of Masʿūdī but directs itat Rāzī instead Just as Rāzī in his Jawābāt had criticizedMasʿūdī for not tryinghard enough to understand Avicennarsquos theories on their own terms so Āmidīmaintains that Rāzī has not tried hard enough to understand Avicennarsquos theo-ries on their own terms This is dangerous according to Āmidī because readerswill become confused about what Avicenna actually thought

l7 Āmidī Kashf at-Tamwīhāt ms Istanbul Laleli 2519 3b10ndash4a9 = ms BerlinPetermann ii 596 2b7ndash18

اهكرادمءافخلةیهلالاوةیعیبطلاوةیقطنملايهوةیمكحلامولعلاوةیقیقحلافراعملاتناكاملهناف

نورثكالااهبطیحيالاهيلافارصن983559واهبم983906ه983559نععطاوقلاوعناوملاةرثكواهكلاسمةقدو

اهنعجراخوهاماهبجزمواهنمسیلاماهيفلخداامبرفنولقالاالااهتقیقحهنكفرعیالو

رهتـشانمىلاادنتسم984045ذناكناامیـسالنيئدتبملاريغونيئدتبملانمنیرثكالاىلعاجئار

تاهيبنتلاحرشنمرهتـشاامتیارامل984043984045واهبنيمسرتملانمهنارقاىلعزيمتواهيفنيهبنتملانم

تاهيومتوطلاغمىلعالمتـشمىلاعتهللاهحماسيزارلابیطخلانباىلابوسنملاتاراشالاو

ينادحةیماعلاناهذالاوةرصاقلارطاوخلاضعبيفاهتحصعقوامبروتافرحمقحلانعروماو

طیماوباجحلاةمغقحلاهجونعفشكاناباحصالانمءالضفلاضعبءاعدتـساعم984045ذ

بانطالاثغوباهساللابنجتمبابللانعرشقلا

Since most people do not comprehend true knowledge and the philo-sophical sciences (namely the logical natural-philosophical and meta-physical [sciences])mdashdue to the obscurity of their [the sciencesrsquo] objectsof perception and the subtlety of their methods and the multiplicity ofthe obstacles and impediments to undertaking them in a serious wayand devoting oneself attentively to themmdashand [since] none but a few


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

are aware of their deepest reality what is not part of them [ie what isnot part of the philosophical sciences] is sometimes incorporated intothem and what is extraneous to them is mixed into them [in such away that it] spreads to many beginners as well as non-beginners espe-cially when this [incorporating andmixing] is traceable to someone whois famous among those who have paid close attention to them and isdistinguished among those of his peers who have studied them repeat-edly For this reason when I saw that the well known Commentary ontheReminders andPointers attributed to Ibn al-Khaṭīb al-RāzīmdashmayGodAlmighty treat him generouslymdashcontains errors andmisrepresentationsand perversions of the truth (even though sometimes as far as a few lim-ited intellects and vulgar minds are concerned it [Rāzīrsquos Sharḥ] chanceson its [the Ishārātrsquos] correct [meaning]) this combined with the requestof some distinguished friends promptedme to strip the veil of ignorancefrom the face of truth and peel the bark off the pith while steering clearof long-windedness and suppressing verbosity

As a reminder it is worth repeating the dominant narrative mentioned at thebeginning of this article namely that Sunni mutakallimūn were universallyhostile to Avicennarsquos philosophy And yet here we have a Sunni mutakallim(Āmidī) attacking another Sunni mutakallim (Rāzī) for misrepresenting Avi-cenna It appears instead that at least in Āmidīrsquos case professional competitionwith and jealousy of Rāzīrsquos studentsmdashespecially Shams al-Dīn al-Khusraw-shāhī (d 6521254) who was active in the Ayyubid court in Syria at the sametime as Āmidīmdashwas a stronger motivator than school loyalty24

Like Nakhjuwānī Āmidī and Ṭūsī the Shāfiʿite judge Sirāj al-Dīn al-Urmawī(d 6821283) also appears to have beenuncomfortablewithRāzīrsquos commentarydespite the fact that Urmawī is often placed in a teacher-pupil lineage withRāzī and followed Rāzī in important respects25 Urmawī is also similar toNakhjuwānī because Urmawī does not actually single out Rāzī by name inthe introduction to his commentary (in contrast with Āmidī and Ṭūsī whoseintroductions place Rāzī squarely in the cross-hairs)

24 On Āmidīrsquos rivalry with Rāzīrsquos students see Endress ldquoReading Avicenna in the madrasardquoop cit 403ndash410

25 OnUrmawīrsquos relation toRāzī and especiallyUrmawīrsquos use of RāzīrsquosMulakhkhaṣ as amodelon which to structure his own treatises see Eichner The Post-Avicennian PhilosophicalTradition and Islamic Orthodoxy op cit 97ndash104 On Urmawī in general see L MarlowldquoA thirteenth-century scholar in the Eastern Mediterranean Sirāj al-Dīn Urmavī juristlogician diplomatrdquo Al-Masaq Islam and theMedievalMediterranean 223 (2010) 279ndash313

344 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

l8 Urmawī Sharḥ ms Istanbul Ahmet iii a3269 1b10ndash19

هدمغتانیسنبيلعىباسیئرلاخیـشلابتكنمتاهيبنتلاوتاراشالاباتكتیارينافدعبو

ريفغمجهحرشبىنتعادقةزومرمةريثكيناعموةزيجوةبیرغظافلاىلعالمتـشمهتمحربا

نودتاهيبنتلاوتاراشالانمهیفامىلعتالاكشالاداریاومتهانكللضافالانایعانم

باتكلااذهنايرمعلومظتنمريغهنانظیدقاممظنوزومرملام984034لانمدارملاىلعفیقوتلا

هحرشتدرافمكحلاحیلموملكلاحیصفنمهیفهكبـسامعیمجللبمولعلانمهیفاملدصقیال

باوصللقفوملااوبانطالانودزاجيالالیبساكلاسدوصقملااذهىلعرصقیهجوىلع

hellipخیـشلالاق

Now then It is my view that among the books of the Chief Master AbūʿAlī ibn Sīnāmdashmay God shield him with His mercymdashthe Pointers andReminders contains strange terse expressions and multiple symbolicmeanings A teeming throng of distinguished individuals have put theirminds to commenting on it but they are primarily concerned with rais-ing problems [īrād al-ishkālāt] with the pointers and reminders that itcontains rather than pondering upon what is intended by the symbolicdiscourse and [with] putting in order what is considered to be disor-dered Upon my soul The point of this book is not so much the sciencesthat it contains as all the clear remarks and beautiful maxims formulatedin it So I wanted to comment upon it in a way that was restricted tothis objective following the path of concision without being excessivelywordy God grants success in getting it right The Master said hellip

Like Āmidī Urmawī is impatient with previous commentators (here presum-ably referring to Rāzī but possibly Nakhjuwānī as well) who devoted toomucheffort to bringing up the problems (īrād al-ishkālāt) that are found in eachchapter as well as to structuring and ordering the seemingly jumbled-up textof the Ishārāt Because the language of the Ishārāt is so oblique and gnomicUrmawī reckons that simple exposition should be the primary role of the com-mentator The implication of Urmawīrsquos view is that the Ishārāt due to itsunderdetermined nature will not bear the philosophical weight placed on itby Rāzī

Like his contemporaryUrmawī IbnKammūna (d 6831284) also declines tomention Rāzī by name in the introduction to his commentary on the IshārātBut Ibn Kammūna does single out Ṭūsī for extravagant praise going so far as tolabel him ldquoKing of the verifying scholarsrdquo (malik al-ʿulamāʾ al-muḥaqqiqīn) inapparent contrast to Rāzī whom Ṭūsī had dismissed as ldquoKing of the debatersrdquo


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

(malik al-mutanāẓirīn) Ibn Kammūna implicitly criticizes Rāzī by endorsingṬūsīrsquos strict-constructionistmethod of verifying the intendedmeanings (taḥqīqal-maʿānī al-maqṣūdah) that is the commitment to focus solely on what Avi-cenna actuallymeantwhen he used this word as opposed to thatword Accord-ing to Ibn Kammūna Ṭūsīrsquos method narrowed the range of exegetical practicesso that commentators would not be tempted to engage critically with Avi-cennarsquos theories but would instead restrict themselves to glossing and decom-pressing the text at hand

l9 Ibn Kammūnah (d 6831284) Sharḥ al-Uṣūl wa-l-Jumal min Muhimmātal-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal ms Istanbul Ragıp Paşa 845 2a15ndash2b19

عمباتكلايق983560حرشىلعيتابولسالااذهىلعوةمدقملاوةبطخلاحرشبقلعتیاماذهف

ارصتخمرتافلايركفبهتطبنتـسااماهنمورباكالاءامكحلابتكنمهتطقتلااماهنميتلاتاد983565زلا

ناطلسنيققحملاءاملعلا984046منیرخاتملاونيمدقتملامولععماجملاعلاةمالع983563الومحرشنمهرثكا

نساحمهیفعمجظغبـساوحماىلعاهنافنی984041او984039و984041اوقحلاريصننيققدملاءامكحلا

دصاقملانم⟩hellip⟨هبعوتـساامبوهفةدوصقملايناعملاقیقحتيفةیاغلاغلبوةدوجوملاحورشلا

حرشلضرعتاالنابىلوالاناكناوهبءافتك983559ولا984049اةد983565زلايفهريغىلعقیضدقلاقملا

المزالرمارمالايلوانموهذاهرماةعاطومزاجهمكحنمميلادرورماالولباتكلا

984041وhellipنورهنی984041اواین984041افرشhellipوهوةیقافتاالةیقیقحوةیعضوالةیعبطهتـسائروامیـس

ينیوجلاناوی984041ابحاصدمحمنبدمحمنی984041اواین984041اسمشhellipءارزولا984046ممظعالابحاصلا

يلعيباسیئرلاظافلاعیمجبهیفتیتاوةرماعلاامهتنازخمسربباتكلااذهتلمعدقوhellip

ةرورضلوهامبالااهتبوذعواهتحاصفىلعةظفاحماهنمءيشبلالخاريغنمتاراشالايف

تفلتخاامواريمضبحيرصتلاكىنعملاراهظالوبیقعتءافوفطعواولثمم984034لاجاردنا

تاراشالاظافلازيمينابحانمفبلغ983559يفامهنیبعمجاتنكناوت983565اورلاوخسنلاهیف

تام984053نملمجلاولوصالاحرشهتیمسواهريغواةرمحلاةمالعب984045ذهزيميلفم984034لايق983560نع

لمعلاوملعلا

This is what relates to commenting on the Proemium and the Introduc-tion In this fashion I shall finish commenting on the rest of the bookas well as [make] additional [remarks] some of which I picked up fromthe books of the great philosophers and others that I thought of withmy own feeble thinking most of them [just] summarizing the Commen-tary of our master the learned one who knows all the sciences of theancients andmoderns the king of the verifying scholars ruler of the sub-tle philosophers Naṣīr-al-Ḥaqq-wa-l-Dawla-wa-l-Dīn [al-Ṭūsī] Hemdashmay

346 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

God raise him in His abode and extend him His protectionmdashgatheredtogether in it the best of the existing commentaries and achieved theutmost in establishing the truth of the intended meanings By holdinghimself lthellipgt in terms of objectives to what was stated he narrowedfor others the range of extraneous [comments] to what is sufficient [toexplain the intended meanings] And although it would have been moreseemly that I not address myself to commenting on the book [I did so]only because of a command that came to me from the one whose judg-ment is final and the obeying of whose commandmdashsince he is amongthose who have authoritymdashis something necessary especially given thathis precedence is natural and not imposed true and not conventional(He being hellip Sharaf-al-Dunyā-wa-l-Dīn Hārūn hellip son of the greatest lordthe Chief of Staff hellip Shams-al-Dunyā-wa-l-Dīn Muḥammad ibn Muḥam-mad al-Juwaynī the Prime Minister hellip) I composed this book under theauspices of their well stocked library I included in it every one of Mas-ter Abū ʿAlīrsquos words in the Pointers without any omissions mindful ofits eloquence and pleasantness except when it was necessary to insertsome words such as the conjunctions ldquoandrdquo and ldquoforrdquo and to make themeaning apparent like making [the referent of] a pronoun explicit or[noting] something that the manuscripts and recensions disagree aboutEven though I have combined the two for the most part whoever wishesto distinguish the text of the Pointers from the rest of the discussion lethim set it apart by means of a red mark or some other [sign] I entitled itCommentary on the Fundamentals and the Sum ofWhat isMost Importantof Knowledge and Action

In contrast to Āmidī Urmawī and Ibn Kammūna who either implicitly orexplicitly shared Ṭūsīrsquos discomfort with Rāzīrsquos interpretive method the Sunni-Māturīditemutakallim Shamsal-Dīn al-Samarqandī (fl 6901291) often set him-self up as a follower of Rāzī In his own original work entitled al-Ṣaḥāʾif [altal-Ṣaḥīfah] al-Ilāhiyyah Samarqandī cites Rāzī extensively referring to him asal-Imām Following Rāzī Samarqandīrsquos usual practice in the Ṣaḥāʾif was to listthe different arguments supporting a given hypothesis and then to label eachof themdecisive (qaṭʿī) or just rhetorically persuasive (iqnāʿī) and so on In theṢaḥāʾif Samarqandī sometimes adds to the list of arguments an original newproof (burhān badīʿ)26 All this puts in context the remarks Samarqandī makes

26 The most extensive and up-to-date study of Samarqandīrsquos life works and thought is


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

in the introduction to his commentary on the Ishārāt entitled Bishārāt al-Ishārāt (The Glad Tidings of The Pointers)27 Samarqandī holds up demonstra-tion as the ultimatemeans of taḥqīq here construed as testing the validity of anargument In Samarqandīrsquos preface taḥqīq which involves setting aright (tas-dīd) is placed in stark contrast to taqlīd the uncritical acceptance of what anauthority says Here Samarqandī clearly aligns himself with Rāzī in opposingtaqlīd and embracing the critical analysis of the theory set out in the core text

l10 Samarqandī Bishārāt al-Ishārāt ms Istanbul Fazıl Ahmet Paşa (Koumlp) 8791b3ndash20 =ms Istanbul Ayasofya 2418 1b3ndash2a6 (nb bothmss aremiscollated theincipits appear on frames 165 and 7 respectively) = ms Tehran Kitābkhānah-iDānishgāh-i Tihrān Ilāhiyyāt 47j (= Microfilm 2792) 2b2ndash13

لئاضفلاوةیملعلاتالامكلاوهةرخالاىفرخدیامحجناواین984041اىفبستكیامحبرانافدعبو

وهى984043القعلاوءاضعالازعاوهى984043ابلقلالمعبةیلمعاضیااهنالةیملعلاامهحجناوةیلمعلا

قدصلاةجحمحتفنیوقیقحتلاوقحلاب983560اهبحسفنیىتلاةیناهربلاامیـسالءایـشالافرشا

تاراشالاباتكودیلقتلاونظل983560الدیدستلاونيقیل983560فراعملاومولعلاىفةريغلاذاقیدصتلاو

ءاملعلانيب984039وادتملابتكلا984040مجنماهمحرانیسنبيلعوباسیئرلا]خیـشلا[هفنصى984043ا

ظافلاوةزومرمتارابعبءامكحلاءاراةیاغوءامدقلاراكفاةصالخهیفعمجءالقعلادنع984039وانتملا

نكلهحیقنتوهقیقحتىفمهعسواولذبولضافالانایعانمعمجهحرشبىنتعادقوةزومغم

حنـسفلیمكتلادحنعارصاقاهضعبولیوطتلانمبرضىلعالمتـشمحورشلاضعبناك

هـللزعقاومو984052لخعضاومىلااريشمدئاوزلانعواخدئاوفللواحاحرش984051بتكانايل

نمةدمونامزلانمةهربهیفتفرصفميوقلانی984041اوميقتـسملاعرشلاتفلاخىتلاامیـسال

لابقالاو984039و983560984041ىلاعتاهفرشنممةراشالافیرشتيفاووقحلاقیفوتقفاوناىلاناوالا

by Eichner The Post-Avicennian Philosophical Tradition and Islamic Orthodoxy op cit379ndash415

27 Sections of Samarqandīrsquos Bishārāt have begun to be edited and studied by Turkish gradu-ate students see the SakaryaUniversityma theses of Sadi Yılmaz (Şemsuumlddin Semerkandicircʾ-nin Beşacircracirctuumlʾl-İşacircracirct adlı eserinin 3 boumlluumlmuumlnuumln tahkik ve değerlendirmesi 2010) ZeynepKorkmaz (Şemsuumlddin Semerkandicircʾnin Beşacircracirctuumlʾl-İşacircracirct adlı eserin 8 ve 9 boumlluumlmleri Tahkiktercuumlme ve değerlendirme 2009) andMehmet Sami Baga (Şemsuumlddin Semerkandicirc ve Beşacirc-racirctuumlʾl-işacircracirct adlı eserinin tabicirciyyacirct boumlluumlmuuml Tahkik tercuumlme ve değerlendirme 2008) I amgrateful to Hasan Umut and Attila Arkan for alerting me to the existence of these threetheses

348 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

لمكفhellipنمحرلادبعنيملسملاومالسالاالعنی984041اواین984041افرشhellipلاضفالاولضفل983560هزعاو

hellip⟩خیـشلا⟨لاققیفوتلا983560وتاراشالاتاراشببيمسوباتكلا

Now then the most lucrative of what can be acquired for this world andthe most beneficial of what can be stored up for the next world are thescientific perfections and practical excellencesmdashthe more favorable ofthe two being the scientific because they are also practical through theaction of the heart which is the most exalted of the organs and [throughthe action of] the intellect which is the most noble of things particu-larly the demonstrative [things] by which the gate of truth and verifica-tion [taḥqīq] is opened and [by which] the method of truth and declar-ing something to be true is widened since zeal for science and knowl-edge is through certainty and setting aright not through opinion andfollowing authority [bi-l-yaqīn wa-t-tasdīd lā bi-ẓ-ẓann wa-t-taqlīd] ThePointers written by the Chief [Master] Abū ʿAlī ibn Sīnāmdashmay God havemercy on himmdashis among the set of books that are passed back and forthamong scholars and discussed by intellectuals In it are brought togetherthe essence of the ideas of the ancients [khulāṣat afkār al-qudamāʾ] andthe ultimate limit of the views of the philosophers in symbolic expres-sions [bi-ʿibārātin marmūzatin] and hinting utterances A group of dis-tinguished individuals has put its mind to commenting upon it and theyexpended their abilities in testing its validity and revising it [ fī taḥqīqihiwa-tanqīḥihi] However some of the commentaries contain a type ofexhaustive treatment while others limit themselves to supplementing[takmīl] So it afforded me the opportunity to write a commentary thatincludes benefits while being devoid of extraneous things that pointsto passages where it [the Ishārāt] has flaws and places where it hasmistakesmdashespecially where it is in opposition to correct holy law andupright religion I devoted a little while and a period of time to it up tothe point when I succeeded in determining the truth and fulfilling [mypledge] to honor the pointer from among those whom God Almightyhas honored with dynastic power and prosperity and made mighty withsuperiority and beneficence hellip Sharaf-al-Dunyā-wa-l-Dīn ʿAlā l-Islām-wa-l-Muslimīn ʿAbd al-Raḥmān hellip So the book was completed and namedThe Glad Tidings of the Pointers With God lies success [The Master] saidhellip

Samarqandī thus followedRāzī andAbū l-Barakāt al-Baghdādī whose commit-ment to the best proof always overrode their respect for an individual authority


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

even an authority whose status was as lofty as AvicennarsquosWhy then did Samar-qandī feel the need to write his commentary Apparently for one of Najmal-Dīn Nakhjuwānīrsquos reasons to create a balance between an exhaustive andtedious commentary on the one hand and a short and superficial one on theother the Goldilocks ldquomiddlerdquo commentary

The next two commentaries in my survey are both muḥākamāt adjudica-tions or arbitrations the first by Jamāl al-Dīn al-Ḥillī (d 7261325)28 the secondbyBadr al-Dīn al-Tustarī (d 7321332)Onemight reasonably assume that apartfrom expertise in Avicennarsquos philosophy impartiality ought to be a necessarycharacteristic of someone arbitrating between Rāzī and Ṭūsī the two maincommentators on the Ishārāt Onemight also reasonably assume that in orderto demonstrate impartiality an arbitrator should avoid giving the impressionthat he might be biased and should be open about any conflicts of interest hemight have with either of the authors he is judging Yet this is not the case withḤillī and Tustarī In spite of some perfunctory protestations of their neutralityḤillī and Tustarī praise Ṭūsī in their introductions and single out Rāzī for criti-cism Ḥillī echoes Ṭūsī by stating that he is going to comment upon (sharḥ) thetext of the Ishārāt rather than to denigrate (qadḥ) and slander ( jarḥ) it AndalthoughḤillī does not nameRāzī in his introduction his use of Ṭūsīrsquos terminol-ogy sends the attentive reader a clearmessage aboutwhose sideḤillī is on Ḥillīfurther strengthens his link to Avicenna by using a term for ldquofair judgmentrdquomdashinṣāfmdashthatAvicennahimself had earlier usedas the title of a (largely lost)workhe devoted to adjudicating between those Avicenna called ldquoWesternersrdquo (ieBaghdadis) and those he called ldquoEasternersrdquo (ie Khurasanis) and which Ṭūsīlater appropriated inorder tounderscorehis (allegedly) fair-mindedevaluationof previous commentaries on Rāzīrsquos Muḥaṣsal as mentioned above

l11 Ḥillī al-Muḥākamāt bayna shurrāḥ al-Ishārāt ms Istanbul Damat IbrahimPaşa 817 2b3ndash12 (but there mislabelled and miscatalogued as the Muḥākamātof Quṭb al-Dīn al-Rāzī) = ms Istanbul Ahmet iii a3400 2b4ndash3a2

يفةیلكلاةیعطقلامولعلاوةینیقیلافراعملالیصحتناىلعناقباطتملقنلاولقعلانافدعباما

فرصبجیفةیدبالاةواقشلانمصالخلاوةیدرفلاةداعسلالیصحتلببسةیهلالابلاطملا

ابتك984045ذيفانفنصدقواهرارساواهت984034شمحاضیاواهراوغاواهضماوغنعثحبلاىلاةمهلا

امهنافمارملاةیاهنوثاحبالاریرحتبنيموسوملانیريبكلانيباتكلايفاصوصخةددعتمتالوطم

28 This text was thought by Schmidtke to have been lost S Schmidtke The Theology ofal-ʿAllāma al-Ḥillī (d 7261325) (Berlin 1991) 58ndash59

350 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

ناكاملنكل⟩براملااذهيفنایفاشبلطملااذهيفنایفاكامهو⟨ةیاهنلاازواجتوةیاغلااغلبدقنورخاوهحرشبةعامجىنتعادقانیسنبيلعيباخیـشلاتافنصمنمتاراشالاباتك

هنیزوةداعسل983560ىلاعتاهدیادمحمي984041وي984041ميركلايلعزیزعلا984041ولالاسهحرجوهحدقب

983560حارشلانيبةموكحلاهالعوهتعفرماداوهءاقبلاطاوةدایـسلاوفرشل983560قیقحتوفاصنال

موسوملاباتكلااذهتعضووهداعسااماداهدارمتبجاففاستعاالويغبريغبقحلا

983560بحسنیملوةیمالسالادعاوقلافلاخاملكهیفتلطباوتاراشالاحارشنيبتامكاحمل

hellipلاقraquoلیكولامعنlaquoوraquoانبسحlaquoوهوةینمالاهذهغولبلقفوملااوةیعرشلابلاطملاىلع

Now then Intellect and transmission concur that attaining the [varietiesof] certain knowledge and [of] the universal decisive sciences concern-ing divine questions is a cause of attaining personal happiness and free-dom from eternal misery It is therefore necessary to devote onersquos ambi-tion to investigating their obscurities and hidden depths and to makeplain their problems and secrets In this regard we composed numerousextended writings especially two big books entitled Making Investiga-tions Precise [Taḥrīr al-abḥāth] and The Ultimate Desideratum [Nihāyatal-marām] They achieved the aim and exceeded the limit and the twoof them are sufficient for this goal and satisfactory for this objective Butsince the Pointers among the writings of the Master Abū ʿAlī ibn Sīnā[is the book that] a group of people has put its mind to commenting on[bi-sharḥihi]while others [have put theirmind to] denigrating it and slan-dering it [bi-qadḥihi wa-jarḥihi] the son who is dear to me and preciousto me my son Muḥammadmdashmay God Almighty support him with hap-piness adorn him with nobility and lordship prolong his existence andperpetuate his superiority and elevationmdashaskedme to judge between thecommentators in a fair-minded way [bi-l-inṣāf ] and establish the truth[wa-taḥqīq al-ḥaqq] without any unfairness or injustice So I respondedpositively to his wishmdashmay God always make him fortunatemdashand com-posed this book entitled Arbitrations between the Commentators on thePointers In it I proved the falsity of all that is opposed to Islamic prin-ciples and which is not applicable to religious questions God is the onewho grants success in attaining this goal ldquoHe suffices for usrdquo and ldquois thebest of helpersrdquo [q 3173] He [Avicenna] said hellip

Unlike the rather coy Ḥillī Tustarī is open about naming Rāzī as the bad guyIn the introduction to his Muḥākamah Tustarī completes the process begunby Ibn Kammūnah who referred to Tusi as malik al-ʿulamāʾ al-muhaqqiqīnldquoMonarch of hellip the muḥaqqiqsrdquo by now labeling Rāzī as lisān al-mutakallimīn


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

ldquoMouthpiece of the mutakallimsrdquo The distinction is clear on one side thereare the muḥaqqiqūn epitomized by Ṭūsī and on the other side there are themutakallimūn epitomized by Rāzī Like Ḥillī Tustarī repeats Ṭūsīrsquos remarkabout how a commentator must not engage in contrariness and contradictionlest his commentary turn into a defamation ( jarḥ) But Tustarī adds somethingnew by offering a sketch of the history of Avicennism On Tustarīrsquos accountRāzīrsquos critique of Avicenna was so devastating that philosophy was shaken toits core Perhaps remembering that he should at least sound like an impartialadjudicator Tustarī grudgingly admits that Rāzī did solve a fewpuzzles But themain point of Tustarīrsquos narrative is clear philosophy needed a hero to rescue itfrom Rāzīrsquos depredations and Ṭūsī rose to the challenge

l12 Tustarī al-Muḥākamāt bayna Naṣīr ad-Dīn wa-Fakhr ad-Dīn ar-Rāzī msIstanbul Laleli 2551 1b4ndash2a1 = ms Istanbul Fazıl Ahmet Paşa (Koumlp) 898 1b8ndash2a5 = ms Istanbul Carullah 1312 1b5ndash25

نوزربملالاجرلاهبلغتـشاناشلاميظعمس983559روهشمتاهيبنتلاوتاراشالاباتكناكاملف

ناسلةمالعلالضافلا⟩مامالا⟨ىلاةبونلاتهتناناىلانرقدعبرقةیقیقحلامولعلايف

نمءيشهیزاویال⟩نا⟨داكاحرشهحرشفهیلعاةمحريزارلادمحمنی984041ارخفنيملكتملا

هناريغاهلمجلیصفتواهزغللحودقاعملاحیضوتودعاوقلاریرقتيف⟩انغلب⟨انتغلبيتلاحورشلا

نمةجحومهلوصانمالصاكرتاملقهناىتحنيحراشلا984046سمالنيضقانلاىرجمهیفىرج

تلتخاوةیمكحلالوصالاناینبهببسبتلزلزتفةضراعمواضقنبهیفنعط⟩دق⟨والامهججح

نموت983563ونظملاضیضحىلاتامولعملاجوانمةمكحلا984045ذبطبهوةیلقعلاتكنلاناكرا

مثهتاضارتعالالخنمملعیاهضعبلحناكناواذهتایلفسلاةجردىلاتولعلاةاقرم

صیفاامبتكفهیلعاةمحريسوطلادمحمنی984041اريصنءامكحلاسیئرققحملالضافلاهقحل

تاهبـشلاعفروتاضارتع983559عفدوتاراشالات984034شملحوتازمرلا984046تفشكنمهیلع

ةیاهنيف⟩هببسبحرشلاءاجف⟨نامزلاسیئررارسانعافشاكنامقلميكحلاةمكحنعاحصفم

دعباروطسانلالضافانمسایكالاهبتعلوتاذهلولامكلاوةدوجلاةیاغولامجلاونسحلا

لضافلاعمهتاثحابمامیـسمهفلابعصتـسممظنلاقلغتـسمباتك⟩هنابمهنیب⟨رهتـشاوروط

بابلجلاءاروهراكفاراكباىفخيناداكثیحبةبوجالاریرقتو984039وسالاهیجوتقالغنالمدقتملا

رمعلاضعبفرصىلاردقلاينقاسدقلوبابلالايلوانملیلقالااهيلععلطیاملقو

يفامیـسةدافالاوةدافتـس983559قیرطبةفیطللاهرارسانعصحفلاوةفیرشلاهیناعمفشكيف

هتاعرتخمةناتموهتافرصتنساحماهنمضتلباتكلااذهدصاقمنمبابلامايهيتلاتاثحابملا

اممي984041عمتجاىتحةیلقعلانيناوقلاوةیمكحلالوصالااهتقباطموهراكفاعئادبوهراظناةسافنو

هیجوتبقلعتتةمجثحابملاقملاوركفلاءانثايلرهظامولاجرلامظاعاهاوفانمهتعمس

352 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

لالخاهتبثانايلاحروصقعميلاببنسحیفتالاكشالا984046تعفدهوجوتاریرقتوت983560اوجلا

دعاسنافلحلايشاوحنماننامزيلصحمنمعمجاهلقننادعب984045ذيفيلضرغلقاروالا

ميقتـسملارظنلارایعموميلسلالقعلانازيمبماهوالاناظمومادقالالازمنعانصحفتقیفوتلا

ةیقیقحلامولعلايفرظانللفارتع983559ذاهیلاانحنجحیحصلالوقلاوحيرصلاقحلاحالاذاف

hellipضراعتلاوفقوتلازيحىلاهانحرشالاوبجاو984045ذب

Since The Pointers and Reminders is famous in name and great in sub-stance men who are distinguished in the true sciences have occupiedthemselves with it century after century a situation that culminated withthe leader the distinguished scholar spokesman of the mutakallimūnFakhr al-Dīn Muḥammad al-Rāzī (may Godrsquos mercy be upon him) Hecomposed a commentary that among those that have reached us isalmost unparalleled in terms of establishing the principles making plainthe knotty passages solving its puzzles and analyzing its propositionsmdashexcept for the fact that he proceeded in the manner of the contradictorsrather than [following] the path of the commentators [ghayra annahujarā fīhi majrā n-nāqiḍīna lā maslaka sh-shāriḥīna] up to the point thathe rarely left one of their principles or arguments without defaming it bycontradiction or opposition On account of him [ie Rāzī] the founda-tional structure of philosophy was shaken and the basic props of intel-lectual propositions came to be unbalanced Because of this philosophycame crashing down from the high summit of what is known to the lowfoothills of what is supposed from the top of the stairs to the bottom level(even though the solution to some of them [ie the problems of the Point-ers] came to be known during the course of his objections) Afterwardshe was overtaken by the distinguished verifier chief of the philosophersNaṣīr al-Dīn Muḥammad al-Ṭūsī (may Godrsquos mercy be upon him) Hewrote what poured forth upon him in uncovering these riddles solvingthe problems of the Pointers [ḥall mushkilāt al-Ishārāt] fending off theobjections and eliminating the doubts eloquently articulating the phi-losophy of the philosopher Luqmān revealing the secrets of the chief ofthe era ltOn account of him [Ṭūsī] the commentary reachedgt the furthestlimit of excellence and beauty and the utmost point of goodness and per-fection For this reason the cleverest distinguished people time and againglowedwith enthusiasm for it [ṬūsīrsquosḤall] yet it was famous among themfor being a book which has a complicated structure and which is dif-ficult to understand especially his discussions with [his] distinguishedpredecessor [ie Rāzī] on account of the intractable way that questionsare posed and answers settled upon such that his original thoughts are


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

hiddenbehind a garment andonly a fewamong those possessed of under-standing become aware of them [And so] destiny drove me to devotepart of my life to uncovering its noble meanings and investigating itsfine secrets as a way of deriving benefit and bestowing benefit especiallywith regard to the discussions which are the main gateway to the aimsof this book [ie the Pointers] due to their [the discussionsrsquo] includingthe beauties of its [the Pointers] usages the solidity of its innovations thepreciousness of its theories the originality of its ideas and their corre-spondence to the principles of philosophy and the rules of the intellectAs a result from what I heard from the mouths of great men as well aswhat appeared tome in the process of thinking and speaking there cametogether abundant discussions that related to directing responses andsettling uponways to fend off problems Despite the limitations of my sit-uation circumstances were propitious enough for me to set them downamidst leaves [of paper] for a purpose I had in this regard after render-ing them [in textual form] along with a collection of marginal commentson the Ḥall by the interpreters of our time If [Godrsquos] grace gives us thechancewewill focus our examinationon the slippery slopes and flights offancy bymeans of the scale of sound intellect and themeasure of straight-thinking If unadulterated truth and sound theory come into sight wewillincline towards it since it is incumbent on the one investigating the truesciences to acknowledge this otherwise our commentary on it will moveinto the realm of deadlock and mutual contradiction hellip

Tustarīrsquos message is clear even though Ṭūsī did a heroic job rescuing Avicen-nism from Rāzī there was still a need to write a Muḥākamah because Ṭūsīrsquossupercommentary is so interwovenwith Rāzīrsquos commentary that it is extremelydifficult for readers of Ṭūsīrsquos Ḥall to disentangle the two commentatorsrsquo posi-tions and arguments or even to understand the point of contention in a par-ticular exchange New readers might think that Rāzī and Ṭūsī are just locked ina stalemate hence the need for an arbitration

The final two commentaries in my survey were composed by the Sunni-Ashʿarite Shams al-Dīn Maḥmūd al-Iṣfahānī (d 7491348) and the Twelver-ShiʿiteQuṭb al-Dīn al-Rāzī al-Taḥtānī (d 7661364) LikeRāzī Āmidī and Samar-qandī Iṣfahānī was famous as a Sunni mutakallim And like Rāzī Āmidī andSamarqandī Iṣfahānī holds philosophymdashḥikmahmdashin thehighest regard goingso far as to quote passages from the Qurʾan where ḥikmah and ḥakīm are usedAgain given what we have been taught by the standard narrative to expectmdashthat Sunnimutakallimūn tried to crush philosophymdashIṣfahānīrsquos attitude comesas a surprise In fact even though hewas a Shāfiʿite Iṣfahānīwas an ecumenical

354 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

exegete he commented not only on Ashʿarite works such as Bayḍāwīrsquos Ṭawāliʿal-anwār but also on the Twelver-Shiʿite Ṭūsīrsquos Tajrīd al-iʿtiqād And like ṬūsīIṣfahānī singles out Avicenna for extravagant praise

l13 Iṣfahānī Sharḥ al-Ishārāt ms Istanbul Turhan V Sultan 206 1b11ndash2a13

ةیقیقحلاتالامكلالضفاوبلاطملافرشاوبهاوملالجانمةیمكحلامولعلاتناكاملفدعبو

این984041ايفنولجبملامهواهربمهقدصاواشسانلامظعااهلهاوةینیقیلافراعملاقثواو

هانیتاlaquoوraquoاريثكاريخيتوادقفةمكحلاتؤینموlaquo984010ولايفءاجدقوىرخالايفنومركملا

اعداlaquoوraquoباطخلالصفوةمكحلا

برلیبسىل لقعلاوraquo983909كح983909لعاناكlaquoوraquoةمكحلك983565اطعنكیملهیلعيهامىلعتادوجوملانایعاةفرعمنعةرابعتناكاملةمكحلان983560دهشی

ةمكحلاولجالاولجاعلاىفشیعبیطوةحارىف984051⟩hellip⟨ميكحلانافاهنمملعاىلاعتئرابلا

رصبتسملاىلعبجیفىنـسالارونلاوىلعالالحملاوىلوالاعلاىلااهل984040صوملاسفنلالامك

خیـشلاناكاملو⟩hellip⟨اراهنالوالیلاهنعرتفیالوهرمعلوطاهبلغتـشیفهتعانصاهلعجينا

ةوقوهتنطفوهئاكذةدشعمهتجرداىلعاانیسنبادبعنبنيسحلايلعوباسیئرلا

ةیاهنلالصووةیاغلاغلبىتحاهئازجاعبتتوةمكحلابلطيفهتایحةدمبعتاهتدوجوهسدح

تاراشالاباتكناالاةیلقعلاثاحبالابابلوةیمكحلابتكلاةصالخيهةريثكابتكفلاو

ىلعوتحمءاملعلامولعنونكموءامكحلادعاوقىلع983906984051ـشالاشاهمخفاواردقاهلجاتاهيبنتلاو

ريغصناكناووهوةحیلمظافلاوةحیصفتارابعبهنعربعةفیرشرارساوةسیفنرهاوج

اهيفدجویالواهنعةطوسبملابتكلارثكاتلخدئاوعلامجدئاوفلازیزعملعلاريثكفمجحلا

هبیترتوهدصقيفهد984004لذببئاصلاركفلاوبقاثلارظنل983560ادیؤمهنوكعمهفلؤمنافاهنمءيش

ماهفالاىلعصیوعمارملابعص984045ذعمهناالاةیهلالابئارغلاوةیمكحلارارسالاهعادیاو

يفمهتقاطاولذبوءالضفلاوءامكحلانمةعامجهحرشدقومهفلاىلعقلغتـسممظنلاكوبـشم

نماهرردجارختـساويناعملايفصوغلاوىرخالاىلعام984071دحاقیبطتوىنعملاوظفللاعبتت

قحلاراهظايفاوغلابیملو⟩hellip⟨اهباورفظیملةريثك983565اقبهیفدجناف984045ذعموظافلالافادصا

984046تنمام983561احرشنيلصحمللعمجاناىلعهقیفوتوانوعبتمزعدقوهیلعصیصنتو

دادعتـس983559ولوبقلابسحب984040ئـسملكيف⟩hellip⟨خسنیامهیلامضاوءامكحلابتكوحورشلا

ىصقاىلالصوملاوتاريخلاعیمجلضیفملاهناتدمتغااهبوتلكوتهیلع983560الايقیفوتامو

hellipاهمحرخیـشلالاقتاداعسلا

Since the philosophical sciences are among the most sublime of giftsthe noblest of pursuits the most excellent of true perfections and thefirmest of certain knowledges its practitioners are the people with thegreatest nature and the truest demonstration venerated in this life and


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

honored in the next life It is said in revelation ldquohellip and whoever has beengiven wisdom has certainly been given much goodrdquo [q 2269] ldquohellip andwe gave him wisdom and discernment in speechrdquo [q 3820] ldquoInvite tothe way of your Lord with wisdom helliprdquo [q 16125] and ldquoGod is knowingwiserdquo [q 417 492 4104 4111 4170 484 also inna llāha kāna ʿalīmanḥakīman 411 424 492 331 7630] The intellect testifies that since phi-losophy is an expression for the knowledge of individual existents in theway they are [in themselves] therewill be no gift of the CreatormdashmayHebe exaltedmdashthat possesses more knowledge than it [philosophy] doesThe philosopher has lthellipgt comfort and a nice life now and in the life tocome Philosophy is the perfection of the soulmdashit [philosophy] leads it[the soul] to [knowledge of] the first cause the highest abode and themost brilliant light It is incumbent upon the rational person to makeit [philosophy] his art so that he occupies himself with it throughouthis life not slackening in it [philosophy] for a day or a night lthellipgt Sincethe Chief Master Abū ʿAlī al-Ḥusayn ibn ʿAbdallāh ibn Sīnā (may Godraise his rank)mdashin addition to the intensity of his acumen and intelli-gence and the power of his intuition and his goodnessmdashspent his entirelife studying philosophy and pursuing its parts to the point where heattained the utmost degree and arrived at the limit he composed manybooks which are the epitome of philosophical texts and the pith of intel-lectual investigation Nevertheless the Book of Pointers and Reminders isthe greatest of them in rank and the most magnificent among them instature due to the philosophersrsquo principles it includes and the scholarsrsquosciences it safeguards a container of precious jewels and noble secretsin which lovely expressions and beautiful terms are used Even thoughit is small in size it is abundant in knowledge mighty in benefits andplentiful in profitsmdash[knowledge benefits and profits] which are absentin most of the lengthy books and not to be found in them Its authorsupported by keen speculation as well as correct thinking devoted hisefforts to making it [the Pointers] aim at the philosophical secrets anddivine mysteries to arranging [them] in it and to setting [them] downin it However the fact remains that it is something difficult in intentionabstruse in explanation intricate in organization and obscure in com-prehension A group of philosophers and distinguished men have com-mented upon it and expended their capability on tracking [its] wordsand meanings and making the one correspond to the othermdashon divinginto its meanings and extracting their pearls from the oyster-shells ofthe words In spite of this we find that lthellipgt they have not reached thepoint of clarifying the truth and of establishing the text So I resolved that

356 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

(with Godrsquos help and His granting of success) I would compile for thosestudying [the Ishārāt] a complete commentary from among these com-mentaries and the books of the philosophers and add to it what is tran-scribed lthellipgt with respect to every question in accordance with recep-tiveness and disposition There is no granting of success except GodrsquosI place my trust in Him and I rely upon Him He is the source of allgood things and the one who makes [one] arrive at the ultimate happi-ness

Why then did Iṣfahānī feel the need to compose yet another commentaryBecause previous commentators on the Ishārāt despite their best efforts leftsome gaps unfilled and some puzzles unsolved This is understandable givenhow difficult a text the Ishārāt is Iṣfahānī claims that he will address theseshortcomings by compiling a comprehensive commentary drawing materialfrom all previous commentaries in order to make sure that no gap or puzzleremains

The Muḥākamah trend that began with Ḥillī and Tustarī reached its culmi-nation in the Arbitration of Quṭb al-Dīn Rāzī Just as Ḥillī and Tustarī had donebefore him Quṭb al-Dīn Rāzī introduces his Muḥākamahwith an explicit affir-mation of his even-handedness intoning that he will incline neither towardsṬūsī nor Rāzī Yet the very first lines contain another slap at Fakhr al-Dīn Rāzīwhen Quṭb al-Dīn Rāzī repeats Ṭūsīrsquos old line about contradiction and slander( jarḥ)

l14 [Quṭb al-Dīn] Rāzī al-Muḥākamāt bayna Sharḥay al-Ishārāt ms IstanbulŞehit Ali Paşa 1750 1a7ndash20

مكسمتلمقفوىلعحرجلانم983909لسضقنلانعائیربحرشلاحرشيفيم984033يناوخااذه

ثحابملاتوونيفدصلانمئلاللاتجرخاونيحرشلانيبهیفتنزاومكحرتقمبجومو

ناهذالانادراوماهفالامامكاتالموينابملاراجشايفنایبلاءامتیرجالبنيفرطلانم

ةنطفلاةنوعمبرارسالارامثتینجوةداقولاةحيرقلادیبراكفالاراكباتولجويناعملاراهزانم

لاملوبابللاورشقلانيبهیفتزيموباتكلايفلكشملكنعباقنلاتوضنوةداقنلا

984004وسالاهیجوتيفاد984039اوةبوجالاریرقتو983560شملاةن984034يفاحناجتالضعملانعفشكلاوت

هیدینيبنملطابلاهیتایالي984043احيرصلاقحلاىلعالوعمهیلاباوصلاحنجامىلام984034لا

ملامباوبالاضعبيفمكیلعدرونافهفرعافرخاىلالیمالوهفنعافدحاىلعةیبصعال

اونـسحافراصمالاءاملعنماوعمستملامرارسالانممكی984041درسواباتكيواطميفاودجت

ةیلقعلاىوقلانميناعملاعادباوعطقنتملدعبضیفلاقیرطنافنيعلاهنعاوضغتالونظلا


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

اذهىلا984052ثمقفتیملي984043اباتكلااذهعضونامزلاءاملعورصعلاءالضفدمحیـسوعنتميمل

hellipةمالعلاحراشلالاقن984034تلاهیلعوناعتـسملااونالا

This my friends is my discourse in supercommentary [form] devoid ofcontradiction and free of slander [salīman min al-jarḥ] in accordancewith your request and responding to your proposal In it I placed thetwo commentaries on the scale and extracted the pearls from the twooysters and attended to the discussions from both sides Indeed I madethe water of exposition flow in the timbers of the structures filled up thepockets of understanding and the sleeves of theminds with the blossomsof meanings unveiled new ideas with the hand of fiery genius harvestedthe fruits of secrets with the aid of critical disposition and threw theveil off of every problem in the book In it I distinguished between thebark and the pith sparing no effort in posing questions and settling onanswers clarifying the problems and uncovering the enigmas incliningin the discussion towards thatwhich correctness inclines towards relyingon the unadulterated truth that the false will not arrive at There is nopartisanship against the one such that I deal harshly with him nor anyinclination towards the other such that I approve of him If there comesinto your hands with regard to one of the chapters something that youhavenot foundwithin [another] book or if there appears before you somesecret that you have not heard from the scholars of the great cities have agood opinion and do not disregard it The path of emanation afterwards isnot cut off and the origination of concepts from the intellectual facultiesis not obstructed The distinguished people of this era and the scholarsof [this] time will praise the authoring of this book the likes of which hasnot appeared up to thismoment God is the onewhose help is sought andin whom one trusts The Learned Commentator [ie Ṭūsī] said hellip

The introductions to all three Arbitrations thus combine protestations of im-partiality with swipes at Rāzī Interestingly what also binds Ḥillī Tustarī andQuṭb al-Dīn Rāzī together is the fact that they were all Twelver Shiʿites (To beprecise Tustarīwas described as both a Shāfiʿite and as a Shīʿite29)More impor-

29 Tustarīrsquos own student ʿAbd al-Raḥīm al-Isnawī includes Tustarī in his al-Ṭabaqāt al-Shāfīʿiyyah (no ed Baghdad Maṭbaʿat al-Irshād 1970ndash71) Vol 1 294 31911ndash3212 butIsnawī explains that Tustarī was excluded from the top ranks of Shāfiʿite scholars becauseTustarī had Shiʿite leanings (kāna hellip rāfiḍiyyan) (The fact that Tustarī had Shiʿite lean-ings is only the second of three reasons that Isnawī gives for Tustarīrsquos failure to achieve

358 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

tantly Ḥillī and Tustarī were colleagues and Quṭb al-Dīn Rāzī a student in themadrasah sayyārah that followed the Ilkhānid ruler Ūljāytū on his campaignsduring the periodwhenmdashpartly under the influence ofḤillīmdashŪljāytū had con-verted to Shiʿism (7091310ndash7161316) Ḥillī was a student (though very briefly)of Ṭūsī and Quṭb al-Dīn Rāzī was a student of Ḥillī as well as of Quṭb al-Dīnal-Shīrāzī another student of Ṭūsī30 It is hard to see how the Sunni-AshʿariteFakhr al-Dīn Rāzī could have gotten a fair hearing before these three Shiʿitejudges who rumbled sternly about the need to avoid contradiction and slan-der all the while cherishing (at least in the case of Ḥillī and Quṭb al-Dīn Rāzī)their status as Ṭūsīrsquos intellectual son and grandson

Largely as a result of the effort of these three mutakallimsmdashḤillī Tustarīand Quṭb al-Dīn RāzīmdashṬūsīrsquos elevation over Rāzī as the premier interpreterof Avicenna went virtually unchallenged from the middle of the 8th14th cen-tury onwards Fakhr al-Dīn Rāzīrsquos Sharḥ came to be almost entirely subsumedwithin and overshadowed by Ṭūsīrsquos Ḥall and Quṭb al-Dīn Rāzīrsquos Muḥākamahboth of which were extensively glossed and became the two main routes backto the Ishārāt Together these two works were the most copied commentariesin the Ishārāt tradition with around 330 extant witnesses of Ṭūsīrsquos Ḥall andaround 350 extant witnesses of Quṭb al-Dīn Rāzīrsquos Muḥākamah compared toaround 40 extant witnesses of Rāzīrsquos Sharḥ31

Let us recall the dominant narrative that prompted this survey that it wasonly as a result of the heroic efforts of the Twelver-Shiʿite Naṣīr al-Dīn Ṭūsī thatAvicennism in particular and Islamic philosophy in general were saved fol-lowing the Sunni-Ashʿarite Fakhr al-Dīn Rāzīrsquos sustained attack on Avicenna inRāzīrsquos Commentary on Avicennarsquos Kitāb al-Ishārāt wa-t-Tanbīhāt I have tried totest the validity of this simple story by surveying the introductions to extantcommentaries on the Ishārāt It turns out that these introductions consti-tute clear counterexamples to the dominant narrative For if Sunni-Ashʿarite

eminence as a Shāfiʿite the first being that Tustarī used to play chess constantly [kānamudāwiman ʿalā laʿbi sh-shaṭranji] and the third being that he used to neglect his prayers[kāna hellip kathīra t-tarki li-ṣ-ṣalāti] 32015ndash16) Tustarī is listed (along with Ḥillī) by the his-torian Ghiyāth al-Dīn Khwānd Mīr as having taught in the madrasah sayyārah Tārīkh-iḤabīb al-Siyar fī AkhbārAfrādBashar ed J Humāʾī (Tehran Kitābkhānah-i Khayyām 1333Sh1954) Vol iii 1972ndash3 (although his name ismispointed there as يرتش [Shutarī] ratherthan the correct يرتست [Tustarī]) and 19723ndash24 where Tustarī is correctly pointed I amgrateful to Reza Pourjavady for pointing me towards this last source

30 On Ḥillīrsquos career his circle of teachers students and colleagues and his involvement inŪljāytūrsquosmadrasah sayyārah see Schmidtke The Theology of al-ʿAllāma al-Ḥillī 9ndash40

31 I am grateful to Adam Gacek for supplying me with these estimates


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

mutakallimūn were so opposed to Avicenna how do we explain the praisefor Avicenna for the Ishārāt and for philosophy in general that we find inRāzīrsquos Jawābāt and Sharḥ and in Āmidīrsquos Samarqandīrsquos and Iṣfahānīrsquos com-mentaries It seems in fact that the dominant narrativemdashand the jarḥ remarkspecificallymdashbegan to dominate the discourse surrounding the Ishārāt as aresult of a conscious effort by Ḥillī Tustarī and Quṭb al-Dīn Rāzī to appropri-ate the intellectual authority of Ṭūsī (and by extension Avicenna) for the causeof Twelver Shiʿism (We can also see clear evidence of this effort in Ḥillīrsquos com-mentary on Ṭūsīrsquos Tajrīd al-iʿtiqād although that is a story for another article32)In this light Ṭūsīrsquos accusation that Rāzī wrote a jarḥ not a sharḥ can be viewedas an echo of the snide remarks that the pagan Neoplatonic philosopher Sim-plicius (d ca 560ce) made about the Christian theologian John Philoponus(d ca 570ce) Both Simplicius and Philoponus commented extensively on dif-ferent Aristotelian treatises But compared to Simplicius Philoponus proved tobe an independent-minded reader of Aristotle just as Rāzī would later proveto be an independent-minded reader of Avicenna at least compared to ṬūsīAs a result of his critiques of Aristotle Philoponus was attacked by Simpli-cius who sneered that Philoponus was a mere grammatikos (ie grammar-school teacher) insteadof a realphilosophos (professor of philosophy) and thusunequal to the task of commenting on Aristotlersquos works33

It an irony of the history of Islamic philosophy that Ṭūsīrsquos use of jarḥ todescribe Rāzīrsquos Sharḥ should itself be a kind of jarḥ at least in the technicalsense of al-jarḥ wa-l-taʿdīl used in hadith criticism Ṭūsī was saying in effectthat becauseRāzī construes taḥqīq as includingnot just expositionbut also crit-ical analysis Rāzī has forfeited his status as a thiqah a trustworthy transmitterof the wise words of an earlier authority-figure be it the Prophet Muḥammador one of the twelve Imams ormdashas in this casemdashAvicenna Ṭūsī wanted to

32 ldquoRemarks on the construction lsquoMaragha Avicennismrsquordquo to be submitted to J Pfeiffer edMarāgha and its Scholars

33 cf Simplicius in Cael (cag vii) 1197 and in Phys (cag x) 11299 On this issue see P Hoff-man ldquoSimpliciusrsquo polemicsrdquo in R Sorabji ed Philoponus and the Rejection of AristotelianScience (London Duckworth 1987) 57ndash83 The epithet grammatikos was translated intoArabic as al-naḥwī and ldquoYaḥyā al-Naḥwīrdquo came to be how Philoponus was referred to byhis Islamic successors see RWisnovsky ldquoYaḥyā al-Naḥwīrdquo Encyclopaedia of Islam (SecondEdition) (Leiden Brill 1960ndash2007) Vol xi 251ndash253 and E Gannageacute ldquoPhilopon (Jean-)mdashtradition araberdquo in R Goulet ed Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques Vol Va (Pariscnrs 2011) 503ndash563 It is interesting to note that todayrsquos historians of later Greek phi-losophy generally regard Philoponus as a more important and original thinker than Sim-plicius

360 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

ensure that future Avicennians would think twice before including Rāzī in thechains of those who faithfully transmitted the text andmeaning of the IshārātAlthough that goalwould eventually be achieved this article has shown that upto the middle of the 8th14thcentury each commentator on Avicennarsquos Ishārātbrought different expectations to that fertile text including expectations abouthis own relationship toAvicennianphilosophy and about the proper role of thecommentator This was a timewhenmultiple Avicennisms jostled for positionand not just the Ṭūsian variety that would end up dominating the later histo-riography of Islamic philosophy and casting the others in shadow Contrary toTunukābunīrsquos claim Rāzī and Ṭūsī were both Avicennian thinkers and the sur-vival and spread of Avicennism were due to both of them not to Ṭūsī alone34In Rāzīrsquos case this is because he established the Ishārāt tradition and madethe Ishārāt the central Islamic-philosophical text in the 7th13th and 8th14thcenturies Rāzī thereby ensured that Avicenna and not Aristotle was the foun-dational philosopher for post-classical Muslim thinkers In Ṭūsīrsquos case this isbecause he established himself as the natural culmination of the Ishārāt tradi-tion such that his own new kalām text the Tajrīd al-iʿtiqād was probably theonly Islamic philosophical work composed after Avicenna to enjoy the sameprestige as the Ishārāt

Bibliography

Ahmed AQ ldquoThe Shifāʾ in India i Reflections on the evidence of the manuscriptsrdquoOriens 402ndash3 (2012) 1ndash24

Aristotle Kitāb Anūlūṭīqā l-awākhir wa-huwa l-maʿrūf bi-kitāb al-Burhān In ManṭiqArisṭū ii ed ʿA Badawī Cairo Maṭbaʿat Dār al-Kutub al-Miṣrīyah 1949

Avicenna Risālat Ibn Sīnā ilā al-Wazīr Abī Saʿd al-Hamadhānī In Ibn Sicircnacirc Lettre auvizir Abucirc Saʿd Editio princeps drsquoapregraves lemanuscrit de Bursa ed and trans Y MichotBeirut Eacuteditions al-Bouraq 2000

al-Baghdādī Abū l-Barakāt Kitāb al-Muʿtabar no ed Ḥaydarābād (al-Dakkan) Jamʿiy-yat Dāʾirat al-Maʿārif al-ʿUthmāniyyah 1357ndash13581938ndash1939

Dāmād Muḥammad Bāqir (Mīr) Kitāb al-Qabasāt ed M Muḥaqqiq et al TehranDānishgāh-iMakGīlMuʾassasah-iMuṭālaʿāt-i Islāmī Shuʿbah-i Tihrān bā hamkārī-i Dānishgāh-i Tihrān 1977

34 I first made this argument in 2005 RWisnovsky ldquoAvicenna and the Avicennian traditionrdquoin P Adamson and R Taylor eds The Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy (Cam-bridge Cambridge UP 2005) 92ndash136 at 111ndash113 and 130ndash133


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

Nibrās al-Ḍiyā wa-Taswāʾ al-Sawāʾ fī Sharḥ Bāb al-Ibdāʾ wa-Ithbāt Jadwā al-Duʿāʾ ed ḤN Iṣfahānī Tehran Mīrāth-i Maktūb 1374 (19951996)

Dildār ʿAlī Mirʾāt al-ʿuqūl fī ʿilm al-uṣūl no ed No loc al-Maṭbaʿ al-musammā bi-Qawmī Pirīs 1319ndash13201902ndash1903

Ṣawārim-i Ilāhiyyāt no ed Calcutta no pub 12181804

Ḥusām al-Islām no ed Calcutta no pub 12181804Eichner H The Post-Avicennian Philosophical Tradition and Islamic Orthodoxy Philo-

sophical and Theological summae in Context UnpublishedHabilitationsschrift Hal-le 2009

Endress G ldquoReading Avicenna in the madrasa Intellectual genealogies and chains oftransmission of philosophy and the sciences in the Islamic Eastrdquo In Arabic Theol-ogy Arabic Philosophy From the Many to the One Essays in Celebration of RichardM Frank ed J Montgomery Leuven Peeters 2006 371ndash422

Galen In De off med In Claudii Galeni Opera omnia Vol xviii 2ed CG Kuumlhn LipsiaeProstat in officina libraria Car Cnoblochii 1830

Tafsīr kitāb Qāṭiyaṭrīyūn li-Buqrāṭ In In Hippocratis De officina medici com-mentariorum versionem Arabicam ed MC Lyons Berlin In aedibus AcademiaeScientiarum 1963

Gannageacute E ldquoPhilopon (Jean-)mdashtradition araberdquo In Dictionnaire des philosophes anti-ques ed R Goulet Paris cnrs 2011 Vol Va 503ndash563

Gleave RM ldquoIslamic biography and hagiography in TunukabunirsquosQisas al-ʿUlamaʾrdquo InProceedings of the Third European Conference of Iranian Studies Part 2 MediaevalandModern Persian Studies ed C Melville Weisbaden Dr Ludwig Reichert Verlag1999 237ndash255

Goldziher I ldquoAus der Theologie des Fachr al-Dīn al-Rāzīrdquo Der Islam 3 (1912) 213ndash247

Griffel F ldquoOn Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzīrsquos life and the patronage he receivedrdquo Journal ofIslamic Studies 183 (2007) 313ndash344

Hoffman P ldquoSimpliciusrsquo polemicsrdquo In Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Sci-ence ed R Sorabji London Duckworth 1987 57ndash83

Ibn Kammūnah Sharḥ al-Talwīḥāt ed H Ziai and A Alwishah CostaMesa CaliforniaMazda 2003

Ibrahim B ldquoFakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī andAristotelian science Essentialismversus phenom-enalism in post-classical Islamic thoughtrdquo Oriens 413ndash4 (2013) 379ndash431

Khwānd Mīr Ghiyāth al-Dīn Tārīkh-i Ḥabīb al-Siyar fī Akhbār Afrād Bashar ed J Hu-māʾī Vol iii Tehran Kitābkhānah-i Khayyām 1333 Sh1954

Marlow L ldquoA thirteenth-century scholar in the Eastern Mediterranean Sirāj al-DīnUrmavī jurist logician diplomatrdquo Al-Masaq Islamand theMedievalMediterranean223 (2010) 279ndash313

Michot Y ldquoIbn Ghaylān al-Balkhī un critique post-ghazālien drsquoAvicennerdquo Preface

362 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

(pp indashxv) to Ibn Ghaylān Ḥudūth al-ʿAlam ed M Mohaghegh Tehran Anjuman-iĀthār wa-Mafākhir-i Farhangī 2005

ldquoLa pandeacutemie avicennienne au viexiie siegravecle Preacutesentation editio princeps ettraduction de lrsquo introduction du Livre de lrsquoadvenue dumonde (Kitāb ḥudūth al-ʿālam)drsquo Ibn Ghaylān al-BalkhīrdquoArabica 403 (1993) 287ndash329

Pines S ldquoEacutetudes sur Awḥad al-Zamacircn Abuʾl-Barakacirct al-Baghdacircdicircrdquo Revue des eacutetudesjuives 103 (1937) 1ndash95 (reprinted in his Studies in Abū l-Barakāt al-Baghdādī [Jerusa-lem Magnes Press 1979] 1ndash95)

ldquoNouvelles eacutetudes sur Awḥad al-Zamacircn Abuʾl-Barakacirct al-Baghdacircdicircrdquo Meacutemoiresde la Socieacuteteacute des eacutetudes juives 1 (1955) 7ndash88 (reprinted in his Studies in Abū l-Barakātal-Baghdādī [Jerusalem Magnes Press 1979] 96ndash173)

Porphyry Īsāghūjī Furfūriyūs In Manṭiq Arisṭū iii ed ʿA Badawī Cairo Maṭbaʿat Dāral-Kutub al-Miṣriyyah 1952

Pourjavady R and Schmidtke S A Jewish Philosopher of Baghdad ʿIzz al-Dawla ibnKammūna (d 6831284) and his Writings Leiden Brill 2006

al-Rāzī Fakhr al-Dīn al-Munāẓarāt In A Study on Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī and his Contro-versies in Transoxiana ed F Kholeif Beirut Dar el-Machreq 1966

Sharḥ al-Ishārāt ed ʿA Najafzāda Tehran Anjuman-i Āthār wa-Mafākhir-iFarhangī 2005

Rizvi S ldquoFaith deployed for a new Shiʿi polity in India The theology of Sayyid DildarʿAli Nasirabadirdquo Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Series 3 (2014) 1ndash18

Robson J ldquoal-Djarḥwa ʾl-taʿdīlrdquo In Encyclopaedia of Islam (SecondEdition) Leiden Brill1960ndash2007 Vol ii 462

S Schmidtke Theologie Philosophie und Mystik im zwoumllferschitischen Islam des 915Jahrhunderts die Gedankenwelten des Ibn Abī Ğumhūr al-Aḥṣāʾī (um 8381434ndash35mdashnach 9061501) Leiden Brill 2000

The Theology of al-ʿAllāma al-Ḥillī (d 7261325) Berlin Klaus Schwarz Verlag1991

Schreiner M ldquoZur Geschichte der Polemik zwischen Juden und MuhammedanernrdquoZeitschrift der DeutschenMorgenlaumlndischen Gesellschaft 42 (1888) 591ndash675

al-Shahrazūrī Shams al-Dīn Nuzhat al-Arwāhwa-Rawḍat al-Afrāḥ ed ʿA Abū Shuway-rib No loc Jamʿiyyat al-Daʿwah al-Islāmiyyah al-ʿĀlamiyyah 1988

Shihadeh A ldquoFakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzīrsquos response to Sharaf al-Dīn al-Masʿūdīrsquos CriticalCommentary on Avicennarsquos Ishārātrdquo TheMuslimWorld 104 (2014) 1ndash61

ldquoFrom al-Ghazālī to al-Rāzī 6th12th Century developments in Muslim philo-sophical theologyrdquoArabic Sciences and Philosophy 151 (2005) 141ndash179

The Teleological Ethics of Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī Leiden Brill 2006Street T ldquoConcerning the life and works of Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzīrdquo In Islam Essays

on Scripture Thought and Society A Festschrift in Honour of Anthony H Johns edP Riddell and T Street Leiden Brill 1997 135ndash46


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

TunukābunīMuḥammad ibn Sulaymān KitābQiṣaṣ al-ʿulamāʾ No ed Tehran no pub1304 (188687)

Tadhkirat al-ʿulamāʾ ed MR Aẓharī and GhR Parandah Mashhad Bunyād-iPizhūhishhā-yi Islāmī-i Āstān-i Quds-i Razavī 1372 (19931994)

al-Ṭūsī Naṣīr al-Dīn Ḥall Mushkilāt al-Ishārāt In Ibn Sīna al-Ishārāt wa-l-Tanbīhātmaʿa Sharḥ Naṣīr al-Dīn al-Ṭūsī ed Sulaymān Dunyā Cairo Dār al-Maʿārif 1957ndash60

Talkhīṣ al-Muḥaṣṣal (al-maʿrūf bi-Naqd al-Muḥaṣṣal) ed ʿA Nūrānī BeirutDār al-Aḍwāʾ 1985

Wisnovsky R ldquoAvicenna and theAvicennian traditionrdquo InTheCambridgeCompanion toArabic Philosophy ed P Adamson and R Taylor Cambridge Cambridge up 200592ndash136

ldquoAvicennarsquos Islamic receptionrdquo In Interpreting Avicenna Critical Essays edP Adamson Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2013 190ndash213

ldquoAvicennismandexegetical practice in the early commentaries on the IshārātrdquoOriens 412ndash4 (2013) 349ndash378

ldquoYaḥyā al-Naḥwīrdquo Encyclopaedia of Islam (Second Edition) Leiden Brill 2001Vol xi 251ndash253

ldquoYaḥyā ibn ʿAdīrsquos discussion of the prolegomena to the study of a philosoph-ical textrdquo In Law and Tradition in Classical Islamic Thought ed M Cook et al Bas-ingstoke Hampshire Palgrave 2013 187ndash202

324 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363

the Sharḥ al-Ishārāt (Commentary on the Pointers) by Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī(d 6061210) was a jarḥ (ldquocalumnyrdquo) not a sharḥ (ldquocommentaryrdquo) (In fact Ṭūsīascribes the remark to an anonymous wit [ẓarīf ])

l1 Ṭūsī Ḥall = Ibn Sīna al-Ishārāt wa-t-Tanbīhāt maʿa Sharḥ Naṣīr ad-Dīnaṭ-Ṭūsī ed Sulaymān Dunyā (Cairo Dār al-Maʿārif 1957ndash60) Vol i 16210ndash19

Amongst thosewhohave commented upon it [viz the Ishārāt] is theDis-tinguished Scholar [al-fāḍil al-ʿallāmah] Fakhr al-Dīn king of the debaters[malik al-mutanāẓirīn] Muḥammad ibn ʿUmar ibn al-Ḥusayn al-Khaṭībal-Rāzī may God reward him well He strove to explain in the plainestway the parts of it that are obscure and he worked hard to articulate inthemost elegant way the parts of it that are ambiguous In pursuing whathe aimed for he followed the path of emulation and in scrutinizing whatwas set forth in it he reached the utmost level of investigationmdashexceptthat during the course of his writing he went too far in refuting its authorand in contradicting its fundamental precepts he transgressed theboundsof fairness With these efforts he added nothing but denigration [lamyazidhu illā qadḥan] and for this reason some clever person labeled hiscommentary a ldquocalumnyrdquo [wa-li-dhālika sammābaʿḍu ẓ-ẓurafāʾi sharḥahujarḥan] It is a prerequisite for commentators that they expend everyeffort to the extent possible for the sake of what they have commit-ted themselves to comment on and to defend by means of whicheverdefense the founder of that discipline uses what they have burdenedthemselves with elucidating in order that they be commentators and notcontrarians interpreters and not objectors [li-yakūnū shāriḥīna ghayranāqiḍīna wa-mufassirīna ghayra muʿtariḍīna]

The term jarḥ literally means ldquoinjuryrdquo and was used to translate the Greektrauma (ldquohurtrdquo) and helkos (ldquowoundrdquo) among other Greek words1 It camehowever to have a technical sense amongst both Sunni and Shiʿite hadithscholars who evaluated hadith-transmitters according to the rules set out in

1 eg helkecirc at Aristotle An Post i13 79a15 = Kitāb Anūlūṭīqā l-awākhir wa-huwa l-maʿrūf bi-kitāb al-Burhān ed ʿA Badawī (Manṭiq Arisṭū ii) (Cairo Maṭbaʿat Dār al-Kutub al-Miṣriyyah1949) 3539 traumatocircn at Galen In De off med ed CG Kuumlhn (Claudii Galeni Opera omniaVol xviii2) (Lipsiae Prostat in officina libraria Car Cnoblochii 1830) 9208 = Tafsīr kitābQāṭiyaṭrīyūn li-Buqrāṭ edMC Lyons (Berlin In aedibusAcademiae Scientiarum 1963) 9218and traumatos at Porphyry Isag 815 = Īsāghūjī Furfūriyūs ed ʿA Badawī (Manṭiq Arisṭū III)(Cairo Maṭbaʿat Dār al-Kutub al-Miṣriyyah 1952) 10368


Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363










328 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363








Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363
















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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363



















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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363
















348 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363




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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363


356 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






358 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363








Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363





360 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363


Bibliography








Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363



















362 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363











Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363










328 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363
















330 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363
















348 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363




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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363


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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






358 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363








Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363





360 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363


Bibliography








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362 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363










326 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363










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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363
















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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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340 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363
















348 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






















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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363




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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






358 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363








Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363





360 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363


Bibliography








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362 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363











Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363










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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363
















330 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363
























340 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363




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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363



















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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363
















348 wisnovsky

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350 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






















352 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363




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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363


356 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






358 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363








Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363





360 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363


Bibliography








Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363



















362 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363










328 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363
















330 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363
























340 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363




342 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363



















346 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363
















348 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






















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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363




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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






358 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363








Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363





360 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363


Bibliography








Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363



















362 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363











Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363
















330 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






336 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363





Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






338 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363
























340 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363




342 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363














Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






344 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363



















346 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363





Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363
















348 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363









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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






















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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363








Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363




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356 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363
















Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






358 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363








Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363





360 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363


Bibliography








Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363



















362 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363










330 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363





Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363
























340 wisnovsky

Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363




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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363



















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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363
















348 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






















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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363




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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363





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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363



















362 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363











Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363






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340 wisnovsky

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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363



















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Oriens 42 (2014) 323ndash363
















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Towards a genealogy of Avicennism

Documents

Transcript of Towards a genealogy of Avicennism