To a Fair Meeting on the Green: The Order of Toboso and Jacobite Fraternalism, 1726-c.17391

On 12 May 1726, the Reverend Ezekiel Hamilton (c. 1680-1753)

wrote a letter from Madrid to John Hay, Earl of Inverness

(1691-1740) in Rome.2 The principal reason for Hamilton

writing to Hay was ‘to send your Lordship the cypher I had

so long promised’. Evidently Hamilton was a valued Jacobite

cryptographer. However, fortunately for historians,

Hamilton’s explanation regarding the cypher is written in

plain English:

This putts me in mind of another view I had incompiling this cypher, and that is to make itchiefly a military one, and calculated as much aspossible for a fair meeting on the green, (a healthI have often drank but a thing I long extremely tosee). For I shou’d have been altogether unworthy ofthe military Title His Majesty has been pleas’d toHonour me with, if I had not perfected the cypher onthis Head; and as the aforesaid Meeting at Home isthe end of all negotiations and correspondenceabroad, any cypher that is not contriv’d chiefly foran Invasion is in my Humble opinion Literally acypher and can never make a significant Figure.3

Hamilton goes on to reference ‘the Excellent Ballads of

Christ’s Kirk on the Green and Habby Simpson’, as well as

1

stressing to Hay that ‘I assure your Lordship I have no

inclination to build castles in Spain’.4

This source sheds considerable light on the origins of the

Order of Toboso – a Jacobite fraternity named in honour of

Dulcinea del Toboso, the imaginary amour of Don Quixote – in

which Hamilton played a pivotal role for at least twelve

years. After all, it corroborates the claim made by Hamilton

in a letter from 22 April 1734, in which he stated that the

fraternity was ‘in the eight year of our great mastership’.5

Hamilton’s letter to Hay contains the two key symbolic

ingredients that were incorporated in the Order. First, his

description of how he often drinks restorationist toasts for

a ‘fair meeting on the green’, which he yearns to

experience, became the fraternity’s motto and formed an

essential element in the Order’s rituals and regalia.

New initiates, for example, were given rings inscribed with

the fraternity’s motto, which played a central role in the

Order’s restorationist toasting rituals.

2

Fig. 1 A ring of the Order of Toboso, inscribed with the motto ‘To aFair Meeting on the Green’, National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh, H. NT253.

This scenario is disclosed by a surprising source: an

interview in 1739 between Robert Walpole (1676-1745), the

British Prime Minister, and Thomas Carte (1686-1754), the

historian and Jacobite sympathizer. Walpole remarked that he

had heard of ‘a new mode … of drinking healths; putting a

ring in a glass which they drank about’. Carte replied that

he ‘supposed that this must be the ring of the Knights of

3

Toboso with the inscription, “To a fair meeting on the

Green”’.6

From Hamilton’s description it is evident that the motto was

a rallying cry for the much-cherished Jacobite dream of a

successful reunion in the British Isles. Moreover, the

direct reference to Scottish ballads – ‘Christ’s Kirk on the

Green’ and ‘The Life and Death of Habbie Simpson’ – reveals

the influence of the contemporary revival of the Caledonian

poetic tradition, infused as it was with bawdy humour.7 The

former work, in particular, would seem to have influenced

the wording of the Tobosan motto, with its title and the

first verse joyously proclaiming: ‘Was never in Scotland

heard or seen, such dancing and deray; Neither at Faukland

on the green, nor Peebles at the play, As was of Woers as I

ween’ at Christs Kirk on a day’.8

This specifically Scottish Jacobite symbolism was coupled

with an allusion to Don Quixote, who was famously chastened

for ‘building castles in the air, and making yourself a

laughing-stock’.9 Hamilton’s message can be read as a signal

that he wanted to play a more active role at the court of

4

James Stuart, but it also illustrates the extent to which he

viewed the world in Quixotic terms.10 Thus, I would argue

that Hamilton’s nod to the famed knight-errant was not

simply inspired by his Iberian surroundings, but was born

out of a Jacobite milieu that was creatively exploring the

potential of incorporating Quixotic symbolism into their

tight-knit associational world.

At this time Madrid harboured a significant coterie of

Jacobite grandees, of whom we know that George Keith, 10th

Earl Marischal and Sir Mark Carse were members of the Order

of Toboso, and it is likely that James Keith was also an

initiate.11

In little more than a decade after its establishment in

Spain, the Order of Toboso succeeded in exporting a distinct

form of Jacobite fraternalism to nearly all corners of

Europe—to Rome in the south, to St. Petersburg in the north,

as well as to Leiden, Spa, Paris and London in the west. In

terms of geographical scope, the Order of Toboso could boast

of a fraternal network in the 1730s that was comparable to

Grand Lodge Freemasonry emanating from London.

5

Yet, until recently the Order of Toboso had received little

rigorous scholarly attention. Fleeting references to the

fraternity in several late Victorian and Edwardian works

were thoroughly dismissive (and error-ridden). These

accounts concentrate on the fraternity’s activity at the

Jacobite court in Rome in the early 1730s, where it was

judged to have provided ‘dull, distasteful work’, and where

‘a little knot of courters’ formed the society ‘to amuse

themselves whilst ‘time hung heavily’.12 In 1938 Henrietta

Tayler reiterated these sentiments, although she asserted

that ‘the mock order of Toboso was invented for the

amusement of the little [Stuart] Princes’.13

However, over the past decade Steve Murdoch has done much to

redress the neglect of the Order of Toboso. He has not only

questioned the rationale behind turning leading Jacobites

into little more than court jesters, but has also drawn on a

wealth of overlooked evidence to highlight the significant

role the Order played among a sizeable proportion of the

Jacobite diaspora.14 According to Murdoch, the knights of

Toboso used the fraternity to maintain their spirits ‘by

6

indulging in a degree of self-parody’. In this sense the

Tobosans playfully tilted at windmills in conscious

imitation of Don Quixote, whose quest to win the hand of

Dulcinea embodied their own pursuit of an ‘unattainable

imaginary beauty’: a Jacobite restoration.15

A different interpretation is offered here based on the idea

of the famed knight-errant serving as a sympathetic

prototype for the development of a quixotic form of

chivalric fraternalism. In this sense, the knights of the

Order of Toboso shared a romantic vision of restoring the

supposed Golden Age of Stuart rule. Thus, although conceived

in quixotic terms, I would argue that the Tobosans expressed

a political ideology that never abandoned the hope of

restoring the Stuart monarchy in Britain. This ambition was

encapsulated in the Order’s motto, which, as Ezekiel

Hamilton described in 1726, expressed a yearning for such an

eventuality. This particular vision of Jacobite fraternalism

was non-denominational (although Anglicans were

predominant).16 However, the Order did come to represent a

faction within Jacobitism, who were united by their loathing

7

of the influential duumvirate of Inverness and James Murray,

Earl of Dunbar (1690-1770), sometimes referred to as the

‘Brethren of the Par Ignobile Fratrum’, or in other words,

the antithesis of Tobosan ideals.17

The following section will expand upon the notion of the

Order of Toboso as a Jacobite expression of quixotic

fraternalism. The remainder of the article will then focus

on two periods when the fraternity was particularly active:

(1) between 1731-1734, when the Order was centred in Rome,

but also established a Chapter in St. Petersburg; and (2)

between 1734 and 1738, which concentrates on the

enthusiastic promotion of the Order by Hamilton from Paris

and Leiden. An analysis will be made of the pan-European

dynamic of the Order of Toboso during these two periods of

activity, which was made possible by the extensive Jacobite

network of communications that had developed in the wake of

the 1688 Revolution. Moreover, Hamilton’s promotion of the

Order from Leiden will include a study of how he self-

fashioned an identity that projected an image of a

chivalrous, quixotic Grand Master. An analysis will also be

8

undertaken of the noteworthy participation of women in the

fraternity.

These sections will be interspersed by an account of how the

Order of Toboso became the focus of a bitter and venomous

personal rivalry between Hamilton and Dunbar that exploded

into the public realm in the spring of 1734. Fuelled by

escalating factionalism, deep personal antipathy and

desperation, Hamilton resorted to distributing a savage

satirical character assassination of Dunbar in the form of a

fallacious explanation of why the latter had been denied

entry into the Order. As will be demonstrated, Dunbar chose

to fight fire with fire, thereby enflaming what was already

an almighty Jacobite factional conflagration and ensuring

that the embers of this spat smouldered for years to come.

The Order of Toboso and Quixotic Fraternalism

In the early eighteenth century, a noticeable

reinterpretation of the hero of Cervantes’ masterpiece took

place, in which Don Quixote was viewed in a more sympathetic

9

and nuanced manner. Seventeenth-century commentators had

tended to brand Quixote as a foolish enthusiast,18 but in

1700 Pierre Motteux was among the first to offer a more

profound reading of the famed knight-errant:

What Quixotes does not every Age produce in Politics andReligion, who fancying themselves to be in the right ofsomething, which all the world tell ’em is wrong, makevery good sport to the Public, and show that themselvesneed the chiefest amendment.19

Motteux provides an early sympathetic reading of Don Quixote,

which emerged in early eighteenth-century England. The hero

of Cervantes’ work was no longer viewed with piteous scorn.

He began to be viewed as an ‘anachronistic exemplar of an

earlier and better age’ who invokes the Golden Age.20

Indeed, Eric J. Ziolkowski notes a growing tendency among

critics, including Richard Steele and Henry Fielding, to

exalt Quixote’s positive qualities, which included nobility,

humanity, charitableness and goodness and that were

expressed through chivalric symbolism.21

In Quixote’s spirit of chivalric romanticism, some Jacobites

identified a kindred spirit.22 They could perceive the

values extolled by the famed knight-errant as a form of

10

moral perfection that they could also espouse in harking

back to the “Golden Age” of Stuart rule. Quixote’s innocent

nobility and chivalric virtue could also be adopted by

Jacobites as a way of emphasizing a stark contrast with the

degenerate Hanoverian age.23

Moreover, this sympathetic reinterpretation of the knight-

errant coincided with the emergence of fraternalism as a

flourishing form of associational culture in early

eighteenth-century Europe.24 The culture of fraternalism at

this time supped from the same reservoir of nostalgia for

chivalric traditions as had Don Quixote.

At the same time, an embrace of quixotic fraternalism

enabled likeminded individuals to indulge in seemingly less

virtuous pursuits, such as bacchanalian revelry. It also

provided an intimate environment in which initiates could

act out comedic roles that followed in the Rabelaisian

tradition. This mix of chivalric, bacchanalian and comedic

traditions proved extremely enticing for a section of the

European elite from the close of the seventeenth century.25

11

The Jacobite court in exile had certainly not abandoned

official chivalric traditions, as it maintained the Order of

the Garter and the Order of the Thistle.26 Yet these

knightly fellowships were largely honorific and devoid of

the spirit of fraternal camaraderie. In short, they did not

provide an associational milieu in which members could

indulge in an enticing mix of quixotic chivalry,

bacchanalian revelry and restorationist yearnings. This last

aspect, which gave the Order of Toboso a uniquely Jacobite

hue, should not be downplayed. For without this dimension,

the fraternity would have merely served as a social club, in

which members could drunkenly enact the burlesque qualities

of the quixotic tradition. Thus, the serious raison d’être

underpinning the Order of Toboso – to keep alive the dream

of a Stuart restoration – arguably acted as its principal

dynamo.

The Workings and Scope of A Pan-European Jacobite Fraternity, 1726-1734

12

Precious little is known about the activities of the Order

of Toboso prior to 1731. However, a curious letter was

written to John Graeme by Colonel Andrew Scot in Boulogne-

sur-Mer on 24 June 1727. The letter describes how ‘all

honest men and true’ had gathered at Charles Smith’s home on

10 June to toast James Stuart’s birthday. Scot adds that ‘as

old as I am I wish and still hope for a merry meeting on the

green’.27 What are we to make of this near identical

citation of the Toboso motto in a letter written in 1727 in

northern France? Boulogne is known to have been home to a

Jacobite Scots Club in 1725, which suggests the coastal town

was fertile ground for Stuart forms of fraternalism.28

However, we know little about the sender of the letter,

although we know that he was a member of the Jacobite

community at Saint Germain-en-Laye.29 Decidedly more is

known about Sir John Graeme (d. 1773), the recipient of

Scot’s letter. Indeed, when the letter was written, Graeme

had just begun his short tenure as James Stuart’s Secretary

of State.30 Moreover, Charles Smith (1688-1768), the host of

the Jacobite meeting, was a merchant and banker from

13

Boulogne. Smith played a pivotal role as a Jacobite agent in

facilitating the transmission of bulletins between London

and Rome.31

If Col. Scot is describing a Tobosan meeting in Boulogne,

then our knowledge of the development and scope of the

fraternity is fragmentary. None of the individuals mentioned

in the letter have hitherto been linked to the Order of

Toboso. What is more, Smith and Graeme fulfilled vital roles

in the Jacobite strategic network in Europe. Boulogne was

also an important centre of Jacobite activity, given its

proximity to the English coast. Whilst the letters suggests

there is still much we do not know about the workings of the

Order, it does provide more evidence of the restorationist

meaning of the fraternity’s motto. However, if Scot’s letter

is not describing a Tobosan meeting, then it shows that the

fraternity merely incorporated a wider feature of

contemporary Jacobite symbolism.

Whatever the case, by 1731 the hub of Tobosan activity had

unmistakably migrated to Rome, where the exiled Jacobite

court was based, although the fraternity had also

14

established a significant presence in St. Petersburg. This,

as well as a wealth of additional information, can be

gleaned from a letter written in Rome by Captain William Hay

(fl. 1705-1752),32 to Admiral Thomas Gordon (c. 1658-1741) in

St. Petersburg on 2 February 1732.33 The content of Hay’s

letter reveals much about the cordial and intimate dynamic

underpinning the associational culture of the Order of

Toboso. It is also illuminating in regard to the way in

which the fraternity was able to expand by utilizing the

extensive Jacobite network of couriers and agents.

Hay and Gordon were old comrades, having served together in

the Old Scots Navy and between 1717 and 1718 they both

enlisted in the Russian Navy.34 Although Hay retired from

service in February 1724 and headed to Rome, he maintained

close links with Gordon.35 Indeed, Hay had not long taken up

residence in Rome before James Stuart commanded him to

return to St. Petersburg. His secret mission was to liaise

with Gordon in order to facilitate an invasion force that

would set sail for Britain from Arkhangel’sk in the summer

of 1726.36

15

Although Hay returned to Rome in 1726, he thereafter acted

as the principal intermediary between the Jacobite court and

Russia. Thus, Hay was able to utilize the extensive network

of Jacobite couriers when writing to Gordon in February

1732.37 On this particular occasion, Hay’s letter was

dispatched with ‘2 rings of the Order of Tobosa’: one ring

for Gordon, whilst the other was for ‘my dear’ Sir Henry

Stirling (1688-1753), with whom Hay had stayed whilst in

Russia in 1725.38

Stirling was Gordon’s son-in-law and had been an active

Jacobite agent in St. Petersburg since 1717, where he was a

prominent member of the British expatriate community.39

Indeed, he played a leading role in the bacchanalian Bung

College, an ‘All-Mad Brotherhood’ that ran parallel to Peter

the Great’s All-Drunken Assembly.40 Yet, whilst Stirling was

already immersed in St. Petersburg’s fraternal culture, the

Order of Toboso provided something distinct: a society

limited to a close-knit community of Jacobite expatriates

who shared the same political ideology and embrace of

chivalry.

16

In sending the Tobosan rings to Gordon and Stirling, Hay

provides something of a background as to their symbolic

importance within the ritualistic culture of the fraternity.

The manner of this explanation makes it apparent that Gordon

and Stirling were already Tobosans familiar with the Order’s

ritualistic and symbolic foundations. Thus, Hay writes that

‘we knights daily, after drinking the healths of the Royall

family, a fair meeting on the green follows’, with no

further description of the precise nature of this key

Tobosan ritual. As fellow initiates, Hay presumably saw no

need to elaborate. However, he does inform Gordon and

Stirling that ‘our tuo young Princes [Charles (1720-1788)

and Henry (1725-1807)] are protectors of the Order, and wear

the rings, which I had the honour to present them with, on

my arrival last summer from Naples, where I hade them

made’.41 It seems highly unlikely that the six and ten-year

old princes contributed in any way to the fraternity other

than honouring it with their “protection” through the

symbolic act of wearing the rings.

17

Hay’s letter is also revealing vis-à-vis Tobosan membership

in Rome, as he discloses several names when conveying

greetings from fellow knights. We learn, for example, that

George Keith was a Tobosan. Keith only arrived in Rome (from

Spain) in June 1731, taking up the role of chief minister to

James Stuart. His tenure in this role was relatively short,

as he resigned in March 1733 and returned to Spain.42 This

brief residence in Rome coincided with a period of

noticeable activity by Tobosans, suggesting they felt

emboldened by his arrival. Indeed, Hay describes the

uplifting effect of Keith’s presence to Gordon: ‘You may

readily imagine the satisfaction we have of his company […]

He […] may be justly stiled the hero of our cause’.43 Hay

continues by adding that ‘Sir William Maxweall, Sir William

Livingston, the Grand Master, whom I should have given the

first place, join in their hearty service to all our brother

knights with you’.44 In 1732 William Livingston, 3rd Viscount

Kilsyth (1650-1733), was in his eighties and it seems

improbable that he was being referred to as the Grand Master.

More likely the Grand Master was someone whose identity was

18

already known to Gordon. In terms of candidates, Ezekiel

Hamilton is by far the most likely, although the first

definitive evidence that he was Grand Master dates from 22

April 1734.45

In the next extant correspondence between Tobosans in Rome

and St. Petersburg, dated 28 January 1733, Hamilton’s name –

in the guise of Dn Ezekiel del Toboso – appears first in a

list of signatories.46 The recent death of Livingston had

depleted the Order,47 but two new names are present: John

Stewart (1700-1738/9) and Mark Carse.48 The purpose of the

collective Tobosan letter from Rome was to sanction the

initiation of Captain Robert Little (d. 1735) in St.

Petersburg.49 The authority to ‘invest [Little] with all the

rights, dignitys, Privileges and Preheminences’ was duly

conferred upon Gordon, Stirling and Vice Admiral Thomas

Saunders (d. 1733).50 As with Gordon and Hay, both Saunders

and Little had entered service in the Russian Navy in 1717

after being interviewed by Peter I.51 Thus, with the notable

exception of Stirling, the Tobosan Chapter in St. Petersburg

had a distinctly nautical feel.

19

The tone of the correspondence reflects the chivalric ethos

of the fraternity, with Gordon, Saunders and Stirling being

referred to as ‘our right trusty and right entirely Beloved

the Honourable […] Knights, companions of the most ancient,

the most illustrious and most noble Order of Toboso’.52 The

knights in Rome also highlight that they had ‘thought fit to

elect’ Little after ‘serious consideration’ of his ‘Great

Prudence, [his] consummate valour and other Heroick

Qualities’.53 Furthermore, the letter reveals that they had

sent presents empowering the Petersburg brethren to conduct

some form of initiation ceremony, whereby they could

‘receive him in due form’.54

No more is known about the Russian Chapter. However, in

Hay’s correspondence with Gordon in 1732 he had requested

that greetings be passed on to ‘brother knights with you’.

Who were these other brethren? The most likely fellow

Tobosan in Russia at the time was James Keith, who became an

officer in the Russian Army in 1728. Prior to arriving in

the country, Keith had been in Spain where he may well have

been an early member of the Order. It is possible,

20

therefore, that Keith introduced the Order of Toboso to his

fellow Jacobites on arrival in Russia.55

Furthermore, it is noteworthy that James Fitz-James Stuart,

2nd Duke of Liria (1696-1738), also established a fraternity

within weeks of arriving in St. Petersburg as Spanish

Ambassador.56 Thus, the statutes of the Ordre des Antisobres

testify that the society was established in January 1728,

with Liria as Grand Master.57 It is not known whether Liria

also played a role in bringing the Order of Toboso to Russia

from Spain. Nonetheless, his readiness to apparently utilize

fraternalism as a tool of diplomacy provides an example of

how some Jacobite agents had come to appreciate the

potential benefits of such societies.

Yet, up until 1734 the extant correspondence between

Tobosans in Rome and St. Petersburg demonstrates no direct

evidence of the Order being the vehicle for anything other

than the shared expression of a Jacobite form of chivalric

fraternalism. The far-flung nature of the Jacobite diaspora

in the 1720s and 1730s, with the very real potential for

alienation and despondency, tested loyalty to the Stuart

21

cause, family ties, friendships and placed severe

limitations on career opportunities. In this sense, the

Order of Toboso offered far more than mere quixotic escapism

for initiates, as it served to reinforce pre-existing bonds

and to foster a sense of a shared vision and purpose. This

was made possible by harnessing the extensive Jacobite

communication network across Europe, in order to ensure that

like-minded friends could enact identical rituals of

loyalty, irrespective of where they resided.

The only hint of factionalism evident in the two letters

despatched to Russia relates to Hay’s scornful reporting of

how Lord Inverness had renounced Episcopalianism and

converted to Catholicism. Inverness had been James Stuart’s

secretary of state between 1725 and 1727 and the pair

remained close confidantes.58 Hay relates to Gordon that

this will ‘justly lessen him in the esteem of those feu

friends he hade’.59 This was a commonplace view among many

Protestant Jacobites. Francis Atterbury, Bishop of Rochester

(1663-1732) was mortified at Inverness’ conversion, for

example, and warned him that many viewed it in an ‘odious

22

light’ and were ‘so prejudiced’ against him that they were

convinced he had ‘a secret understanding with the

[Hanoverian] Ministers on the other side’.60

Hay echoes Atterbury’s sentiments about Inverness’s

behaviour in his letter to Gordon. However, his views on

Inverness reflect the personal opinion of a Jacobite

courtier, rather than an articulation of a coordinated

Tobosan stance. This is not to say that the Order of Toboso

did not have the potential to serve as a vehicle that could

be employed to serve a particular factional agenda. As

Edward Corp has demonstrated, the Jacobite court at Rome was

riven with factionalism.61 As the next section will

illustrate, the Order of Toboso did come to play a bizarre

and darkly comedic role at the tail-end of a vicious

outbreak of internecine warfare, waged between supporters of

George Keith and the unpopular, but influential, duumvirate

of Inverness and Dunbar.

The Order of Toboso and Jacobite Factionalism: The Bitter Rivalry of EzekielHamilton and James Murray, Earl of Dunbar, 1733-1738

23

On 22 April 1734 Ezekiel Hamilton penned a letter ‘to all

true Knights, Squires, &c.’ of the Order of Toboso in his

role as Grand Master.62 This two-page missive must rank as

one of the most extraordinary denunciations of a fellow

Jacobite during an era of acute factionalism. If read in a

literal sense, the document provides seven reasons as to why

Dunbar had been denied entry into the Order. The opening

salvo of Hamilton’s assault on Dunbar’s integrity throws up

a smokescreen by claiming that fellow Tobosans had carried

out a ‘due and impartial enquiry’ into his ‘Meritos y

Servicios’. Thereafter, Hamilton mixes comic insults with

serious accusations in his attempt to humiliate his foe. The

first stated reason for Dunbar’s rejection centred on how he

had once had ‘the insolence’ in the presence of Tobosans to

‘fail in his respect to […] the ever-honoured protectress of

the most illustrious order of Toboso’.63 Here we have the

earliest reference to female participation in the Order, a

topic discussed further below. Next, Hamilton accuses Dunbar

of cracking a ‘dull joke’ against the Order by suggesting

that it was only revived ‘to attack windmills’.64

24

More serious claims follow, such as the inglorious manner in

which he ‘wilfully threw himself into the enemy’s quarters’

in 1715, thereby avoiding joining up with his Jacobite

comrades on the battlefield. Dunbar is also portrayed as a

conniving money grabber, who defrauded the Earl of Kintore,

as well as putting personal financial gain ahead of Scottish

interests when he failed to attend Parliament to vote on a

bill for encouraging the export of timber.65 These

unpatriotic, treacherous and greedy deeds were allegedly

perpetrated by someone who is also denigrated as being an

‘exceedingly bad poet’ who has ‘muddy head ty’d to a

blundering memory’.

On a personal note, Hamilton also pronounces bitter curses

against Dunbar’s Machiavellian role in securing his

banishment from Rome only three days previously. Thus,

Hamilton narrates how ‘Murray […] being led by the

instigations of the devil, went on Monday the 19th instant

to the sub-governour […] of Rome,66 and did then and there

solicit […] to pass a sentence of banishment against us the

grand-master of the order of Toboso’. In Hamilton’s mind,

25

this dastardly deed provided the ‘final proof of [Dunbar’s]

enmity to true chivalry’ as he was prepared to combine ‘with

magicians and wicked necromancers to eclipse the glory and

renown of our immortal and heroic Deeds’.67 Dunbar is

portrayed as an accursed coward, whose devious assault had

pierced the armour of an honourable knight. This was no

light-hearted satire; rather it is a furious tirade

expressed in the heat of the moment.

The ferocity of the attack on Dunbar’s character and

integrity demonstrates a degree of maliciousness that begs

the question of why anyone would volunteer for admission

into a society of such venomous satirical vipers? The

culmination of Hamilton’s rejection letter, for example,

recommends that ‘his company ought to be avoided by all

honourable knights and squires’ and that ‘he ought to be

condemned to admire himself’ and ‘to read his own dull and

malicious poems’.68 Viewed in context, it is inconceivable

that Dunbar would have contemplated joining the Order of

Toboso. In other words, Hamilton’s rejection letter was pure

26

fabrication designed solely to maximise the degree of

ridicule and humiliation suffered by Dunbar.

In effect it marked the last throw of a dice by a gambler

who had already overplayed his hand. Thus, prior to

analysing the contents of the letter itself, it is necessary

to chart the escalating rivalry between Hamilton and Dunbar

that led to the climax of the first act of what would be a

two-act drama. In October 1732, George Keith and Hamilton

were already formulating a plan to remove Dunbar.69 As well

as being widely loathed, Dunbar was viewed by many Jacobites

as at best an obstacle to a Stuart restoration and at worst

as a British agent.70 According to Hamilton, ‘the true cause

of [the] violent Proceedings against me is that in January

and August 1733 I accus’d Lord Inverness and Dumbar of Mal

Administration and other crimes, I signed the memorials […]

and they had no other possible way of answering these

memorials but by procuring an order to banish me’. Thus,

whilst many Jacobites disliked Dunbar and were wary of his

loyalty, it was Hamilton who instigated an initiative to

remove him from James’s court.71 This attempt was a

27

disastrous failure. The initial rebuff in early 1733 was

compounded in March by Marishcal leaving Rome.72 Without the

considerable protection afforded by Keith being in Rome,

Hamilton was left vulnerable to counterattacks by Dunbar.

Consequently by October 1733 Dunbar had persuaded James

Stuart to banish Hamilton from the Jacobite court. When

Hamilton initially ignored James Stuart’s request, more

pressure was applied by Dunbar by means of writing an

‘Account of Hamilton’s disgrace’.73 Next, James Stuart

appealed directly to the Pope and was successful in securing

a decree expelling his chaplain from Papal territory. From

exile in Livorno, Hamilton wrote a stream of letters to

James Edgar (d. 1762), James’s secretary, in which he vented

his fury at what he perceived as the injustice of being

‘banisht Ignominiously out of Rome without a Tryal, without

an enquiry’, based solely on the fallacious accusations of

Dunbar.74

By early April 1734 Hamilton was in a desperate plight. He

had been petitioning Edgar and James for several months to

compensate him for the ‘money which His Majesty owes me for

28

many Dangerous Journeys I took by his own express

commands’.75 Lacking money, credit and a passport, he

confessed to Edgar on 7 April that ‘necessity has no Low’

and that he would now have to demand recompense in order to

travel to France.76 Four days later he wrote to James

Stuart, announcing ‘with the utmost regret’ that he had been

‘forc’d to begin a journey [to Rome], which may possibly

make some Eclat’, in order to make his claim in person. He

wrote that he would inform Edgar and Girolamo Belloni (James

Stuart’s banker in Rome) when he neared Rome, dramatically

ending the letter by proclaiming that ‘it will be still

better to perish at the Gate of the Porta del Popolo where I

shall have the comfort of seeing some of my friends’, than

remain alone in Livorno.77

As promised, Hamilton wrote to Edgar on 15 April announcing

that he had arrived at the Villa Madama.78 This foolhardy

initiative was doomed to failure. On 19 April Dunbar once

again secured the king’s approval to seek an expulsion order

against the obdurate clergyman.79 On the same day Edgar and

Cardinal Pompeo Aldovrandi, the Governor of Rome, wrote to

29

Hamilton informing him of such a course of action.80 By 21

April this Papal decree had been authorized and Hamilton

once again left the outskirts of the city, this time never

to return.

We do not know the extent to which Hamilton relied upon

Tobosan connections when fighting his rearguard action

between October 1733 and April 1734. What is certain,

however, is that by 21 April 1734 Hamilton had been deprived

of much of his authority and dignity. Hamilton’s ignominious

banishment left him bereft of his chaplaincy at the Jacobite

court, as well as casting serious doubts about his continued

ability to serve James Stuart in any form whatsoever.

This was a bitter blow for an Irish Protestant, who hailed

from an eminent clerical family in Donegal that had loyally

served the Stuart cause since the 1660s.81 Little is known

of his early career, but by 1713 Hamilton was chaplain of

the Lucas Regiment of Foot.82 However, the Jacobite Rising

of 1715 saw Hamilton assuming a vital role as an agent, who

was sent from France to England in order to elicit support

for James from Anglican clergymen, as well as compiling a

30

list of forces in England and their quarters.83 Thereafter

he served as a chaplain at the Jacobite court in Avignon and

Pesaro between 1716-1717,84 before being employed for many

years as private secretary and chaplain to the Duke of

Ormonde.85

In effect by April 1734 Hamilton was left with only his role

as Grand Master of the Order of Toboso as a weapon with

which to continue his feud with Dunbar. And use it he did.

By May Hamilton had returned to Livorno, from where he

sought to coordinate his attack on Dunbar by circulating his

letter to fellow Tobosans in Rome.86 Thus, on 5 May,

Hamilton wrote to Dr. Robert Wright, one of James’s Scottish

physicians, as someone that has ‘Honourable Employment in

the Order of Toboso’, enclosing a copy of the ‘sentence I

lately past against a Rathmettle Knight’.87 Moreover,

Hamilton asks Wright to relay a set of questions to Dunbar

that continue his scathing attack. A notable theme in this

message is of extraordinary religious betrayal. Hamilton

sensationally accuses Dunbar, for example, of receiving

payment from King George II for ‘blowing up the chappell of

31

the church of England in Rome’. What is more, he asks

‘whether it was malice presence or chance madly in choosing

5th November old stile for the execution of so glorious a

design’. This evidently related to events in the autumn of

1733, when Hamilton’s initial banishment deprived Protestant

Jacobites in Rome of an Anglican chaplain. In relation to

his second banishment, Hamilton also asks ‘whether Monday in

Holy Week was a proper day for the Protestant Governors

going in person to Car. Aldovrandi who is a Romish Priest’

in order to seek the banishment of a ‘Presbyter of the

Church of England his prominence the Grand Master of the

most noble Order of Toboso’.88 In other words, Hamilton

accuses Dunbar of betraying the Anglican Church by his

actions, as had his brother-in-law Inverness. In Hamilton’s

mind an Anglican presence at the Jacobite court was vital in

legitimating the Stuart claim to the British throne, which

would be decidedly less palatable if perceived as being in

league with the Papacy.

The second act to this Tobosan drama was no less remarkable,

as Dunbar chose to up the ante rather than shy away from

32

confrontation. Hence, in the summer of 1734 he wrote a

response to Hamilton’s accusations and persuaded the

Jacobite printer Nathaniel Mist (d. 1737) to publish it in

England.89 Dunbar appealed for Mist’s ‘best endeavours to

vindicate my Honour’ and suggested that ‘it cannot appear

indifferent to the King’s Service’, thereby giving the

impression that James Stuart approved of his course of

action.90 By publishing a reply, which contained an exact

copy of Hamilton’s original letter, Dunbar not only revealed

the degree of animosity prevalent at the Jacobite court, but

also exposed the Order of Toboso to the harsh glare of

publicity.

Whilst Hamilton’s provocative letter stretched to two pages,

Dunbar’s reply ran to three times this length in order to

repute the ‘calumnies’ made against his name in the

‘infamous libel’.91Dunbar begins by retaliating with some

general insults against Hamilton, who is described as having

‘a brain overheated with envy, malice, and

disappointment’.92 There then follow point-by-point denials

of Hamilton’s accusations. First, he professes to have never

33

applied to join the Order of Toboso, and stresses that he

has no idea of the identity of the fraternity’s Protectress,

let alone whether he had offended her. The only thing Dunbar

does concede to be true is that he had joked that Hamilton

was ‘affecting to represent Don Quixote’.93

The earl then mounts a vehement defence to the more serious

claims relating to treachery, cowardice and moral

bankruptcy. However, it is interesting to note that Dunbar

does not deny that he had ‘often visited Cardinal

Aldovrandi’, but states that he cannot recollect whether he

did so on 19 April. This bout of fuzzy headedness leads on

to what appears like a partial confession: ‘But I solemnly

declare that I never took the least step in relation to Mr.

Hamilton, but in pure submission to his Majesty’s express

commands’.94

Dunbar’s Some Observations concludes with a personal attack on

Hamilton’s integrity. In particular, Dunbar hones in on how

Hamilton had recently ‘had the insolence to fail in respect

to the King […] having even attempted to disturb the peace

of the Royal Family by artful and malicious letters […] to

34

the queen and prince of Wales’. According to Dunbar, these

letters ‘had been written by the instigation of the devil’

and were ‘highly seditious’.95

By late August Hamilton had arrived in Paris and had

acquired a copy of Dunbar’s paper.96 The final accusation of

sedition in Dunbar’s retort especially roused Hamilton’s

ire. Evidently Hamilton had not abandoned all hope of

convincing James Stuart of the injustice of his banishment,

as on 1 September 1734 he wrote to assure his sovereign that

the letters he penned to Clementina and Charles Stuart were

in no way seditious.97

At about the same time Hamilton wrote a more colourful

letter to Edgar, in which he once again emphasized the

fallaciousness of Dunbar’s accusation regarding these

letters.98 Herein Hamilton lambasts Dunbar, but also defends

his initial ‘just decree to exclude him from being ever

received into the Order of Toboso’. Indeed, Hamilton informs

Edgar that ‘I do therefore ratify the Decree I past in the

Sierra di Radicofani’, whereby ‘Lord Dumbar shall never have

anything done for him in the Order of Toboso’, as ‘he is a

35

mortal Enemy to a Fair Meeting on the Green’. In other

words, Dunbar was the principal obstacle standing in the way

of James Stuart and his supporters triumphantly reuniting on

British and Irish soil. A remarkable disclosure then

follows, as Hamilton states that he ‘cannot but agree with

the late Great Prelate of the Order the Bishop of Rochester

[i.e. Francis Atterbury] who told Lord Dunbar to his Face’

that he was a ‘man without Honour and without Truth’.99 We

know nothing more about Atterbury’s role as Great Prelate.

However, his membership of the Order of Toboso helps to

explain Hamilton’s success in recruiting initiates after his

arrival in the French capital in 1734, as will be discussed

below.

After Mist’s publication of Dunbar’s paper, Hamilton

again wrote to James Stuart, as he was mortified and

‘exceedingly surpriz’d’ that ‘great numbers of them had been

dispatch’d to England and large Quantitys had been Brought

to this Side of the water’.100 Whereas Hamilton had

previously refrained from discussing Tobosan affairs

directly in his correspondence with his sovereign, he now

36

felt compelled to explain his decree against Dunbar. Thus,

he describes how he ‘thought it necessary to shew a contempt

in a merry way’ of the ‘violent Proceedings of Lord Dumbar’

by ‘declaring that He shou’d never be Admitted into the

Order of Toboso’.101

One imagines this unsavoury spat did no favours for the

reputations of either Dunbar or Hamilton, and would have

proved extremely embarrassing for the Jacobite court.

However, Hamilton came off the worse, as he was never

reconciled with James Stuart. Hamilton’s burning resentment

at Dunbar and his public exposé of the Order of Toboso

festered until 1737, when he came into possession of

Dunbar’s letter to Mist. In his eyes this provided an

opportunity to finally vindicate his reputation and unmask

Dunbar as a dangerous liar, as in 1734 he had professed his

innocence to James Stuart regarding whether he had

facilitated the publication of Some Observations.

On 11 June 1737, Hamilton wrote to James Stuart enclosing a

copy of Dunbar’s letter, and pronounced that he had ‘clear

Proof’ of his ‘unfaithfulness’.102 Hamilton also attached a

37

letter containing ‘the sentiments of several of the K[ing]s

Friends’, in which they state that Dunbar’s letter ‘is lookt

upon to be so clear Evidence of Ld Dumbar’s Infamy’.103 Their

hatred of Dunbar was so great that they expressly craved an

‘ignominious and Public’ punishment.104 Who were these

unnamed friends of the King? Most likely they were

Hamilton’s allies and possibly fellow Tobosans. Yet,

Hamilton’s efforts to drive a wedge between Dunbar and James

Stuart were ultimately unsuccessful. Indeed, less than a

year later Hamilton wrote to George Kelly expressing how he

‘almost despaired of any Attempt to remove the two

Brethren’, that is Dunbar and Inverness, given James

Stuart’s apparent indifference to his disclosure.105

Ezekiel Hamilton in Paris and Leiden and the Order of Toboso Resurgent,

1734-1738

Little is known about Hamilton’s residence in Paris after

his arrival in August 1734. However, by August 1736 Hamilton

was in Spa, after spending several months in Avignon,106

38

where judging by the testimony of Sylvester Lloyd (1680-

1747), he was cutting rather a pitiful figure:

He seems to be angry with everybody and not pleased withhimself. He travels like a fencer with a Scotch sword andtarget which he shows to everybody. He says he is GrandMaster of a military order of knighthood, and shows toall sorts of people a ring as a badge of that honour,which he can confer.107

Lloyd’s description portrays Hamilton as a peculiar Scottish

embodiment of someone ‘affecting to represent Don Quixote’.

Amidst fashionable Spa, Hamilton would have undoubtedly been

an incongruous sight. In effect the Irish clergyman had

self-fashioned a distinctive identity, which evoked a

Scottish embodiment of Don Quixote replete with hilted

broadsword and target (or shield).108 Here it is curious to

note how Hamilton addressed himself as the Grand Master of a

military order. This emphasis on the martial suggests he

cultivated an image befitting the military honour he had

supposedly received from James Stuart, as well as displaying

his readiness to take up arms at any moment.109

The following year Hamilton wrote to Alexander Hay, a

mineral water merchant in Spa (and fellow Tobosan),

39

informing him that he desired him ‘to shew my Broad Sword’

to three Tory gentlemen of the University of Oxford. This

was apparently the first means of determining whether ‘they

would be for a fair meeting’.110 It could be perceived that

Hamilton’s attempt to project an image of noble chivalry was

a forlorn quixotic fantasy, fuelled by a desperately

misguided desire to preserve the remnants of the Order of

Toboso. Yet, Hamilton appears to have actually reinvigorated

the fraternity from his new abode in Leiden, after initially

establishing a new network of initiates in Paris. From

Hamilton’s surviving correspondence, after his arrival in

Leiden in the autumn of 1736, it seems highly likely that he

had already managed to enlist several prominent Jacobites

into the Order whilst resident in Paris.

On 15 November 1736, for example, Hamilton wrote to Robert,

Lord Sempill in the French capital, with a request to pass

on an enclosed letter to ‘the fair Protectrice’ of the Order

and ‘to make my excuse to her’ for ‘want of duty and

respect’.111 The implication here is that Sempill is already

an initiate and in close contact with the Protectress of the

40

Order.112 Significantly, Sempill was one of the Great Prelate

Atterbury’s closest confidantes and shared Hamilton’s

loathing of Inverness and Dunbar.113 He was, in other words,

a perfect Tobosan candidate.

The contents of the letter enclosed with the note to Sempill

are highly revealing, in that they not only shed light on

the identity and role of the Protectress, but also enable us

to piece together the core Toboso membership in Paris. The

letter is addressed to ‘the Rt Honble the Lady Elizabeth

Caryll Protectrice of the most Noble order of Tobosco’.

Hamilton also mentions that ‘Your Ladyships Brother, My Lord

Sempill & Mr Sempill Will do a particular honour to the most

Noble order by the acceptance of the Stalls in it’.

It has been assumed that the Protectress was Lady Elizabeth

Caryll (d. 1753), the wife of John Caryll, 2nd Baron of

Durford (1667-1736).114 However, it seems far more probable

that it was actually her granddaughter, Elizabeth (1715-

1767), who resided in Paris in the 1730s with her mother,

Mary, and her step-father, Francis Sempill (c. 1705-1748),

who was the eldest son of Lord Sempill, in the family home

41

on rue de l’Estrapade.115 In 1736, Elizabeth Caryll (the

younger) also lived in Paris with her siblings, John Baptist

Caryll (1716-1788) and Catherine (d. 1748). Hence,

Hamilton’s reference to Elizabeth’s brother and his request

to assure her ‘fair Sister of my humble respect’, as well as

the fact that the letter was delivered to Lord Sempill in

Paris, strongly imply that the twenty-one-year old was the

Protectress.116

This would be entirely consistent with a distinct feature of

Jacobite and Tory fraternalism, which in the early 1730s was

in the process of fashioning forms of association based on

notions of chivalry that included female participation,

albeit in a limited capacity.117 Thus, it is significant that

the Order of Toboso provides one of the earliest examples,

along with the High Borlace, a Tory society based in Oxford,

of electing aristocratic maidens as an honorary protectress

or patroness.118 The tone adopted by Hamilton when addressing

the protectress projects an image of the Grand Master as a

paragon of chivalry. He is her ‘Very Unworthy Knight’, who

has ‘the Honour of being Under Your Ladyships Protection’

42

and is at a ‘Constant readiness to Obey [her] Comands’.119 As

with all knight-errants, the Tobosans needed their idealised

feminine beauty in order to act out their chivalric roles.

As Nigel Saul notes, ‘allegiance to a lady acted as a source

of inspiration’ that provided knights with an incentive to

undertake ‘ever more daring deeds of arms’.120 For Tobosans,

a protectress acted as a spur not to forsake their Jacobite

values and as an embodiment of abstract notions of beauty

and purity that were intrinsically associated with the

Stuart dynasty.

Unlike the High Borlace, the Order of Toboso did not limit

female participation to a single protectress. In a letter to

Hamilton from a certain ‘D.G.’, dated 15 February 1737, the

author informs the Grand Master that ‘Sr Patrick and I have

very lately had the honour of paying our respects to the

sister Protectresses of the Ancient & honourable Order’.121

Moreover, in 1737 Hamilton endeavoured to expand female

involvement in the Order. He commissioned ‘Necklaces with

the Motto on them’ during the summer season at Spa, with one

recipient being the Lady of Sr William [Maxwell?]. In March

43

1738 he wrote that he hoped to ‘get some more done the next

season and I will not forget the Lady in Surry Street in

London’.122

At a time when female participation was strictly prohibited

by Grand Lodge Freemasonry, the involvement of women in the

Order of Toboso illustrates how chivalric fraternalism –

when viewed through a modern-day lens – might seem to be

surprisingly progressive. Yet, whilst women may have been

elevated and idealised by Tobosans in ritual terms, they

were entirely bound within a strict chivalric framework that

limited their agency.

As mentioned, Hamilton’s letter to the Protectress of the

Order reveals how the Sempill and Caryll families were

actively involved in Tobosan affairs in Paris. Both Francis

Sempill and J. B. Caryll were ardent restorationists and

went on to play pivotal roles in the planning and execution

of the `45. Francis Sempill was for many years Atterbury’s

secretary,123 and between 1738 and 1743 was the principal

Jacobite agent at the French court.124 Indeed, it was Sempill

who in 1743 orchestrated Jacobite attempts to secure a full-

44

scale French invasion of England, and it was in his house

that Charles Stuart stayed when in Paris in February 1744.125

J. B. Caryll was also one of only a few trusted Jacobites

who was privy to the invasion plans of 1744 and was assigned

to sail with Charles Stuart on the flagship Dauphin Royal.

After the failure of the `45, Caryll remained committed to

securing a Stuart restoration. In 1749, for example, he

organised the Oak Society in order to raise funds for

Charles Stuart’s envisaged invasion attempt of 1750.126 As

with the Order of Toboso, this Jacobite society included

women who hailed from prominent Catholic families.127 In

short, the Caryll family played a pivotal role in promoting

female participation in Jacobite societies and thereby

helping to foster a distinctive form of fraternal culture in

the first half of the eighteenth century.

We also learn that the Irish Jacobite Sir Redmond Everard

(1690-1742) was a Paris-based Tobosan, from a letter in

which Hamilton relates that he is ‘extreamly concern’d that

ye rings You mention are not at my disposal […] I beg you’l

make my excuse to the fair Protectrice in ye best manner’.128

45

Everard was close to Lord Sempill and was one of Atterbury’s

political associates and friends.129 Thus, the Tobosans in

Paris evidently represented a Jacobite faction, whose

loyalty to the memory of Atterbury was wholeheartedly shared

by Hamilton.130

Apart from recruiting a circle of Tobosans in Paris, it

would seem Hamilton used the opportunity provided by wealthy

Britons taking the waters at Spa to establish a Chapter in

this exclusive resort. When enjoying the season in Spa,

Hamilton resided with Alexander Hay, who acted as something

of a recruitment agent for the Order. Thus, we know that Dr.

James Hawley (1705-1777) was ‘chosen Physician to the Order

at a Chapter held at Spa’. Hawley’s election most likely

occurred during the summer of 1737, after he had spent much

of the year travelling through France.131 Hawley went on to

enjoy a successful medical career in London, being elected a

Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians in 1739 and a

Fellow of the Royal Society the following year.132

The honour bestowed upon Hawley in Spa provides an example

of how Hamilton used the Order of Toboso as a means of

46

bolstering support among a network of sympathetic English

correspondents and active agents. Hamilton’s relative

success in maintaining links with England was no mean feat

considering he had been on the Continent for over twenty

years. In the case of Hawley, it would seem they became

acquainted in the summer of 1736, when the pair travelled

from Paris to Spa.133 It is likely that their paths crossed

as a result of a mutual friendship with the brothers Richard

(1694-1746) and Rev. Charles Liddell (d. 1757) of Wakehurst

Place in Sussex.134 In January 1737 Charles Liddell wrote to

Hamilton and informed him that his brother and Hawley were

en route to Marseilles.135

Other English Tobosans included a certain “D.G”, who wrote

to Hamilton on 15 February 1737 from London, stating, among

other things, that he had ‘Many services to send you from ye

Companions of the most Ancient & honourable order’.136 The

precise identity of the other companions is not known, with

the exception of Patrick Briscow.137 In March 1738, Hamilton

wrote to Briscow in Paris, expressing his hope that he was

able to obtain Tobosan rings ‘for yourself and Friends in

47

England, when you were in the Place where they can be best

made’. Hamilton adds that Briscow will be able to hear about

Hawley, his fellow Tobosan, at the Rainbow Coffee House in

London.138

It appears the Rainbow Coffee House may have acted as a

salubrious meeting place for Tobosans.139 In a letter to

Captain John Urquhart (1696-1756), for example, who acted as

a pivotal courier for Hamilton between Rotterdam and

England, the clergyman mentions ‘our brethren who frequent’

the Rainbow Coffee-House in the capital. Several names were

cited, including ‘Mr Walter Price’, an under-sheriff of

London and Middlesex,140 and ‘Mr Child’, who was most likely a

member of the famous banking family who founded Child &

Co.141

Irrespective of whether these men were Tobosans, Hamilton’s

correspondence demonstrates how he was able to maintain a

network of influential English informants and agents from

Leiden.142 Tapping into the veritable craze for fraternities,

Hamilton was able to use the Order of Toboso as a means of

consolidating his own network within England and the wider

48

Jacobite diaspora. This allowed Hamilton to preserve a

modicum of power, regardless of whether this was essentially

illusory, whereby he could promote his own vision of

Jacobitism.

Conclusion

Ironically in the last known correspondence between fellow

Tobosans, dating from 26 March 1738, Hamilton boasted to

Briscow that ‘last year the Order was much enlarged’.143

Carte and Walpole discussed the Order the following year,

but then one encounters a complete dearth of evidence. Did

the fraternity suddenly cease, with Hamilton settling down

to a quiet retirement in Leiden, or have documents

testifying to further activities simply been lost or not

surfaced? Given Hamilton’s enthusiastic promotion of the

Order from the Low Countries from 1736 it seems surprising

that the self-fashioned Scottish Quixote would abandon the

quest to bring about a fair meeting on the green.

49

Whatever the case, the available evidence concerning the

Order of Toboso between 1726 and 1738 provides sufficient

proof of the appeal of the fraternity to a significant

number of prominent members of the Jacobite diaspora on the

Continent, such as Atterbury and George Keith, as well as to

sympathetic elements within England. In an era in which

fraternal networks, led by freemasonry, were reconfiguring

the basis of associational culture, the Order of Toboso

served a distinct role: to promote a sense of companionship

among a Jacobite faction based upon quixotic tropes that

envisaged the return of a Golden Age of Stuart rule through

a chivalric call-to-arms.

This can easily be dismissed as nothing more than a quixotic

fantasy, in which Hamilton, in particular, was tilting at

windmills after his humiliating banishment from Rome. Yet,

despite this embarrassment, the clergyman managed to regroup

and reenergise his Order. To be sure, Hamilton’s leadership

of the Order of Toboso did not help to bring about the

downfall of the ‘false, sly and insinuating’ Dunbar.144 Yet,

this was never the ultimate goal or purpose of the Order,

50

although the inability to dislodge the widely unpopular

figure does illustrate the limits of the fraternity’s

authority. After all, if Tobosans could not topple Dunbar,

they stood little chance of triumphing over the might of the

Hanoverian regime.

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__________, ‘The Petrine Round Table: Chivalry, Travesty andFraternalism at the Court of Peter the Great’, in A.Önnerfors and R. Collis (eds.), Freemasonry and Fraternalism inEighteenth-Century Russia (Sheffield: Centre for Research intoFreemasonry and Fraternalism, 2009), pp. 7-32.

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1 The author wishes to thank Ricky Pound, Marsha Keith Schuchard and Edward Corp for their help in researching this article.2 Ezekiel Hamilton to John Hay, Earl of Inverness, 12 May 1726, Royal Archives,Windsor, Stuart Papers (hereafter Stuart Papers), 93/111a. John Hay was made anearl in October 1718. On Hay, see M. D. Sankey, ‘Hay, John, of Cromlix, Jacobiteduke of Inverness (1691-1740)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (hereafter ODNB) athttp://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/12729 [accessed 21 August 2013]. At the timeHamilton was serving James Butler, 2nd Duke of Ormonde (1665-1745). Thanks toMarsha Keith Schuchard for directing me to Hamilton’s letter in the Stuart Papers.3 Stuart Papers, 93/111a. In Hamilton’s letter ‘fair meeting on the green’ isunderlined.4 Stuart Papers 93/111a. The titles of the ballads are underlined in Hamilton’sletter.5 Ezekiel Hamilton to ‘all true Knights, Squires &c.’, 22 April 1734, NationalArchives of Scotland, Edinburgh (hereafter NAS), GD24/1/944 No. 24; Stuart Papers,169/181. Also see Tenth Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts (London: Eyre andSpottiswoode, 1885), p. 185.6 ‘Journal de la Négociation de M [Thomas] Carte avec M. Robert Walpole’, 23October 1739, British Library, London, Add MS 34522, Mackintosh Collections, vol.XXXVI, (ff.83), f. 1. Also see, A. Shield and A. Lang, The King Over the Water (London:Longmans, Green and Co., 1907), p. 409.7 For early eighteenth-century versions of these ballads, see A Choice Collection of Comicand Serious Scots Poems both Ancient and Modern, Part I (Edinburgh, 1706), pp. 1-7; pp. 32-5.The full title of the Habbie Simpson ballad, by Robert Sempill (c. 1595-1659) is‘The Life and Death of the Piper of Kilbarchan, or the Epitaph of Habbie Simpson’.8 A Choice Collection, p. 1.9 M. de Cervantes, The History of Don Quixote de la Mancha, vol. 2, (London: J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd. 1919), p. 202.10 Hamilton did indeed secure a position at the Jacobite court in Bologna inJanuary 1728, as at this time he resumed his role as an Anglican chaplain in theChamber of James Stuart. Between 1729 and 1733 Hamilton also conducted thefinancial campaign of the Jacobite court in exile. See ‘Note of the King’s Receiptsfor money received from England, writ in the King’s own hand, by Zecky’sCorrespondence’, Stuart Papers 132/30. In the autumn of 1728 Hamilton undertook asecret mission to England, thereafter spending several months in Bruges until atleast the spring of 1729. For a report on what he observed in England, see EzekielHamilton, ‘Memorandum on the State of England’, Stuart Papers, 123/58. During histime in Bruges, Hamilton regularly corresponded with James Edgar and James Stuartin Rome. See, for example, Stuart Papers, 124/21, 124/34, 124/69, 125/5, 125/19,125/20, 125/68, 125/124, 125/168.11 Among the most notable Jacobites in Spain were James Butler, 2nd Duke of Ormonde(1665-1745), George Keith, 10th Earl Marischal (1692/3-1778) and his brother James(1696-1758), James Fitz-James Stuart, 2nd Duke of Liria (1696-1738), Philip, 1st

Duke of Wharton (1698-1731) and Mark Carse of Cockpen (d. 1736). In correspondencebetween George and James Keith, dating from 1731 and 1732, the former repeatedlyrefers to his younger brother as ‘Don Diego’ and ‘Don Diego Tallboy’. See ‘Lettersbetween George Earl Marischal and Field Marshal Keith his Brother’, in Ninth Report of

the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, Part II: Appendix and Index (London: Eyre andSpottiswoode, 1884), p. 222. The use of the Spanish title is consistent with otherTobosan names. 12 A. Lang, The Companions of Pickle (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1898), p. 27; E.E. Cuthell, The Scottish Friend of Frederic the Great: The Last Earl Marischall, vol. 1 (London:Stanley Paul & Co., 1915), p. 168. 13 H. Tayler (ed.), The Jacobite Court at Rome in 1719: From Original Documents at Fettercairn Houseand at Windsor Castle (Edinburgh: Scottish History Society, 1938), p. 138. Tayler’serroneous description of the Order of Toboso has been cited on numerous occasionsas the authoritative take on the fraternity. See, for example, D. F. Allen,‘Attempts to Revive the Order of Malta in Stuart England’, The Historical Journal, 33:4(Dec. 1990), p. 950; R. Wills, The Jacobites and Russia 1715-1750 (East Linton: TuckwellPress, 2002), p. 146; A. Matikkala, The Orders of Knighthood and the Formation of the BritishHonours System 1660-1760 (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2008), p. 227.14 See S. Murdoch, Network North: Scottish Kin, Commercial and Covert Associations in Northern Europe,1603-1746 (Leiden: Brill, 2006), pp. 313-48; S. Murdoch, ‘Tilting at Windmills: TheOrder del Toboso as a Jacobite Social Network’, in P. Monod, M. G. H. Pittock andD. Szechi (eds.), Loyalty and Identity: Jacobites at Home and Abroad (Basingstoke: PalgraveMacmillan, 2011), pp. 243-64. For a work that draws on Murdoch’s recent research,see R. Collis, ‘The Order of Toboso: A Pan-European Jacobite Fraternal Network, c.1726-1739’, in P-Y. Beaurepaire, K. Loiselle and T. Zarcone (eds.), Diffusions etcirculations des pratiques maçonniques XVIIIe-XXe siècle (Paris: Classiques Garnier, 2012), pp.141-156. 15 Murdoch, ‘Tilting at Windmills’, p. 252.16 Of the nineteen definite members of the Order of Toboso, whose religiousaffiliation is known, eleven were Anglican (Church of England, Church of Irelandand Episcopalian Church of Scotland), whilst eight were Roman Catholics (includingthe young Stuart princes, Charles and Henry). The Anglican Tobosans were: FrancisAtterbury, Mark Carse, Redmond Everard, Ezekiel Hamilton, James Hawley, AlexanderHay, William Hay, Robert Little, William Livingston, Henry Stirling, Robert Wright.The known Roman Catholic Tobosans were: Elizabeth Caryll, John Baptist Caryll,William Maxwell, Francis Sempill, Robert Sempill, John Stewart, Charles Stuart,Henry Stuart.17 Tenth Report, p. 478.18 On Don Quixote and religious enthusiasm in seventeenth-century England, see E.J. Ziolkoski, The Sanctification of Don Quixote From Hidalgo to Priest (University Park: ThePennsylvania University Press, 1991), pp. 38-43.19 P. Motteux, ‘Preface’, in Miguel de Cervantes, The Ingenious Gentleman Don Quixote de laMancha, trans. P. Motteux (London, 1700-1703), no page number.20 R. Paulson, Don Quixote in England: The Aesthetics of Laughter (Baltimore: The Johns HopkinsUniversity Press, 1998), p. 4.21 Ziolkowski, The Sanctification of Don Quixote, p. 46.22 The Duke of Wharton wrote a letter on 10 February 1726 to John Graeme, forexample, whilst in Innsbruck, en route to Madrid, in which he related stories ‘fullof the Spirit of Knight Errantry’ and remarked ‘I like my famous predecessor DonQuixot wisely ruminated on all my Books of Chivalry’. See Duke of Wharton to ‘Dr.Johnny’ [Graeme], 10 February 1726, Stuart Papers, 90/98. Moreover, on 1 February

1727, Ezekiel Hamilton wrote to John Hay from Madrid regarding Wharton’s exploits:‘A True Knight Errant must not confine himself altogether to the service of theLadys and Hudibras has long ago observed “For what are all Romances Else But anaccount of Love and Battels.”’ See Ezekiel Hamilton to John Hay, 1 February 1727,Stuart Papers, 102/103. On 13 February 1737, George Keith also wrote from Spain toEzekiel Hamilton, portraying himself as a ‘Knight Errant sin’ Amor; so that I neednot Great Sums for my maintenance’. See Tenth Report, p. 473. Thanks to Marsha KeithSchuchard for drawing my attention to the Wharton letter Graeme.23 On 6 May 1734, Ezekiel Hamilton wrote to Henry Stuart and stated: ‘I dayly pray to God to preserve your Royal Highness to make your Royal Highness a shining example to all Princes in this degenerate Age’. See Stuart Papers, 170/46.24 On the rich fraternal culture that emerged in Britain in the first half of theeighteenth century, see R. Collis, ‘British Fraternal Societies and the Response toGrand Lodge Freemasonry, 1719-1797’, in R. Péter (ed.), British Freemasonry, 1717-1813(London: Pickering and Chatto, 2014), forthcoming.25 A number of societies that fused these traditions emerged in southern France inthe 1690s, for example, such as L’Ordre de la Grappe, L’Ordre Illustre desChevaliers de Méduse and L’Ordre de la Boisson. For a discussion of thesesocieties, see A. Dinaux, Les sociétés badines, bachiques, chantantes et litteraires 2 vols. (Paris:Librairie Bachelin-Deflorenne, 1867); T. Zarcone, ‘Sociétés fraternelles et logesmaçonniques marseillaises à Constantinople au XVIIIe siècle’, in P-Y. Beaurepaire,K. Loiselle and T. Zarcone (eds.), Diffusions et circulations des pratiques maçonniques XVIIIe-XXe

siècle (Paris: Classiques Garnier, 2012), pp. 23-62. At the same time, Peter theGreat established the All-Mad, All-Jesting, All-Drunken Assembly in Russia, whichcombined veneration for Bacchus with the enactment of blasphemous rituals and crudehumour. On the All-Drunken Assembly, see ‘Shutki i potekhi Petra Pervogo. PetrVelikii – kak iumorist’, Russkaia starina, vol.5, No. 6 (1872); E. A. Zitser, TheTransfigured Kingdom: Sacred Parody and Charismatic Authority at the Court of Peter the Great (Ithaca:Cornell University Press, 2004); E. A. Zitser, ‘The Petrine Round Table: Chivalry,Travesty and Fraternalism at the Court of Peter the Great’, in A. Önnerfors and R.Collis (eds.), Freemasonry and Fraternalism in Eighteenth-Century Russia (Sheffield: Centre forResearch into Freemasonry and Fraternalism, 2009), pp. 7-32; R. Collis, ‘Hewing theRough Stone: Masonic Influence in Peter the Great’s Russia, 1689-1725’, in A.Önnerfors and R. Collis (eds.), Freemasonry and Fraternalism in Eighteenth-Century Russia(Sheffield: Centre for Research into Freemasonry and Fraternalism, 2009), pp. 33-62. On the parallel Bung College, or British Monastery, established by Britishresidents in Russia during the reign of Peter the Great, and which worked inconjunction with the All-Drunken Assembly, see S. F. Platonov, ‘Iz bytovoi istoriiPetrovskoi epokhi i Bengo-Kollegiia ili Velikobritanskii monastyr v S. Peterburgepri Petre Velikom’, Izvestiia akademii nauk SSSR, history series, Nos. 7-8 (1926), pp.527-46; A. G. Cross, ‘The Bung College or British Monastery in Petrine Russia’,Study Group on Eighteenth-Century Russia Newsletter, 12 (1984), pp. 14-24. The foundation ofthe Order of the Knights of Jubilation in 1710 in The Hague, also provides acontemporary Dutch example. Indeed the Grand Master of this Order, Gaspard Fritsch,adopted the distinctly quixotic moniker of ‘Don Gaspar de Cocodrillos y de laCueva’. See M. C. Jacob, The Radical Enlightenment: Pantheists, Freemasons and Republicans(London: George Allen & Unwin, 1981), p. 269.

26 For a discussion of the restricted conferment of the Order of the Garter and theOrder of the Thistle by James Stuart at the Jacobite court in exile, see EdwardCorp, The Stuarts in Italy, 1719-1766: A Royal Court in Permanent Exile (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 2011), pp. 369-72. 27 Colonel Andrew Scot to John Graeme, June 24, 1727, Stuart Papers, 107/110.Thanks to Marsha Keith Schuchard for providing this reference.28 George Lockhart to Allan Cameron, 5 October 1725, in George Lockhart, The LockhartPapers, ed. A. Aufrere, 2 vols. (London: William Anderson, 1817), vol. 2, p. 213.Also see George Lockhart, The Letters of George Lockhart of Carnwath, 1698-1732, ed. D. Szechi(Edinburgh: Scottish History Society, 1989), p. 246.29 See C. E. Lart, The Parochial Registers of Saint Germain-En-Laye: Jacobite Extracts of Births, Marriagesand Deaths, 2 vols (London: The St. Catherine Press Ltd., 1910-1912), vol. 2, pp.67, 68, 124, 133. A Colonel Scot is also recorded in 1692 as having marched underthe command of Colonel Brown from Saint Germain-en-Laye to Roussillon, andparticipated in the Siege of Roses in Catalonia in 1693. This same Col. Scot wasreceiving a pension in 1703 from Armand Charles de la Porte de La Meilleraye, Dukeof Mazarin (1632-1713), who at the time served as Grand Master and Captain Generalof the Artillery. See Calendar of the Stuart Papers Belonging to His Majesty The King, vol. 1(London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1902), p. 73, p. 1. 30 On Graeme’s tenure as secretary of state to James Stuart between 1727 and 1728,see Corp, The Stuarts in Italy, p. 193, pp. 197-9. Prior to serving as secretary ofstate, Graeme had been the Jacobite agent in Vienna from September 1726. SeeMarquis of Ruvigny and Raineval, The Jacobite Peerage: Baronetage, Knightage and Grants of Honour(Edinburgh: T. C. & E. C. Jack, 1904), p. 233.31 ‘Portrait of Charles Smith (1688-1768), Jacobite Agent and Banker 1750s’,Historical Portrait Image Library at http://www.historicalportraits.com/Gallery.asp?Page=Item&ItemID=1060&Desc=Charles-Smith,-spy-|-Sir-Joshua-Reynolds-P.R.A.[accessed 25 August 2013]. This webpage includes an image of Smith’s portrait,painted by Sir Joshua Reynolds.32 Captain William Hay was a groom in the household of James Stuart. He hailed fromDrumelzier in Peeblesshire. Hay received a pension from James Stuart between 1726and 1727, before serving as a groom in his household between 1727 and 1739. Between1739 and April 1741 and again between 1744 and 1751 he served as a maggiordomo toJames Stuart. On his career in the household of James Stuart, see Corp, The Stuarts inItaly, p. 356, p. 359, p. 366. In April 1741 Hay was relieved of his position inJames Stuart’s household and left Rome under something of a cloud. According toJames Edgar (James Stuart’s secretary), Hay ‘lately drew his sword upon anothergentleman here, Mr. [Thomas] Arthur’. James Edgar to John Murray, 27 April 1741, inJohn Murray, Memorials of John Murray of Broughton sometime secretary to Prince Charles Edward Stuart,edited by R. F. Bell (Edinburgh: T. and A. Constable, 1898), pp. 361-4. Hay wasalso a member of the Jacobite Masonic lodge that met in Rome between 1735 and 1737,in which he served as Junior Warden at the eighth meeting on 6 August 1736. See W.J. Hughan, The Jacobite Lodge at Rome 1735-7 (Torquay: Torquay Directory Co., 1910), p.19. 33 W[illiam] H[ay] to Admiral Gordon, 2 February 1732, NAS, GD24/1/944, No. 22 (1-2). For a full transcript of this letter, see W. Frazer, The Red Book of Grandtully,vol. 2 (Edinburgh, 1868), pp. 484-6. For an abridged version, see Tenth Report, p.178.

34 Hay served under Gordon aboard the Royal Mary in 1705. See J. Grant (ed.), ‘TheOld Scots Navy from 1689 to 1710’, Publications of the Navy Records Society, vol. 44 (1912),p. 256, p. 330, p. 433. On their service in the Russian Navy, see J. Deane,‘History of the Russian Fleet during the Reign of Peter the Great by a ContemporaryEnglishman (1724)’, edited by C. A. G. Bridge, Publications of the Navy Records Society, vol.15 (1899), p. 56. On Gordon’s naval career, see W. M. Parker, ‘A Scots Admiral ofthe Russian Navy’, Journal of the Royal United Services Institution, vol. 92 (1947), pp. 268-73.35 On Hay’s service in the Russian navy, see NAS GD 24/1/859, ff. 286, 287; F. F.Veselago, Obshchii morskoi spisok ot osnovaniia flota do 1917 g, vol. 1 (St. Petersburg, 1885),p. 94.R. C. Anderson, ‘British and American Officers in the Russian Navy’, The Mariner’sMirror, 33:1 (1947), p. 23.36 See John Hay to Thomas Gordon, 24 February 1725, Stuart Papers, 80/78,80. Alsosee Wills, The Jacobites and Russia, pp. 98-9. Hay was also entrusted with anothersecret mission to Scotland in 1737 in order to discuss a planned uprising by Gordonof Glenbucket. See Murray, Memorials of John Murray, pp. 1-2. 37 Frazer, The Red Book of Grandtully, vol. 2, p. 484. It would appear from thepreamble in Hay’s letter that Captain John Nansum played a key role in transportingmessages and items from Italy to St. Petersburg. Elizabeth Justice noted in hertravel journal that she arrived in St. Petersburg on 4 July 1734 on board the‘Frigate Petersburgh’, which was commanded by Captain John Nansum. See E. Justice,A Voyage to Russia; describing the laws, manners, and customs, of that good empire (York, 1739), p. 1.The frigate Petersburg was built at Olonets Wharf and was christened on 12 November1703, being one of the first six vessels of the fledgling Russian navy. See F. F.Veselago, Spisok russkikh voennykh sydov s 1668 po 1860 god (St. Petersburg: Morskoeministerstvo, 1872), p. 74.38 Frazer, The Red Book of Grandtully, vol. 2, p. 484; Wills, The Jacobites and Russia, p. 103.39 Stirling’s passage to the Russian capital had been arranged by his uncle, Dr.Robert Erskine (1677-1718), who was Peter the Great’s chief physician and a privycouncillor For more on the career of Dr. Robert Erskine, see Robert Collis, ThePetrine Instauration: Religion, Esotericism and Science at the Court of Peter the Great (Leiden: Brill,2012), pp. 121-207.40 Stirling is noted as being the Professor and Doctor of Civil Law in thefraternity. See Platonov, ‘Iz bytovoi istorii Petrovskoi epokhi i Bengo-Kollegiiaili Velikobritanskii monastyr’, pp. 529. Stirling was admitted as an advocate inEdinburgh in November 1710. See Magnae Britanniae notitia: or, the present state of Great Britain,vol. 2 (London, 1727), p. 48. 41 Frazer, The Red Book of Grandtully, vol. 2, pp. 484-5. The British agent in Florence,Baron Philipp von Stosch, reported to Thomas, 1st Duke of Newcastle, in June 1731that James Stuart, William Hay and James Murray had just returned from Naples. SeeStosch to Newcastle, 12 June 1731, The National Archives (hereafter NA), London,State Papers, 98/32/ f. 213.42 See Corp, The Stuarts in Italy, p. 314.43 Frazer, The Red Book of Grandtully, vol. 2, p. 485.44 Frazer, The Red Book of Grandtully, vol. 2, p. 485. At the time Maxwell, 5th Earl ofNithsdale (1676-1744), was employed as the first gentleman of James Stuart’s wife,Clementina (1702-1735). On Maxwell, see J. Callow, ‘Maxwell, William, fifth earl of

Nithsdale (1676-1744)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography athttp://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/18413 [accessed 28 August 2013]. On Maxwellat the Jacobite court in Rome, see Corp, The Stuarts in Italy, passim.45 See NAS, GD24/1/944, No. 25; Tenth Report, pp. 184-5.46 NAS, GD24/1/944, No. 24; Tenth Report, pp. 183-4. The letter is signed by EzekielHamilton, George Keith, William Maxwell, John Stewart, Mark Carse and William Hay.47 Livingston died on 12 January 1733. For an obituary of Livingston, see CaledonianMercury, 6 February 1733. The newspaper records that he ‘died at Rome, in anadvanced age, in perfect judgment, and a Christian and exemplary resignation’.48 Stewart was the younger half-brother of the Earl of Bute. For informationconcerning his service to James and Charles Stuart, see Corp, The Stuarts in Italy,passim. He is buried in the Chiesa di Sant’ Andrea degli Scozzese in Rome, wherehis grave is marked by a handsome monument and Latin inscription. For a photographof the monument and transcription of the Latin inscription, go to seehttp://www.jacobite.ca/gazetteer/Rome/SAndreaScozzese.htm#note02) [accessed 28August 2013]. On Carse’s time in Rome, between 1731 and 1736, see Corp, The Stuartsin Italy, p. 317. It should be noted that both Stewart and Carse were Freemasons ofthe Jacobite Lodge in Rome, with the former attending the first meeting on 15August 1735, and the latter being received as a candidate at the third meeting,which took place on 21 September 1735. See Hughan, The Jacobite Lodge at Rome, pp. 16-17.49 On Little’s naval career in Russia, see Veselago, Obshchii morskoi spisok, vol. 1,pp. 219-20; Wills, The Jacobites and Russia, p. 53.50 On Vice Admiral Saunders’ naval career in Russia, see Wills, The Jacobites and Russia,pp. 52-4, p. 168. On Saunders’ links to Vitus Bering, via his marriage to EufemiaPülse, the sister-in-law of the Danish maritime explore, see O. W. Frost, Bering: TheRussian Discovery of America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), p. xi.51 Wills, The Jacobites and Russia, pp. 52-3.52 Tenth Report, p. 183.53 Tenth Report, p. 183.54 Tenth Report, p. 183. The use of the plural form is intriguing as it suggests theritual involved more than the presentation of a Tobosan ring. 55 The likelihood of such a scenario is increased by knowing that Keith fulfilled asimilar role vis-a-vis introducing Freemasonry into Russia soon afterwards. Keithwas appointed Provincial Grand Master of Russia in 1740 by the Grand Lodge ofEngland in London. See A. G. Cross, ‘Anglo-Russian Masonic Contacts in the Reign ofCatherine the Great’, in A. Önnerfors and R. Collis (eds.), Freemasonry and Fraternalismin Eighteenth-Century Russia (Sheffield: Centre for Research into Freemasonry andFraternalism, 2009), pp. 88-9. It has been claimed, without proof, that he becamethe Worshipful Master of a lodge in St. Petersburg at some point between 1732 and1734. See H. Schletter, ‘Studien zur Geschichte der Freimaurerei in Russland’,Latomia: Friemaurerische Vierteljahrs-schrift, vol. 21 (1862), p. 114. 56 On Liria’s dual mission to Russia as Spanish Ambassador and as a Jacobite agent between 1727 and 1730, see Wills, The Jacobites and Russia, pp. 129-40.57 Statutes of the Ordre des Antisobres, Archives du ministère des affairesétrangères, Paris, Correspondence politique. Russie, Supplement 4, ff. 3-6v. For an

analysis of the Ordre des Antisobres, see I. Fediukin, R. Collis and E. A. Zitser,‘Drinking Diplomacy: The St. Petersburg Ordre des Antisobres and Fraternal CultureDuring the Reign of Emperor Peter II’, (unpublished article, forthcoming in 2014). 58 See Sankey, ‘Hay, John of Cromlix’; Corp, The Stuarts in Italy, p.357.59 Frazer, The Red Book of Grandtully, vol. 2, p. 485.60 Letter from Francis Atterbury to John Hay, Lord Inverness, February 1732, inLord Mahon, History of England from the Peace of Utrecht to the Peace of Aix-La-Chappelle, vol. 3(London: John Murray, 1837), Appendix, p. l.61 See Corp, The Stuarts in Italy, pp. 323-34.62 Stuart Papers 169/181; NAS, GD24/1/944, No. 24. Also see Tenth Report, pp. 184-5.63 Tenth Report, p. 184.64 Tenth Report, p. 184.65 Murray was an MP for Dumfriesshire between 1711 and 1713. On his parliamentarycareer see D. W. Hayton, ‘Murray, Hon. James (c. 1690-1770)’, The History of Parliamentat http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1690-1715/member/murray-hon-james-1690-1770 [accessed 1 September 2013].66 Hamilton refers to Dunbar’s ‘brother attorney Antonio Broggi Crim Tartaro’. SeeTenth Report, p. 184. Broggi was the Fiscal General and a consultant and criminallawyer of the Holy Office in Rome between 1734 and 1737. See Notizie per l’anno 1734(Rome, 1734), p. 160, p. 213.67 Tenth Report, p. 184.68 Tenth Report, p. 185.69 See George Keith to James Keith, 30 October 1732 in Ninth Report of The Royal Commissionon Historical Manuscripts, Part II. Appendix and Index (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1884), p.222.70 Corp, The Stuarts in Italy, p. 323.71 Ezekiel Hamilton to James Stuart, 6 May 1734, Stuart Papers, 170/47. In thisletter to James, Hamilton wrote ‘For some years past […] I consider’d that the twomost contemptible Lords that ever were or now are in the world were the great andperhaps the only obstacles to the King’s restoration’. On 7 March 1733 BrinleySkinner, the British consult in Florence, wrote a dispatch in which he mentionedthat Hamilton had presented a paper to James Stuart against Dunbar. See NA, StatePapers, 98/34. 72 See Stosch to Newcastle, 14 March 1733, NA, State Papers, 98/32/f. 508. Also seeCorp, The Stuarts in Italy, p. 325.73 Stuart Papers, 142/114, undated. Dunbar wrote that Hamilton appeared at thePalazzo del Re on 8 November 1733 and ‘sent to notify to all His Majesty’sProtestant servants that he was there’. According to Dunbar, ‘finding that none ofthem appeared, being scandalized to the last degree at his behaviour, and havingremained there for the space of two hours all alone, he thought fit to retire’.74 Ezekiel Hamilton to James Edgar, 7 January 1734, Stuart Papers, 167/92.75 Ezekiel Hamilton to James Edgar, 14 March 1734, Stuart Papers, 168/199.76 Ezekiel Hamilton to James Edgar, Stuart Papers, 169/109.77 Ezekiel Hamilton to James Stuart, 11 April 1734, Stuart Papers, 169/111.78 Ezekiel Hamilton to James Edgar, 15 April 1734, Stuart Papers, 169/146.

79 James Stuart to Daniel O’ Brien, 21 April 1734, Stuart Papers, 169/77; Stosch toNewcastle, NA, State Papers, 98/37/f. 85. Also see Corp, The Stuarts in Italy, p. 326.80 The Governor of Rome and James Edgar to Ezekiel Hamilton, 19 April 1734, StuartPapers, 169/162. In this letter Edgar remarks: ‘You cannot surely imagine that youwill be allow’d to remain at the Gates of Rome after having been banished the cityby the authority of the Government for your disrespectful behaviour towards JM’.81 Hamilton’s father, James (1638- c. 1685), had been Archdeacon of Raphoe and wasalso chaplain to Richard Butler, 1st Earl of Arran (1639-1685/6). See The Manuscriptsof the Marquis of Ormonde, preserved at the Castle, Kilkenny, vol. 1 (London: Her Majesty’sStationery Office, 1895), p. 33; G. Downham, ‘The Estate of the Diocese of Derry’,Ulster Journal of Archaeology, vol. 1 (1895), p. 246. His elder brothers Andrew (1669-1753)and William (d. 1729) became archdeacons of Raphoe and Armagh respectively. On theclerical careers of Andrew and William Hamilton, see T. Barnard, A New Anatomy ofIreland: The Irish Protestants, 1649-1770 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004), pp. 92-6.On Andrew Hamilton hosting James II at Montgevlin Castle (the family home) duringthe Siege of Derry, see The Dublin Penny Journal, vol. 4 (1836), p. 240. EzekielHamilton’s will (drawn up in Liege on 3 September 1752) names three of thesurviving children of Andrew Hamilton—Sarah, John and Henry Hamilton—asbeneficiaries (and the latter also as an executor). See the will of EzekielHamilton, NA, Public Record Office, Prob 11/803. On the Hamilton family in general,see G. E. Cockayne, Complete Baronetage, vol. 5 (Exeter: William Pollard & Co. Ltd,1906), p. 382.82 Ezekiel is listed as having graduated from Trinity College Dublin in 1703. He isalso listed as being elected a scholar in 1701. See A Catalogue of Graduates who haveproceeded to degrees in the University of Dublin (Dublin: Smith and Foster, 1869), p. 246. Onhis career as a chaplain in the military, see W. A. Shaw and F. H. Slingsby (eds.),Calendar of Treasury Books: preserved in the Public Record Office, January-December 1713, vol. 27(London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1955), p. 211. He had also establishedregular correspondence with Rev. Arthur Charlett (1655-1722), the Master ofUniversity College Oxford. See Ezekiel Hamilton to Arthur Charlett, 12 May 1713, 21May 1713 and 6 June 1713, Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Ballard 36, fols. 111, 113,115.83 Calendar of the Stuart Papers, vol. 1, p. lxxix, p. lxxx, p. 421; Calendar of the StuartPapers, vol. 2 (1904), p. xi, p. xiii, p. 73, Calendar of the Stuart Papers, vol. 5 (1912),p. lxiii, p. xlvii, p. lxxiv. 84 Ezekiel Hamilton’s name appears on a list of ‘His Majesty’s Subjects’ earmarkedto travel from Avignon to Italy when the court relocated in 1717. See StuartPapers, 17/55. Also see E. Corp, The Jacobites at Urbino: An Exiled Court in Transition(Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), p. 19, p. 147, p. 159, fn. 10.85 See Calendar of Stuart Papers, vol. 4 (1907), p. 346. On Hamilton’s involvement in theattempted Spanish-Jacobite invasion plan of 1719, which was overseen by the Duke ofOrmonde, see James Butler, 2nd Duke of Ormonde, The Jacobite Attempt of 1719, ed. W. K.Dickson (Edinburgh: T. and A. Constable, 1895), passim. In March and April 1719,Hamilton also undertook a mission to England and Wales, travelling to London,before setting out for Milford Haven, where he hired a ship. See ‘A List of Z.Hamilton’s Journeys for which he asks expenses’, Stuart Papers, 171/142. 86 Hamilton fired an opening salvo in his attack on Dunbar on 3 May 1734, when hewrote the following to the latter: ‘Tell it not in Gath, publish it not in the

streets of Ashkelon, that James Murray E. of Dumbar went in the 19th of Aprilbetween the Hours of Three and Four to the SubGovernour of Rome who is a RomishPriest to solicit him to pass a sentence of Banishment against Mr Ezekiel Hamilton[…]This little Animaversion is but a sample of what This Famous Lecherer may expectif he does not soon mend his manners’. See Ezekiel Hamilton to James Murray, 3 May1734, Stuart Papers, 170/32.87 Ezekiel Hamilton to Doctor Robert Wright, 5 May 1734, Stuart Papers, 170/39.Interestingly, Hamilton states that Wright has ‘an Honourable Employment’ in theOrder of Toboso, but that he is ‘neither a Knight nor Squire’. Most likely, Wrightfulfilled the role of physician in the Order, as did James Hawley in Spa. It isalso significant that, as with his letter of 21 April, Hamilton explicitly refersto knights and squires, thereby revealing a distinct hierarchical structure with theOrder. No known Tobosans are explicitly referred to as squires, but it is probablethat non-noble members (with the exception of Hamilton) were initiated within thisrank. On Robert Wright’s career as a physician to James Stuart between 1729 and1752, see Corp, The Stuarts in Italy, p. 357.88 Hamilton to Wright, Stuart Papers, 170/39.89 For the original handwritten copy of Dunbar’s response, see Stuart Papers,169/180. On Nathaniel Mist as a Jacobite printer, see P. Chapman, ‘Mist, Nathaniel(d. 1737)’, ODNB at http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/18822 [accessed 2September 2013]. The author of this entry mistakenly attributes the target ofDunbar’s attack as Charles Hamilton. 90 In 1737 Ezekiel Hamilton came into possession of the letter sent by Dunbar toMist and forwarded copies to James Stuart, as well as several allies. For a fullreproduction of the letter, see Tenth Report, p. 494.91 J. Murray, Earl of Dunbar, Some Observations made by the Earl of Dunbar, on a paper latelypublished by Mr. Ezekiel Hamilton, who tho’ a Clergyman in Holy Orders, has thought fit to declare himselfSuccessor to Don Quixote, by assuming the grotesque Title of Grand Master of the Order of Toboso, and underthat Name to publish his Calumnies against the said Earl in an infamous Libel, of which here follows an exactcopy (London, 1734).92 Murray, Some Observations, p. 3.93 Murray, Some Observations, p. 3.94 Murray, Some Observations, p. 5. Baron Stosch corroborates Hamilton’s accusation bynoting in a dispatch to the Duke of Newcastle that Murray visited the Governor of Rome on 19 April. See NA, State Papers, 98/37/ f. 85.95 Murray, Some Observations, pp. 7-8. Dunbar is here referring to two letters sentby Hamilton to Charles and Clementina Stuart respectively. For Hamilton’s letter toCharles Stuart, dated 6 May 1734, see Stuart Papers 170/43. Herein Hamilton wrote:‘I hope to sometime or other to have the Honour of clearing myself to your RoyalHighness of all the false and injurious things which have been laid to my charge,and when your Royal Highness will be of an age to oppose the evil designs of theking’s wicked councillors who endeavour to blast all hopes of restoring the king,and consequently to deprive your Royal Highness of the succession’. On the same dayHamilton also wrote to Henry Stuart. See Stuart Papers, 170/46. For an allusion toHamilton’s letter to Clementina, see James Stuart’s letter to the Duke of Ormonde,from 29 September 1734. James wrote to Ormonde expressing his displeasure atHamilton’s general conduct and specifically in relation to the content of two

letters to Charles and Clementina: ‘I am sure I have none [favourable opinions] toMr. Hamilton at present. For notwithstanding what he may have said to you inrelation to his future conduct, by what he has writ since to Edgar and me, hesticks to his two letters to the Queen and the Prince as not being undutyfull anddisrespectfull to me; so that he appears no ways disposed to alter his way ofthinking, which is indeed at present of very little consequence but to himself’.See Fifteenth Report, Appendix, Part I: The Manuscripts of J. Eliot Hodgkin, Esq., F.S.A. of Richmond Surrey(London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1897), p. 244.96 No exact date for Hamilton’s arrival in Paris is known, but on 1 September 1734 he wrote to James Stuart from the French capital having some days previously received a copy of Dunbar’s paper against him. See Ezekiel Hamilton to James Stuart, 1 September 1734, Stuart Papers, 173/7.97 Hamilton to James Stuart, Stuart Papers, 173/7.98 Ezekiel Hamilton to James Edgar, undated, Stuart Papers, 173/37.99 Hamilton to Edgar, Stuart Papers, 173/37.100 Ezekiel Hamilton to James Stuart, undated, Stuart Papers, 173/182.101 Hamilton to James Stuart, Stuart Papers, 173/182.102 Ezekiel Hamilton to James Stuart, 11 June 1737, Tenth Report, pp. 493-4.103 ‘The Sentiments of several of the K[ing]s Friends on the Letter of Dumbar toMist’, in Tenth Report, pp. 494-5.104 Tenth Report, p. 495.105 Ezekiel Hamilton to George Kelly, 22 April 1738, Tenth Report, p. 518.106 On 22 April 1736 a correspondent in Avignon wrote the following to Robert, LordSempill (1672-1737) in Paris: ‘The Great Master is arrived by whom I have thepleasure to know that he left you well in Paris […] The G. Master gives not a verypleasing prospect of things, and fears […] that this last steps of In[verness] willdo infinite préjudice’. See Archives Affaires Etrangères, Paris, Angleterre, vol.84, ff. 158-9. The reference to Inverness refers to his return to Rome fromAvignon. 107 Sylvester Lloyd to George Waters, August 1736, Stuart Papers, 192/98. Also seeP. Fagan, An Irish Bishop in Penal Times: The Chequered Career of Sylvester Lloyd, OFM (Dublin: FourCourts, 1993), p. 145. Thanks to Marsha Keith Schuchard for drawing my attention toLloyd’s letter.108 On self-fashioning as a self-conscious process of fashioning human identity,which is understood as being malleable, see S. Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning:From More to Shakespeare, 2nd ed. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2005), p.2. 109 This martial outlook helps to explain Hamilton’s interest in the art of war.See, for example, the following: ‘My Chief Study at present is Tacticks and I amendeavouring to revive the Antient Use of Balistas and Catapulta in the Art of War:They doe more execution than Great Gunns, and don’t make so great a Noise’. SeeEzekiel Hamilton to Richard Liddell, undated, in Tenth Report, p. 488. Hamilton’swillingness to take up arms is also evident in a letter to James Stuart, in whichhe expresses that ‘I will never see any of them [the Three Kingdoms] until thesword is drawn in order to restore your Majesty’. See Ezekiel Hamilton to JamesStuart, 14 March 1734, Stuart Papers, 168/200.

110 Ezekiel Hamilton to Alexander Hay, 25 June 1737. In Tenth Report, p. 502.111 Ezekiel Hamilton to Robert, Lord Sempill, 15 November 1736, Tenth Report, p. 463.112 The letter sent to Sempill from Avignon on 22 April 1736 (see note 106 above),in which Hamilton is called the Great Master, suggests that the former was alreadya Tobosan by the spring of this year at the latest.113 On the close relationship between Sempill and Atterbury, see J. H. Glover,‘Preface’, in Francis Atterbury, Letters of Francis Atterbury Bishop of Rochester to the Chevalier deSt. George and some of the Adherents of the House of Stuart, ed. W. N. Wright, vol. 1 (London: W.N. Wright, 1847), p. i-lxiv.114 See Murdoch, ‘Tilting at Windmills’, p. 247; Collis, ‘The Order of Toboso’, pp.152-5.115 Mary Caryll (neé) Mackenzie, married Francis Sempill at some point before 1730after the death of her first husband, John Caryll, in 1718. On the Carylls’ livingin rue de l’Estrapade, see, H. D. Gordon, The History of Harting, (London: W. Davy &Son, 1877), p. 146. On the Sempill household on the rue de l’Estradpade, see H.Douglas, ‘Sempill, Francis, Jacobite second Lord Sempill (d. 1748)’, ODNB athttp://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/65473 [accessed 4 September 2013].116 The Caryll family hailed from West Harting in Sussex and were one of the mostprominent Catholic families in the south of England. For more on the Caryll family,see Gordon, The History of Harting, pp. 103-204; M. de Trenqualéon, West-Grinstead et LesCaryll, vol. 2 (Paris: M. Torré, 1893). On John, 1st Baron Caryll of Durford (bap.1626-1711), a poet and important Jacobite minister and diplomat, see H. Erskine-Hill, ‘John, First Lord Caryll of Durford, and the Caryll Papers’, in E.Cruickshanks and E. Corp (eds.), The Stuart Court in Exile and the Jacobites (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 73-90; H. Erskine-Hill, ‘Caryll, John,Jacobite first Baron Caryll of Durford (bap. 1626- d. 1711), ODNB athttp://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/4847 [accessed 5 September 2013]. On John,2nd Baron Caryll of Durford (1667-1736), who was a close friend of Alexander Pope,see H. Erskine-Hill, ‘Caryll, John, Jacobite second Baron Caryll of Durford (1667-1736)’, ODNB at http://www.oxforddnb.com/index/101004848/John-Caryll [accessed 5September 2013]. 117 On chivalry and the role of protectresses in Jacobite and Tory societies, see R.Collis, ‘Chivalric Muses: The Role and Influence of Protectresses in Eighteenth-Century Jacobite Fraternities’, in Máire Cross (ed.), Gender and Fraternal Orders in Europe, 1300-2000 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), pp. 102-32.118 In August 1732 Miss Penelope Stonhouse (1706-1734), the daughter of Sir JohnStonhouse of Radley, the Tory M.P. for Berkshire between 1701 and 1733, became thefirst known patroness of the High Borlace. See C. Wordsworth, Social Life at the EnglishUniversities in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Deighton, Bell, and Co., 1874), p. 154. Onthe High Borlace, also see T. Hearne, Reliquiae Hearnianae: The Remains of Thomas Hearne,ed. P. Bliss, vol. 3 (London: John Russell Smith, 1869), p. 103; W. C. Borlase, TheDescent, Name and Arms of Borlase of Borlase in the County of Cornwall (London: George Bell & Sons,1888), pp. 68-70.119 Ezekiel Hamilton to Elizabeth Caryll, 15 November 1736, in Tenth Report, p. 462.120 N. Saul, Chivalry in Medieval England (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011), p. 269.121 D.G to Ezekiel Hamilton, 15 February 1737, in Tenth Report, p. 472.

122 Ezekiel Hamilton to Patrick Briscow, 26 March 1738, Tenth Report, p. 516-7. Theidentity of the Lady in Surrey Street is not known.123 F. Atterbury, Memoirs and Correspondence of Francis Atterbury, D.D., Bishop of Rochester, ed. F.Williams, 2 vols (London: William H. Allen & Co., 1869), vol. 2, pp. 359-60.124 On Sempill’s work for Atterbury, see D. Szechi, The Jacobites: Britain and Europe, 1688-1788 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1994), pp. 94-5.125 On Francis Sempill’s role in the planned French invasion of England in 1744, seeF. McLynn, Bonnie Prince Charlie: Charles Edward Stuart (London: Pimlico, 2003), pp. 77-8, p.90.126 For documents relating to the Oak Society, see British Library, London, CaryllPapers, Add. MSS 28, 249, fols. 308-97. Caryll ran the pro-Jacobite newspaper TheTrue Briton between 1751 and 1753 and was a member of the Independent Electors ofWestminster, which was active between 1741 and 1763, and was principally composedof Tories and Jacobites. He also went to England in 1769 in order to secure fundsfor Charles. In the same year he began sending ‘sensible advice’ to Charles Stuartin regards to reinvigorating the Jacobite cause. Furthermore, between 1772 and1777, Caryll was Charles Stuart’s Secretary of State in Rome. See J. C. D. Clark,Samuel Johnson: Literature, Religion and English Cultural Politics from the Restoration to Romanticism(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 201; P. K. Monod, Jacobitism and theEnglish People, 1688-1788 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. 88, p. 285;F. P. Lole, A Digest of the Jacobite Clubs (London: The Royal Stuart Society, 1999), pp.73-4.127 On the female membership of the Oak Society, see Monod, Jacobitism and the EnglishPeople, p. 83; Collis, ‘Chivalric Muses’, p. 111.128 Ezekiel Hamilton to Sir Redmond Everard, 31 January 1737 in, Tenth Report, p. 470.Everard had family ties to the Duke of Ormonde and served as a member of the IrishParliament as a representative for Kilkenny City between 1711-1713 and Fethardbetween 1713-14. For more on Everard, see Rev. J. Everard, ‘Everard’s Castle, NowBurntcourt Castle, Near Cahir, County Tipperary’, The Journal of the Royal Society ofAntiquaries of Ireland, vol. 37 (1907), pp. 80-3. For a report of the return of Everard’scorpse to Fethard in County Tipperary, see Daily Post, 3 July 1742. Regarding therings, it is possible that they were commissioned in Liege in the autumn of 1736.On 15 October 1736, the Duke of Ormonde wrote to Hamilton in Leiden and stated ‘Iscaned the paper that mentions the submission that the Liege Munitions were oblig’dto make by order of the Chapter’. The Chapter in question could well be a referenceto the Order of Toboso. Furthermore, the submission to Liege Munitions may not havebeen concerned with rings, but with (ceremonial) weaponry consistent with themilitary outlook of the Order. See the Duke of Ormonde to Ezekiel Hamilton, 15October 1736 in, Tenth Report, p. 458. 129 Everard, ‘Everard’s Castle’, p. 81. Both Everard and Robert Sempill were namedin a list of conspirators in the aftermath of the Atterbury Plot. See ‘A List ofConspirators, concern’d in the lat Plot’, Weekly Journal or British Gazetteer, 23 March1723.130 On 8 April 1732, Hamilton wrote to James Stuart regarding Daniel O’ Brien’sattempt to claim Atterbury’s papers after his death, despite the bishop expresslyentrusting Lord Sempill to pass them on to Mr. Morice, his son-in-law. Hamilton isappalled at O’Brien’s behaviour and praises Atterbury as having been ‘a great

Bishop who was a faithful subject to the King’. See Ezekiel Hamilton to JamesStuart, 8 April 1732, in Atterbury, Letters of Francis Atterbury, vol. 1, p. lviii.131 Hamilton corresponded with Hawley during his journey through France to the LowCountries. On 15 April 1737, for example, Hamilton wrote to Hawley, who hadrecently left Aix-en-Provence. On 27 October 1737, Hawley wrote to Hamilton fromBrentford. See Tenth Report, p. 483, p. 504. Hawley completed his doctorate inmedicine in the autumn of 1737 at St. Mary Hall, Oxford. See J. Foster (ed.),Alumni Oxonienses: The Members of the University of Oxford, 2 vols. (Oxford: James Parker,1891), vol. 2, p. 631.132 On Hawley’s medical career, which included being elected physician atWestminster Hospital in 1739, where he worked until 1750, see W. Munk, The Roll of theRoyal College of Physicians of London, 11 vols. (London: The Royal College of Physicians,1878), vol. 2, p. 144. Hawley was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society on 1 May1740. 133 On 21 June 1737, Hawley wrote to Hamilton from Paris in regard to an upcomingtrip to Spa and wrote the following: ‘I cannot positively say what Day I shall setout on the Journey which We made together last Year’. See J[ames] H[awley] toEzekiel Hamilton, 21 June 1737, in Tenth Report, p. 500.134 Richard Liddell transferred the estate of Wakehurst Place to his youngerbrother, Charles, around the time he was on trial in 1730 for carrying on a‘criminal correspondence’ (adultery) with the wife of Lord Abergavenny. On losingthe trial, Richard went to the Continent. In December 1733 he is known to have beenresident in Brussels. See The whole tryal of Richard Lyddel, Esq; at His Majesty's Court of Common-Pleas (London, 1730); The Earl of Aylesbury to Lord Bruce, 2 December 1733, inFifteenth Report, Appendix, Part 7 (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1898), p.235. On 17 January 1748, Charles Liddell named James Hawley as a trustee in hiswill. See West Sussex Record Office, Chichester, Wakehurst Place Archives, No. 15.In January 1737 Charles Liddell wrote to Hamilton and informed himthat his brother and Hawley were en route to Marseilles.135 C[harles] L[iddell] to Ezekiel Hamilton, 30 January 1737, in Tenth Report, pp. 471-472. Hamilton corresponded with both Richard Liddell and James Hawley during 1737,whilst they travelled northwards through France. See, for example, Ezekiel Hamiltonto Richard Liddell, undated, in, Tenth Report, p. 488. The letter, though undated,was evidently written during the spring of 1737. Also see J[ames] H[awley] toEzekiel Hamilton, 21 June 1737, in, Tenth Report, p. 500.136 D. G. to Ezekiel Hamilton, 15 February 1737, in, Tenth Report, p. 472.137 Little is known about Patrick Briscow. He is named as an executor and trustee inHamilton’s will and as being from Lincolnshire. See the will of Ezekiel Hamilton,NA, Public Record Office, Prob 11/803.138 Ezekiel Hamilton to Patrick Briscow, 26 March 1738, in, Tenth Report, pp. 516-7. 139 At the time London was home to various Rainbow Coffee Houses and it isimpossible to say which one is being referred to in Hamilton’s letter. The oldest,dating from 1657, was located near the Inner Temple Gates off Fleet Street. ARainbow Coffee House at Lancaster Court, off St. Martin’s Lane, was famous as ameeting place of a circle of Huguenot intellectuals. Other Rainbow Coffee Housesthat traded in the first half of the eighteenth century in London were located onHoxton Square; Cornhill; Snow Hill in Holborn; Ironmonger Lane in Cheapside; Fleet

Ditch (or Market) on Ludgate Hill and in the Fullwood’s Rents in Holborn. For moreon the original Rainbow Coffee House, see J. Timbs, Clubs and Club Life in London (London:John Camden Hotten, 1872), pp. 280-3. On the intellectual milieu of the RainbowCoffee House at Lancaster Court, see S. Harvey and E. Grist, ‘The Rainbow CoffeeHouse and the Exchange of Ideas in Early Eigtheenth-century England’, in A. Dunan-Page, The Religious Culture of the Huguenots, 1660-1750 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), pp. 163-72.For contemporary references to other Rainbow Coffee Houses, see Post Man and theHistorical Account, 3-5 January 1710; Daily Journal, 23 August 1727; Daily Journal, 16November, 1733; London Daily Post and General Advertiser, 10 November 1735; Old Whig or theConsistent Protestant, 27 November 1735; Daily Post, 9 February 1738; Daily Post, 10 August1738.140 Walter Price (also Pryse and Pryce) (1670-after 1743) was a Jacobite agent andprominent London official in the 1720s and 1730s. He hailed from Painswick inGloucestershire, although his ancestral roots were in Gogarthen in Cardiganshire.On 17 January 1716 Price was admitted to the Honourable Society of Lincoln’s Inn.From 1722 he served as under-sheriff for London and Middlesex. In 1723, theJacobite conspirator Christopher Layer (1683-1723) wrote to Price immediately priorto his execution for high treason. In the 1730s Price was also a governor on theboard of the Bridewell Royal, Bethlem and St. Bartholomew’s hospitals. In November1734, Price was elected governor of the Company of Mine-Adventurers of England. SeeA List of the Governors of St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, London (London, 1730?), p.5; London EveningPost, 30 November 1731; London Evening Post, 14-16 November, 1734. Price also acted asan agent for the Duke of Wharton in the 1720s. For correspondence between Whartonand Price, see Stuart Papers, 91/62; Duke of Wharton to Walter Price, 13 July 1728,in Tenth Report, p. 241. 141 Ezekiel Hamilton to Captain John Urquhart, 31 October 1736, in, Tenth Report, p.459. The Child family were Jacobite sympathisers and financial supporters. Thereare three possible candidates for being the Mr. Child in question, all of whom werewell-acquainted with Walter Price. The most notable member of the family was SirFrancis Child (c. 1684-1740), who was alderman (1721), sheriff (1722-3) and mayorof London (1731-2), as well as being an MP for London (1722-7) and Middlesex (1727-40). He was also head of the banking house Francis Child Company, which wasestablished by his father. However, as Hamilton referred to ‘Mr. Child’, it is lesslikely to have been a reference to Sir Francis. His brother, Samuel (1693-1752) wasa partner in the family banking company, as well as being a governor of BridewellRoyal and Bethlem hospitals and a director of the Company of Mine-Adventurers inEngland. John Child was a relative of the Child brothers. He became a DeputyAlderman in 1728, as well as being a director of the Company of Mine-Adventurers ofEngland and the Bridewell Royal and Bethlem hospitals. On Francis Child, see E.Cruickshanks, ‘Child, Francis (c. 1684-1740), of the Marygold, by Temple Bar, andOsterly Pk., Mdx’, The History of Parliament athttp://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1715-1754/member/child-francis-1684-1740 [accessed 12 September 2013]. On Samuel Child, see J. B. Lawson, ‘Child,Samuel (1693-1752), of Osterley Park, Mdx.’, The History of Parliament athttp://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1715-1754/member/child-samuel-1693-1752 [accessed 12 September 2013]. On John Child, see See London Evening Post, 19-22October 1728; London Evening Post, 11-14 November 1732. On the Child family ingeneral, see F. G. H. Price, The Marygold by Temple Bar (London: Bernard Quaritch,1902). On Francis Child as a Jacobite financial backer, see Stuart Papers, 60/144;

E. Cruickshanks and H. Erskine-Hill, The Atterbury Plot (Basingstoke: PalgraveMacmillan, 2004), p. 136, p. 138. 142 Hamilton was also in contact with the family of Humphry Parsons, who resided inParis for long periods during the 1730s. Parsons was a Jacobite brewer and servedas an alderman, sheriff and twice as Lord Mayor (1730 and 1740) in London. OnHamilton’s acquaintance with the Parsons in Paris, see Tenth Report, p. 501, p. 517.On Parsons, see C. Welch, ‘Parsons, Humphrey (c. 1676-1741)’, ODNB athttp://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/21460 [accessed 9 September 2013].143 Hamilton to Briscow, Tenth Report, p. 517.144 Hamilton to Briscow, Tenth Report, p. 516.