Theme II Indian Political System - eGyanKosh

Theme IIIndian Political System

Time LinePolitical Formations on the Eve of Babur’s Invasion

Timurid AntecedentsCental Asia and Babur

Foundation of Mughal Rule in IndiaIndia of Babur’s Time

HumayunSur Interregnuum

Mughal Warfares and AlliancesAutonomous Chieftains

The Nayaks

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Indian Political System

Battle of Panipat, 1526, A Folio from Baburnama; Late 16th Century,Photograph Source: http://art.thewalters.org/detail/14445/the-battle-of-panipat/http://www.oldindianarts.in/2011/10/illustrations-from-manuscript-of.htmlSource:https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: The_ battle_o f_ Panipat_ and_the _death_of_ Sultan_Ibr%C4%81h%C4%ABm,_the_last_of_the_L%C5%8Dd%C4%AB_Sultans_of_Delhi.jpg

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Regional and LocalPolitiesUNIT 3 REGIONAL AND LOCAL POLITIES *

Structure

3.0 Objectives

3.1 Introduction

3.2 Political Formations on the Eve of Babur’s Invasion

3.2.1 Principalities around Delhi and Agra

3.2.2 Northwest India

3.2.3 Western and Central India

3.2.4 Eastern India

3.2.5 Deccan and South India

3.3 Rushbrook Williams on Political Formations on the eve of Babur’s Invasion

3.4 Critique of Rushbrook Williams

3.5 Summary

3.6 Keywords

3.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

3.8 Suggested Readings

3.9 Instructional Video Recommendations

3.0 OBJECTIVESAfter going through this Unit, you should be able to:

• know the political formations on the eve of Babur’s invasion,

• examine Rushbrook Williams’s analysis on the political formations on theeve of Babur’s invasion, and

• evaluate and assess the critique of Rushbrook Williams’s understanding ofthe political formations on the eve of Babur’s invasion.

3.1 INTRODUCTIONIn our Course BHIC-107, we have discussed that with the decline of the Tughlaqpower, Sultanate started showing signs of disintegration. Timur’s onslaught in1398 exposed the weakness of the Sultanate. The succeeding Saiyyid (1414-1451)and Lodi (1451-1526) rulers lacked the foresight to keep the disintegrating forcesin check. The Sultanate was marred with rebellions and revolts. Daulat Khan Lodirevolted in Punjab and even sent an invitation to Babur to invade Hindustan.Alauddin Khan Lodi and Farmuli nobles also turned against Ibrahim. One of thecontributory factors towards the emergence of a number of Afghan foci was alsoprobably inherent in Afghan polity, what Abbas Khan Sarwani explicitly underlines,

*Prof. Abha Singh, School of Social Sciences, Indira Gandhi National Open University,New Delhi

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Indian Political System ‘God in his goodness has granted the kingdom of Delhi to the Afghans…whateverbe conquered shall be shared with us.’ This idea of ‘first among equals’ despiteSikandar Lodi’s attempt to centralise, could hardly alter the inherent nature of theAfghan polity. These prominent Afghan nobles were at liberty to create new jagirsand zamindaris of their own without the permission of the Sultan. Thus, practicallyeach prominent Afghan noble served as an independent Lord in his jurisdiction.Despite the prevalent idea of being equal, the idea of ‘privileged’ and ‘favoured’was very much dominant. The favoured clans within the Afghans were Lodis,Sarwanis, Lohanis and Farmulis (Shaikhzadas of Ghazni); while tribes like Sursand Kakkars were completely ignored, even Niazis were looked down upon asimpolite and uncouth. However, in spite of the dominant Afghan nobility, otherelements of non-Afghan origin were equally co-opted by the Lodis, particularlythe non-Muslims and the Rajputs.

We have already discussed the emergence of new kingdoms in the fifteenth centuryin our Course BHIC-107. Here, our purpose is to look into the interests of regionalkingdoms/local powers groups operating in the sixteenth century on the eve of Babur’sinvasion. Further, we would also be revisiting Rushbrook Williams’s analysis of thepolitical formations in the subcontinent on the eve of Babur’s invasion.

3.2 POLITICAL FORMATIONS ON THE EVE OFBABUR’S INVASION

On the eve of Babur’s invasion, Indian polity was completely fragmented.According to Ishwari Prasad, ‘India was a congeries of states at the opening of thesixteenth century and likely to be the easy prey of an invader who had the strengthand will to attempt her conquest.’

3.2.1 Principalities Around Delhi and AgraOn the eve of Babur’s invasion there were numerous Afghan chieftaincies workingalmost independently of the Lodi Sultanante around Agra and Delhi, which werenot only powers to reckon with, but were also capable of tilting the balance ofpower in favour of one or the other groups. Waqiat-i Mushtaqui provides a graphicaccount of the disintegrative Afghan polity and the presence of its multi-foci:

One half of the whole country was assigned in jagir to the Farmulis, and theother half to other Afghan tribes. At this time the Lohanis and Farmulispredominated. The districts of Saran and Champaran were held by Mian Husain;Oudh, Ambala and Hodhna by Mian Muhammad Kala Pahar; Kanauj by MianGadai; Shamsabad, Thanesar and Shahabad by Mian Imad; Marahra by TatarKhan, brother of Mian; and Hariana, Desua, and other detached parganas byKhwajagi Shaikh Said.

The chief of the Sarwanis was Azam Humayun, and the principal chieftains ofthe Lodis were four: Mahmud Khan, who had Kalpi in jagir; Mian Alam, towhom Etawah and Chandwa were assigned; Mubarak Khan whose jagir wasLucknow; and Daulat Khan Lodi who held Lahore. Among the Sahu-Khails , thechiefs were Husain Khan and Khan Jahan, both from the same ancestor as SultanBahlol; Husain Khan, son of Firoz Khan, and Qutb Khan Lodi Sahu-Khail.

Some kept great establishments, Azam Humayun, Jagirdar of Kara, used tobuy 200 copies of the Quran every year, had 45,000 horses under his command,

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Regional and LocalPolities

and 700 elephants. Among those of lesser note, were Daulat Khan, who had4000 cavalry; Ali Khan Ushe, who had 4000 also; Firoz Khan Sarwani, whohad 6000. Among other nobles, there were 25,000 more distributed. AhmadKhan also, the son of Jumal Khan Lodi Sarang Khani, when he was appointedto Jaunpur, had 20,000 cavalry under him.

Intrigues dominated following the death of Sikandar Lodi (1517). The leader ofthe intrigues was one of the most prominent Afghan nobles, Azam HumayunSarwani. It was reported that Azam Humayun had facilitated the escape of princeJalal Khan (brother of Ibrahim Lodi) to Gwalior at the time of the clashes betweenthe Afghan groups following Sikandar’s death, which resulted in the imprisonmentof Azam Humayun Sarwani. This act of Ibrahim further complicated the situation.Islam Khan, son of Azam Humayun Sarwani, raised the banner of revolt againstIbrahim and captured Agra. Ibrahim’s position became further vulnerable whenthe act of Ibrahim was condemned and other dominant Afghan nobles, like AzamHumayun Lodi (muqta of Kara) and Said Khan Yusuf Khail Lodi (muqta ofLucknow), demanded the release of Azam Humayun Sarwani. Though Ibrahimsuccessfully pushed back the designs of Islam Khan and later executed him, at thesame time Azam Humayun Sarwani also died/killed in prison. Thus, the sternnessof Ibrahim’s policy, instead of winning over the prominent Afghan nobles, furtheraggravated the feelings of dissension among the Afghan nobility against Ibrahim.This cost the Afghan Sultanate heavily. Shaikh Husain (muqta of Saran andChamparan), and Mian Ma’aruf Farmuli (muqta of Oudh) also deserted Ibrahimand joined the Rajput camp, putting Ibrahim almost on the brink of an imminentdefeat at the hands of the Rajputs. Mian Bhua, one of the most experienced andrespected Afghan nobles of Sikandar, with whom Ibrahim shared his fatherlyaffection, was also not spared and was sacked, replaced by his son, and finally putto death. Waqiat-i Mushtaqui records that Ibrahim put many prominent noblesinto prison: Fath Khan, son of Azam Humayun Sarwani, Said Khan Lodi andKabir Khan Lodi. He even blames that Ibrahim intended to put the son of DaulatKhan Lodi (Dilawar Khan) in prison, but he fled. Waqiat-i Mushtaqui blamesIbrahim for estranging the prominent nobles. ‘Said Khan Lodi, Khan-i Jahan Lodi,Mian Husain Farmuli, and Mian Ma’aruf Farmuli became apprehensive abouttheir future; they united and organised themselves in the eastern vilayets andrebelled against the Sultan. The Sultan also turned hostile to Masnad-i Ali DariyaKhan, the wazir who was posted in Bihar.’ Ibrahim’s such acts of highhandednessand no attempts to win over the old influential Afghan nobles estranged theprominent nobles from him and either they rebelled or in need they withdrew theirsupport and often rallied around his opponents to add to his miseries.

The most prominent among them was the Afghan chieftain of Mewat, Hasan KhanMewati. Bayana was controlled by the powerful Afghan chieftain Nizam Khan. Gwalior,located next to Agra, was under the hegemony of Tatar Khan Sarang Khani. Dholpur,further south, was controlled by another powerful Afghan chieftain, Muhammad Zaitun.Etawah was ruled independently by Afghan noble Qutb Khan. Rapri was underthe control of Lohani Afghan Husain Khan.

Clearly, neither there was any among the Afghan chieftains lacked unity of purposeand they were willing to accept the hegemony of a single command in the event ofcrisis; instead their personal interests took precedence.

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Indian Political System 3.2.2 Northwest IndiaIn the early sixteenth century, Sindh was ruled by the Sammas (1351-1520). In1520, the Sammas were overthrown by Arghun Shah Beg. His son Shah Husain wasambitious and the power of the Arghuns (1520-1591) expanded under his tutelage.

On the eve of Babur’s invasion, Punjab was under the prominent Afghan chieftainDaulat Khan Lodi, son of Tatar Khan. Daulat Khan Lodi was perhaps, what R.P.Tripathi puts it, ‘one of the bitterest opponents of Sikandar Lodi’. He, ruling fromLahore as ‘uncrowned king’ had been in control of the affairs of Punjab for thepast twenty years when Ibrahim ascended the throne. Even Alam Khan Lodi, oneof the claimants to the throne of Agra, sided with Daulat Khan Lodi. ThoughIbrahim wished to win over the loyalty of Daulat Khan Lodi, he disliked his act ofsending his son Dilawar Khan to the capital, instead of him paying obesiencepersonally. Ibrahim warned of the consequences of such an act which was conveyedby Dilawar Khan along with the presence of ‘suppressed discontent’ of the Afghannobility at the court. Daulat was the first to face the threatening advances of Babur,who in 1518-1519 crossed the Indus and raided Bhira, being governed by AliKhan, his son, twice. Babur even sent his envoy Mulla Murshid to Ibrahim to askhim to surrender Bhira, Khushab, Chinab, and Chiniut, who was stopped by DaulatKhan and was even denied an audience, and instead, kidnapped the envoy. DaulatKhan, though, had no interest in the court intrigues, was conscious of maintaininghis supreme authority in Punjab. With this desire in mind, Daulat Khan Lodi sentan invitation to Babur to attack Hindustan. These developments convince Baburthat, ‘there was no solidarity among the Afghans and the opportunity was favourablefor an adventurous drive’ (Tripathi, 1963: 28-29). Daulat’s son, Dilawar KhanLodi, is reported to have visited Babur in Kabul. Ibrahim sent his forces to occupyLahore under Biban Khan and Mubarak Khan. Without resistance, Lahore wasoccupied by Ibrahim Lodi’s forces and Daulat Khan Lodi moved to Multan towait for assistance from Babur. Babur found no difficulty in occupying Lahore,and even marched towards Dipalpur and occupied it (1524). It was here that DaulatKhan Lodi came to pay respect to Babur, who in turn rewarded Daulat with thegovernorships of Jullundhar and Sultanpur districts. But the loss of Lahore wasimmense for Daulat Khan, and further misunderstandings between the two led tothe imprisonment of Daulat Khan, and Ghazi Khan by Babur. It was a greathumilitation that Daulat Khan Lodi had to face at the hands of Babur. IbrahimLodi at this time, sent a letter to Daulat Khan expressing his utter surprise over theongoing intrigues he is involved with ‘foreigners’ for settling what were internalAfghan dissensions.

Alam Khan Lodi asked Babur to entrust Punjab to him in lieu of his assistance tohelp him occupy Delhi.

Dilawar Khan was even later reported to have fought on the side of Babur againstRana Sanga in the battle of Khanwah in 1527.

3.2.3 Western and Central IndiaIn the western and central India there were three major powers: Gujarat, Malwaand Mewar. While Gujarat occupied the space on the west coast and the Gulf ofCambay region with its capital at Ahmadabad, Mewar principality bordered GujaratSultanate and large part of it fell in the western Rajasthan.

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In western India, the power of the house of Mewar and the might of Rana SangramSingh (1509-1528) reigned supreme. Shaikh Zain, biographer of Babur, writes,‘There was not a single ruler of the first rank in all these great countries like Delhi,Gujarat, and Mandu, who was able to make head against him.’

In Gujarat, after the death of Mahmud Begada in 1511, Muzaffar Shah II (1511-1526) ascended the throne. However, he had to face the might of the Rana Sangaof Mewar. The Gujarat Sultanate had flourishing trading ports and a thriving oceanictrade.

In central India, it was ruled over by the Khaljis. However, Malwa, being situatedin the heartland of the subcontinent, had always been the cockpit of strugglebetween the Lodi Sultans of Delhi, and Gujarat, and Mewar on the western sides.It was in the interests of both Gujarat and Mewar either to keep Malwa as anindependent buffer or else exercise its physical influence over the territory. Malwawas strategically located and all routes to the Deccan and Gujarat ports from northIndia must cross Malwa. Besides, the territory was rich in war elephants. Further,it was an extremely fertile region and rich in the production of food grains. Gujaratalways had to look towards the Malwa region for foodgrain supplies.

The chief feature of the period was the constant tripartite struggle among the GujaratSultanate, Malwa and the Rana Sangram Singh of Chittor. During Mahmud II’sreign (1510-1531), Rajput influence dominated, and the Malwa Sultanate at thistime was in the able hands of its Rajput chief minister, Medini Rai of Chanderi,who had the support of Rana Sangram Singh of Mewar. The rising influence ofMedini Rai, intrigues and clashes marred the Malwa Sultanate that led MahmudKhalji II to seek refuge in Gujarat. Gujarat Sultan came to his rescue and attackedMedini Rai. Medini Rai got the support of the Rana of Mewar. Thus, MalwaSultanate, by the turn of the sixteenth century, became the cockpit of the strugglebetween the Sultanate of Gujarat and the Rana of Mewar. In the meantime,following Muzaffar Shah II’s death, Bahadur Shah ascended the throne in Gujaratin 1526. Mahmud Khalji unfortunately gave shelter to Bahadur Shah’s brotherChand Khan. This opened up the rivalry between the Gujarat Sultanate and Malwa.In the struggle, ultimately, Mahmud Khalji was killed. Thus, ended the Khaljidynasty of Malwa, and the Malwa Sultanate was assimilated into the GujaratSultanate by Bahadur Shah.

Rana Sangram Singh even asked Babur, when he was in Kabul, to attack IbrahimLodi, probably in return for a promise to allow him to capture eastern Rajputana.

3.2.4 Eastern IndiaTowards the east, in the fifteenth century, the kingdom of Jaunpur emergedprominent, which was again subsumed by Sikander Lodi as part of the empire,and was placed under the Afghan nobles. However, by the turn of the fifteenthcentury, the Lohanis and Farmulis emerged prominent in the region. The prominentAfghan chieftains of the region were Jamal Khan Sarang Khani of Jaunpur, NasirKhan Lohani of Ghazipur and Ma’aruf Farmuli. Darya Khan Lohani of Biharemerged as the leader of the Afghan rebels in the region. Ibrahim Lodi’s forceshad to face rebuttals many times sent by the Delhi Sultan to quell the Afghanactivities in the region at the hands of Darya Khan Lohani.

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Indian Political System In Bengal, the situation was comparatively not so serious. Husain Shahis weredominant. The Bengal Sultanate flourished under Alauddin Husain Shah (1493-1519). His son Nasrat Shah (1519-1533), was equally strong and influential. Inthe words of Babur, he was the ‘a prince of considerable substance’. However, forIbrahim, in 1521, the advance of Nasiruddin Nasrat Shah towards Bihar wasalarming. Nasrat Shah occupied Tirhut and pushed the frontiers of the BengalSultanate as far as Monghyr and Hajipur.

Map 3.1: India in 1525Source: Prasad, Ishwari, (1958) A Short History of Muslim Rule in India: From the Advent of

Islam to the Death of Aurangzeb (Allahabad: The Indian Press), p. 211

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3.2.5 Deccan and South IndiaIn the south lay the mighty Vijayanagara empire, which at the time of Babur’sinvasion was ruled by its most powerful ruler, Krishna Deva Raya (1509-1529).Praising the strength and might of the Vijayanagara rulers, Babur records, ‘Of thePagons, the greater both in territory and army, is the Raja of Bijanagar’.

In the Deccan, the Bahamani kingdom was on the decline and gave way to theestablishment of five Deccani Sultanates: Nizam Shahis of Ahmadnagar (1489-1636);Adil Shahis of Bijapur (1489-1686); Qutb Shahis of Golconda (1512-1687); BaridShahis of Bidar (1489-1619); and Imad Shahi kingdom of Berar (1490-1572).Khandesh was at that time ruled by the Faruqis. However, after Adil Khan Faruqi’sdeath (1457-1503), his son Miran Muhammad was no match to him.

Check Your Progress-1

1) Discuss the presence of Afghan chieftaincies around Agra and Delhi.........................................................................................................................

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2) Mention the tripartite struggle among the kingdoms of Mewar, Malwaand Gujarat.........................................................................................................................

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3) Write a note on the dominance of Lohani and Farmuli Afghans.........................................................................................................................

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4) Discuss the political formations in the Deccan and South India on the eve ofBabur’s invasion.........................................................................................................................

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3.3 RUSHBROOK WILLIAMS ON POLITICALFORMATIONS ON THE EVE OF BABUR’SINVASION

Rushbrook Williams calls the fifteenth century an era of ‘unparalleled confusion’;while for him the sixteenth century was an era of ‘reconstructions’, a period oftransition. He argues, ‘during the fifteenth century, there is no history of Hindustan:for Hindustan has become a mass of separate states’ (Williams 1918:4). His analysisof the polity of sixteenth century India on the eve of Babur’s invasion is couchedin a religious tone. Rushbrook Williams, in his monumental work An Empire Builder

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Indian Political System of the Sixteenth Century, puts forth an argument that on the eve of Babur’s invasion,Rajput principalities succeeded in organising a sort of ‘confederacy’ to siege controlover ‘Hindustan’. And, had Babur not intervened, the Rajputs under the leadershipof the illustrious Rana Sanga (Rana Sangram Singh) of Mewar would have capturedpower in northern India.

He further emphasises that this ‘confederation’ was organised mainly on religiouslines and under the leadership of Rana Sanga, the ‘Rajput confederacy’, with religiouszeal, embarked upon to establish ‘Hindu’ empire. Thus, Rushbrook Williams’s maincontention is that in the politics of the early sixteenth century, the waning of ‘Muslim’power and the ‘Rajput predominance’ were the ‘leading’ factors.

According to Rushbrooke Williams, the ‘petty realms’ of Hindustan ‘fall into fourwell defined groups’. ‘First, there is what may be called the Northern belt ofMuhammadan powers, which sweeps in a great semi-circle from the mouth of theSindh to the Bay of Bengal [Sindh, Multan, Punjab, chiefdoms around Agra andDelhi, and Bengal]…The second group may be termed the Southern Muhammadanbelt [Gujarat, Malwa, Khandesh, Bahamanids]…Wedged in between the Northernand Southern band of Muhammadan states lies Rajputana…which have overtakenthe politics of Islam. Of its principalities the more notable are Marwar, and aboveall, Mewar, now rapidly rising into a power of the first rank. To the south of theSouthern Muhammadan belt there was another great Hindu power, the empire ofVijayanagar…while to the east lies the Hindu kingdom of Orissa, politically oflittle importance, but acting as a barrier, more or less effectual, to the southerlyexpansion of Bengal…To sum up…There are two groups of Muhammadan powers,each group menaced on the south by a formidable Hindu polity’ (Williams 1918:4-6). He argues that, ‘The Rayas of Vijayanagar were engaged in a constant strugglewith the states constituting what I have called the Southern Muhammadan belt…’By the turn of the fifteenth century, the Bahmani kingdom disintegrates givingway to the establishment of five Deccani Kingdoms: Nizam Shahis of Ahmadnagar(1489-1636), Berar (1490-1572), Bidar (1489-1619), Bijapur (1489-1686), andGolconda (1512-1687)’. Rushbrook Williams’s (1918: 13) further underlines that,‘Such was the power of the Hindu confederacy [under Sangram Singh], and suchthe decline of the resources of Islam, when the balance was once more turnedagainst the Rajputs by the coming of Babur and his Turkish warriors from thenorth.’ Rushbrook Williams (1918: 18) emphasizes that, ‘The Muhammadan powerswere weak, distracted by their own divisions; the Rajput confederacy, led by Mewar,was almost ready to seize the empire which lay within its grasp. But the Fatewilled otherwise. That Sangram Singh was cheated of his prize, that the forces ofIslam were re-established, that the Rajputs were doomed to endure rather thanenjoy…’

This very assumption of Rushbrook Williams is based on Babur’s famous passagewhere Babur mentions:

At the date of my conquest of Hindustan it was governed by Five Musalmanrulers (padshah) and two Pagans (kafir). These were the respected andindependent rulers, but there were also, in the hills and jungles, many rais andrajas, held in little esteem (kichik karim).

To substantiate his argument, another source sited by Rushbrook Williams isFathnama, issued by Babur immediately after the battle of Khanwa, where he

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claims victory against the ‘pagans’ and ‘Hindus’ and assumes the title ghazi (victorin the Holy-war):

For Islam’s sake, I wandered in the wilds,Prepared for war with pagans and Hindus,Resolved myself to meet the martyr’s death.Thanks to be God! A ghazi I became.

Thus, Rushbrook Williams has emphasised that the Rajput confederacy organisedunder the leadership of Rana Sanga was motivated by religious zeal and intendedto overthrow the ‘Islamic power’.

3.4 CRITIQUE OF RUSHBROOK WILLIAMSRushbrook Williams’s analysis received severe criticism by historians.

They argue that Babur has just narrated the presence of existing powers and nowherehas he elaborated that these powers were organised on religious grounds.

Further, Babur, himself admitted that many of the Hindu rais and ranas wereobedient to ‘Islam’.

Historians argue that if one sees the composition of the socalled ‘Rajputconfederacy’, it did not exclusively consist of Rajput/Hindu chieftains. Manyprominent Muslim/Afghan chieftains were very much part of the confederacy andplayed an important role in the battle of Khanwa (1527) against Babur. The mostprominent among them were Hasan Khan Mewati (who died fighting on the sideof the Rana), Mahmud Khan Lodi, etc.

In contrast, Waqiat-i Mushtaqui (c. 1560) held Hasan Khan Mewati responsible forcreating the ‘confederacy’ to overthrow the Mughal power in India. He informsthat, ‘Hasan Khan of Mewat declared Sultan Mahmud, son of Sultan Sikandar (Lodi)as the King (of Delhi), invited the Rana of Chittor (Rana Sanga), (Rai) Salahadi [Raiof Chanderi], the Afghans and turned a rebel against the King (Babur)’.

Further, we do not find any intention of the Rana to proclaim himself to be the‘king’ of Hindustan, instead, it was Sultan Mahmud Khan Lodi, as informed byWaqiat-i Mushtaqui who was proclaimed the Sultan of Delhi.

Unquestionably, on the eve of Babur’s invasion, the might of the Rana was‘supreme’. However, never in his endeavours, does Babur seem to be anxious toward off the Rajput dominance, instead, for him, the Afghan menace required tobe addressed immediately. Not just Babur, even Humayun throughout consideredthe Afghans to be his major enemies and he all through remained busy tacklingthem and even was finally overthrown by Sher Shah, the Afghan. Thus, RushbrookWilliams’s analysis of the formation of the Rajput ‘confederacy’ on religiousgrounds seems to have been too loosely constructed and thus does not hold ground.


1) Discuss Rushbrook Williams analysis of the political formations on theeve of Babur’s invasion.

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Indian Political System 2) Provide the critique of Rushbrook Williams’s analysis of the politicalformations on the eve of Babur’s invasion.........................................................................................................................

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3.5 SUMMARYOn the eve of Babur’s invasion the power of the Lodi Sultanate was on the waneand the Lodi influence just shrank to the areas in and around Delhi. The intriguesand ambitions of the Afghan chieftains further aggravated the situation. In contrast,on the eve of Babur’s invasion east and the Deccan and the South werecomparatively ruled under the powerful rulers. However, the region of Westernand Central India was marked by the constant struggle and Malwa often fell preyto the ambitions of Gujarat and Mewar rulers. The principalities ruled by both thepowerful ‘Hindu’ (Mewar and Vijayanagara) and ‘Muslim’ (Delhi, Agra, Bengal,Bihar and the Northwest frontier) rulers often clashed over to usurp each other’sterritories. However, it would be wrong to accept Rushbrook Williams’s analysisthat there was a creation of a ‘Rajput confederacy’ by Rajput forces against Baburon religious lines. One of the prominent Afghan chieftains of the time Hasan KhanMewati fought and died fighting against the forces of Babur in the battle of Khanwa.

3.6 KEYWORDSSarwanis A Pashtun tribe of Afghanistan

Lohanis/Nohanis An Afghan tribe; they were prominent in theregion of Bihar. Darya Khan Nohani wastheir most prominent leader who rebelledagainst Ibrahim Lodi and declared himselfindepend and assumed the title of SultanMuhammad

Farmulis A Pashtun tribe of Afghanistan; Shaikhzadasof Ghazni; the most prominent Farmuli noblewas Ma’aruf Farmuli who was muqta ofQanauj and rebelled against Ibrahim Lodi;Shaikh Bayazid Farmuli (muqta of Oudh)was another powerful noble of Ibrahim Lodi;Farmuli noble Ali Khan Farmuli fought forSultan Ibrahim Lodi against Babur

Kakkars/Khokkars A warlike tribe inhabited the northern andwestern Punjab/Salt Range region

Niazis A Pashtun tribe of Afghanistan. Lodi nobleLangar Khan Niazi sided with Babur in thebattle of Panipat

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Regional and LocalPolities3.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISESCheck Your Progress-1

1) See Sub-section 3.2.1





1) See Section 3.3

2) See Section 3.4

3.8 SUGGESTED READINGSDale, Stephen Frederic, (2018) Babur: Timurid Prince and Mughal Emperors,1484-1530 (New Delhi: Cambridge University Press).

Dale, Stephen Frederic, (2004) The Garden of the Eight Paradises: Babur and theCulture of Empire in Central Asia, Afghanistan and India (1483-1530) (Leiden:Brill).

Hasan, Mohibbul, (1985) Babur: Founder of the Mughal Empire in India (NewDelhi: Manohar Publications).

Mushtaqui, Shaikh Rizq Ullah, (1993) Waqiat-e Mushtaqui, translated and editedby Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui (New Delhi: Northern Book Centre).

Pandey, Awadh Behari, (1956) The First Afghan Empire in India (1451-1526 A.D.)(New Delhi: Bookland Limited).

Prasad, Ishwari, (1958) A Short History of Muslim Rule in India: From the Adventof Islam to the Death of Aurangzeb (Allahabad: The Indian Press).

Sharma, S.R., (1940) Mughal Empire in India (Bombay: Karnatak PublishingHouse).

Siddiqui, Iqtidar Husain, (1969) Some aspects of Afghan Despotism in India(Aligarh: Three Men Publication).

Tripathi, R. P., (1963) Rise and Fall of the Mughal Empire (New Delhi: CentralBook Depot).

Williams, Rushbrook L.F., (1918) An Empire Builder of the Sixteenth Century: ASummary Account of the Political Career of Zahir-Ud-Din Muhammad (London:Longmans, Green and Co).

3.9 INSTRUCTIONAL VIDEO RECCOMENDATIONSTalking History |8| Delhi: The Foundation of Mughal Empire | Rajya SabhaTVhttps://www.youtu.be/anQWopp1NCo

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Indian Political System UNIT 4 TIMURID ANTECEDENTS*Structure

4.0 Objectives

4.1 Introduction

4.2 Geographical Delimitation of Turan and Iran

4.3 The Antecedents of Uzbegs and the Safavis

4.4 Historical Perspective on the Eve of the Political Formations in Central andWest Asia

4.5 Establishment of Uzbeg Power in Transoxiana

4.5.1 The Tripartite Conflict of the Uzbegs, Persians and Timurids

4.5.2 Recovery and Resurgence of the Uzbeg Power

4.5.3 The Uzbeg Empire

4.6 Origin of the Safavis: Historical Perspective

4.6.1 The Aq Quyunlus and Qara Quyunlus

4.6.2 The Turcomans and the Safavis

4.6.3 Shiism and the Safavis

4.7 The Safavis and the Uzbeg-Ottoman Confrontation

4.8 Central Asia and Babur

4.9 Summary

4.10 Keywords




4.0 OBJECTIVESThe study of this Unit, would enable you to:

• understand the appearance of the Mughals on Indian borders and to learnabout their origin and antecedents,

• demarcate the geographical boundary of the two powerful neighbouring statesof the Mughal Empire,

• acquaint yourself with the historical perspective of the establishment of theUzbeg and Safavi Empires,

* Prof. Mansura Haider, Centre of Advanced Study in History Aligarh Muslim University,Aligarh. The present Unit is taken from IGNOU Course EHI-04: India from 16th tomid-18th Century, Block 1, Unit 1.

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Timurid Antecedents• analyse the factors which influenced and shaped the internal and externaldecisions and policies of the Mughals at earlier stages, and

• learn about Babur’s encounters in Central Asia.

4.1 INTRODUCTIONThe conquest of India by the Mughals was a direct consequence of the politicalreshuffling and dynastic changes which took place on its north-western frontier atthe turn of the 15th century. These in turn led to the formation of two new statesi.e., Turan (Transoxiana in Central Asia) under the Uzbegs and Iran (Persia) underthe Safavi rulers..

A study of the political formations in West and Central Asia in the first decade ofthe sixteenth century is important due to the geographical proximity and the age-old close cultural and commercial contacts existing between these regions andIndia. The fugitive Uzbeg princes of Dasht-i-Qipchaq, led by Shaibani Khan,wrested Central Asia from the Timurids, exterminating the dynasty founded byTimur. In fact, this led Babur (one of the very few Timurid survivors) to turntowards India.

The Mughals, having originated from and ruled over Central Asia for over thirteendecades (1370-1505) naturally brought with them a well-tried administrative systemand a bequest in the form of Turco-Mongol terminology, institutions (both politicaland economic) and practices (see Themes III & IV) which had a bearing on theMughal rule in India. The history of Mughal India can be better understood if wehave some idea of its neighbouring regions rather than studying it in isolation.Such a study, therefore, assists us in understanding the historical perspective, socio-economic background and the ethos of the Mughal rulers in India. The twin statesof Central Asia and Persia rose and fell almost simultaneously with that of theMughals. The political and cultural relations at all levels increased during thesixteenth century between these states. The common cultural heritage through theages was enriched further due to a continuous exchange of ideas and movement ofmen and commodities.

It is worth mentioning here that the definition of West and Central Asia is a polemicissue as its frontiers fluctuated more with the interpretations than with itsgeographical or territorial extent. It is safer to call the region with which we areconcerned here by a generally accepted term, i.e., ‘the inner Asia’. The regionsdescribed as West and Central Asia, therefore, refer in this context to the two‘states’ known as Turan and Iran. These two states which developed as separatepolitical and cultural entities in the sixteenth century had often formed part (as aprovince) of a large empire under one central authority (such as the Umayyads,Abbasids, Mongols and the Timurids). The two states, therefore, carried elementsof common heritage in many of their administrative and organisational features.The religio-political and socio-economic transformations arising out of thechanging regimes added their own new distinctive features without obliteratingtheir deep-rooted and age-old similarities, traditions and common heritage.Although both these states had tribal bases in the 16th century, their cultural andracial distinctions were retained (and even heightened due to sectarian differences)until their disintegration. This Unit takes into account the various aspects relatedto Turan and Iran.

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Indian Political System 4.2 GEOGRAPHICAL DELIMITATION OF TURANAND IRAN

The inner Asian region called Turan acquired the name Mawaraunnahr (literallymeaning between the two rivers) from its Arab conquerors as the region was situatedbetween the two rivers Syr and Amu. The above region was surrounded by Aralsea, river Syr and Turkestan in the North; Iran, river Amu and Afghanistan in theSouth; Tien Shan and Hindukush mountains in the East up to the Karakorum deserts,and the Caspian sea in the West with its diverse geographical features (arid andsemi-arid lands, steppes, deserts, mountains, valleys and oases). Thus, the regionwas a chequer-board of varied patterns of life-style ranging from nomadism,pastoralism to a settled mode of living. This region is also a land of inland drainagewith enclosed basins away from the sea and is isolated from Atlantic and Pacificcirculations. Apart from agriculture, cattle-breeding was a popular profession. Theregion was famous for its horses which were exported in large numbers to India.Samarqandi paper and fruits (both fresh and dry) were other items of export. Theeastern ridges of Elburz Mountains separated Iranian plateau from Turkestan (Iran).

In terms of physical geography, Iran or Persia consists of extensive mountainranges extending from Asia Minor and Caucasus to the plains of Punjab calledIranian Plateau. A chain of mountains surrounds the sandy saline deserts of thecentral plateau thus converting it into a closed basin.

Iran had four major divisions, namely:

• the Zagros system comprising Khuzistan and small outer plains,• the northern highlands of Iran (i.e., Elburz and Talish system) and the Caspian

plains,• eastern and south-eastern upland rim, and• the interior region.

In terms of economic life, considerable variation is noticed such as pastoralism(mainly in the higher regions), agricultural settlements (in low lying areas) andnomadism (towards the West among Kurdish shepherds) all existing simultaneously.The north-western section of Zagros connected ancient east-west trade routes,and the Iranian wool, leather, carpets and silk found commercial outlets fromseveral places.

4.3 THE ANTECEDENTS OF UZBEGS AND THESAFAVIS

The Uzbegs

The Uzbegs of Turan or Transoxiana were the descendants of Chingiz’s eldestson, Juji. They derived their name from Uzbeg Khan (1312-41) of the GoldenHorde and hailed from Juji’s appanage – he Dasht-i-Qipchaq. The Uzbegs spokeChaghatai Turkish and followed Turco-Mongol traditions. They were orthodoxSunni and followed the Hanafite Law. Numerous Turco-Mongol tribes such asthe Naiman, Qushji, Durman, Qunghrat and others supported the Uzbeg state.The hostile tribes which eroded their power through constant invasions were theMongols, Qazaqs and Qirghiz.

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Timurid AntecedentsThe Safavis

The Safavis were of the native Iranian stock (from Kurdistan), professed Shiismand followed Perso-Islamic traditions of the land they were called upon to govern.They spoke Azari Turkish and also Persian. Being of a humble sufi origin, theylater constructed an impressive genealogy. The mainstay of the Safavi power wasthe constellation of the Turcoman tribes though the Iranian element was equallystrong in the administrative bureaucracy. To the two groups were added theGeorgians and Circassians later on. The four elements (particularly the Turcomangroups) were as much a source of strength in external political relations as theywere a cause of perpetual intrigues internally.


1) Describe the significance of the study of Central Asian history in relation tothe Mughals.........................................................................................................................

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2) Give a geographical description of Turan and Iran.........................................................................................................................

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3) Discuss the antecedents of the Uzbegs and the Safavis.........................................................................................................................

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4.4 HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ON THE EVE OFTHE POLITICAL FORMATIONS IN CENTRALAND WEST ASIA

During the civil wars (which were a common occurrence in the TimuridTransoxiana), the Timurid princes of Transoxiana (like Abu Said, MuhammadJugi, Sultan Husain Baiqra and Manuchihr Mirza) often approached the Uzbegruler Abul Khair of Dast-i-Qipchaq for assistance against their respective rivals.The latter successfully intervened in Timurid politics and assisted Abu Said (1451),Muhammad Jugi (1455) and others to gain the throne. After the disintegration ofthe Empire of Abulkhair (1428-68) in the Dasht, his grandson Shaibani took shelterwith the Timurids of Central Asia. At this juncture, there were five states inTransoxiana. The three sons of Sultan Abu Said (r.1451-1969) namely, SultanMahmud Mirza (1453-1495), Sultan Ahmad Mirza (r.1469-1494) and Umar ShaikhMirza (r.1469-1494) ruled over the three states comprising Samarqand and Bukhara,Tirmiz, Hisar, Qunduz and Badakhshan, and Farghana and its vicinity respectively.The fourth Timurid state of Balkh and Khurasan was held by Sultan Husain Baiqra.Again, there was the Mongol Khanate of Tashkand and Moghulistan where theMongol rulers Yunus Khan (1462-87) and his two sons, Mahmud Khan and Ahmad

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Indian Political System Khan, reigned. Yunus Khan’s three daughters were married to the three abovementioned sons of Abu Said. The mutual rivalries and jealousies existing amongthe five states often resulted in bitter wars. In one such conflict when Sultan Ahmadwas involved in the battle of Syr against his rival Sultan Mahmud, the formerhired Shaibani along with his retinue hoping that he could be a good match to theMongols in the art of fighting. Although Shaibani appeared in this battle as an allyof Sultan Ahmad Mirza, he served the cause of Mahmud Khan as secret negotiationshad already taken place. This led to an unexpected victory for Mahmud Khan. Forthis timely assistance, Shaibani received the reward in the form of governorshipof Otrar – a town in Khwarazmia – which provided him with the long awaited andmuch desired base in Transoxiana. Thereafter, Shaibani took full advantage of theprevailing anarchy in the various remaining Khanates, and gradually eliminatedthem with his political acumen and stratagem.

Map 4.1: Central Asia in the Fifteenth Century

4.5 ESTABLISHMENT OF UZBEG POWER INTRANSOXIANA

After the death of Umar Shaikh and Sultan Ahmad Mirza, Sultan Mahmud Mirzawas also assassinated. His two sons, Sultan Ali and Baisundhur Mirza, now becamerivals for the throne of Samarqand and Hisar. During the anarchy which prevailedin the Timurid empire, the Tarkhan nobles became powerful. They not only usurpedthe entire revenue but made opportunistic alliances and used one prince as acounterpoise against the other. Taking advantage, Shaibani wrested Bukhara fromits Timurid governor Baqar Tarkhan in 1499, and then besieged Samarqand. Sincethe queen mother Zuhra Begi was an Uzbeg lady, she promised to surrenderSamarqand if Shaibani gave the governorship of the choicest province to her son,

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Timurid AntecedentsSultan Ali. Thus, Shaibani occupied Samarqand in 1500 without a war thoughSultan Ali passed away soon after. The Uzbegs, were, however, soon overthrownas the Samarqandis led by Khwaja Abul Mukarram invited Babur. In the battle ofSaripul (1501) Babur was defeated and, since no assistance was forthcoming, heleft Samarqand and went to his uncle Mahmud Khan. In early 1503 Shaibaniinflicted a crushing defeat upon the joint forces of Babur and his maternal unclesMahmud and Ahmad Khan, both of whom were made captives. Babur’s nobleTambal invited Shaibani to occupy Farghana. Shaibani conquered Farghana andQunduz (1504) and overran Balkh, Memna and Faryab in 1505. Although Shaibanireleased the Mongol Khans, Mahmud and Ahmad (the latter died shortly afterwards)due to their past kindness, he ultimately put Mahmud Khan and his five childrento death (1508) as their existence would have been a danger to his Empire.

A galaxy of Timurid princes including Babur, Badiuzzaman and Muzaffar Hussainled by Sultan Hussain Baiqra planned to face the Uzbegs unitedly. Before the jointventure could materialise, Sultan Hussain died in 1506. Herat was plunged into awar of succession. The chaos persisted even after the dual rule of Badiuzzamanand Muzaffar Husain was established. The conquest of the last Timurid principalitywas, therefore, a foregone conclusion. Soon after, Shaibani undertook a campaignagainst the Qazaqs of Moghulistan in 1508. Now the entire Transoxiana lay at thefeet of Shaibani. The dynasty which was established by Shaibani came to be knownas the Shaibanid. The immediate reasons for this transfer of power from the Timuridsto the Uzbegs were:

• the personal incompetence of the later Timurid rulers,

Map 4.2: Farghana and Its Neighbourhood in the Fifteenth CenturySource:Williams, Rushbrook L.F., (1918) An Empire Builder of the Sixteenth Century: A

Summary Account of the Political Career of Zahir-Ud-Din Muhammad (London: Longmans,Green and Co), p. 20

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Indian Political System • their mutual rivalry,• the absence of any settled rule for succession, and• the lack of strong administration.

4.5.1 The Tripartite Conflict of the Uzbegs, Persians andTimurids

The conquest of Khurasan had brought the border of Shaibanid empire closer tothe Safavi one. Since, Shaibani was ambitious, he demanded allegiance from theShah which eventually led to a war in 1510, in which Shaibani was defeated andkilled. Shah Ismail not only occupied Khurasan but also assisted Babur thereafterto reoccupy Transoxiana from the Uzbegs. Babur received a very warm welcomefrom the Samarqandis, but the latter disapproved his association with ‘heretic’Shia Shah Ismail. The subsequent reprisal perpetrated upon the subjects by Babur’sgreedy followers further provoked the Central Asians to long for the Uzbeg rule.

4.5.2 Recovery and Resurgence of the Uzbeg PowerAfter their expulsion from Central Asia (1510-11), the Uzbegs had clustered inTurkestan having no courage to face the combined forces of Babur and the Shah.The only aspiring Uzbeg prince was Ubaidullah, a nephew of Shaibani. Thoughhis resources were limited, he conquered Transoxiana after defeating Babur.Thereafter, the Uzbegs gradually recovered Bukhara, Samarqand and otherterritories in 1512-1513.

In 1514, the Ottoman Sultan Salim (1512-20) invited Ubaidullah to join him againstIsmail. Although Ubaidullah failed to oblige Salim, the latter managed to inflict acrushing defeat upon the Shah through strategic manoeuvres which were later onapplied by Babur in his battle of Panipat in 1526. The most important rulers of theShaibanid Empire were Ubaidullah and Abdullah Khan – the latter being acontemporary of Akbar. Both Ubaidullah and Abdullah Khan (whose span ofrulership was from 1513-1540 and 1565-1598 respectively) waged several warsagainst Persia (See Unit 6).

The Astrakhanids: After the death of Abdullah Khan (1598) and the assassinationof his only son and successor Abdul Momin six months later, the dynasty came tobe known as Astarakhanids. The Uzbeg Empire lasted until the Russian conquest.The Empire disintegrated almost at the same time when other Asian states collapsedin the face of colonialism.

4.5.3 The Uzbeg EmpireThe revenue collections of the Uzbeg Transoxiana depended mainly upon booty,city taxes and commercial resources. With artificial irrigation and limitedagriculture, even a high tax on land (amounting to more than a half) fetched anegligible amount. Situated on the crossroads of caravans (en route the Silk Road),Transoxiana continued to be in a flourishing state in early middle ages. Due todiversion of trade routes under certain Mongol Khans and after the discovery ofthe sea-route to Asia from Europe in 1498, a decline in trade is noticed by thetravellers and chroniclers. The administrative structure of the Timurids underwenta slight change under the Uzbegs as the Turco-Mongol traditions were furtherstrengthened. The socio-religious atmosphere was now characterised by a waveof fanaticism and sectarian bigotry. At the same time, the domination of the

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Timurid AntecedentsNaqshbandi saints over the political arena was a new phenomenon introducedunder the Uzbegs.


1) Briefly describe the main stages in the conquest of Transoxiana by the Uzbegs.

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2) Discuss the reasons for the downfall of the Timurids.

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3) Give a short account of the tripartite relations of the Uzbegs, Persians, andthe Timurids.

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4.6 ORIGIN OF THE SAFAVIS: HISTORICALPERSPECTIVE

The Safavi Empire sprang up almost in the same geographical area where theIlkhanid state had once flourished. Hulaku’s Empire re-emerged in a diminutiveform (the Jalayrid Empire) – extending over Mesopotamia, Azerbaijan and lateron covering the region of Shirvan also. The remaining portions of the Ilkhanidterritory were lost to the two Turcoman confederations, namely Aq Quyunlu (thewhite sheep) and Qara Quyunlu (the black sheep). Aq Quyunlu extended theirsway over Diyar-i Bakr with their centre at Amid. Qara Quyunlus had their centreat Arjish (on the eastern shore of Lake Van) spreading in the north to Erze Rumand in the south to Mosul. The heterogeneous population of the two regionscomprised the Arabs, Armenians, Kurds and others.

4.6.1 The Aq Quyunlus and Qara QuyunlusUnder the enterprising Jahanshah, Qara Quyunlu dynasty expanded from Van tothe deserts between Persia and Khurasan and from the Caspian Sea to the PersianGulf. They had become independent of the Timurids. Jahanshah was widely knownas a progenitor of the Shias, while the Aq Quyunlus were Sunnis. The most famousAq Quyunlu ruler was Uzan Hasan (1453-78) who defeated Jahanshah andestablished his suzerainty almost over the entire Persia. Hence, the borders of hisEmpire came closer to that of the Timurids. The Ottoman ruler Muhammad II(1451-1481) always looked upon him as a mighty princeling enjoying the resourcesof Anatolia, Mesopotamia, Azerbaijan and Persia. However, Uzun Hasan wasdefeated by the Ottomans (in 1473) whose artillery was superior to the former’sarmy. At the time of Uzun Hasan’s death (in 1478), his Turcoman Empire extended

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Indian Political System from upper reaches of Euphrates to the Great Salt Desert and the province ofKirman in South Persia, and from Transcaucasia to Mesopotamia and the PersianGulf.

Uzun Hasan’s sister Khadija Begam was married to a very enterprising andinfluential shaikh, named Junaid (1447-60). He was the leader of the most popularsufi order called the Safaviya with its Centre at Aradabil. Shaikh Junaid was asuccessor of Shaikh Safiuddin Ishaq (1252-1334), a disciple and son-in-law ofShaikh Zahid (1218-1301). Safiuddin Ishaq (from whom the Safavi dynasty derivedits name) not only inherited the sufi order of Shaikh Zahid but also founded hisown order as Safaviya in Ardabil in 1301. Due to their popularity, Shaikh Safiuddinand his successors always aroused the jealousy of the Qara Quyunlu Sultans.

Shaikh Junaid was the first spiritual guide of the Safaviya order. He collected anarmy of 10,000 to fight the Qara Quyunlu ruler. He imparted militancy to theorder replacing the sufis by the ghazis (warriors of faith). After his death in 1455,his son and successor Haider married the daughter of his maternal uncle AmirHasan Beg who put Jahanshah to death and became the ruler of Azerbaijan andthe two Iraqs. Out of this union, three sons were born, namely, Sultan Ali, Ibrahimand Ismail. The youngest Ismail (b. 1487) became founder of the Safavi Empire.Sultan Haider had prepared a scarlet cap of twelve gores (with reference to thetwelve Imams), and ordered all his followers to make their headgear after thisfashion, hence came the title Qizilbash (redheads).

Haider marched against the tribal elements of Cherkes and Daghistan. On theway, he lost his life in a battle with the forces of the Shirvan ruler Farrukh Yassar,the son-in-law of Yaqub Mirza in 1488. Although Yaqub spared the life of thethree sons of Haider for the sake of his own sister Halima Begi Agha, he imprisonedthem in the fort of Istakhara. When a civil war broke out between the deceasedYaqub Mirza’s sons Baisunghar and Rustam Mirza, the latter sought help fromSultan Ali. As soon as Rustam Mirza achieved success, he put Sultan Ali to deathout of jealousy. Sultan Ali had already sensed the imminent danger and hadnominated Ismail as his successor (1494). Ismail had to face much difficulty untilthe death of Rustam Mirza in July 1497 after which Aradabil was engulfed in acivil war. Ismail seized this opportunity and sent his men to collect his scatteredfollowers. Reinforced by the military assistance received from Qaracha Illiyasand strengthened by 7000 of his followers from Turcoman tribes, he subduedGeorgia and acquired much booty in 1500. At the age of fourteen, he had anencounter with Farrukh Yassar of Shirvan at Gulistan fort and having killed theruler, invaded Baku. It was in the year 1501 that Ismail won a victory over AqQuyunlu, entered the Turcoman capital at Tabriz and ascended the throne with thetitle Shah.

4.6.2 The Turcomans and the SafavisThe power of Safavis (the new dynasty which lasted in Persia till 1736), wasbased on the support given by the Turcoman tribes, namely Shamlu, Rumlu,Takkalu, Zulqadar, Afshar, Qachar, Ustajlu and Warsaq. The Turcoman adherentsof Aradabil order were the basis of this new ruling class though the Safavidsthemselves were not pure Turcomans. The Turcomans were attracted towards thePersian Shah owing to religious affinity and also for social and political reasons.The Turcoman tribes of Asia Minor or Central Asia could not integrate themselves

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Timurid Antecedentswith the Ottomans or the Uzbeg Empire due to their racial and religious differences.On the other hand the Ottoman or the Uzbeg rule also had no better prospects tooffer them. The Turcomans enjoyed an extraordinary position in the Persian Empire.Initially, almost all the important civil, military and administrative posts wereheld by them. The traditions of governance and administration were borrowed bythe Safavis from the rulers of Tabriz. The tribal loyalties of these Turcomanssustained Shah Ismail well. The Shah not only carried the traditions of the god-king (combining in himself the spiritual and temporal powers) but also legitimisedhis rule in the name of his relationship with his grandfather Uzun Hasan. ShahIsmail's kinship with Aq Quyunlu was important for him. Undoubtedly, the QaraQuyunlu and Aq Quyunlu had previously created certain pre-conditions for theestablishment of a new dynasty with older political and cultural traditions of Persia.

4.6.3 Shiism and the SafavisThe new dynasty had created a somewhat changed military and political structurewith the Shia creed as state religion and Iranicisation of Persian Islam – sproutinginto a new cultural entity, i.e., the evolution of a ‘Persian People’. The Safavi stateoriginated from a religious-cum-political nucleus. Thus, the inter-twinning ofreligion and politics which is noticed at the outset, seems to match the sectarianattitude of the Sunni Ottoman and the Uzbeg states. Shah Ismail received fullsupport frorn Kashan and Qum which were mainly inhabited by the Shias.Elsewhere (as in the Sunni Baghdad or Herat), the population resisted his advanceand he faced reprisal.

4.7 THE SAFAVIS AND THE UZBEG-OTTOMANCONFRONTATION

The rising power of the Shia ‘Safavis’ (new contenders of supremacy in the Muslimworld) checked the Ottomans from incorporating Persia into their domain. In fact,the Perso-Uzbeg and Perso-Ottoman wars were a continuous feature of the sixteenthcentury.

Although Shah Ismail (1502-1524) did not fight any war after his debacle atChaldiran in 1514 at the hands of the Ottoman ruler Salim (1512-1520), his sonand successor Shah Tahmasp (1524-76) had to face both the Uzbegs and theOttomans almost incessantly. The five major invasions of the Uzbegs on Khurasan(1524-38) and four full-scale Ottoman invasions on Azerbaijan (1534-35, 1548,1553) failed to overwhelm Shah Tahmasp, though he signed a peace at Amasya(29 May 1555) with the Ottomans. Besides these external dangers there alsoemerged some internal problems. For example, the two different racial and linguisticgroups of the Turcomans and Iranians (each of whom had different origins, culture,and customs) were joined by new constituents – the Georgians and the Circassians.This led to increased court intrigues.

While the Safavis had pragmatic relations with the Mughals of India (see Unit 6),they also maintained good relations, though occasionally, with the Russians andthe Portuguese.

Apart from Shah Tahmasp, Shah Abbas I (1588-1629, whose reign is said to bethe zenith of the Safavi power), Shah Abbas II (1642-66) and Shah Safi wereother important Safavi rulers. With Shah Abbas I, the Safavi state gradually

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Indian Political System developed from its theocratic base and military structure into a full-bloomed Empireof the Orient. He introduced many administrative and military reforms. A newgroup of loyalists (the Ghulams) was created who occupied many new posts. Thearmy was organised on the pattern suggested by Robert Sherley who was appointedas ‘Master General against the Turks’. A centrally paid strong army was organised,and a regiment of artillery with 500 guns was established.


1) Briefly discuss the achievements of Shah Abbas I.........................................................................................................................

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2) Write a few lines on the Qara Quyunlu and Aq Quyunlu.........................................................................................................................

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3) Discuss the early history of the Safavi........................................................................................................................

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4) Highlight the importance of the Turcomans in the Safavi Empire.........................................................................................................................

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4.8 CENTRAL ASIA AND BABUR1

By the close of the 15th century, the power of the Timurids was on the decline inthe region. By this time the Uzbegs succeeded in establishing strong footholds inTransoxiana under Shaibani Khan. Around the same time, the Safavis rose intoprominence under Shah Ismail in Iran; while further west the Ottoman Turksdominated the scene. Shaibani Khan overran almost whole of Transoxiana andKhorasan. However, finally in 1510 Shah Ismail of Iran defeated Shaibani Khan.In a short while (1512) the Ottoman Sultan defeated Shah Ismail, thus leaving thestage again to the Uzbegs to become the master of the whole Transoxiana. Baburascended the throne at Farghana (a small principality in Transoxiana) in 1494 atthe tender age of twelve. However, it was not a smooth succession for Babur. Boththe Mongol Khans as well as the Timurid princes, specially Sultan Ahmad Mirzaof Samarqand, an uncle of Babur, had interests in Farghana. Besides, Babur had toface the discontented nobility. Against all odds Babur struggled to strengthen hisfoothold in Central Asia and did succeed in taking Samarqand twice (1497, 1500).But he could hardly hold that for long. With Shaibani Khan’s success over Khorasan

1 This Section is taken from IGNOU Course EHI-04: India from 16th to mid-18th Century, Block2, Unit 5, Section 5.3 written by Dr. Meena Bhargava, Indraprastha College, University of Delhi,Delhi.

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Timurid Antecedents(1507) the last of the four Timurid centres of power finally sealed Babur’s fate inCentral Asia and he was left with no option but to look towards Kabul where theconditions were most favourable. Its ruler Ulugh Beg Mirza had already died(1501). Babur occupied Kabul in 1504. Yet Babur could not completely leave thedream to rule over Central Asia. With the help of Shah Ismail Safavi, he was ableto control over Samarqand (1511) but Shah Ismail’s defeat in 1512 and theresurgence of the Uzbegs left Babur with no alternative but to consolidate himselfat Kabul.

Thus, it was the Central Asian situation which pressed and convinced (after 1512)Babur to abandon the hopes of creating an Empire in Central Asia and look towardsIndia. The rich resources of India and the meagre income of Afghanistan, as AbulFazl comments, might have been another attraction for Babur. The unstable politicalsituation after Sikandar Lodi’s death convinced him of political discontentmentand disorder in the Lodi Empire. Invitations from Rana Sanga and Daulat KhanLodi, the governor of Punjab, might have whetted Babur’s ambitions. PerhapsTimur’s legacy also provided some background for his invasion. After the siege ofBhira in 1519, Babur asked Ibrahim Lodi to return western Punjab which belongedto his uncle Ulugh Beg Mizra. Thus, Babur had both reasons and opportunity tolook towards India.


1) Discuss early problems faced by Babur in Central Asia.........................................................................................................................

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2) Why Babur had to forsake his designs in Central Asia?........................................................................................................................

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4.9 SUMMARYIn this Unit, we have tried to trace the antecedents and origin of the Mughals. Ageographical sketch of the two powerful neighbouring states of India – namely,Transoxiana and Iran in Central Asia – has been provided. The ethnic and politicalantecedents of the Uzbeg and Safavi empires of Transoxiana and Iran respectivelyhave been dealt with. A study of the two empires in its historical perspective isalso given. The Mughals originated from Central Asia and ruled over this regionfor three decades. Therefore the historical perspective, socio-economic-politicalbackground and ethos of Mughal rule in India can only be understood against thebackdrop of Central Asian history.

4.10 KEYWORDSAppanage Something that is derived as a matter of right on account

of one’s lineage, position, etc.

Gore Triangular or wedge-shaped pieces of cloth

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Indian Political System Khanate It denotes the office and jurisdiction of the Khan who wasthe political and administrative head over a particularterritory

Nomadism A mode of living practised by tribes who do not lead asettled life and wander from place to place in search oflivelihood

Ottomans This is an anglicised corruption of the Arabic Usman. TheOttomans were Turks whose power was rising rapidly inthe 15th century. They completed the conquest of AsiaMinor after taking Constantinople in 1453

Pastoralism A mode of living practised by tribes in which animalrearing was an important aspect. This pattern led tonomadism

Shia A sect of Muslims which upholds the rights of the membersof Prophet Muhammad’s direct descendants to the religiousand political leadership of the Muslim community. Thename is derived from Shiat Ali, the Arabic term for theparty of Hazrat Ali who was the cousin of ProphetMuhammad and husband of Prophet’s daughter Fatima

Sunni A sect of Muslims disagreeing with the claims of the Shias.Sunni is from the Arabic sunnat, that is, the sayings anddeeds of Prophet Muhammad as exemplified in the Hadis,a source for Shariat (a set of rules) next to the Quran

Silk Road Silk road derived its name after the lucrative Chinese Silktrade along the route from the East (China) to the West(Mediterranean). Originating at Xian (Sian in China),passing through Takla Makran deserts, crossing Pamirs,Afghanistan, reaches Levant (Mediterranean). The routebegan in 130 BCE when the Han dynasty (206 BCE-220CE) opened up trade links with the West. The routewas in use till 1453 when finally Ottoman rulers boycottedthe trade with China and closed the route

Turcoman Groups Tribes of Asia Minor and Central Asia

4.11 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESSEXERCISES


1) See Section 4.1 Your answer should include the following points:

i) the Mughal conquerors originated from and ruled over Central Asia;

ii) this had an important bearing on Mughal rule in India;

iii) therefore, it is relevant to study the Central Asian relations, etc.

2) See Section 4.2 Your answer should include the following points:

i) the inner Asian region called Turan acquired the name Transoxiana from

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Timurid Antecedentsits Arab conquerors as the region was situated between the two rivers,namely, Syr and Amu;

ii) Iran consists of extensive mountain ranges extending from Asia andCaucasus to the plains of Punjab called Iranian plateau, etc.

3) See Section 4.3. Your answer should include the following points:

i) the Uzbegs of Turan were the descendants of Chingiz’s eldest son; and

ii) they derived their names from Uzbeg Khan, etc.


1) Your answer should include the following points:

Anarchy in the Timurid empire enabled Uzbegs to wrest Bukhara andSamarqand from Timurids; joint forces of Babur and his maternal unclesdefeated by Uzbegs and Farghana, Qunduz, Balkh, Memna and Faryab weretaken; Herat occupied by the Uzbegs due to chaos prevailing there, etc. SeeSection 4.4 and 4.5


Personal incompetence of the later Timurid rulers; mutual rivalry, etc. SeeSection 4.5


Conquest of Khurasan brought the borders of the Uzbegs close to the SafaviPersia; the Uzbegs tried to assert themselves as the supreme power in theregion but were subdued by the Persians, etc. See Sub-section 4.5.1


1) Your answer should including the following points:

Aq Quyunlu (the white sheep) and Qara Quyunlu (the black sheep) wereTurcoman confederations; Aq Quyunlu had their centre at Amid, while QaraQuyunlu had their Centre at Arjish, etc. See Sub-section 4.6.1


The famous Aq Quyunlu leader Uzun Hasan’s sister was married to a shaikhnamely Junaid, the leader of a sufi order called Safaviya with its centre atAradabil; his son and successor Haider put the Qara Quyunlu ruler to deathand became the ruler of Azerbaijan; his youngest son Ismail founded theSafavi empire, etc. See Section 4.6 and Sub-section 4.6.1


The Turcoman tribes were the mainstay of the Safavi empire; they formedthe basis of the new ruling class, etc. See Sub-section 4.6.2


In Shah Abdas I’s time the Safavi state developed into an empire; heintroduced many administrative and military reforms, etc. See Section 4.7


1) Discuss, both the Mongol Khans and Timurid princes, specially Sultan AhmadMirza of Samarqand wanted to occupy Farghana. See Section 4.8

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Indian Political System 2) Discuss, with Shaibani Khan’s rising power and his occupation of Khurasanand also the emerging might of the Uzbegs left Babur with no option inCentral Asia but to look towards Kabul and India. See Section 4.8

4..12 SUGGESTED READINGSCosmo, Nicola Di, Allen J. Frank and Peter B. Golden, (2009) The CambridgeHistory of Inner Asia: The Chinggisid Age (Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress).

Dale, Stephen Frederic, (2018) Babur: Timurid Prince and Mughal Emperors,1484-1530 (New Delhi: Cambridge University Press).

Dale, Stephen Frederic, (2004) The Garden of the Eight Paradises: Babur and theCulture of Empire in Central Asia, Afghanistan and India (1483-1530) (Leiden:Brill).


Williams, Rushbrook L.F., (1918) An Empire Builder of the Sixteenth Century: ASummary Account of the Political Career of Zahir-Ud-Din Muhammad (London:Longmans, Green and Co).

4..13 INSTRUCTIONAL VIDEORECOMMENDATIONS

KYRGYZSTAN: Where did the Mughals of India come from?https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MYWVuCHq7Z0

The Timurids and Babur: The Mughal Empire Ihttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=V2AVVuB1ws8

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Timurid AntecedentsUNIT 5 AFGHAN POLITY*Structure

5.0 Objectives

5.1 Introduction

5.2 The Lodi Empire

5.2.1 Sikandar Lodi

5.2.2 Ibrahim Lodi

5.3 Administrative Structure

5.3.1 Nature of Kingship

5.3.2 General Administration

5.4 Foundation of Mughal Rule in India

5.4.1 Babur and the Rajput Kingdoms

5.4.2 Babur and the Afghan Chieftains

5.5 Humayun: 1530-1540

5.5.1 Bahadur Shah and Humayun

5.5.2 Eastern Afghans and Humayun

5.5.3 Humayun and His Brothers

5.6 The Second Afghan Empire in India: 1540-1555

5.7 Revival of Mughal Rule in India

5.8 Summary

5.9 Keywords




5.0 OBJECTIVESAfter going through this Unit, you should be able to:

• understand the nature of political authority exercised by Sikandar Lodi,

• analyze the problems faced by Ibrahim Lodi,

• evaluate the early difficulties of Babur in establishing the Mughal rule,

• assess the administrative set-up under the Lodi Sultans,

* Prof. Iqtidar Hussain Siddiqui and Dr. Rajeev Sharma, Centre of Advanced Study inHistory, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh; and Dr. Meena Bhargava, Department ofHistory, Indraprastha College, Delhi. The present Unit is taken from IGNOU CourseEHI-04: India from 16th to mid-18th Century, Block 1, Unit 2, Block 2, Unit 5 and Block 4Unit 14.

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Indian Political System • list Babur’s successful campaigns against the Lodis,

• evaluate the conquests and conflicts of the Mughals with the local rulingpowers, specially their clashes with the Afghans and the Rajputs,

• explain the circumstances in which Humayun was defeated by Sher Shah,

• understand the emergence and consolidation of Sher Shah, and

• comprehend the circumstances and factors that led to the revival of Mughalsin India under Humayun.

5.1 INTRODUCTIONThe first half of the 16th century in North India was a period of political turmoil andinstability. This period witnessed frequent changes of ruling dynasties and emergenceof diverse ruling groups. The most significant event was the Mughal conquest ofIndia. This influenced, in a major way, the Indian polity, economy and society forthe coming 200 years. In this Unit, we will focus our attention mainly on the firsthalf of the16th century. Our aim here is to familiarize you with the political backgroundin which the powerful Mughal Empire established itself in India.

At first we will discuss the political developments during this period. Our discussionstarts with the Lodi dynasty of the Afghans. After that we shall see how theMughals defeated the Afghans and established their own political power. Next,we will discuss the overthrow of the Mughals by the Afghans. The Unit ends withthe account of the re-establishment of the Mughal power under Humayun. Wehope this Unit will also help you in understanding the subsequent Mughal polityof this period. Afghans’ bid to challenge and overthrow Mughal authority is alsodiscussed here. A brief survey of the Afghan rule has also been attempted. This Unitdeals mainly with the territorial expansion under Babur and Humayun. Theorganizational aspects of the Mughals will be dealt in subsequent Units.

5.2 THE LODI EMPIREBy the end of 15th century Bahlul Lodi firmly established the Lodi dynasty atDelhi. He succeeded in bringing large area of North India under his control. Afterhis death, his son Sikandar Lodi succeeded him to the throne.

5.2.1 Sikandar LodiIn the sixteenth century the Lodi Empire, under Sultan Sikandar Lodi, in NorthIndia reached its zenith. In 1496, Sultan Husain Sharqi, the ex-ruler of Jaunpurwas driven away from south Bihar and the Rajput chieftains in alliance with himwere either forced into submission, or uprooted. Their zamindaris were broughtunder the control of the Sultan or reduced to the status of vassal principalities.Likewise, the power of those Afghan and non-Afghan nobles, reluctant to acquiesceto the Sultan’s authority, was eliminated in the area around Delhi. In the firstdecade of the sixteenth century, the annexation of Dholpur paved the way for theexpansion of the Afghan rule in the regions of Rajputana and Malwa. The forts ofNarwar and Chanderi were annexed while the Khanzada of Nagaur acknowledgedthe suzerainty of the Lodi Sultan in 1510-1511. In short, the whole of North India,from Punjab in the north-west to Saran and Champaran in north Bihar in the east,and Chanderi to the south of Delhi were brought under the Lodi rule.

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Afghan Polity

Map 5.1: India from c. 1500Source: EHI-04: India from 16th to mid-18th Century, Block 1, Unit 2, p. 20

5.2.2 Ibrahim LodiUnlike his father, Sultan Ibrahim Lodi (1517-1526) had to face the hostility of theAfghan nobility soon after his accession to the throne in 1517. He found himselfsurrounded by powerful nobles bent upon weakening the centre to gain an upperhand for themselves. His father had to fight against his brothers and relatives andwas supported by the nobles who wanted to replace the princes in the resourcefulprovinces. Upon the death of Sultan Sikandar, the nobles decided to divide theEmpire between Sultan Ibrahim Lodi and his younger brother Prince Jalal KhanLodi, the governor of Kalpi.

Sultan Ibrahim was forced by them to accept the division which naturally weakendthe centre. Sometime later, some of the senior nobles, like Khan Khanan Nuhani,

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Indian Political System who came from their provinces to do obeisance to the new Sultan, criticized thesupporters of division, calling their action detrimental to the Empire. They alsopersuaded the Sultan to rescind the agreement. On their advice, Sultan Ibrahimsent high nobles to Prince Jalal Khan. Their mission was to persuade him towithdraw his claim and acknowledge his elder brother as the Sultan. The effortswent in vain and this created a succession crisis.

At this juncture, Sultan Ibrahim appeared more powerful than his rival brother.Hence, the old nobles rallied round him. However, there were few exceptions likeAzam Humayun Sarwani, the governor of Kara and his son Fath Khan Sarwani.They stood by Jalal Khan but for some time only. When Sultan Ibrahim marchedin person, even these two deserted Jalal Khan and joined the Sultan.

The Sultan deputed Azam Humayun Sarwani against Raja Bikramajit of Gwalior.This was done so because Prince Jalal Khan had taken shelter there. From Gwalior,Jalal Khan fled towards Malwa but was captured by the Gonds and sent as prisonerto the Sultan in Agra. However, his escape from Gwalior made the Sultan suspiciousof the loyalty of the old nobles to him. Azam Humayun was recalled and throwninto prison. The Raja of Gwalior surrendered to the nobles and agreed to join theservice of the Sultan. He was given the territory of Shamsabad (Farrukhabaddistrict) in iqta. It was about this time that the celebrated wazir Mian Bhua alsolost royal confidence and was put under arrest. The imprisonment of the old noblessparked off wide-spread rebellion in the eastern region.

The Sultan raised his favourites to key positions at the court and sent others to theprovinces as governors. As a result, the old nobles became apprehensive of theirfuture and began to build up their power in the provinces. Darya Khan Nuhani, apowerful governor of Bihar, became a rallying point for the dissatisfied nobles inthe east. About the same time, Babur occupied the sarkar of Bhera and DaulatKhan Lodi, the supreme governor of the trans-Sultej Punjab, failed to liberate it.When summoned to the court, Daulat Khan did not come and revolted against theSultan in Lahore. He also invited the uncle of Sultan Ibrahim, Alam Khan Lodi(son of Bahlul Lodi), and declared him as the new Sultan under the title of SultanAlauddin. Both formed an alliance with Babur, the ruler of Kabul, against SultanIbrahim. Rana Sangram Singh and Babur also seem to have reached to anunderstanding against Ibrahim Lodi.

5.3 ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTUREA number of new administrative measures were taken during this period. Afghankingship also showed a marked departure from the Turkish concepts. This changecan well be seen in the formulation of almost all the administrative policies.

5.3.1 Nature of KingshipThe kingship under the Turkish Sultans was highly centralised. The Sultan’s powerswere absolute. However, with the rise of the Afghan power, there also followeddistinct changes in the monarchy. Afghan monarchy was primarily ‘tribal’ in nature.For them, king was ‘first among equals’.

In fact, political expediency also played its own role. Bahlul, being Afghan, couldnot look towards Turks for support. He had to virtually accept the terms of hisfellow Afghans. The Afghan nobles must have enjoyed complete local autonomy.

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Afghan PolityThe only bond between them and the Sultan was to render military service whenthe need arose. Such was the position under Bahlul that he neither ever sat on thethrone in front of his fellow Afghan nobles, nor did he organised an open darbar.He used to call his Afghan nobles masnad-i ali.

However, a distinct change came with Sultan Sikandar Lodi who clearly saw thedangers of unrestrained nobility. He is credited with having introduced suchimportant changes into the political system of the Empire that transformed it intoa highly centralised political entity.

Unlike his father, Sultan Bahlul Lodi, Sultan Sikandar Lodi demanded obediencefrom his nobles. His military success made the nobility completely loyal andsubservient to him. It also suppressed its sentiments of equality with the Sultan.He is reported to have sat on the throne regularly in an open darbar where thenobles were required to stand, showing due respect to the Sultan like servants.Even in his absence, his farmans were received by high nobles with respect. Thenoble to whom the farman was sent had to come forward six miles to receive it. Aterrace was prepared upon which the courier stood and placed the farman on thehead of the noble who had to stand below. Then all those concerned had to listento it while standing. The nobles who failed to retain the confidence of the Sultanfell into disgrace. According to a contemporary writer, ‘any one who turned fromthe path of obedience, he (the Sultan) either got his head severed off the body orbanished him from the Empire’.

Though, in general, the Sultan did not tamper with their autonomy at the locallevel, at times the nobles were transferred and sometimes were even dismissed.The Sultan expelled Sultan Ashraf, son of Ahmad Khan Jilawani, who had declaredhis independence in Bayana after Sultan Bahlul Lodi’s death. He also exiled thetwenty-two high Afghan and non-Afghan nobles for their involvement in aconspiracy against him in 1500. Jalal Khan Lodi, who succeeded his father as thegovernor of Kalpi in 1506, incurred the displeasure of the Sultan by not properlyconducting the siege operations against the fort of Narwar in 1508, for which hewas thrown into prison.

The nobles were also put to closer scrutiny of their iqtas. But, in spite of thesechanges, the Afghan kingship basically remained unchanged. Some of the officeswere made hereditary. The Afghans continued to assume high titles, such as Khan-i Jahan, Khan-i Khanan, Azam Humayun, Khan-i Azam, etc. They also enjoyedfreedom to maintain informal relations with the Sultan at the playground, marches,hunting, etc. Thus, monarchy under Sikandar was more of a compromise betweenthe Turkish and tribal organisations.

The process of centralisation accelerated under Ibrahim. He believed that kingshipknows no kinship. Under him, the prestige of the Sultan went so high that even theroyal tent was considered worthy of respect. However, Ibrahim’s policy had severeconsequences and proved ruinous to the interests of the Afghan kingdom. TheAfghan nobles were not prepared for the master-servant relationship. This led todissatisfaction and rebellions to the extent that some of them even collaboratedwith Babur to depose the Sultan. When the second Afghan Empire (Surs) wasestablished in India, they had learnt the lesson well for they never attempted toestablish tribal monarchy. Instead, Sher Shah Sur succeeded in establishing a highlycentralised autocratic monarchy. With the coming of the Mughals on the scene,

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Indian Political System one finds the opening up of another chapter – the Mughals who were influencedby both, the Turkish and the Mongol traditions.

5.3.2 General AdministrationSultan Sikandar Lodi is also praised for introducing sound administrativemachinery. He introduced the practice of audit in order to check the accounts ofmuqtis and walis (governors). Mubarak Khan Lodi (Tuji Khail), the governor ofJaunpur, was the first noble whose accounts came under scrutiny in 1506. He wasfound guilty of embezzlement and, therefore, dismissed. Similarly, Khwaja Asghar,a non-Afghan officer-in-charge of Delhi, was thrown into prison for corruption.The Sultan also reorganised the intelligence system in order to keep himself wellinformed about the conditions in the Empire. As a result, the nobles feared todiscuss the political matters among themselves, lest the Sultan be displeased.

Interested in the well-being of the general public, the Sultan had charity housesopened in the capital as well as in the provinces for the benefit of destitute andhandicapped people. The deserving persons got financial aid from these charityhouses. Scholars and poets were patronised and educational institutions weregranted financial aid throughout the Empire. He imposed a ban on the use of anylanguage other than Persian in the government offices. This led many Hindus tolearn Persian and they acquired proficiency in Persian within a short span of time.Consequently, they began to look after and supervise the revenue administration.When Babur came to India, he was astonished to see that the revenue departmentwas completely manned by the Hindus.

Likewise, the serious interest taken by Sultan Sikandar Lodi in ensuring impartialjustice to all and sundry in his Empire brought peace and prosperity.


1) Discuss the extent of Sikandar Lodi’s Empire.

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2) Match the following:

1) Azam Humayun A) Governor of Bihar

2) Darya Khan Nuhani B) Governor of Punjab

3) Jalal Khan Lodi C) Governor of Kara

4) Daulat Khan Lodi D) Governor of Kalpi

3) In what way did the Afghan polity differ from the Turkish polity?

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4) Discuss the measures taken by the Surs to curb the power of the nobles...................................................................................................................................

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Afghan Polity........................................................................................................................

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5.4 FOUNDATION OF MUGHAL RULE IN INDIAMuch before the final showdown at the battle of Panipat (1526), Babur had invadedIndia four times. These skirmishes were trials of strength of Mughal arms and Lodiforces.

The first to fall was Bhira (1519-1520), the gateway of Hindustan, followed by Sialkot(1520) and Lahore (1524). Finally, Ibrahim Lodi and Babur’s forces met at thehistoric battlefield of Panipat. The battle lasted for just few hours in favour of Babur.The battle shows Babur’s skill in the art of warfare. His soldiers were less in numberbut their organisation was superior. Ibrahim’s forces though many times greater innumber (approximately 100,000 soldiers and 500-1000 elephants as compared toBabur’s 12,000 horsemen) fared badly. Babur successfully applied the Rumi (Ottoman)method of warfare (for details see Figure. 5.1).

Figure 5.1: Rumi device used by Babur at the Battle of PanipatSource: EHI-4: History of India from 16th to mid-18th Century, Block 2, Unit 5, p. 8

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Indian Political System As the Afghans advanced to attack the right flank; Babur ordered his reserve forcesunder Abdul Aziz to move. The Afghans, greater in number, were unable to moveforward nor backward. They were attacked from both sides. This created totalconfusion among the Afghan forces. Babur took full advantage of the situation,and his right and left wings soon attacked the Afghan forces from the rear side. Thiswas followed with the opening up of fire shots. This completely paralyzed the Afghanarmy. Afghan casualties reported by Babur were approximately 20,000 including theSultan Ibrahim Lodi. In the battle it was not Babur’s artillery but his ‘superb tactics’and the ‘mounted archers’ played the decisive role, a fact which Babur himselfacknowledged.

The battle of Panipat, though formally established the Mughal rule in India, it wasthe first among the series of battles in the years to come. For example, to securethis triumph, it was equally important to overcome Rana Sanga of Mewar and thechieftains in and around Delhi and Agra. Another important opponent in the easternIndia was the Afghans. To add to this, problems were mounting within his ownnobility.

5.4.1 Babur and the Rajput KingdomsWe have already discussed that Rana Sanga of Mewar was a power to reckon with.Babur, in his memoirs, has blamed Rana Sanga for breaking his promise by not sidingwith him in the battle of Panipat against Ibrahim Lodi. Leaving apart the controversywhether it was Rana or Babur who asked for help, the fact remains that there wassome understanding on both the sides to join hands against Ibrahim Lodi in whichthe Rana faltered. Rana expected Babur to return to Kabul and leave him free toestablish his hegemony, if not over whole of Hindustan, at least over Rajputana.Babur’s decision to stay back must have given a big jolt to Rana’s ambitions. Baburwas also fully aware of the fact that it would be impossible for him to consolidate hisposition in India unless he shattered the Rana’s power. Rana Sanga this timesucceeded in establishing the ‘confederacy’ against Babur with the help of Afghannobles. Hasan Khan Mewati not only joined the Rana but also played a crucialrole in forming the ‘confederacy’. This time (1527) Hasan Khan of Bari and HusainKhan Gurg-andaz joined the Rana. Husain Khan Nuhani occupied Rapri, RustamKhan prevailed over Koil, while Qutb Khan captured Chandawar. Pressure ofeastern Afghans was so much that Sultan Muhammad Duldai had to leave Qannaujand join Babur. To add to this, the defeat of Babur’s commander Abdul Aziz andMuhibb Ali at Biana and their praise of the valour of the Rajput army completelydemoralised Babur’s army. Firishta and Badauni (Akbar’s contemporary) commentthat the sense of defeatism was so strong that it was proposed by a majority at acouncil of war that the Padshah should withdraw to Punjab and wait fordevelopments of unseen events. The Baburnama does not say anything aboutsuch a proposal, but this shows the general feeling of ‘despair and frustration’.However, Babur prevailed over the situation with his fiery speech touching thereligious sentiments of his men.

Babur fortified his position near Sikri at the village Khanwa. Here also he plannedand organised his army on the ‘Ottoman’ lines. This time he took the support of atank on his left, front side again was defended by carts but ropes were replaced byiron chains. However, this time he used the strong wooden tripods connected witheach other by ropes. They offered not only protection and rest to the guns but alsothey could move them forward and backward on the wheels. It took around 20-25

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Afghan Polity

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Indian Political System days to complete the strategy under Ustad Mustafa and Ustad Ali. In the battle(17th March, 1527) Babur made use of his artillery well. Rana Sanga got severelywounded and was carried to Baswa near Amber. Among his other associates,Mahmud Khan Lodi escaped but Hasan Khan Mewati was killed. The Rajputssuffered a big loss. In fact, there was hardly any contingent whose commanderwas not killed. Shyamal Das (Vir Vinod) attributes the treachery of Silhadi ofRaisen as the major factor behind the defeat of Rana. But, in fact, it was irrationalfor Rana to remain inactive for over three weeks. This provided an opportunity toBabur to strengthen himself and prepare for war. Babur’s disciplined army, mobilecavalry and his artillery played the most decisive role in the battle.

Though the Mewar Rajputs received a great shock at Khanwa, Medini Rai atMalwa was still a power to reckon with. In 1520, Rana Sanga bestowed Malwa onMedini Rai, the chief noble of Mahmud II of Malwa. In spite of great valour withwhich the Rajputs fought at Chanderi (1528), Babur faced little difficulty inovercoming Medini Rai. With his defeat, resistance across Rajputana wascompletely shattered. But Babur had to tackle the Afghans. Mahmud Khan Lodiwho had already escaped towards the east could create problems if left unchecked.

5.4.2 Babur and the Afghan ChieftainsThe Afghans had surrendered Delhi, but they were still powerful in the east (Biharand parts of Jaunpur) where the Nuhani Afghans were dominant led by SultanMuhammad Nuhani. The Afghans of Chunar, Jaunpur and Awadh were not readyto cooperate with the Nuhanis in a bid to give a united opposition against theMughals. Instead, they surrendered meekly to Humayun (1527). In the meantime,Sultan Muhammad Nuhani died (1528) and left the Nuhanis disjointed as his sonJalal Khan was still a minor. But the vacuum was soon filled by the appearance ofPrince Mahmud Lodi, son of Sikandar Lodi and brother of Ibrahim. The Afghans,including the non-Nuhanis, who were a little hesitant earlier to side with theNuhanis, now readily accepted Mahmud’s leadership. Besides, even the NuhaniAfghans like Babban, Bayazid and Fath Khan Sarwani, etc. who felt leaderlesswith the desertion of Jalal to Bengal, welcomed Mahmud. Nusrat Shah of Bengalalso, though apparently advocated friendship with Babur, secretly adopted hostilemeasures against him. He considered the existence of the Nuhani kingdom inBihar as buffer between the Mughals and his own possessions in parts of Bihar.

Babur could hardly afford to ignore these developments. He mobilised his forcesat Ghagra and inflicted a crushing defeat upon Nusrat Shah’s army (1529). Thusended the Afghan-Nusrat coalition and Nusrat Shah had to surrender large numberof Afghan rebels who had taken asylum in his territory. The Afghans were nowtotally demoralised. Though Babban and Bayazid did attempt to resist at Awadh,but when pressurised (1529) they fled to Mahmud. Thus, within four years Babursucceeded in crushing the hostile powers and now could think of consolidatinghimself at Delhi. But he could hardly get the opportunity to rule as he died soonafter (29 December, 1530).

The establishment of the Mughal Empire under the aegis of Babur was significant.Though the Afghans and Rajputs could not be crushed completely (a task left tohis successors), his two major blows at Panipat and Khanwa were certainly decisiveand destroyed the balance of power in the region and perhaps was a step towardsthe establishment of an all-India empire.

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Afghan PolityCheck Your Progress-2

1) Discuss Babur’s success against Ibrahim Lodi at the battle of Panipat.

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2) Discuss the significance of the battle of Khanwa.........................................................................................................................

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3) Write a note on Nusrat-Afghan coalition against Babur.........................................................................................................................

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5.5 HUMAYUN: 1530-1540The situation under Humayun was quite different. Like Babur he did not commandthe respect and esteem of the nobility. Moreover, the Chaghatai nobles were notfavourably inclined towards him and the Indian nobles, who had joined Babur’sservice deserted the Mughals at Humayun’s accession. Muhammad Sultan Mirza,a descendant of Timur; Muhammad Zaman and Mir Muhammad Mahdi Khwaja,brother-in-law of Babur, were considered worthy to aspire to the throne; especiallyAmir Nizamuddin Ali Khalifa, a grandee of Babur, hatched a conspiracy whichfailed. To sustain imperial power and hegemony, Humayun had to contend against theAfghans both in the east and the west which was supported by a large social base. But,most dangerous of all, was Humayun’s brother Kamran Mirza. The situation wasfurther aggravated by the existence of two centres of power within the empire –Humayun at the centre and Kamran’s autonomous control over Afghanistan andPunjab. Humayun decided to deal, at first, with the western Afghans.

5.5.1 Bahadur Shah and HumayunHumayun’s relations with Bahadur Shah represent a curious contrast due to thecircumstances. In the beginning (early 1531 to mid-1533), Bahadur Shah assuredHumayun of friendship and loyalty. But, at the same time he also attempted toexpand his area of influence closer to the Mughal frontiers. The first to taste thewrath was Malwa. Bahadur Shah was a little apprehensive of the Mughal designs onMalwa. He feared that if this buffer state between the two was left unoccupied, theMughals might attempt to conquer it. Besides, all trade routes to Gujarat ports passedthrough Malwa. It was also very fertile and rich in grain production and Gujaratdepended much upon this region for grain supply. After 1530, Bahadur Shah startedputting up military pressure on Malwa and finally occupied it in January 1531. Soonafter, Bahadur Shah started making alliances with Humayun’s adversaries in the east –Sher Shah in Bihar (1531-15 32) and Nusrat Shah in Bengal (August-September 1532).Nusrat Shah is also reported to have sent an embassy under Khwajasara Malik (August-September 1532) who was well received by Bahadur Shah. Besides, many disgruntled

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Indian Political System Afghans of the north and the east also joined him in a bid to oust Mughals in orderto regain their lost pride. Sultan Alauddin Lodi, son of Bahlul Lodi, and his sons FathKhan and Tatar Khan, Rai Nar Singh, nephew of Raja Bikramajit of Gwalior (1528)and Alam Khan Lodi of Kalpi (1531), all looked towards Bahadur Shah and extendedtheir help against the Mughals. Even the eastern Afghans – Babban Khan Lodi(Shahu Khail), Malik Roop Chand, Dattu Sarwani and Ma’ruf Farmuli – joinedhands with Bahadur Shah.

Humayun could ill afford to ignore these developments. Situation could haveworsened in case of combined Afghan attack from east and the west. In themeantime, Bahadur Shah’s aggressive designs continued unabated. He occupiedBhilsa, Raisen, Ujjain and Gagron. Thus he could well keep the Mughals awayfrom Gwalior, Kalinjar, Bayana and Agra. While Bahadur Shah was busy inexpanding towards Malwa and Rajputana, Humayun was besieging Chunar. Thesedevelopments forced him to rush back to Agra (1532-33). But Bahadur Shah waskeen to avoid any clash with the Mughals and immediately sent an embassy underKhurasan Khan (1533-34). Humayun demanded that he should not give shelter toMughal rebels especially Muhammad Zaman Mirza. At the same time Humayunagreed not to threaten the Gujarati establishments while Bahadur Shah promisedto withdraw from Mandu. Bahadur Shah in the meantime was involved insuppressing the Portuguese menace (September-December 1533) and Humayunwas busy in tackling the Afghans in the east.

New developments resulted in the invasion of Gujarat by Humayun in 1535. In 1534,Bahadur Shah gave shelter to Muhammad Zaman Mirza and also attacked Chittor.Chittor was important for Bahadur Shah for it could provide him a strong base inRajputana. It could have also facilitated expansion towards Ajmer, Nagor andRanthambhor. But Humayun at this point made no attempt to stop Bahadur Shahfrom conquering Chittor. His move from Agra to Kalpi was too slow. Similarly, hetook a longer route to reach Chittor. It seems that Humayun was not very keen tostop Bahadur Shah from occupying Chittor. Bahadur Shah was anxious to reachMandu before Humayun could intercept. But the latter reached there much before.Mandu was the only route to retreat from Chittor to Gujarat and that was alreadyoccupied by Humayun. He blocked Bahadur Shah’s camp from all directions,thus, cutting the supplies. Within a month, with no hope left, Gujarati armythemselves destroyed their best artillery to stop the Mughals to use it against them.Bahadur Shah fled from Mandu to Champaner, Ahmadabad, and Cambay andcrossed Kathiawar and reached Diu. Mughals chased him. But, again, they hardlyshowed any eagerness for either arresting or killing Bahadur Shah.

It seems that the real aim of Humayun was just to destroy the power of Gujarat. AtChampaner, when Bahadur Shah was recognized by Mughal officers, they did notarrest him. Soon Humayun had to leave Mandu and rush to Agra because his longabsence from there had resulted in rebellions in Doab and Agra. Mandu was nowleft under the charge of Mirza Askari. The handling of local population by theMughals had caused widespread indignation. People were looted and slaughtered.As a result, as soon as Humyun left Mandu people rejoiced Bahadur Shah’s returnfrom Diu. Bahadur Shah took advantage of the opportunity and defeated theMughals at Ahmadabad. In the meantime, to check the Portuguese advance,Bahadur Shah had to return to Diu. But this time the Portuguese succeeded andBahadur Shah was treacherously murdered (17 February 1537). This created

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Afghan Polityconfusion everywhere. The Afghans, left with no alternative, now turned towardsSher Shah for leadership.

5.5.2 Eastern Afghans and HumayunThe Afghans’ defeat at the hands of Humayun (siege of Chunar in November, 1531)resulted in the flight of Afghan nobles to Gujarat. This created a political vacuum inthe east, providing an opportunity to Sher Khan to consolidate his power.

The period between 1530-1535 proved crucial for Sher Shah. To consolidate hisposition in the east, he had to tackle the Bengal and Afghan nobles who got shelterunder the Bengal ruler. On the other hand, he was hardly in a position to face theMughals in the case of any direct clash. Fortunately, circumstances took afavourable turn for Sher Shah. Considering Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, a seriousthreat, Humayun decided to tackle him first. During this period, Sher Shah wasleft free to consolidate himself.

Sher Shah had to face two invasions of Bengal rulers. The first attack took placeunder Qutb Khan, the muqti of Munger in 1532-1533 during Sultan Nusrat Shah’sreign, and, the second under Ibrahim Khan during Sultan Mahmud Shah’s reign(1534). However, Bengal armies were defeated on both the occasions. Thesesuccesses completely exposed the weakness of the Bengal army. This raised theprestige of Sher Khan. The eastern Afghans who had earlier deserted him nowrushed to serve under his banner. Besides, the destruction and death of BahadurShah by Humayun left the Afghans with no alternative but to join him against theMughals.

Now Sher Shah wanted to establish himself as the undisputed Afghan leader. Thistime (1535) he took the offensive and defeated the Bengal army in the battle ofSurajgarh. In a peace settlement after the battle, Sultan Mahmud Shah of Bengalagreed to supply war elephants and financial help to Sher Shah whenever required.This grand success against Bengal, followed by his attacks on the Mughal territoriesin the east (from Gorakhpur to Banaras), alarmed Humayun. Humayun now deputedHindu Beg as governor (hakim) of Jaunpur to keep an eye on the developments inthe eastern region. But, Sher Shah, acting cautiously on the one hand assuredHindu Beg of his loyalty, while on the other utilized the time for strengthening hisarmy for his next onslaught on Mughals. As soon his preparations were over, hewrote a threatening letter to Hindu Beg. At the same time, he launched his secondattack on Bengal (1537). Hindu Beg, annoyed with Sher Shah’s behaviour, reportedhis hostile intentions to Humayun. The Afghan nobles suggested Humayun tostop Sher Shah from occupying Bengal, while the Mughal nobles advised him tooccupy Chunar first to use it as a base for his operations in the east. The latteroption was important for maintaining the line of communications with Agra. Butit took too long for Rumi Khan to capture Chunar (6 months). Historians considerit a great ‘mistake’ that cost Humayun his ‘empire’. Though leaving Chunar in thehands of the Afghans could have been unwise, leaving Sher Shah free andunchecked in Bengal was ‘equally wrong’.

Sher Shah utilised the time and captured Gaur (April, 1538), the capital of Bengal.At this stage, Humayun asked Sher Shar to transfer Bengal and Rohtasgarh tohim, but Sher Shah was not ready to surrender Bengal and the negotiations failed.Now Humayun decided to curb Sher Shah’s power but he did not want to involvehimself in Bengal politics. Yet, the circumstances were forcing him towards it.

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Indian Political System Sher Shah shrewdly withdrew from Bengal, and Humayun, with no obviousobstructions, reached Bengal (September, 1538).

He had to stay there for four months until he finally settled the prevailing chaos.In the meantime, Sher Shah succeeded in controlling the routes to Agra thus makingcommunication difficult for Humayun. To add to Humayun’s worries, Hindal Mirza,who was sent to gather supplies for his army, assumed sovereign power. Humayunhurried back to Chunar and reached Chausa (March 1539). He encamped on thewestern side of the river Karmnasa. At this stage Humayun was still in control ofthe situation. On the front side he was guarded by the river, while to his rear wasChunar, which was still in the hands of his men. Sher Shah, too, showed willingnessto accept truce. But at this stage Humayun unnecessarily exposed himself to dangerby crossing the river. Sher Shah knowing fully well the paucity of Humayun’sprovisions, equipment and transport wasted no time in exploiting the situation.He, while pretending to fulfil the terms of the truce, attacked the Mughal army.Panic spread in the Mughal camp. Large number of Mughal forces were killed.Humayun and Askari Mirza managed to flee. Humayun reached Agra by way ofKara Manikpur and Kalpi (July 1539). Raja Virbhan, the ruler of Gahora, helpedgreatly in rescuing them. Kamran Mirza welcomed Humayun on his return toAgra with his army totally destroyed; while Sher Shah, elated by his victory,proclaimed himself an independent king. Under these circumstances, the finalclash was inevitable. Humayun was defeated badly in the battle of Qannauj at thebanks of Ganga (1540). This paved the way for the establishment of the secondAfghan empire in India. A number of factors had contributed in Humayun’s debacleagainst Sher Shah. These include:

i) faced hostility of his brothers. On many occasions he dealt with them tookindly.

ii) Sometime he reacted lethargically when the situation demanded swift action.This can be seen well in his Gujarat and Bengal campaigns.

iii) He was also victim of an ‘inexorable fate’. For example, Mahmud Shah ofBengal kept him unnecessarily involved in Bengal politics. This provided anopportunity to Sher Shah to gain strength.

iv) Humayun also lacked financial resources for continuous warfare. Thisweakness became very much evident when in Bengal he got stranded andlacked money and supplies (1539).

v) Besides, Sher Shah had the courage, experience and organising abilities; hewas also skilled in exploiting political opportunities. Humayun could notmatch his capabilities.

5.5.3 Humayun and His BrothersImmediately after the death of his father Babur, Humayun divided his empire intofour parts giving Mewat to Hindal, Sambhal to Askari and Punjab, Kabul andQandahar to Kamran. The very division itself was unfavourable to Humayun for hewas left with little resources at his disposal. In spite of this kind treatment, hisbrothers hardly helped him when he needed. His brother Askari Mirza, whomHumayun made governor of Gujarat at the time of Bahadur Shah’s attack onAhmadabad, could not tackle the situation. As a result, Humayun had to lose Malwa(1537). Askari Mirza also sided with Kamran and proceeded to Qandahar at the

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Afghan Politycrucial juncture when Humayun needed their help after his defeat at the hands ofSher Shah at Qannauj. However, Hindal Mirza by and large remained loyal toHumanyun and even died fighting for him (1551).

The greatest threat to Humayun arose from Kamran Mirza who had assumed almost asemi-independent position in Afghanistan and Punjab. Thus emerged two centres ofpower – one at Kabul-Lahore and the other at Agra. This situation prevented therise of a centralised state and the political instability was evident in the first majorcrisis which the Mughals faced (1538-1540). Though Kamran Mirza remained loyalto Humayun in the early years and once rushed to Delhi at the call of Yadgar NasirMirza (governor of Delhi) to tackle Hindal Mirza (June 1539). Here again, insteadof marching towards Chausa to help Humayun, both the brothers, Hindal and Kamran,watched the developments from a distance. Had they extended help to Humayun, hecould have defeated Sher Shah.

It seems Kamran was more interested in defending his own territory rather thanputting up a united front against the Afghans. Even before Humayun’s final clashwith Sher Shah (1540), Kamran Mirza, instead of sending his whole army, sent only3000 troops to serve the Emperor at Lahore. After Humayun’s defeat at the handsof Sher Shah (1540), Kamran even sent a proposal to Sher Shah, through QaziAbdullah, to accept Punjab as the frontier between the two. Sher Shah realisedthat there was no unanimity between the brothers and forced them to accept Indusas the boundary. Kamran felt that he had to lose Punjab due to the incompetencyof his brother and became more anxious to save Kabul and Qandahar for himself.The period between 1545-1553 is one during which Humayun was busy in dealingwith Kamran Mirza. However, it is difficult to put the entire blame for Humayun’sfailures on his brothers. But their support would have made things easier forHumayun and the Empire could have been saved.

5.6 THE SECOND AFGHAN EMPIRE IN INDIA:1540-1555

Finally, after expelling Humayun, Sher Shah became the Emperor of North Indiafrom the Indus to the Bay of Bengal in the east and from Himalaya in the north toMalwa in the south. The Baloch chiefs of Multan and upper Sind and Maldeo inwestern Rajputana and Bhaiya Puran Mal of Raisin were defeated. A centralisedpolitical system was again revived by Sher Shah Sur. With Sher Shah Sur, a newera began in the history of North India. Certain important changes took place inthe realm of ideas and institutions.

After defeating the Mughal Emperor, Sher Shah declared himself as the sovereignruler and started building the Second Afghan Empire. The fifteen years (1540-1555) of Afghan rule form an interlude in the history of Mughal Empire. Thisperiod, nevertheless, was significant for the administrative innovations andreorganisation. During Sher Shah’s short reign (1540-1545), he was busy in fightingfor keeping his new Empire intact. Here we will give a very brief account of SherShah’s conflicts during this period.

The Ghakkars (inhabitants on the North-West frontier between the Indus and Jhelumrivers) were the first ones to come in conflict with him. But Sher Shah got verylittle success in this venture. The Ghakkars put up a stiff resistance. Khizr Khan,the governor of Bengal, also showed some signs of independence. All this forced

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Indian Political System him to withdraw from Punjab and he marched towards Bengal (1541). There hedismissed Khizr Khan. Malwa was the next target of Sher-Shah where Qadir Shahshowed disobedience. In this way, he occupied Gwalior from Abdul Qasim. QadirShah also surrendered and was arrested (1542). To tackle the Rajputs, Sher Shahbesieged Raisen in 1543. Raja Puran Mal, ruler of Raisen, though offeredsubmission, Sher Shah attacked him. Puran Mal along with many others, died inthe battle.

The province of Multan was also conquered in 1543. In spite of the defeat of theRajputs at Raisen, Maldeo of Marwar was still formidable. He had already extendedhis dominion towards Sambhar, Nagor, Bikaner, Ajmer and Bednar. Sher Shahmarched towards him and in 1544 occupied Ajmer, Pali and Mount Abu. Withoutany serious resistence, Udai Singh also handed over the keys of Chittor to SherShah. Thus, almost the whole of Rajputana fell into his hands. Sher Shah alsosucceeded in occupying the impregnable fort of Kalinjar, but, while besieging it,Sher Shah was severely wounded on account of explosion and died soon after(22 May, 1545). Thus, ended the glorious career of Sher Shah.

Sher Shah’s son and successor Islam Shah (1545-1553), though he kept the legacyof his father intact, failed to consolidate it any further. He was most of the timebusy in suppressing the intrigues within his own camp which emerged under theleadership of his brother Adil Shah along with Azam Humayun and KhawwasKhan. Besides, his humiliating treatment towards the Niyazi Afghans specificallyand the Afghans in general generated more resentment rather than gaining anysupport. The ill effects of which had to be borne by his son and successor. Onefinds that in spite of all efforts of Islam Shah to clear the road for the smoothsuccession of his son after his death (1553) internal strifes marred the infant Afghankingdom to the advantage of Humayun. Soon after Islam Shah’s death, MubarizKhan murdered Islam’s son Firuz and ascended the throne with the title of AdilShah. Sedition and rebellions marred the entire country and the Empire broke into‘five’ kingdoms (Ahmad Khan Sur in Punjab; Ibrahim Shah in Sambhal and Doab;Adil Shah in Chunar and Bihar; Malwa under Baz Bahadur; and Sikandar Shahcontrolled Delhi and Agra). This provided an ideal climate for Humayun to strike.

Sur Administration

In the process of evolution of Mughal administrative machinery, the Afghaninterlude (1540-1555) was significant. Under Sher Shah Sur the experiment in theformation of a bureaucracy under a centralised despotism had taken place. Akbargave it a definite shape.

We get very little information about the working of central administration underSher Shah. But he was an autocrat and kept everything under his direct controland supervision. Therefore, things went well so long as he was alive; his successorswere no match to him.

Sher Shah seems to have been inspired by the history of Sultan Alauddin Khalji’s(l296-1316) reign. He adopted most of the rules and regulations introduced by theKhalji Sultan. However, like Khaljis he was not harsh in their implementation. Inthe doab region, the sarkar (the successor of shiqq under the Khaljis) was theadministrative-cum-fiscal unit, while wilayat, comprising a number of sarkars inthe outlying regions, such as Bengal, Malwa, Rajputana and Sind and Multanwere retained for the convenience of defence. The sarkar comprised a number of

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Afghan Polityparganas, each pargana consisting of a number of villages. The village was theprimary fiscal unit.

The noble posted as incharge of sarkar or wilayat was not given unlimited powers.He was regularly directed through royal farman to implement new rules andregulations. The spies informed the king about the conduct of the officers. Anyonewho was found failing in his work was punished. For instance, Khizr Turk, thegovernor of Bengal, was dismissed and thrown into prison because he married thedaughter of the ex-Sultan of Bengal without Sher Shah’s permission and actedindependently.

The shiqqdar was in-charge of the pargana. His chief function was to collect therevenue at pargana level. He was frequently transferred under Sher Shah. He wasassisted by two karkuns (clerks) who kept the records both in Hindi and Persian.The munsif was responsible for measuring the land, etc. Both (shiqqdar and munsif)were directly appointed by the king. The qanungo maintained the records at parganalevel. He was a hereditary semi-official. The fotadar was entrusted with the treasuryof the pargana.

A number of parganas formed a sarkar (shiqq), headed by shiqqdar-i shiqqdaran.He was the supervisor and executive officer over the shiqqdars of all the parganasin a sarkar (shiqq). The munsif-i munsifan performed the duties of amin (createdlater by the Mughals) at sarkar (shiqq) level. There were 66 sarkars (shiqqs) inSher Shah’s Empire.

The village was the smallest unit of administration. A group of villages constituteda pargana and a few parganas a shiqq which was equivalent to Mughal sarkar.However, in few areas, such as Punjab, Bengal, Malwa, etc. several shiqqs wereplaced under an officer whom we can equate with the Mughal subadar. The village-head was known as muqaddam who worked as the sole link between thegovernment and the village. Though he was not a government servant, he wasnonetheless responsible for maintaining law and order in his village. Next comesthe patwari, a village record-keeper. He was also not an employee of the state butof the village community.

Sher Shah attached great importance to the administration of justice. Civil casesof the Muslims were taken care of by the qazi, while the criminal cases were triedby the shiqqdar. The largest responsibility for detecting crimes rested uponmuqaddams. If the muqaddam of the village, where the crime was committed,failed to capture the culprit, he was liable to severe punishment.

Similarly, Sher Shah’s policy with regard to the planting of Afghan colonies in theterritories known for recalcitrant inhabitants also demonstrates the nature ofkingship under him. For example, Gwalior was one of the places colonised by theAfghans during Sher Shah’s reign. In short, Sher Shah was an absolute monarchfor all practical purposes.

In organising his nobility, Sher Shah took people belonging to different ethnicgroups and did so in such a way that his dynastic interests could be safeguarded.No group was strong enough to assume the shape of a pressure group. We find thenon-Afghan nobles, Khawwas Khan, Haji Khan and Habib Khan Sultani holdingthe charge of important provinces with large iqtas. This shows that the establishmentof a pure Afghan nobility was never a consideration with Sher Shah.

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Indian Political System On Sher Shah’s death, his second son Prince Jalal Khan ascended the throne underthe title of Islam Shah. He overpowered and eliminated many senior andexperienced nobles who supported his elder brother Adil Khan. After theirelimination, Islam Shah was free to translate his political ideas into practice. Heshifted his capital from Agra to Gwalior and also brought his father’s treasuresfrom Chunar. Thus, Gwalior became the centre of Indo-Muslim culture.

It is also worth mentioning that Islam Shah went a step further from Sher Shah incentralising the polity of the Empire. He took away the iqtas of the nobles andbrought the whole Empire under khalisa. The officers were paid in cash instead ofiqtas. The nobility and army were reorganised into new grades. Officers wereappointed from among them to look after and inspect the proper maintenance ofsoldiers and necessary army equipment by the nobles. The nobles were also deniedthe possession of war elephants; it was a king’s prerogative.

Islam Shah was very harsh in dealing with the nobility but he was benevolenttowards the public. He provided people with the security of life and property byholding the officer-in-charge of a territorial unit responsible for the loss of propertyand life in his jurisdiction. Consequently, the officer in whose territory any crimewas committed, went out of his way to arrest the culprit. Like his father, IslamShah also ensured the administration of impartial justice in the Empire.

5.7 REVIVAL OF MUGHAL RULE IN INDIAAfter Humayun’s defeat at Qannauj, when Askari Mirza and Kamran withdrew tothe North-West; Hindal and Yadgar Nasir Mirza decided to be with Humayun.The latter now decided to try his luck in Sind. But, here, Hindal Mirza also desertedhim and at the invitation of Kamran marched towards Qandahar. The ruler ofSind, Shah Husain Arghun, also succeeded in winning over Yadgar Nasir Mirzaby giving his daughter in marriage. Humayun himself could not succeed in his bidto occupy Sihwan. Frustrated by all these developments, Humayun alone tried hisluck in Rajputana. He was invited by Raja Maldeo, the ruler of Marwar(July 1542). But, at this juncture, Sher Shah asked Maldeo to hand over Humayun.The latter fled in fear (August 1542). He was well received by Rana Birsal. Withthe help of the Rana, Humayun tried his luck in Sind once more but failed. Nowhe marched towards Persia via Ghazni (December 1543) where he was well-received by Shah Tahmasp (1544). The latter promised him help in regainingQandahar, Kabul and Ghazni, provided he promised to surrender Qandahar to theShah. It was agreed upon and Qandahar, then under Askari Mirza, was occupiedand handed over to the Shah.

But misunderstandings crept up, for the Persians showed no eagerness to helpHumayun to occupy Kabul and Ghazni. This compelled Humayun to wrestQandahar from the Persians (1545). Humayun’s success at Qandahar won overmany nobles – specially Hindal and Yadgar Nasir Mirza to change sides. Thesedevelopments totally demoralised Kamran and he fled from Kabul to Ghazni andthence to Sind and thus, facilitated Humayun’s entry in Kabul (November 1545).From 1545 to 1553, Humayun spent his energies mainly in dealing with his brotherKamran who kept Humayun on his toes. In this conflict Hindal Mirza lost his lifeon the battlefield (1551). This forced Humayun to have a final showdown. Kamrantried to get help from Islam Shah but was cold shouldered. While fleeing from

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Afghan Polityplace to place, the Ghakkar chieftain Sultan Adam captured Kamran and handedhim over to Humayun. Finally, Kamran was blinded and permitted to proceed toMecca (where he died in 1557).

With the end of Kamran’s opposition, Humayun emerged an undisputed master ofKabul. With favourable political climate in India, now Humayun could plan forthe re-acquisition of his lost Indian Empire. He started in November 1554 andreached Lahore in February 1555. With little difficulty, the Mughals continuedtheir victorious march and occupied Machhiwara. The final clash took place atSirhind. Sikandar Shah Sur had to flee towards Siwalik and the road to Delhi,thus, lay clear. Humayun reached Salimgarh in June 1555 and occupied Delhi.However, Humayun could hardly accomplish the task of conquest and consolidation.He died soon after (26 January 1556), leaving behind his minor son Akbar underheavy odds.


1) Discuss in brief Humayun’s struggle with Bahadur Shah.........................................................................................................................

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2) Discuss the factors responsible for Humayun’s debacle against Sher Shah.........................................................................................................................

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3) Write a short note on Humayun’s relations with his brothers.........................................................................................................................

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4) Discuss the circumstances which facilitated Humayun to regain his power inIndia.........................................................................................................................

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5.8 SUMMARYPolity in the first half of the 16th century was mainly dominated by the Afghans –the Lodis. The Mughals also emerged on the scene, but they were still strugglingto dominate the Afghan polity. This, in fact, was a period of instability. The Afghannobility was not prepared to accept the autonomy of the Sultan. It played a crucialrole in determining the political events of the period. As political expediencydemanded, Bahlul was virtually dictated by Afghan nobility. Sikandar, whosucceeded in exerting his power, did attempt a compromise. But, Ibrahim andlater the Surs established an autocratic centralised monarchy, and made the nobilitytotally subservient to the Sultan. In spite of political instability, people enjoyedprosperity and economic stability.

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Indian Political System In this Unit, we have studied the political situation of India on the eve of Babur’sinvasion. It would not be fair to assume that Indian politics was determined byreligious considerations; rather circumstances and personal interests dominatedthe political scene. But, even after Panipat, Babur’s path was not smooth. He hadto face the Rajput chieftains and the dispirited Afghans. The alliances that wereforged during these conflicts cut across religious considerations. We have seenthat the confederacy had in it both the Rajputs and the Afghan nobles. It wasBabur’s great generalship that made him victorious against all odds. His sonHumayun, who was not as gifted a general as his father, could not stand against theunited Afghan opposition and thus failed to keep his father’s legacy intact (1540).

As a result, he was thrown into wilderness for almost thirteen years. During thisperiod, we saw the emergence of a great Afghan – Sher Shah – who, though ruledfor just five years, left his permanent marks of excellence in history. He not onlyprovided a strong administrative setup, which was followed and further strengthenedby Akbar, but also brought almost the whole of north India under one administrativeunit. But his successors failed to consolidate further. Their personal intrigues andthe prevailing chaos provided an apt opportunity for Humayun to strike. This timeHumayun made no mistake. He regained power in 1555. He died soon after leavingthe task of consolidation to his son Akbar. We shall read about the developmentsthat followed in the next Unit.

5.9 KEYWORDSAmin Revenue assessor

Baburnama Memoir written by Babur (also known as Tuzuk-i Baburi)

Muqti Governor; iqta holder

Pargana An administrative unit comprising of a numberof villages

Sarkar Territorial divison consisted of a number ofparganas. Between parganas and sarkars werethe shiqqs but from Akbar’s reign onwards shiqqwas not commonly used

Wazir Prime Minister

Wilayat Province. Provinces in this period were not well-defined administrative units. The well-definedprovinces (subas) emerged for the first timeduring Akbar’s reign in 1580



1. See Section 5.2

2. 1) C-Governor of Kara; 2) A-Governor of Bihar; 3) D-Governor of Kalpi;4) B-Governor of Punjab

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Afghan Polity3. See Sub-section 5.3.1

4. See Sub-section 5.3.2


1. See Section 5.4







4. See Section 5.7

5.11 SUGGESTED READINGSHasan, Mohibbul, (1985) Babur: Founder of the Mughal Empire in India (NewDelhi: Manohar Publications).

Pandey, Awadh Behari, (1956) The First Afghan Empire in India (1451-1526 AD)(New Delhi: Bookland Limited).

Siddiqui, Iqtidar Husain, (1969) Some aspects of Afghan Despotism in India(Aligarh: Three Men Publication).

Tripathi, R. P., (1963) Rise and Fall of the Mughal Empire (Allahabad: CentralBook Depot).

5.12 INSTRUCTIONAL VIDEO RECCOMENDATIONSTalking History |8| Delhi: The Foundation of Mughal Empire | Rajya SabhaTVhttps://www.youtu.be/anQWopp1NCo

Talking History |9| Delhi: The Mughal Empire under Humayun | Rajya SabhaTVhttps://www.youtu.be/SeCpvMT_vA4

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Indian Political System UNIT 6 MUGHAL CONQUESTS: WARFAREAND ALLIANCES*

Structure

6.0 Objectives

6.1 Introduction

6.2 Power Politics and Regency of Bairam Khan: 1556-1560

6.3 Territorial Expansion

6.3.1 North and Central India

6.3.2 Western India

6.3.3 Eastern India

6.3.4 Rebellions of 1581

6.3.5 Conquests in the North-West


6.4 Territorial Expansion under the Successors of Akbar

6.5 Policies towards Autonomous Chieftains

6.6 Mughals and the North-West Frontier: Global and Regional Perspectives

6.7 Mughal Relations with the Uzbegs

6.7.1 Babur and Humayun

6.7.2 Akbar

6.7.3 Jahangir

6.7.4 Shah Jahan

6.8 Mughal Relations with Persia

6.8.1 Babur and Humayun

6.8.2 Akbar

6.8.3 Jahangir

6.8.4 Shah Jahan

6.9 The Deccan States and the Perso-Mughal Dilemma

6.10 Aurangzeb and the North-West Frontier

6.11 Summary

6.12 Keywords




* Dr. Meena Bhargava, Department of History, Indraprastha College, Delhi; and Prof.Mansura Haider, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. The presentUnit is taken from IGNOU Course EHI-04: India from 16th to mid-18th Century, Block 2,Units 5, 6 and 7.

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Mughal Conquests:Warfare and Alliances6.0 OBJECTIVES

After going through this Unit, you should be able to:

• assess how Bairam Khan’s regency came to an end and Akbar took control ofthe affairs of the state,

• evaluate the territorial expansion of Mughal Empire under Akbar and hissuccessors,

• analyze the problems faced by the Mughals in expanding the Empire,

• understand the relationship between the Mughals and autonomous chiefs andappreciate how did it help in the expansion and consolidation of the Empire,

• evaluate the relationship between the Mughals and the North-West frontier,

• understand geo-political significance of North-Western frontier and the globaland regional perspective which shaped and determined tripartite relations,

• evaluate main stages in the Mughal-Uzbeg relations, and

• identify main phases of the Mughal-Safavi relations.

6.1 INTRODUCTIONHumayun had rescued and restored the Mughal Empire in 1555. But, had it not beenfor Akbar, the Empire perhaps would not have sustained. It was during the rule ofAkbar that the Mughal Empire became a political fact and an important factor in theIndian politics. Akbar’s policies were emulated by his successors with few changes orin accordance with the political atmosphere of their times.

In this Unit, we will not go into the details of administrative machinery and thecreation of the ruling class (this will be discussed in Theme III). Here we will confineourselves mainly to the territorial expansion under the Mughals and the problemsrelated to it. In the course of developing a large Empire the Mughal rulers had to dealwith some political powers who held sway in various regions. Important of thesewere the Rajputs and the rulers to the south of the Vindhyas like Bijapur, Golcondaand Ahmadnagar and the Marathas. However, here, we will not discuss Mughal-Rajput, Mughal-Maratha relations, and the Deccan policy of the Mughal emperors.All this is discussed in detail in our Course BHIC-112.

The Unit also delves into north-west frontier policy of the Mughals. Surrounded by anatural defence from the Himalayan mountains, the Indian ocean, Arabian sea andthe Bay of Bengal on its three sides, India was vulnerable only from the North-Westfrontiers. Invaders had come at frequent intervals from lands beyond the Hindukushmountains comprising Persia, Kabul and Transoxiana. Apart from the Greeks, Huns,Turks and other invaders, the Mughals also arrived in India by the same old route.After establishing their power, they were vigilant enough to guard their North-Western fronteirs. For expediency, Akbar concentrated on the extension andconsolidation of his Empire within India rather than involving himself in venturesbeyond the Hindukush or Hormuz. From the very beginning of his reign, he wanted toretain Kabul and Qandahar under his sway as a bulwark against external invaders.Abul Fazl emphasised the fact that Kabul and Qandahar are the twin gates of India,one leading to Central Asia and the other to Persia. Earlier, Babur, too, had noted

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Indian Political System this aspect in his Baburnama. Later Chroniclers also expressed such views. WhileAkbar and his predecessors had a nostalgic love for their homeland, his successorswere drawn into the whirlwind of a reckless imperialist ambition and, hence, inmany ways the Mughal Empire had to pay the price for adventures in the North-Western campaigns under Shah Jahan. The Mughal relations with Persia and CentralAsia were determined partly by internal political developments and their ownmutual tripartite needs, and global and regional perspective and considerations.

We begin this Unit with Akbar’s efforts to get rid of his adversaries and to establishhimself at the helm of affairs at the Mughal court. Let us take up Bairam Khan’sregency.

6.2 POWER POLITICS AND REGENCY OF BAIRAMKHAN: 1556-1560

At Humayun’s death, Akbar was only thirteen years old. It was his tutor andHumayun’s confidant, Bairam Khan, who served as the regent from 1556-1560. Theperiod of Bairam Khan’s regency could be divided into four phases: The first wasfrom the accession of Akbar to before the second battle of Panipat, i.e., January-October 1556. This was a period when the nobles accepted Bairam Khan’s leadershipto protect their interests. The second phase was marked by the second battle ofPanipat and the arrival of the royal ladies (Hamida Banu Begum and Maham Anaga)in India. During this period, Bairam Khan was in absolute control of the state affairs.He attempted to create a personal following. In the third phase, which lasted tillmid-1559, Bairam Khan’s influence and power declined. The last phase witnessed theattempts of Bairam Khan to regain control. There was also growth of factional strifewhich ultimately led to the dismissal of Bairam Khan.

Politically, the first phase was insecure. It saw not only Humayun’s death but also achallenge to the Empire by the Afghan forces under Hemu. The events especiallycast a gloom since Akbar was a minor. The only alternative to save the situation was toappoint a regent. But the fear was that the exercise of de facto sovereignty by one ofthe nobles as regent would disrupt the mutual relations of the nobles and threaten theadministration. Despite these fears, Bairam Khan was appointed wakil. Surprisingly,there was no opposition to the appointment even by those nobles who could claimwikalat either on the basis of long service, blood relationship or past association withAkbar. These included even the most severe critics of Bairam Khan.

While accepting Bairam Khan as the regent, it appears that these nobles wanted toshare power and influence with Bairam Khan. Bairam Khan, on the other hand, wasdetermined to exercise power rigidly. On the assumption of the office as wakil-usSultanat, he expected factional conflict and tussle for power. He, therefore, began theprocess of eliminating all those nobles who would challenge him. He dismissed andimprisoned Shah Abul Ma’ali, his ardent critic. This did not arouse much oppositionsince Ma’ali was generally unpopular among the nobles.

Subsequently, all such nobles who posed a challenge to Bairam Khan were sent toKabul. Bairam Khan, however, attempted to win the support of Mun’im Khan, thegovernor of Kabul and Ali Quli Khan Uzbeg, the commander of the Mughal forces inAwadh. Bairam Khan did not trust Mun’im Khan. He wanted to confine him toKabul and distance him from the court. The opportunity came in May 1556 whenMirza Sulaiman attacked Kabul. Mun’im Khan’s contacts were delinked with the

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Mughal Conquests:Warfare and Alliances

court for the next four months and Bairam Khan used this period to strengthen hispower at the court.

Tensions were developing in the nobility and it was on the verge of crisis by thesecond battle of Panipat. The imperial forces led by Tardi Beg failed to defendthemselves against the Afghan forces at the battle of Tughlaqabad. At this juncture,trying to assert himself, Bairam Khan, without the sanction of the emperor, orderedthe execution of Tardi Beg on the charges of treachery. This aroused dissension in thenobility. But the victory at Panipat revived Bairam Khan’s power. He furtherstrengthened his position by distributing titles and jagirs in the Doab and grantingpromotions and rewards to his loyalists. He also gave important positions to hisfavourites. Pir Muhammad Khan was appointed his personal wakil, KhwajaAminuddin as bakhshi and Shaikh Gadai as sadr.

Bairam Khan was virtually in complete control of the affairs within six months ofTardi Beg’s execution. To vest considerable power in himself, he prevented access tothe king especially that of his possible rivals. Mun’im Khan and Khwaja JalaluddinMahmud were sent away to Kabul and were not allowed to come to the court. Thestrengthening of Bairam Khan’s power and the exercise of de facto authority by himwas resented by the nobility.

The first evident decline in Bairam Khan’s power was when Akbar was married tothe daughter of Mirza Abdullah Mughal, a son-in-law of Mun’im Khan despiteBairam Khan’s resistance. Bairam Khan’s position was also affected after the arrivalof Hamida Banu Begum from Kabul in April 1557. She was accompanied by MahamAnaga who had earlier supported Bairam Khan in the event of Tardi Beg’s execution.Bairam Khan was compelled to compromise on the functioning of the Centralgovernment, i.e., he had to share power with leading nobles. Bairam Khan as wakilcould not place any proposal before the king without the consent of leading nobles.This compromise diminished his power and by 1558 even his personal wakil, PirMuhammad, turned against him.

To regain his power, he attempted a coup in 1559. He replaced Pir Muhammad byMuhammad Khan Sistani as his personal wakil. Shaikh Gadai was given additionalcharge apart from being a sadr. Many small ranking officials were also givenpromotions. But Bairam Khan remained isolated from the large section of thenobility and the king. He aroused their resentment by his authoritarianism.

Scholars like R.P. Tripathi, have accused Bairam Khan of granting favours to theshias to the disadvantage of the sunnis and thus annoying them. But Iqtidar AlamKhan argues that although Bairam Khan was a shia, there is no historical evidenceto prove that he granted favours on religious grounds. In fact, Bairam Khan’sfavourite Shaikh Gadai, the sadr, was a Sunni and not a Shia.

Bairam Khan had underestimated the shrewdness of Akbar. He had made no attemptto win the confidence of the king and when the king announced his dismissal in March1560, all the loyalists of Bairam Khan either supported the king or declared theirneutrality.

The study of the period of Bairam Khan’s regency indicates that actually the politicalpower was vested in the nobility. The nobles accepted the authority of Bairam Khan ina limited sense. They were not willing to accept his de facto sovereign power.Bairam Khan tried to curb the nobility but he failed to acquire absolute power. Tomaintain his position, he had to depend on one or the other section of the nobility.

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Indian Political System Thus, he failed to acquire a stable independent following. In fact, he alienatedlarge sections of the nobility by giving high ranks and promotions to junior officersand creating inefficient amirs. At the end of his career, Bairam Khan realised that evenhis favourites opposed him.

The tussle between Bairam Khan and the nobility was in fact a conflict between thecentral authority represented by the regent and the nobility. The king during thisperiod was a mere figurehead who often became a tool in the hands of Bairam Khan’sopponents. Bairam Khan had tried to weld together the two main groups of theMughal nobility, i.e., the Chaghatai and Khurasani. But most of the nobles regardedthis as an attempt by the regent to curb their power and independence. Even theloyalists of Bairam Khan realised that they could not accept the central authority asrepresented by Bairam Khan.

Bairam Khan’s regency was a period of dilemma for him. While he wanted to curtailthe independence of the nobility, he needed their support for his power. This createdcontradictions in his position throughout this period. It was not possible for him tocounterbalance this opposition by introducing a new group. The Afghans could not berecruited because they were the main contenders to the throne. The only alternativeswere, therefore, the Rajput chiefs, the zamindars or other local chiefs. But inductingthem would have been a long process. Thus, whenever Bairam Khan tried to recoverhis position, he was opposed by the court nobility. Consequently, he often foundhimself isolated and was ultimately overthrown.

Bairam Khan’s exit confirmed the struggle between the central authority and theforces against it in the Mughal polity. It resulted in the triumph of the latter. Thistrend would help to understand the difficulties which Akbar faced with his nobilitybetween 1562-1567 after he assumed complete sovereign powers. We notice thatthroughout Bairam Khan’s regency, political power rested with the dominant sectionof the nobility which consisted of the Chaghatais and other groups of Turani origin.Bairam Khan was able to exercise power as the regent as long as they supported him.The nobles, as mentioned earlier, accepted Bairam Khan in a limited sense and not asa de facto sovereign. They did not oppose him till the Afghans were crushed. Butafter Hemu’s defeat in the second battle of Panipat, they resisted the regent’s effortsat centralisation and forced him to accept the authority of the leading nobles.

6.3 TERRITORIAL EXPANSIONAfter overcoming initial problems and consolidating his hold on the throne, Akbarstarted a policy of extending Mughal territories. Any policy of expansion meantconflict with various political powers spread in different parts of the country. A few ofthese political powers were well organised, the Rajputs, though spread throughout thecountry as autonomous chiefs and kings, had major concentration in Rajputana. TheAfghans held political control mainly in Gujarat, Bihar and Bengal. In Deccanand South India, the major states were Khandesh, Ahmadnagar, Bijapur, Golcondaand other southern kingdoms. In the north-west some tribes held their sway. Kabuland Qandahar, though held by Mughal factions, were opposed to Akbar.

Akbar through a systematic policy started the task of expanding his Empire. It must benoted that the major expansion of Mughal Empire took place during the reign of Akbar.During the reigns of his successors (Jahangir, Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb), very

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little was added in terms of territory. The main additions in the later period were madeduring Aurangzeb’s reign in South India and North-East (Assam).

6.3.1 North and Central IndiaThe first expedition was sent to capture Gwalior and Jaunpur in 1559-60. After abrief war, Ram Shah surrendered the Gwalior fort. Khan Zaman was sent to Jaunpur,ruled by Afghans who were defeated easily, and it was annexed to the Mughal Empire.

Malwa in central India was ruled by Baz Bahadur. Adham Khan and others led theexpedition against Malwa. Baz Bahadur was defeated and fled towards Burhanpur.

Next, Garh Katanga or Gondwana, an independent state in central India ruled byRani Durgawati, widow of Dalpat Shah, was conquered in 1564. Later, in 1567,Akbar handed over the kingdom to Chandra Shah, the brother of Dalpat Shah.

During this period, Akbar had to face a series of revolts in central India. AbdullahKhan Uzbeg was the leader of the revolt. He was joined by a number of Uzbegs.Khan Zaman and Asaf Khan also rebelled. Akbar with the help of Munim Khansucceeded in suppressing them and consolidated his position.

A long conflict with nobility, which had started after the dismissal of Bairam Khan(1560), now came to an end. Akbar through his diplomatic skills, organisationalcapabilities, and with the help of some trusted friends, tackled this serious crisis.

6.3.2 Western IndiaConquest of Rajputana

Akbar realised that to have a stable Empire, he must subjugate the large tracts underRajput kings in the neighbouring region of Rajputana. A calculated policy wasdevised not only to conquer these areas but turn their rulers into allies. Akbar with theexception of Chittor’s Rana Pratap, managed to secure the allegiance of all the Rajputkingdoms. A large number of them were absorbed in Mughal nobility and helpedAkbar in expanding and consolidating the Mughal Empire (here we are leavingdetails on Mughal relations with the Rajputs that will be dealt in detail in ourCourse BHIC-112).

Conquest of Gujarat

Having consolidated his position in Central India and Rajputana, Akbar turnedtowards Gujarat in 1572. After Humayun’s withdrawal, Gujarat was no longer aunified kingdom. There were various warring principalities. Gujarat, apart frombeing a fertile region, had a number of busy ports and thriving commercial centres.

Sultan Muzaffer Shah III (r. 1561-1573; d. 1592) was the nominal king claimingoverlordship over seven warring principalities. One of the princes, I’timad Khan,had invited Akbar to come and conquer it. Akbar himself marched to Ahmadabad.The town was captured without any serious resistance. Surat with a strong fortressoffered some resistance but was also captured. In a short time most of theprincipalities of Gujarat were subdued.

Akbar organised Gujarat into a province and placed it under Mirza Aziz Koka andreturned to the capital. Within six months various rebellious groups came together andrevolted against the Mughal rule. The leaders of rebellion were Ikhtiyarul Mulk and

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Indian Political System Muhammad Husain Mirza. The Mughal governor had to cede a number of territories.

On receiving the news of rebellion in Gujarat, Akbar started for Ahmadabad. Thismarch is considered as one of the most outstanding feats of Akbar. Travelling at aspeed of 50 miles a day Akbar along with a small force reached Gujarat within 10 daysand suppressed the rebellion.

For almost a decade there was peace in Gujarat. Meanwhile, Muzaffar III escapedfrom captivity and took refuge in Junagadh. After 1583, he tried to organise a fewrebellions.

6.3.3 Eastern IndiaEver since the defeat of Humayun at the hands of Sher Shah, Bengal and Bihar weregoverned by Afghans. In 1564, Sulaiman Karrani, the governor of Bihar, broughtBengal under his rule. Sulaiman realising the growing strength of Akbar hadacknowledged the overlordship of the Mughals. He used to send presents to Akbar.After his death in 1572, followed by some infighting, his younger son Daud came tooccupy his throne. Daud refused to acknowledge Mughal suzerainty and got engagedin conflict with the Mughal governor of Jaunpur.

In 1574, Akbar along with Mun’im Khan Khan-i Khanan marched towards Bihar. In ashort time, Hajipur and Patna were captured and Daud fled towards Garhi. After abrief stay Akbar returned. Mun’im Khan and Raja Todar Mal continued to chaseDaud who later submitted to the Mughals. After a short time, he again rebelled and wasfinally killed by the Mughal forces under Khan-i Jahan and Gaur (Bengal) wastaken. This ended the independent rule of Bengal in 1576, which had lasted with fewinterruptions for almost two centuries. Parts of Orissa were still under some Afghanchiefs. Around 1592, Man Singh brought the whole of Orissa under the Mughal rule.

6.3.4 Rebellions of 1581According to V. A. Smith, ‘The year 1581 may be regarded as the most critical time inthe reign of Akbar, if his early struggle to consolidate his power be not taken intoaccount’.

After the conflict of nobility which had lasted till 1567, now again serious conflictscame to surface in Bengal, Bihar, Gujarat and in the north-west. At the root of theseconflicts was the discomfort of Afghans who were overthrown everywhere by theMughals. Akbar’s policy of strict administration of jagirs was also responsible forthis. By this new policy, the jagirdars were asked to submit the accounts of their jagirsand a cut was enforced in the military expenditure. The governor of Bengal enforcedthese regulations ruthlessly, giving rise to revolt. Soon the rebellion spread to Bihar.Masum Khan Kabuli, Roshan Beg, Mirza Sharfuddin and Arab Bahadur were themain leaders of rebels. Muzaffar Khan, Rai Purshottam and other imperial officerstried to crush the rebellion but failed. Akbar immediately sent a large force underRaja Todar Mal and Shaikh Farid Bakhshi. A little later Aziz Koka and Shahbaz Khanwere also sent to help Todar Mal. Meanwhile, the rebels declared Akbar’s brotherHakim Mirza, who was in Kabul, as their king. The Mughal forces crushed therebellion in Bihar, Bengal and adjoining regions. A few rebel leaders escaped andtook shelter in the forest region of Bengal. They had lost all following but for a fewyears they continued to harass Mughal officers with their small bands without muchsuccess.

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Mirza Hakim, to put greater pressure on Akbar, attacked Lahore. Akbar alsomarched towards Lahore. Hakim Mirza, after hearing the news of Akbar’s march,immediately retreated. Hakim Mirza was expecting a number of Mughal officers to joinhim but all his calculations failed. Akbar after organising the defence ofNorth-West frontier, sent an army to Kabul. Akbar also marched towards it. By thetime he reached there, Hakim Mirza had left Kabul and Akbar occupied it. Akbargave the charge of Kabul to his sister Bakhtunnisa Begam and left for Agra (1581). Aftersome time, Mirza Hakim came back and continued to rule in his sister’s name. MirzaHakim died after four years and Raja Man Singh was appointed governor of Kabul.

Gujarat also witnessed some rebellion at around the same time when Bihar, Bengaland North-West regions were in trouble. Here the ex-ruler Muzaffar Shah escapedfrom captivity and organised a small force. He started attacking the Mughalterritories in Gujarat. I’timad Khan was deputed as the governor of Gujarat. NizamuddinAhmed in the capacity of bakhshi helped him in his operations against the rebels. In1584, Muzaffar Shah was defeated at Ahmadabad and Nanded. He escaped towardsthe Kutch region. Nizamuddin Ahmad followed him there also. In whole of the Kutchregion, a number of forts were erected and Mughal officers were appointed. Muzaffarkept brewing some trouble in that region till 1591-92 when he was finally captured.

6.3.5 Conquests in the North-WestAfter the death of Hakim Mirza, Kabul was annexed and given to Raja Man Singh injagir. At around the same time, Akbar decided to settle the various rebellions in theNorth-West Frontier region and conquer new areas.

Suppression of the Roshanais

The first to attract Akbar’s attention was the Roshanai movement. Roshanai was asect established by a solider who was called Pir Roshanai in the frontier region. Hehad a large following. After his death his son Jalala became the head of the sect. TheRoshanais rebelled against the Mughals and cut the road between Kabul andHindustan. Akbar appointed Zain Khan as commander of a strong force to suppressthe Roshanais and establish Mughal control in the region. Sayyid Khan Gakhar andRaja Birbal were also sent with separate forces to assist Zain Khan. In one of theoperations Birbal was killed with most of his forces (around 8,000). Subsequently,Zain Khan was also defeated but he could survive to reach Akbar at the fort of Atak(Attock). Akbar was greatly shocked by the death of Birbal, one of his most favouritecompanions. Akbar appointed Raja Todar Mal with a strong force to capture the region.Raja Man Singh was also asked to help in the task. The combined efforts of the twoyielded success and the Roshanais were defeated.

Conquest of Kashmir

Akbar, for a long time, had his eyes set on conquering Kashmir. While camping inAtak, he decided to dispatch an army for the conquest of Kashmir under Raja BhagwanDas and Shah Quli Mahram. Yusuf Khan, the king of Kashmir, was defeated and heaccepted the suzerainty of the Mughals. Akbar was not very pleased with the treaty ashe wanted to annex Kashmir. Yusuf’s son Yaqub along with a few amirs also decidedto oppose the Mughals and waged war. But some dissensions set in the Kashmiriforces. Finally, the Mughals emerged victorious and Kashmir was annexed to theMughal Empire in 1586.

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Indian Political System Conquest of Thatta

Another region in the North-West which was still independent was Thatta inSindh. Akbar appointed Khan-i Khanan as the governor of Multan and askedhim to conquer Sindh and subdue Bilochis in 1590. Thatta was annexed andplaced under the governor of Multan as a sarkar in that suba.

The Mughal forces continued the suppression of Bilochis in the adjoiningregions. Finally, by the year 1595, the complete supremacy of Mughals overNorth-West region was established.


Akbar had started taking interest in the Deccan states of Ahmadnagar, Bijapurand Golconda after the conquest of Gujarat and Malwa. The earlier contactswere limited to the visits of emissaries or casual contacts. After 1590, Akbarstarted a planned Deccan policy to bring these states under Mughal control.Around this time, the Deccan states were facing internal strife and regularconflicts.

In 1591, Akbar sent a few missions to the Deccan states asking them to acceptMughal sovereignty. Faizi was sent to Asir and Burhanpur (Khandesh), KhwajaAminuddin to Ahmadnagar, Mir Muhammad Amin Mashadi to Bijapur, andMirza Ma’sud to Golconda. By 1593 all the missions returned without anysuccess. It was reported that only Raja Ali Khan, the ruler of Khandesh, wasfavourably inclined towards the Mughals. Now, Akbar decided to follow amilitant policy. Here we will not go into the details of the Deccan policy. Wewill provide only a brief account of Mughal expansion here (the details wouldbe discussed in our Course BHIC-112).

The first expedition was dispatched to Ahmadnagar under the command ofPrince Murad and Abdul Rahim Khan-i Khanan. In 1595, the Mughal forcessieged Ahmadnagar. Its ruler Chand Bibi at the head of a large army faced theMughals. She approached Ibrahim Ali Shah of Bijapur and Qutb Shah ofGolconda for help but with no success. Chand Bibi gave a very seriousresistance to the Mughal Army. After heavy losses on both the sides, a treatywas formulated. According to this treaty Chand Bibi ceded Berar. After sometime, Chand Bibi attacked Berar to take it back. This time Nizamshahi,Qutbshahi and Adilshahi troops presented a joint front. The Mughals sufferedheavy losses but could manage to hold the field. Meanwhile, serious differencesbetween Murad and Khan-i Khanan weakened the Mughal position. Akbartherefore dispatched Abul Fazl to the Deccan and recalled Khan-i Khanan.After Prince Murad’s death in 1598, Prince Daniyal and Khan-i Khanan weresent to the Deccan. Akbar, too, joined them. First, Ahmadnagar was captured.Meanwhile, Chand Bibi died. Next, Asirgarh and adjoining regions wereconquered by the Mughals (CE 1600). Adil Shah of Bijapur also expressedallegiance and offered his daughter in marriage to Prince Daniyal. Now Mughalterritories in the Deccan included Asirgarh, Burhanpur, Ahmadnagar and Berar.

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Map 6.1: Akbar’s IndiaSource: Charles Joppen, Historical Atlas of India, (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1907)

Source:http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00maplinks/mughal/joppenset/joppenset.html

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:India_in_1605_from_%22Historical_Atlas_of_India,%22_by_Charles_Joppen.jpg

INDIA in 1605Mughal Conquests:

Warfare and Alliances

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Indian Political System Check Your Progress-1

1) How did Bairam Khan deal with the initial challenges to his power?

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2) Explain the revival of Bairam Khan’s power after the second battle of Panipat.And discuss the decline in Bairam Khan’s position subsequent to 1557.

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3) How was Gujarat brought under the Mughal rule?

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4) Which were the main areas affected by the rebellion of 1581?

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6.4 TERRITORIAL EXPANSION UNDER THESUCCESSORS OF AKBAR

The territorial expansion under Akbar gave a definite shape to the Mughal Empire.Very little progress was made during the reigns of his successors, viz., Jahangir,Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb. After Aurangzeb we find that the process ofdisintegration of the Empire began. In this Section, we will trace the expansion ofthe Empire during the reigns of Akbar’s successors.

During the seventeenth century the main areas of activity were the North-Westfrontier, Deccan and South India, North-East and some isolated regions.

In the North-West the Roshanais were decisively curbed by 1625-26. Qandaharbecame a region of conflict between the Persians and Mughals. After Akbar’s death,the Persians tried to capture Qandahar but failed under Shah Abbas I, the Safaviruler. Following this, Shah Abbas I in 1620 requested Jahangir to hand over Qandaharto him but the latter declined to do so. In 1622, after another attack, Qandahar wascaptured by the Persians. The struggle to capture Qandahar continued till Aurangzeb’sreign but Mughals got little success (see Sections 6.6, 6.7, and 6.8).

Mewar was the only region in Rajputana which had not come under the Mughalsduring Akbar’s time. Jahangir followed a persistent policy to capture it. After aseries of conflicts, Rana Amar Singh finally agreed to accept Mughal suzerainty.All the territories taken from Mewar including the fort of Chittor were returned toRana Amar Singh and a substantial jagir was granted to his son Karan Singh.

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During the reigns of the successors of Akbar, the Rajputs generally continued tobe friendly with the Mughals and held very high mansabs.

During the last years of Akbar and early years of Jahangir, Ahmadnagar underMalik Ambar started challenging the Mughal power. Malik Ambar succeeded ingetting support of Bijapur in this conflict. A number of expeditions were sent byJahangir but they failed to achieve any success. During Shahjahan’s reign, Mughalconflict with the Deccan kingdoms of Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Golconda wasrevived. Ahmadnagar was first to be defeated and most parts were integrated intoMughal territory. By 1636, Bijapur and Golconda were also defeated but thesekingdoms were not annexed to the Mughal Empire. After a treaty the defeatedrulers were to pay annual tributes and recognise Mughal authority. For almost tenyears, Shah Jahan kept his son Aurangzeb as the governor of Deccan. During thisperiod, the Marathas were emerging as a strong political power in the region.During Aurangzeb’s reign, the struggle with Deccan states and Marathas becamemore intensive. In fact, Aurangzeb spent the last twenty years of his life in Deccanfighting against them. By 1687, the Deccani kingdoms of Bijapur (1686) andGolconda (1687) were annexed to the Mughal Empire.

Annexation of Assam

The major success of the Mughals in the north-east was the annexation of Assam.In 1661, Mir Jumla, the governor of Bengal, invaded the Ahom kingdom. MirJumla had 12,000 cavalry, 30,000 soldiers and a fleet of boats with guns under hiscommand. The Ahom resistance was very feeble. Mir Jumla succeeded in capturingKamrup, the capital of Ahom kingdom. The king fled from the kingdom. In early1663, king Swargdeo surrendered and peace was established. Assam was annexedand Mughal officers were appointed. Mir Jumla died in 1663. Another notableachievement in north-east was the capture of Chatgaon in 1664 under ShaistaKhan, the new governor of Bengal.

The Ahom kingdom could not be directly controlled for long. The Mughal faujdarsposted there had to face a number of confrontations. By 1680, Ahoms succeededin capturing Kamrup and the Mughal control ended.

6.5 POLICIES TOWARDS AUTONOMOUSCHIEFTAINS

In his efforts to consolidate the Mughal Empire, Akbar concentrated his attention onchieftains also. Chieftains is a term which is generally used (and has got wide acceptanceamong historians) for the ruling dynasties spread throughout the country. These rulersenjoyed a different sort of relationship with the Mughals. On the one hand, they werefree to carry out administration within their territories. On the other hand, they heldsubordinate position vis-a-vis the Mughal Emperor.

Akbar’s success lies in the fact that he could enlist the support of this group for thestability of his Empire. The subsequent Mughal Emperors also followed more or lesssimilar path.

The Nature of Power of Chieftains

In contemporary accounts these chiefs are referred to by different names such as Rai,Rana, Rawats, Rawals, Raja, Marzban, Kalantaran, etc. Sometimes the term zamindaris used to denote both ordinary landholders and autonomous chiefs. But there is a

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Indian Political System definite difference between the two. The zamindars were not independent of the Mughalauthority while the chiefs enjoyed comparative autonomy in their territories and hada different relationship with the Mughal Emperors.

The first major study on chieftains was made by Ahsan Raza Khan. He establishedthat they were not confined to peripheral areas of the Empire but were also foundin the core regions in the subas of Delhi, Agra, Awadh and Allahabad. The largestnumber of these chieftains were Rajputs but they belonged to all castes includingMuslims.

The chieftains were a powerful group possessing large infantry, cavalry and hundredsof miles of land area yielding vast amount of revenue.

Mughal Encounters with Chieftains

After the defeat of the Lodis, the central power in India, Babur had to face jointrebellions of Afghans and chieftains. Humayun also had to face their hostility.

Akbar’s initial contacts with the chieftains were through skirmishes and wars. In manycases the chieftains joined hands with the Afghan and Mughal rebels. In the process ofthe conquests and consolidation of Mughal power, Akbar got the support and submissionof chieftains. There was no formal declared policy of Akbar towards them. On thebasis of references in the contemporary sources, we get an idea about the relationsbetween chiefs and the Mughals. These may be summarised as follows:

1) After the conquest of or submission they were generally left free to administertheir territories. They also had authority to collect revenue, impose taxes, leviesand transit tax, etc. In the collection of revenue, the chieftains generally followedlocal practices rather than the Mughal regulations.

2) These autonomous chieftains were taken into military service of the Mughals.They were given jagirs and mansabs. A.R. Khan estimates that around 61 chiefswere given mansab during Akbar’s reign. The same trend continued during thereigns of successive Mughal Emperors.

3) In many cases where chieftains were not directly absorbed as mansabdars, theyare found helping the Mughal army in their operation against enemy territoriesor suppression of rebellions. Throughout the Mughal rule they helped inconquering extensive areas, at times even against their own clansmen.

4) Apart from providing military help, they were given important administrativepositions like subadar (governors), diwan, bakhshi, etc.

5) Often they were assigned their own territories as jagir, known as the watanjagir, which was hereditary and non-transferable.

6) An interesting characteristic of their relations was that the Mughal Emperorretained the right to recognise the chieftain as the ruler in case of disputes withinthe family. At the same time, those who had accepted the Mughal suzeraintywere extended military protection.

7) The chieftains were supposed to pay a regular tribute to the Mughal Emperorcalled peshkash. It is difficult to ascertain the exact nature of this peshkash. Thiswas at times in cash and at others in diamonds, gold, elephants or other rarities.

Apart from being a source of revenue, the payment of peshkash was a symbolof submission to the Mughals.

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8) A number of matrimonial alliances were also established between Mughalroyal family and the chieftains.

Rebellions of Chieftains

We come across numerous instances of rebellions by chieftains. The causes forsuch rebellions are often stated as non-payment of revenue or tribute. In case ofrebellions, the Mughal policy was not to dispossess the chieftains from theirterritories. Someone from the same family was left in control of the territory. Insome instance, when a chieftain was dispossessed, it was for a short period oftenas a reprimand. Later, he or one of his family members was reinstated.

The Mughal policy towards chieftains initiated under Akbar continued during thereigns of subsequent Mughal Emperors. The policy of absorbing them into theMughal nobility paid rich dividends to the Empire. The Mughal Emperor succeededin getting the support of chieftains and their armies for new conquests. As part ofMughal nobility, their help was also available for administering a large Empire. Inaddition, a friendly relationship with them ensured peace for the Empire. At thesame time, the chieftains also benefitted. Now they could retain their territoriesand administer them as they wished. In addition, they received jagir and mansab.Often they got territories in jagir bigger than their own kingdoms which alsoprovided them security against enemies and rebellions.


1) List the main achievements in territorial expansion under Aurangzeb.

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2) How the policy adopted by the Mughals towards the chieftains was one of mutualbenefit?

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6.6 MUGHALS AND THE NORTH-WESTFRONTIER: GLOBAL AND REGIONALPERSPECTIVES

In the first decade of the sixteenth century, as the Timurid and the Turkoman states fellapart, two new states came into existence in West Asia and Central Asia (see Unit 4).The borders of the two states (the Uzbegs and the Safavis) were contiguous exceptthat the river Amu separated the two. Mutual rivalry and consistent warfare betweenthe two were, therefore, inevitable. This was because their imperialistic adventurescould only succeed at the expense of each other’s territorial possessions. Althoughthese new states once formed the provinces of a larger Empire and shared manycommon features, they fell and sprouted into two separate and distinct entities inearly sixteenth century. They now differed from each other in their racial, lingual,sectarian, and to a great extent, even in their socio-cultural formations and traditions.

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Indian Political System The upsurge of the Safavi ‘warriors of faith’ who organised their co-religionists as apolitical force, established a Persian state as an inadvertent rival to the Empire of theOttomans and the Uzbegs. Largescale migrations (voluntary or forced) resulted inthe reshuffling of population – the Sunni Muslims trickling from Shia Persia of theSafavis to the Sunni Transoxiana of the Uzbegs and vice versa.

The three states of the region, namely, Central Asia (Transoxiana), Ottoman Turkeyand the Mughals, were Sunni Muslims and as such had no bone of contention toembitter their relations on religious basis. While the Uzbeg Empire could, therefore,rely upon its other contemporary counterparts like the Ottomans, the Safavi Empirehad no such reliable and permanent allies bound to them by the ties of muchtrumpetted ‘common faith’. Apart from ‘sectarian differences’ (so extensivelyexploited in the 16th century for political ends) Persia had several other points ofdiscord with the above-mentioned states. Due to geographical proximity, theextension of the Uzbeg Empire could be possible only at the expense of Persia whichwas geopolitically important, commercially prosperous and fertile. As the OttomanEmpire was keen to hold all the maritime trade routes, its interest in the flourishingHormuz port, Red sea and Indian ocean was sure to bring it into conflict not onlywith the Persians but also at times with the Portuguese and the Russians. ThePortuguese, particularly in the Indian Ocean, were a constant threat to the Ottomanswho wanted to eliminate them. The occasional Portuguese-Persian friendship, therefore,was not surprising.

The commercial and strategic significance of Persia, and, its carpet and silk industriesand the fertility of its soil always excited the cupidity of its neighbours. Thus, Persiahad to face alternately and almost continually the ambitious and expansionistventures of the Ottomans and the Uzbegs. Since the Czars of Russia had an eye onTransoxiana, they not only instigated the Qazaqs to invade Uzbeg Khans but alsoinvoked friendly relations with the Shi’ite Persia. Thus, Persia could get temporarysupport of the Portuguese, Russians and later on the English. This was because each ofthem had their own vested interests and wanted to use Persia only as a counterpoisefor their respective rivals.

With India, the Persians had a bone of contention – the territory of Qandahar – whichled to a situation ranging from hostility to an occasional armed struggle. In spite ofthis, the Persians almost always responded to every call of help from the Mughals. Forexample, Shah Ismail had assisted Babur against the Uzbegs and Tahmasp also ensuredthe restoration of the lost Empire of Humayun. Shah Abbas maintained friendlyrelations with Akbar and Jahangir and keenly responded to the calls of help from theDeccan states of Golconda, Bijapur and even pleaded their case with Akbar.

The Uzbegs considered the Mughals as an important balancing power whose slightesttilt towards Persia could disturb the peace and progress in the region. The Ottomanshad no enmity with the Uzbegs and their common interests had brought them closerparticularly over the Persian question. The Mughals, however, were not veryfavourably inclined towards the Ottomans.

Thus, there existed entente cordiale between the two blocks of power – a very clearconcord between the Ottomans and the Uzbegs and a conventional understandingbetween the Mughals and the Persians.

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1) Highlight the significance of Kabul and Qandahar in the context of the North-Western frontier policy of the Mughals........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................

2) List the geographical factors which determined the tripartite relationship of India,Persia and Tansoxiana........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................

3) What was the global situation which influenced the Mughal policy towardsCentral Asia and Persia?.......................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................

6.7 MUGHAL RELATIONS WITH THE UZBEGSAs discussed earlier in Unit 4, Babur was expelled from Central Asia and after muchhardship in Kabul, he managed to conquer India in 1526. In the following Sub-sections we will discuss the Mughal relations with the Uzbegs.

6.7.1 Babur and HumayunWith the expulsion of Babur from Central Asia, the traditional hostility between theMughals and the Uzbegs was suspended for a while probably due to the fact that therewas nothing to quarrel for as in the case of Persians over the issue of Qandahar. Anembassy had been sent by Kuchum and other Uzbeg Sultans in 1528 to India tocongratulate Babur upon his conquest. Notwithstanding this amicable gesture onthe part of the Uzbegs, the Mughals never forgot the loss of their ‘ancestral’kingdom. Despite a persistent desire of the Mughals to conquer Transoxiana, itwas probably apparent to them that the ambition itself was an unimaginativeproposition. While the defence of the North-Western frontier had become a constantproblem and even the conquest of Qandahar was still a dream, how could theyplan to conquer Transoxiana and exercise an effective control over these remote‘ancestral lands’? Nevertheless, Babur’s exhortations to Humayun to reconquersome parts of Transoxiana and latter’s unsuccessful or temporarily successfulattempts continued. However, these were without any lasting effects as Mughalterritorial possessions in India were yet to be consolidated and extended. In subsequentyears, both the Uzbegs and the Mughals were faced with numerous internalproblems and could not venture to expand. A new chapter began in the history ofMughal-Uzbeg relations with the emergence of Abdullah Khan (1560-98) whotried to establish vital contacts with Akbar.

6.7.2 AkbarThe Mughal-Uzbeg relations under Akbar can be studied in three phases: (1) 1572-1577, (2) 1583-1589, and (3) 1589-1598.

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Indian Political System First Phase (1572-1577)

It was neither the expectation of some military assistance from Akbar nor a question ofexploring the possibility of making an alliance against the Persian Empire whichprompted Abdullah to send two embassies in 1572 and 1577. With his designs onterritories like Badakhshan and Qandahar, it was only natural that Abdullah shouldstrive to develop friendly relations with Akbar and thereby ward off the danger fromthis side. These two embassies were thus probing and appeasing missions sent for thefollowing purposes:

a) To ascertain Akbar’s attitude towards Persia and Qandahar,b) To find out his general policy in relation to Badakhshan and, if possible,c) To mislead Akbar about his own designs on Badakhshan.

The dangers threatening Akbar at his North-Western frontiers e.g., rebellious attitudeof Mirza Hakim (ruler of Kabul) and the latter’s friendship with Shah Ismail II ofPersia; the possibility of triple alliance between Abdullah, Mirza Hakim and IsmailII; and Akbar’s own inability to become involved in external affairs necessitated afriendly attitude towards Abdullah Khan. Hence, an embassy was sent in 1578 toAkbar. Akbar rejected the proposal for a joint attack on Persia. It seems that thereaction of Abdullah to this letter was not quite favourable since no further embassieswere sent to Akbar for about a decade.

From 1577 onwards, a shift is noticeable in the respective positions of Abdullah Khanand Akbar which also brought about a change in their policies towards each other. By1583, Abdullah had conquered all of Transoxiana, and had also eliminated all hiskinsmen. When his father died in 1583, he became the Khaqan and could now competewith his other counterparts in the Muslim world. While Abdullah had improvedhis position and was now adopting a bolder and demanding attitude towards Akbar,the attitude of Akbar himself had become more conciliatory.

By this time the difficulties of Akbar had increased further. There were troubles inKashmir and Gujarat, and also tribal commotions in Kabul, Sawad and Bajaur. Thefrontiers for Akbar had become even more insecure after the death of Mirza Hakim(1585). The Persian Empire had also become weak now under the unsuccessful reignof the incompetent and half-blind ruler Khudabanda (1577-1588) and the Empirehad been completely shattered by the invasions of the Ottomans as well as by internalintrigues of the nobles.

Second Phase (1583-1589)

After a lapse of several years, Abdullah sent another embassy to Akbar in 1586.Akbar responded by sending Hakim Humeim in 1586 as his envoy. It is difficult toexplain why Abdullah chose to send two separate letters simultaneously.Nevertheless, neither of the two letters can be discarded as spurious since Akbar’sreply contains answers to the questions raised separately in both the letters. It is clearfrom the contents of both the written and verbal messages from Abdullah that thepurpose of this embassy was not to seek the cooperation of Akbar for an attack onPersia but to prevent him from sending any assistance to the Persian ruler. Abdullahexplained that he had discontinued all correspondence with Akbar from 1578-1585due to the reports that ‘Akbar had adopted the religion of metapsychosis and thebehaviour of Jogis and had deviated from the religion of the Prophet’. In his replysent through Hakim Humeim, Akbar called it ‘fabrications and accusations of certaindisaffected persons’.

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Third Phase (1589-1598)

The dispatch of Ahmad Ali Ataliq from Abdullah’s court marks the beginning of thethird phase in the Uzbeg-Mughal relations. Through the letter sent with this envoy,Abdullah sought friendship and sent counsel for ‘exerting ourselves to strengthen thefoundations of concord and make this Hindukush the boundary between us’.

Nevertheless, the formal acceptance of this offer of peace was confirmed by Akbaronly in 1596 after the conquest of Qandahar. There were certain plausible reasonsfor this conciliatory attitude of Abdullah towards Akbar:

i) Mirza Shah Rukh, grandson of the ruler of Badakhshan and sons of MirzaHakim came to India and Akbar himself remained at Kabul.

ii) The situation in Persia started showing signs of improvement from 1589onwards. Shah Abbas concluded a humiliating treaty with the Ottomans soas to be able to deal with the Uzbegs and sent a letter to Akbar seeking hisassistance against the Uzbeg ruler.

iii) The strained relations with the Qazaqs had acquired new dimensions as thediplomatic relations of the Qazaqs with Russian Czars which began under theTimurids in the 15th century were very actively pursued between 1550-1599.Notwithstanding twenty-five embassies sent by Uzbeg rulers and six returnembassies (including Jenkinson’s) to Khanates and Qazaqs, the relations wereno better than what could be termed a diplomatic-economic offensive. Afterthe conquest of Kazan, Astarakhan and Siberia by Russia, the mainintermediary commercial centres and brisk trade between the two statesestablished earlier by Timur had been destroyed. Similarly, the rivalry overthe Qazaq region between the Czar and the Khan turned the balance in favourof the Qazaqs whose ruler Tawakkul sent his envoy Muhammad to Russia in1594, who not only brought troops with fire-arms but also the assurance offull diplomatic protection.

iv) The rebellion of his own son Abdul Momin had further aggravated the prob-lems of Abdullah Khan. In 1592, he sent nishans to Din Muhammad (nephewof Abdullah Khan), advising him to give up the idea of conquering Qandaharsince an understanding had been reached with Akbar that the Hindukush andQandahar should form the boundary between the two kingdoms.

In the changed circumstances, Akbar was feeling emboldened and was also aware of theaggressive designs of Abdullah Khan due to which he had personally come to Punjaband was planning to occupy Qandahar from 1589 onwards. Akbar entertained designsupon Qandahar and was finally successful in persuading the Mirzas to come toIndia. After the conquest of Qandahar, Akbar felt the need of reviving his contactswith Abdullah Khan. Since, after the occupation of Qandahar, the Mughal forces hadengaged themselves in an armed conflict with the Uzbegs over the possessions of Garmsirand Zamindawar, it had become all the more necessary to pacify Abdullah Khan.Moreover, in 1594, the Ottoman Sultan Murad III (r. 1574-1595) had sent a letter toAbdullah proposing a joint attack on the Persian territory. The fear of theOttoman-Uzbeg friendship might have also alarmed Akbar. No military alliancecould take place at this time, as the Uzbeg envoy was still on his way to the Ottomancourt when Sultan Murad III died in 1595.

The fear of the Uzbegs continued, particularly, in view of the fact that Abdullah

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Indian Political System Khan had opened correspondence with the new Ottoman ruler Muhammad/Mehmed III (r. 1595-1603) and had even proposed a joint attack of Persia. Afterthe occupation of Qandahar, Akbar realised the urgency of sending an embassy toAbdullah through Khwaja Ashraj Naqshbandi and showed his willingness to acceptthe Hindukush as the boundary between the two kingdoms. The envoy carryingthese messages received audience with Abdullah in September 1597 at Qarshi.For the return embassy, Abdullah sent Mir Quresh with the Mughal envoy, butbefore they could reach India, the Uzbeg ruler died in 1598. The Indian ambassadorsreturned, though Mir Quresh was not able to accompany them.

6.7.3 JahangirJahangir’s relations with Turan were predominantly determined by his relations withPersia. Although his love for Turan is visible in his autobiography, the conquest ofTuran was not included in his plans. His relationship with the Uzbegs is best assessedin his own answer to an English traveller, Thomas Coryat’s, request for a letter ofrecommendation in 1616 that:

There was no great amity between the Tartarian princes and himselfand his recommendations would not help the traveller at Samarqand.

In the first decade of his rule, Jahangir maintained no active political relations with theUzbegs, except for attempting to forestall any probable expansionist design on hisfrontiers. The early indifference of Jahangir towards the Uzbegs was expedientlychanged as soon as the question of Qandahar was raised by the Shah through hisenvoy Zainul Beg. In February 1621, Mir Baraka was sent on a ‘highly confidentialmission’ to Imam Quli, the Uzbeg ruler who in turn sent an embassy to Nur JahanBegam. Imam Quli’s confidential message received by Jahangir with muchenthusiasm as it contained criticism of the Persians and sought an alliance with theMughals against Persians. Jahangir had been invited to join the holy war which wasobligatory on Imam Quli not only to avenge the death of his own father but also toclear the road to Mecca which was under Persian control.

Although Jahangir had himself ignored friendly overtures of the Ottoman Sultanof Turkey, the news of a possible Uzbeg-Ottoman alliance was quite disturbingfor him. After the capture of Baghdad in 1624, Sultan Murad had sent a favourablereply to Imam Quli’s call for an alliance against Persia and had even exhorted himto take away Iran from the control of the Persians. The Ottoman Sultan had sent asimilar letter to Jahangir aiming at a triple alliance against Persia. Although severalletters were exchanged during 1625-26, no plans could materialise as Jahangir diedin 1627.

6.7.4 Shah JahanWith the accession of Shah Jahan, the Uzbeg-Mughal relations took a new turn. Theunderlying objective of Shah Jahan’s foreign policy was three fold:

i) The recovery of Qandahar;ii) The re-conquest of the ‘ancestral land’; andiii) The hegemony over Deccan.

For this purpose, he wanted to ensure friendship of both the contemporary powersof Persia and Transoxiana alternatively when Qandahar and Transoxiana wereinvaded. Out of sheer diplomacy, Shah Jahan ignored the invasion of Nazr

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Muhammad on Kabul and sent an embassy to Imam Quli at Bukhara. Through thisexchange of embassies, solidarity against Persia was emphasised. Shah Jahan’s embassyled by Safdar Khan arrived in April 1633. This visit was followed by another envoy, MirHusain, in May 1637. Unlike Jahangir, Shah Jahan even wrote a letter to Murad IV in1636 expressing his desire to reconquer Qandahar and proposing a tripartite alliance ofMughals, Uzbegs and Ottomans against the Persians. Shah Jahan, however, managedto conquer Qandahar even without the assistance of any of these rulers.

After the capture of Qandahar in 1638, Shah Jahan’s sole aim was to conquer his‘ancestral land’ of Transoxiana. A large-scale Uzbeg invasion of Maruchaq alongPersian frontiers provided the much sought after Persian-Mughal entente in April-May 1640. A joint invasion of Balkh was proposed. However, the task was leftunfulfilled. The correspondence between the Persians and the Mughals at thisjuncture shows that the latter succeeded in persuading the Persians to cooperatewith them only to a limited extent as the letters from the Persian side smacked oftheir fear and circumspection. Equally apprehensive were the half-hearted allies –the Uzbegs – as they could sense the expansionist ambitions of Shah Jahan. Anopportunity soon appeared in this regard for the Mughals.

The Uzbeg Empire was passing through a phase of anarchy. Imam Quli, the popularruler of the Uzbegs, lost his eyesight and abdicated in favour of his brother NazrMuhammad in November 1641. The despotism and stubborn autocracy of NazrMuhammad provoked opposition of the nobility which now started supporting hisson Abdul Aziz. In desperation, Nazr Muhammad sought the assistance of ShahJahan who immediately seized this opportunity to conquer Balkh on the pretext ofsaving it from the rebels. The Mughal forces successfully entered Balkh in early1646. Nazr Muhammad was forced to seek shelter in Persia. Therefore, Shah Jahansent two letters – one to Nazr Muhammad informing him about the conquest ofBalkh without any apologies or explanations and another to Shah Abbas II ofPersia giving him the news of occupation of Balkh which was a prelude to theconquest of Samarqand and Bukhara by the Mughals. The conquest was justifiedon grounds of extending necessary protection to the Saiyids of Balkh. It was alsoconveyed through this letter that Nazr Muhammad should be sent to Mecca andshould not be allowed to return to Turan. The Persians themselves hesitated tosupport the cause of Nazr Muhammad as they were doubtful about his success. Infact, Shah Jahan had dispatched three successive envoys to Persia for ensuringPersian neutrality in the Turanian affairs. However, this was not the only factorwhich determined the Persian attitude towards Nazr Muhammad. They weresomewhat reluctant to help him not only because of his sullen temperament butalso because of the traditional Uzbeg-Persian hostility. The absence of capableleadership in Persia further thwarted such designs. Before the envoys reachedPersia Nazr Muhammad had already left for Turan.

The conquest of Balkh and other territories proved easier for Shah Jahan thantheir occupation. The conquest at the same time was hazardous, too, due to avariety of factors. These included lack of adequate means of communication,severity of climate, staggering cost in men, money and material and the hostilityof the local population. The evacuation was also difficult for the Mughals and wasequally unpleasant for the Persians. Hence, an agreement had to be reached withNazr Muhammad in October 1647.

In 1650, Shah Jahan sent an embassy to Abdul Aziz, the Uzbeg ruler of Turan. But

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Indian Political System the political realignments taking place in Turan recently had made the situationdifficult for Abdul Aziz. His brother Subhan Quli was being supported by hisfather-in-law Abul Ghazi – the then ruler of Khwarazm and a satellite of Persia.Shah Jahan often persuaded Abdul Aziz to invade Kabul. Shah Jahan’s attempt toform an alliance with the Ottoman rulers Murad IV (r. 1623-1640) and Muhammad(Mehmed) IV (r. 1648-1687) had failed. The tenor of the letters sent by the Ottomansto Shah Jahan was distasteful to the latter and not very conducive to mutualunderstanding. The Mughal occupation of Balkh was also not liked by theOttomans. Thus, the Mughal-Ottoman relations could not prosper.


1) What were the salient features of the Mughal-Uzbeg relations in the thirdphase (1589-98)?.........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................

2) What were the objectives of Shahjahan’s north-west frontier policy?.........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................

6.8 MUGHAL RELATIONS WITH PERSIAAfter having familiarised you with the Mughal-Uzbeg relations, we attempt to tellyou about the nature of Mughal relations with Persia.

6.8.1 Babur and HumayunBabur’s relations with Shah Ismail have already been discussed in Unit 4. After thedeath of Shah Ismail (1524) and the accession of his son Shah Tahmasp (1524-76),Babur set a condolence-cum-congratulatory embassy to the new Shah under KhwajagiAsad who returned with a Persian emissary Sulaiman Aqa.

In the meantime, two Persian embassies under Hasan Chelebi and his younger brothersuccessively reached the Mughal court. Babur also sent a return embassy though thepurport of the letters and verbal messages exchanged are nowhere recorded.

After Babur’s death (1530), Kamran, Humayun’s brother, held his principality ofKabul, Qandahar and the territories extending up to Lahore firmly against thePersians. In 1534-35, the Persian prince Sam Mirza and his ambitious noble AghziwarKhan were involved in a feud with Kamran and Khwaja Kalan (governor ofQandahar). However, Aghziwar Khan was killed in the encounter and Sam Mirzareturned to Herat. This made Shah Tahmasp lead an expedition with a force of sevento eight thousands in 1537 against the Mughals. A contemporary historian blames thegovernor Khwaja Kalan for inept handling of the situation because it was he whosurrendered the fort of Qandahar to the Shah leading to the fall of surroundingterritories. When Shah Tahmasp was beset by turmoil in Azerbaijan and the tensionswere mounting on his western frontiers Kamran easily reconquered Qandahar in1537-38.

Humayun did not maintain an active contact with Persia upto 1543. It was only afterhis expulsion from India in mid-1543 that Humayun wrote a letter to Shah in January

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1544. The letters exchanged between Humayun and Tahmasp and his officials areavailable and throw light on the different phases of Indo-Persian relations. AhmadSultan Shamlur, the Persian governor of Siestan, invited the royal fugitive andHumayun took shelter with fifty of his ill-equipped loyalists in Persia. He did somainly at the advice of Bairam Khan. Tahmasp had himself suffered at the hands ofhis rebellious brothers. Hence, he appreciated Humayun’s difficulties.

Humayun seized Qandahar from its Persian commander Budagh Khan in September1545. Although some misunderstanding had temporarily soured the relation betweenthe two potentates leading to speculations that the demand for conversion to shi’ismwas the cause of rupture, the cordiality was by and large maintained on the two sides.Shah Tahmasp sent a congratulatory embassy under Walad Beg Takkalur in 1546 forHumayun’s victory over Kabul. In his letter sent through the returning envoy,Humayun sent invitation to Khwaja Abdus Samad, the famous Persian painter,and certain other talented men to join his service. Humayun recalled his envoy KhwajaJalaluddin Mahmud (sent in 1548). Another envoy Qazi Shaikh Ali was sent in 1549to condole the death of Bahram Mirza and to relate the rebellion of Kamran Mirzaagainst Humayun. Shah Tahmasp’s envoy Kamaluddin Ulugh Beg brought hismessage. Humayun was advised to refrain from showing clemency to Kamran andmilitary assistance, if and when required, was offered. The last recorded embassyfrom Tahmasp came in early summer of 1553 after which Humayun was once againpreoccupied with recovery and consolidation of Indian domains.

6.8.2 AkbarHumayun’s death in 1556 reopened the issue of Qandahar. The seizure of Qandahar bythe Shah had strained Persian relations. It was because of this that Tahmasp’s embassyin 1562 under Said Beg Safavi to Akbar (to condole Humayun’s death and tocongratulate him on his accession) remained unanswered. Subsequently, ShahTahmasp’s two letters recommending Sultan Mahmud Bhakkari’s candidature forentering the ranks of nobility were also ignored because, as recorded by Abul Fazl,merit and not recommendation determined the state appointments. Silence wasmaintained even in 1572 when Khudabanda (contender for Persian throne) sent Yar AliBeg to Akbar with an eye on his support during the imminent war of succession. Afterthe death of Tahmasp (May 1576), Shah Ismail II ascended the throne. He maintainedfriendly relations with Mirza Hakim. With the accession of Khudabanda in November1577, Persia was plunged in turmoil. In 1583, Prince Abbas sent Murshid Tabrizi toAkbar to ensure consolidation of his position in his province of Khurasan. Akbarwas unhappy with the Persians over the loss of Qandahar. He ignored, says AbulFazl, ‘the petition of a rebel son against his father’. In 1591, Shah Abbas again sentan embassy under Yadgar Rumlu as he faced a major threat from the Uzbegs. InNovember 1594, another envoy Ziauddin arrived, nevertheless, the silence suggestiveof a cold and stiff relationship continued till March 1595 when the Mughal forcesfinally entered Qandahar and conquered Zamindawar and Garmsir.

In 1596, Akbar sent his first embassy to Shah Abbas through Khwaja AshrafNaqshbandi. In the letter, he justified his conquest of Qandahar in view of thesuspected loyalty of the Mirzas towards the Shah and explained away his completesilence owing to his inability to offer timely help to Shah because of the Uzbegembassies. In 1598, Shah Abbas sent an envoy Manuchihir Beg with the returningIndian envoy. Another envoy Mirza Ali Beg informed Akbar about the conquest of allthe forts except Qandahar expecting that Akbar would return it. Relying upon his

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Indian Political System secure frontiers due to the death of Abdullah Khan in 1598, Akbar returned fromPunjab to Agra. In 1602, Manuchihir Beg was dismissed by Akbar and Mughal envoyMasum Bhakkari was sent to the Shah. The Shah sent two letters one each to Akbarand Hameeda Banu Begam. The last years of Akbar were clouded by Salim’s(Jahangir) revolt. The commanders of Farah, Khurasan and Zamindawar seizedthe opportunity and captured Bust despite stiff resistance from Shah Beg, theMughal governor of Qandahar. Prince Salim had maintained independent friendlyrelations with Shah Abbas exchanging gifts and filial pleasantries so long as Akbarwas alive. Nevertheless, an organised Persian invasion on Qandahar region in thelast days of Akbar’s reign (22 October, 1605) followed by the advance of Persianforces in February 1606 for the conquest of Qandahar was the beginning of hostilitiesbetween the two rulers. Despite Khusrau’s rebellion, the Persian invasion provedto be a fiasco.

6.8.3 JahangirThe first Persian congratulatory and condulatory mission reached the Mughal courtin March 1611. This mission returned in August 1613 accompanied by a Mughalenvoy Khan Alam. Shah Abbas despatched several major and minor embassies. Anumber of ‘purchasing missions’ were also exchanged and ‘toy trade’ (of manuscripts,paintings, astrolabes and other such curiosities) continued. Sometimes, the Shah tookthe trouble of supplying certain articles to Jahangir by ordering them from Veniceand other parts of Europe. A mission under Sherley brothers arrived in June 1615.Though preceded and followed by a number of other embassies, the only embassywhich openly dealt with the reopening of the Qandahar issue was led by Zainul Beg.However, Jahangir’s consultations with his counsellors resulted in the rejection of theidea of surrender of Qandahar as it could have been treated as a sure sign ofweakness. By winning over the trust of Jahangir and thus taking the small Mughaldetachment unawares, Shah Abbas occupied Qandahar on 11 June 1622. Jahangir,in fact, had sensed the intrigues on his western frontiers but failed to save Qandahardue to various reasons. The court politics, Jahangir’s failing health, rupture of mutualrelations of Nurjahan and Khurram, new polarisation of political forces after LadliBegam’s (Nurjahan’s daughter from her first husband) marriage with Shahrayar(Jahangir’s son), and Khurram’s (Shahjahan) rebellion, were several factors whichled the loss of Qandahar.

Shah Abbas tried to assuage Jahangir’s anger over the loss of Qandahar by sendingtwo successive embassies. Another embassy arrived under Aqa Muhammad in October1625. Jahangir’s reply to this letter was marked by diplomatic silence over Qandaharaffair with an expedient reaffirmation of old friendly ties. It was in October 1626 thatfour letters including one from Nur Jahan Begum were sent to Persia by Jahangir.

6.8.4 Shah JahanWith the death of Shah Abbas in January 1629, after four decades of successful rule,Persia was plunged into uncertainties under its new and inexperienced ruler Shah SafiMirza. Shah Jahan was eager to seize the first opportunity to regain Qandahar and hadnot only given a warm welcome to the rebel Persian chief Sher Khan but had alsoproposed a joint attack on Persia (from India, Turan and Turkey under the Ottomans)in his letter to Murad IV. Shah Safi despatched Muhammad Ali Beg Isfahani in responseto Shah Jahan’s embassy sent under Mir Barka on 20 October 1629.

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Shah Jahan’s policy towards North-West frontier was a drain on the Mughal resources.The three abortive campaigns in Qandahar and the expeditions of Balkh andBadakhshan were equally harmful to the exchequer as well as to Mughal prestige. Theembargo placed on trade due to hostility with Iran further resulted in losses of variouskinds. To facilitate his conquest of Qandanar, Shah Jahan had unsuccessfully tried tolure the Persian governor Ali Mardan through promises of future favours to surrenderthe town but the offer met with refusal. Neverthelsss, the defensive measures beingundertaken by Ali Mardan to face the Mughals were misconstrued as his enemiesinstigated Shah Safi that Ali Mardan was intending to revolt. The Shah’s insistence forpersonal appearance of Ali Mardan in his court and the rejection of all his pleasfrightened the latter who chose his life instead of loyalty to the Shah and joined theMughals.

On 26 February 1638, the Mughal contingent entered Qandahar and Qilij Khan wasappointed as its governor. After the capture of Qandahar, Shah Jahan tried to placateShah Safi and even offered to make an annual payment of a sum equal to the revenuesof Qandahar. On another front Shah Safi made peace with the Ottomans in September1639. Satisfied on this count he started preparations for a war with the Mughals.However, before the campaign could be undertaken, he died in 1642. At the accessionof his successor Shah Abbas II – a lad of ten years – Shah Jahan promptly sent acongratulatory embassy as he had his eyes set on Turan. On the other hand, the Persianswere keen to recover Qandahar. The recently concluded friendship with the Ottomansand the anarchy prevailing in Qandahar due to Mughal governor’s inefficiency hadfurther brightened the prospects for Persian victory. In spite of exhortations from ShahJahan, the Mughal nobles were reluctant to march towards highlands in winter and theageing Mughal governor Daulat Khan failed to defend Qandahar. Thus, the Shah easilyoccupied it in December 1648. In May 1649, Aurangzeb came with the Mughal wazirSa’dullah and occupied the places in the vicinity. Shah Wardi, the Persian envoy whohad come to the Mughal court in July 1649 to offer explanations for the conquest ofQandahar, Zamindawar and other territories, was given audience. But soon two moredetachments were sent under Dara Shukoh and Aurangzeb to besiege Qandahar. Thedifficult physical terrain and the disruption in the line of supply made their stay in ahostile region impossible. If Bernier is to be believed, even the Persian soldiers in theMughal army fought half-heartedly against their kinsmen. To add to the trouble, themarauding Uzbegs (despite heavy bribery) continued to invade Ghazni. Dara was notan efficient military leader. The fourth expedition to Qandahar by Shahjahan in 1656was, therefore, abandoned. A contemporary historian rightly pointed out that theQandahar campaign resulted in the massacre of thirty to forty thousand people and anexpenditure of three krors and five lakhs of rupees.

Apart from Qandahar, the Deccan problem was another point of conflict betweenthe Persians and the Mughals. The Deccan Shia ruling dynasties (Qutbul Mulk ofGolconda and Nizam Shahis of Ahmadnagar) were driven by the Mughal threattowards the Persians due to their ‘mutual sectarian affinity’. The diplomaticrelations established by Akbar since 1573 with the Deccan states and subsequentconquests laid the basis for the Mughal-Deccan relations. Under Jahangir, theMughal offensive on Ahmadnagar and Bijapur led by Shah Jahan and Khan-iKhanan compelled the Deccanis to request for Persian intercession. Envoys fromQuli Qutbshah (1590-1611) and Malik Ambar – the ‘commander-in-chief’ ofNizamshah – invoked the sympathy of Shah Abbas who went to the extent ofoffering a slice of Persia in exchange for the safety of the Deccan states. By 1617,

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Indian Political System however, the Deccan-Mughal negotiations were completed not so much throughthe unappreciated intervention of Shah but through the Mughal policy ofconciliation and force.

6.9 THE DECCAN STATES AND THE PERSO-MUGHAL DILEMMA

A decade of diplomatic silence in the Mughal-Persian relations was broken whenthe Deccan problem cropped up. The occupation of Ahmadnagar by the Mughalsin 1633 had disheartened Golconda. In 1636, Shah Jahan sent an ultimatum toQutb Shah and Adil Shah to read khutba in the Sunni fashion and exclude thename of the Shah of Persia. The Golconda ruler succumbed to the pressure. In1637, Shah Safi appointed Ahmad Beg Qurchi to proceed on a mission to AdilShah. Apart from the regular exchange of embassies, Qutb Shah used the goodoffices of his nephew (then attached to the Persian court) and proposed safe flightand asylum in Persia if need arose. When Abdullah Qutb Shah sent Hakim-ulMulk in 1641 to the ruler of Persia, the Mughal authorities objected and forced abreak in the exchange of letters. In 1650, a Persian envoy came on an Englishship. Now the Shah, having conquered Qandahar, was in a better bargainingposition. The Perso-Deccan contacts also increased due to immigrants from Persiaholding high positions at the court. One such Muhammad Said Mir Jumla, adiamond merchant, maintained his connection with his homeland and corresponded,with Shah Abbas II, and such other. Abdullah Qutb became jealous of Mir Jumlawho turned to the Mughal court for help and finally entered the Mughal service.Aurangzeb, the then viceroy of Deccan, invaded Golconda in early 1656 due tothe detention of Mir Jumla’s son by Qutb Shah. Although the invasion was haltedon Shah Jahan’s orders, much havoc had been created in Haidarabad and otherparts of Golconda. While the Mughal pressure on Karnataka continued.Aurangzeb’s threatening attitude forced Qutb Shah to seek Persian intercession.

The Persian Shah was already maintaining diplomatic relations with Prince MuradBakhsh and certain other princes and nobles. The declining health of Shah Jahanand the imminent war of succession encouraged the Shah to send an army toMurad who had declared himself an independent ruler on 20 November 1656 andhad sent two missions to Shah Abbas II.

The Shah urged the Bijapur and Golconda rulers to sink their differences andjointly exploit the confusion and anarchy prevailing in the Mughal Empire. Butthe victory of Aurangzeb nipped these plans in the bud. The Shah now hesitatedeven to assist Dara.

Aurangzeb’s circumspection and experiences with past never allowed him to plungeinto ambitious aggressive designs on his North-Western borders or on Qandahar.Nevertheless, the relations between the Mughals and the Persians continued toremain strained.


1) Give a short account of Humayun’s relations with Shah Tahmasp..........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................

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2) How far do you agree with the view that Mughal relations with Persia revolvedround the issue of Qandahar?.........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................

3) Highlight the main stages in the Mughal-Persian relations during Jahangir’sreign..........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................

6.10 AURANGZEB AND THE NORTH-WESTFRONTIER

Aurangzeb’s hostility towards Deccani kingdoms was further accentuated due tosecret negotiations between his brother and the Shah of Persia. Aurangzeb desiredrecognition from Shah through Zulfiqar Khan – the Persian governor – whoimmediately sent an envoy in 1660 presumably with the Shah’s approval. TheShah’s letter referred to ancient ties of friendship and the assistance rendered bythe Shahs of Iran to the Mughals and explanations for the conquest of Qandahar.Although a warm welcome was given to the envoy, the tenor of the reply wasdispleasing. A return embassy was sent under Tarbiyat Khan – the governor ofMultan – with a friendly letter treating the Qandahar affairs as a closed chapter.But the relations between the two rulers deteriorated and the impertinence of theenvoy (who declined to accompany the Shah to Mazandaran) provided the Shahthe opportunity to challenge the Mughal Emperor for a trial of strength. The lettersent by the Shah contained references to Aurangzeb’s fratricide and his ineffectivegovernment resulting in disorder. The news of the Shah’s intended march reachedAurangzeb before the arrival of Tarbiyat Khan. Preparations started for war andan embargo was placed on all kinds of trade with Persia. The governor of Suratwas ordered to stop all ships sailing to Persia. But the news of the death of theShah in 1666 averted the danger. Tarbiyat Khan, however, lost favour and wasdeclined audience for a year because of listening tamely to the Shah’s insultingremarks.

The next Persian ruler, Shah Sulaiman (r.1666-1694), was rather incompetent,and his pious and righteous son and successor Sultan Hussain (r. 1694-1722) lackeddiplomacy and political acumen. Aurangzeb was aware of the difficulties involvedin the Qandahar campaign. He assisted the rebel Persian governor of Herat in1688. He persuaded Prince Muazzam to go to Qandahar as he himself waspreoccupied with problems of Jats, Sikhs, Marathas, and, the rebel son Akbar whohad crowned himself in 1681. Although Aurangzeb was keen to secure help fromthe Shah, the latter desisted from it. The diplomatic relations with Abdul Aziz andhis brother Subhan Quli of Turan were strengthened and their sectarian affinitywas emphasised. The plans of raid on Bala Murghab in 1685 and the proposedanti-Persian alliance and a joint invasion of Iran were also contemplated. Almostsimultaneously the Uzbeg ruler Abdul Aziz sought friendship of Shah Abbas II (r.1642-1666). But the Perso-Uzbeg alliance could not materialise as Turan wasthreatened by Urganj and Khwarazm and torn by internal and external dissensions,devoid of a good leadership. The Safavi Empire was also, during this period, in a

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Indian Political System state of slow but sure dissolution. It was in no position to extend its support toDeccan Kingdoms. By 1687, Aurangzeb managed to destroy the two remainingDeccan kingdoms of Bijapur and Golconda and annexed their territories. As nothreats existed from Central Asia and Iran, Aurangzeb’s position was strengthened.

Thus, Aurangzeb left the Mughal Empire in a ‘state of diplomatic isolation’ exceptfor an insignificant embassy from Bukhara in 1698. Although Aurangzeb neverdreamt of the recovery of Qandahar, the Mughal-Safavi relations deterioratedgradually and even an embassy from the Ottoman ruler remained unanswered.


1) What was the policy of Aurangzeb towards Persia?

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6.11 SUMMARYIn this Unit, we studied the fact that Akbar became Emperor at a very young age.During the first four years, Bairam Khan worked as regent for the young Emperor.The nobility was divided into various factions each trying to establish its supremacy.Akbar gradually took control of the situation and created a dedicated group ofnobles faithful to him. The Mughal Empire’s control at that time was limited to asmall territory.

Akbar started a policy of conquests and brought large areas in the east, west, northand south under the Empire, though success in the south was confined to the regionsof Deccan only. Along with conquests, the process of consolidation was also initiated.As a result, the conquered territories were placed under a unified administrativesystem. The consolidated Empire created by Akbar was maintained with a measure ofsuccess by his successors for more than hundred years. During the reign ofAurangzeb, new territories in the south (Bijapur, Golconda, etc.) and in the North-East were added. The notable achievement of the Mughal Emperors lay in securingthe help of the autonomous chieftains for the expansion and consolidation of the Empire.

In this Unit, we have also discussed Mughal relations with the ruling powers inCentral Asia and Persia. The global situation as well as the geographical factors whichshaped Mughal foreign policy have been highlighted. The relations of the variousMughal kings towards the Uzbegs of Central Asia and the Persians have beentreated separately. In the ultimate analysis, this Unit has tried to bring out the geo-political and commercial significance of the North-West frontier, control over whichwas the bone of contention between the Mughals, Safavis and Uzbegs.

6.12 KEYWORDSAkbarnama The official chronicle of the reign of Akbar, written in

Persian by the court historian Abul Fazl ibn Mubarak

Khaqan Chief of the Khans

Metapsychosis A phenomenon which explains the process of the passingof soul after death into another body

Nishans An order issued by a Prince

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Pargana An administrative unit comprising of a number of villages

Qazaq A Central Asian tribe

Regent A person who administers a state/kingdom when the legalmonarch is a minor or unable to rule due to other reasons

Suba A province; Subas were established by Emperor Akbarduring the administrative reorganisation in 1580. Initially,there were 12 provinces and after the Deccan conquest,the number reached 15



1) See Section 6.2

2) See Section 6.2




1) See Section 6.4

2) See Section 6.5


1) See Section 6.1 Your answer should include the following points: Kabul andQandahar are referred to as twin gates of India leading to Central Asia andPersia; therefore, Akbar was interested in retaining Kabul and Qandahar asbulwarks against external invasions.

2) See Section 6.6 Your answer should include the following points: The bordersof Uzbeg and Safavi states were contiguous. Persia’s commercial prosperityand fertility and the fact that it was geo-politically important brought it intoconflict with the Uzbegs. Qandahar was the bone of contention between Indiaand Persia due to geo-political, commercial and other reasons.

3) See Section 6.6 Your answer should include the following points: After thebreak-up of the Timurid and Turkoman states two important states came intoexistence in Central and West Asia, i.e. the Uzbegs and Safavis. They clashedwith each other for gaining political and commercial ascendancy over the region.


1) See Sub-section 6.7.2 Your answer should include the following points: Inthe third phase of the Uzbeg-Mughal relations, the Uzbeg ruler adopted aconciliatory attitude towards the Mughals. The Mughals around this timeconquered Qandahar and felt the need to oppose the Uzbegs.

2) See Sub-section 6.7.4 Your answer should include the following points: Therecovery of Qandahar, the reconquest of ancestral land and hegemony overDeccan, etc.

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1) See Sub-section 6.8.1 Your answer should include the following points: Afterhis expulsion from India Humayun took shelter in Persia and Shah Tahmasp hada sympathetic attitude towards him, etc. Although control over Qandaharand sectarian differences were a bottleneck in their relationship, by and largethey maintained cordial relations.

2) See Section 6.8 and Sub-sections 6.8.1 and 6.8.2 Your answer should include thefollowing points: Humayun conquered Qandahar. After Humayun’s deathQandahar was lost to the Persians. Akbar regained it. Persian attempt to recoverit failed.

3) See Sub-section 6.8.3 Your answer should include the following points: Persianembassies were sent to the Mughal ruler. Qandahar was lost to Persia.Diplomatic silence maintained by Jahangir.


1) See Section 6.10 Your answer should include the following points: Aurangzebreceived friendly embassies from the Shah and the Qandahar issue was treatedas a closed chapter. Later, relations between the two deteriorated. Inconsistencyin the relations should be highlighted.

6.14 SUGGESTED READINGSHasan, Mohibbul, (1985) Babur: Founder of the Mughal Empire in India (NewDelhi: Manohar Publications).

Khan, A. R., (1977) Chieftains in the Mughal Empire during the Reign of Akbar(Simla: IIAS).

Prasad, Beni, (1962) History of Jahangir (New Delhi: Indian Press).


Varma, Ramesh Chandra, (1967) Foreign Policy of the Great Mughals, 1526-1727 A.D. (Agra: Shiva Lal Agarwala & Co.).

6.15 INSTRUCTIONAL VIDEORECCOMENDATIONS

Harbans Mukhia in Kitabhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LRpHubqTPtY

Desh Deshantar: Role and Contribution of Sher Shah Suri & Akbarhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i3zSukHOQmY

The Myth and Reality of Emperor Aurangzeb – An Illustrated Lecture | TheHindu Lit for Life 2019https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=riEfw0JbtB0

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Mughal Conquests:Warfare and AlliancesUNIT 7 THE NAYAKAS*

Structure

7.0 Objectives

7.1 Introduction

7.2 Historiography

7.3 Historical Sources

7.4 Emergence and Development of the Nayaka Kingdoms

7.4.1 Migration of the Nayakas and the Vijayanagara State

7.4.2 Madurai, Tanjore and Senji: The Beginnings

7.4.3 The bases of the Nayaka State Formation

7.5 Relationship of the Nayakas with the Vijayanagara Rulers

7.6 Nayaka Rulers and Chieftains: Consolidation and Administration

7.7 Warfare Technology of the Nayaka States

7.8 Kingship, Legitimacy and the Image of the King

7.8.1 Use of the Past

7.8.2 Capital City as a Source of Authority

7.8.3 Representation of the Enemy

7.9 Political Economy of the Nayaka States

7.10 Cultural Developments

7.11 A New Ethos

7.12 Decline of the Nayaka Kingdoms

7.13 Summary

7.14 Keywords




7.0 OBJECTIVESAfter reading this Unit, you will be able to know about the following:

• history of south India from the middle of the sixteenth to the end of theseventeenth century,

• the emergence and consolidation of the nayaka kingdoms of southern India,

• nature of kingship and legitimations in nayaka states,

* Dr. Ranjeeta Datta, Centre for Historical Studies, Jawahar Lal Nehru University, NewDelhi

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Indian Political System • political Economy of the nayaka kingdoms,

• emergence of a new cultural ethos in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuryCE, and

• the decline of the nayaka kingdoms of Madurai, Tanjore and Gingee.

7.1 INTRODUCTIONIn the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, during the period of Vijayanagara rulers,Krishnadevaraya (1509-29 CE) and Achyutadevaraya (1529-42 CE), the militaryleaders or nayakas emerged in large numbers in the administration. These nayakaswere assigned territories (sima, sime, sirmai) by the Vijayanagara kings and inexchange the nayakas had to maintain an armed contingent and collect taxes onbehalf of the state. Such a landed assignment known as the nayakatana ornayakkattanam became the basis for the emergence of independent politicalformations, which gradually acquired the status of kingdoms during theVijayanagara rule. Some of these powerful nayaka polities were Ikkeri and Odeyarsin northern and southern Karnataka regions respectively and Senji (Gingee),Tanjavur and Madurai in the old territorial divisions of Tondaimanadalam,Cholamandalam and Pandiamandalam respectively in the Tamil region (Wagoner1993: 24). These polities despite being powerful independent kingdoms claimedsymbolic allegiance to the Vijayanagara Empire (1336-1672 CE) by portrayingthemselves as loyal feudatories of the Vijayanagara rulers. It should be noted thatthe Mughals were ruling simultaneously while the nayakas were in power in southIndia. During this period the arrival of the Jesuits, foreign travellers, the British,French, Dutch and other European Companies and their interactions influencedthe nayaka states in particular and the history of south India in general. The nayakapolities continued till 1730s in the eighteenth century when Madurai, the last ofthe major nayaka states declined.

This Unit will discuss the historical importance of the nayaka kingdoms from theperiod of their emergence in the sixteenth century to the early eighteenth centurywhen they declined, the sources especially the textual narratives composed in therespective nayaka kingdoms, the aspects of political formation, authority andlegitimation, political economy and cultural developments. The Unit will highlightthe emergence of a new ethos that was not only politically significant, but wasalso noteworthy for its rich culture.

7.2 HISTORIOGRAPHYThe period from the latter half of sixteenth century till the middle of the eighteenthcentury, that is, after the defeat of the Vijayanagara ruler Rama Raja (1542-65 CE)in the hands of the five Deccani sultanates of Bijapur, Golconda, Ahmadnagar,Bidar and Berar till the rise of Hyder Ali in 1761 CE has been virtually ignoredand considered as ‘something akin to a blackhole in south Indian history’ (Raoet.al. 1992: x). Many historical researches do not consider it worthwhile to dealwith this period as according to them, it represented the end of the Empire withthe defeat of the Vijayanagara army in 1565 CE at Talikota and political chaos dueto the presence of numerous polities. Therefore, the history of the powerful nayakakingdoms situated in this period did not receive much scholarly attention tillrecently.

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The NayakasIt needs to be pointed out that despite the defeat of the Vijayanagara ruler and theabandonment of the capital near Hampi, the Empire continued to exist for almostanother hundred years under the rule of the last line of Vijayanagara kings, theAravidus (1570-1646). The Aravidus established themselves at the fortified sitesof Penukonda and then at Chandragiri, near the shrines at Tirumala-Tirupati, insouthern Andhra. A civil war over succession in 1614 CE left the Aravidus with amuch-reduced kingdom. The last of the Vijayanagara kings Sriranga III died in1672 CE, more than hundred year later than the battle of Talikota (also known asRakshasa Tangadi).

Further, the presence of many kingdoms and absence of a strong VijayanagaraEmpire did not mean anarchy. This period corresponding to the development andconsolidation of the nayaka states was one of the politically dynamic periods inthe history of south India. A culturally vibrant period with a new ethos, the nayakastates were famous for their elaborate temple and civic architecture, and artisticand cultural achievements, which reflected the Dravidian as well as Islamicinfluences. The famous Tanjore paintings belonging to a classical school of southIndian art developed in the nayaka kingdom of Tanjavur. The relationship betweenthe nayaka and Vijayanagara states is one of the fascinating themes of study. Thesenayaka kingdoms though were once a part of the Vijayanagara Empire, possesseddistinct political and geographical identity and had a specific social, economicand cultural milieu.

Historiographically there have been significant contribution to the study of theindividual nayaka kingdoms of Senji, Ikkeri, Odeyars, Madurai and Tanjore. Someof the notable are those of R. Sathyanatha Aiyar on Madurai (1924), Srinivasacharion Senji (1943) Vriddhagirisan on Tanjore (1947) and K.D. Swaminathan on Ikkeri(1967). These works provide a comprehensive geographical, political and culturalhistory of the respective nayaka kingdoms using a wide variety of historical sourcesand have formed the bedrock on which later historiographical research is basedupon. The recent work of Velecheru Narayana Rao, David Shulman and SanjaySubrahmanyam titled Symbols of Substance (1992) followed by Philip B. Wagoner’sTidings of the King (1993) are useful contributions in understanding the history ofthe nayaka rule.

The Symbols of Substance deals with the political culture of three major nayakastates of Tanjavur, Madurai and Senji along with minor polities located on theperipheries of these kingdoms. The book explains that the transition in the nayakaperiod was due to the social flux caused by migrations of several groups from theTelegu region and social mobility of marginal groups present in the nayaka statesto a position of political influence. It also highlights the issues of war andcontestations and the nature of the nayaka kingship. According to the authors, thenayaka kingship had limited political authority but made inflated claims of aglorious polity. While discussing the emergence of institutions, the authors analysethe literary texts of this period to support their arguments.

The Tidings of the King, a tranlsation and ethnohistorical analysis of a Telugu textcalled the Rayavacakamu deals with the period of Krishnadevaraya. However,Wagoner points out that the text was written in the court of the Madurai Nayaka,that is more than a hundred years later. It was, according to Wagoner, composedwith the purpose of accquiring political legitimacy for the Madurai ruler by claiminghis lineage as a loyal feudatory of the powerful and famous king, Krishnadevaraya.

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Indian Political System But at the same time it did not recognise the political authority of the contemporaryVijayanagara ruler of the Aravidu dynasty as the latter was weak and declining.Such a paradox is reflected in the text that further asserts that the Aravidu dynastydid not possess any moral and ritual authority as the source of that authority, thecapital city, Vijayanagara was destroyed in 1565 CE by a confederation of theMuslim states of Deccan and no other city of the same stature developedsubsequently.

7.3 HISTORICAL SOURCESThe sources for the history of the nayaka period are of various types. Inscriptionscarved on the stone walls of numerous temples patronised by the nayakas are animportant source that give us information about land grants, donors, donee andvarious ritual and administrative activities. However after the sixteenth century,the inscriptions started diminishing in number.

There are numerous literary texts commissioned by the nayaka courts of Senji,Madurai, Tanjavur and other polities and have been considered lately as signficantsources of the nayaka history. These texts were composed in Telugu, Sanskrit andTamil and were primarily meant for ‘an educated, multi-lingual audience ofcourtiers, courtesans, pandits and officials’ (Rao et.al.1992: 334). These literarytexts were usually courtly dramas in the form of yakshgana plays consisting ofsongs and dance and themes of love, kavya texts which were a mixture of proseand poetry (campu style) with mythological themes, chronicles, treatises ongrammar, philosophy and astrology, devotional (bhakti) poetry, other minor works(laghukavya, prabandha) and several others.

The example of the Rayavackamu cited above will be discussed briefly here todemonstrate the nature of one of the textual sources belonging to the nayaka period.The Rayavackamu was written by a sthanapati, the agent of Vishvanatha Nayaka(1595-1602 CE), the ruler of Madurai. Written in the form of a diplomatic “report”or “tidings” (vacakamu) of “the king” (raya), the text recounted political affairsand events of the Vijayanagara state during the time of Krishnadevaraya – a periodof unprecedented development in politics, art, culture and economy (Wagoner1992: 3). According to Wagoner, despite the author’s claim that he resided inKrishnadevaraya’s court while writing the text, the Rayavacakamu was composedin the court of the Madurai nayaka in the sixteenth- seventeenth centuries (Wagoner1993: 7-10). According to many scholars, the text is a work of ethnohistory, thatis, “an indigenous discourse about the past”, which needs to be understood in itsown cultural terms and not from the point of modern historical worldview (Dirks,1987: 57-8). Thus the Rayavackamu located in the ‘intellectual world’ of theseventeenth century nayaka period in Madurai, reflected its ‘experience andsensibilities’ (Wagoner 1993: 8) and was a source of information for that period.

Accounts of foreign travellers who visited the nayaka courts have also providedinformation for this period. For example, the sixteenth century travel accounts ofItalian merchants like Cesare Federici and Gasparo Balbi, Flemish gem traderJacques de Coutre and Iceland traveller Jon Olafsson are useful in understandingthe history of this period (Rao et.al. 1992: 338). The Jesuit letters dating from1540s published in various volumes provide us with the information of court politicsand social conditions in the nayaka states. The Portuguese records belonging tothe sixteenth and seventeenth century and the English and Dutch Company records

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The Nayakasfrom the factories at Armagon, Madras and Pulicat also provide us with richinformation, especially about the Coromandel.

These variety of sources depending on their nature had different viewpoints. Forinstance, the literary texts produced in the nayaka courts would like us to believethat the nayaka ruler was powerful and independent of the Vijayanagara politicalauthority. However, the Jesuit accounts and records in Dutch and Portuguese givea different picture. The Dutch and Portuguese records inform us that the big nayakain the seventeenth century paid tribute regularly to the Vijayajanagara king. Incase, any nayaka defaulted or refused to pay the remissions, the Vijayanagararuler sent an army to extract the tribute. This happened in the case of Senji nayakawho refused to pay the tribute and had to be subordinated by the army of theVijayanagara ruler, Venkata II. Even after the civil war of 1614 CE that reducedthe status of the Aravidu dynasty of the Vijayanagara Empire considerably, thenayakas continued to pay one fourth of their revenue collection as a tribute (Raoet.al 1992: 105-7; Karashima 2014: 227).


1) Give three characteristics of the nayaka kingdoms:

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2) Match the following:

i) Ikkeri a) Pandiamandalam

ii) Madurai b) Tondaimanalam

iii) Odeyars c) Cholamandalam

iv) Senji d) South Karnataka

v) Tanjavur e) North Karnataka

3) Put a �for a True and a × for a False statement:

i) Achyutadevaraya was the last ruler of the Vijayanagara Empire. ( )

ii) The battle of Talikota in 1565 CE marked the end of the VijaynagaraEmpire. ( )

iii) Nayakas were powerful rulers claiming a connection with theVijayanagara rulers. ( )

iv) Literary texts are exagggerated accounts and donot help in understandingthe history of the nayakas. ( )

7.4 EMERGENCE AND DEVELOPMENT OF THENAYAKA KINGDOMS

According to some historians, the nayaka kingdoms emerged after the downfallof the Vijayanagara Empire in 1565 CE. However, the Vijayanagara rule survivedfor more than hundred years after the battle, existing simultaneously with theindependent nayaka kingdoms in the later part of sixteenth century and first half

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Indian Political System of the seventeenth century. In fact, the Vijayanagara rulers after 1565 CE continuedto assign nayakkattanams.

7.4.1 Migration of the Nayakas and the Vijayanagara StateThe nayaka political elites were mostly Telugus in their origin and traced theirlineage to those warrior groups that had migrated from the Andhra region andsettled in the Kannada and Tamil regions of the Vijaynagara Empire during thefourteenth and fifteenth centuries. They were called the vadugas or northerners –a term used for Telugu migrants into the Tamil country. Hence their ‘socio-politicaluniverse’ was always the Andhra region (Rao et. al. 1992: 7). It is stated that mostof them belonged to the Telugu speaking Balija caste groups, were highly mobileand were both martial and mercantilist in their orientation. They contributedsignificantly to the nayaka state systems and their cultural and political traditions.For instance, the Balijas restructured the revenue systems of the Madurai andTanjavur nayaka kingdoms (Rao et al 1992: 10). Several warrior groups also camefrom the Kannada region and settled in the Tamil region during the fourteenth andfifteenth century.

Undoubtedly, the nayaka polities emerged and developed from the administrativepower that the nayaka officials had over the territories assigned to them duringthe Vijayanagara rule. Epigraphical evidence attests the presence of a large numberof nayaka officials in the fifteenth and sixteenth century CE. Fernao Nuniz, aPortuguese traveller informs us that there were ‘two hundred captains’ who wereassigned territories by the Vijayanagara king and the nayakas ‘on their part, hadto collect revenue in their territories to remit a certain amount to the state and alsoto maintain an armed contingent of a certain size for the king, apart from carryingout general administration in the territories through his agents’ (Karashima1992:195-6). There was a hierarchy amongst the nayaka officials themselves. Someof them enjoyed the status of an overlord and others were often subordinate chiefsor agents of the big nayakas. Studies suggest that the king transferred them butwhen the political authority of the rulers weakened especially after 1565 CE, someof the nayakas asserted their independence in their respective localities.

Based on the genealogies of the nayakas of Madurai, Tanjavur, Senji and Ikkeri inthe inscriptions and literary texts, it can be concluded that the ancestors of therespective nayaka dynasties can be traced to the sixteenth century CE when theywere appointed as nayaka officials during the time of the Krishnadevaraya andAchyutadevaraya. For instance, the nayaka kingdoms of Senji and Ikkeri (NorthKarnataka) emerged in the sixteenth century during the period of Krishnadevaraya’sreign. The nayaka kingdoms of Tanjore and Madurai were developed duringAchyutadevaraya’s reign. Tanjavur (modern Tanjore and North Arcot) emergedunder Sevappa Nayaka during Achyutadevaraya’s time in 1532 CE. The historicalchronicles inform us that these three nayakas were three generals who were deputedto take care of the Tamil region by Krishnadevaraya.

7.4.2 Madurai, Tanjore and Senji: The BeginningsAlthough the historical origins of the Madurai, Tanjavur and Senji nayakas areobscure, it is possible to get some information from the sources. Nagama Nayakaand his son Visvanatha Nayaka were the founders of the Madurai nayaka state(Rao et.al. 1992: 44-56). The emergence of the Madurai nayakas is fairly welldocumented in the chronicles. These chronicles represent the glories of the military

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The Nayakasskills of the Madurai nayakas, especially Visvanatha and their ability to negotiatewith the chieftains of the region. Visvanatha is credited with construction of forts,temples, irrigation canals, creation of brahmana settlements and negotiations withthe Jesuits who operated in and around Madurai amongst the local fishing (paravas)population. It should be noted that the Madurai nayakas based their polity on theKakatiya model that was aggressive with the domination of warriors (Aiyar 1924:1-47; Rao et.al. 1992: 39-40, 41). But they also claimed a strong loyalty to theirVijayanagara overlords. In fact the chronicles tell us that Krishnadevaraya was soimpressed with their loyalty that he gave away the only image of Durga that wasdivine source of power and protection for the Vijayanagara Empire.

The chronicles on Tanjavur, while documenting the history of the region especiallyin the eighteenth century discuss the role of one Cevappa, whose father TimmappaNayaka was the holder of a nayakkattanam in the Arcot region of Tamil Nadu.Cevappa’s wife was the sister-in-law of Achyutadevaraya and through thismatrimonial alliance he received Tanjavur. He was also probably in close serviceof the Vijaynagara ruler. The Tanjavur nayakas based their polity on the brahmanicalprinciples and had brahamana gurus or preceptors, the most famous being GovindaDikshita (Vriddhagirisan 2011: 1-23, 113-24; Rao et.al. 1992: 41).

The founder of the Senji nayaka lineage in the historical chronicles is TubakiKrishnappa Nayaka. There are narratives of how he constructed a fort magicallyon the Senji mountains (Srinivasachari1943: 1-26). It is said that this constructionwas done at the behest of a wild boar, an incarnation of Vishnu, who led the nayakafrom Kanchipuram to Senji. In some documents, Krishnappa Nayaka (Srinivasa-chari 1943: 131-51) is depicted as belonging to a shepherd family pre-dating theVijayanagara times. Thus the origin story of the Senji nayaka kingdom is basedupon ‘a fortress and a state’, ‘created not by conquering new lands but out of anabundance of fluid resources, magically attained and continually reproduced…’(Rao et.al.1992: 41-2). Historically speaking, the Senji nayakas could establishtheir power after a long struggle in the last two decades of the sixteenth centurynotably under one Kondama Nayaka (1578-94 CE) and then under MuttuKrishanappa. The nayakas then repaired the fort that already existed and urbancentre developed around it. However, due to the lack of a legitimate genealogicaltradition, which the Madurai and Tanjavur nayakas possessed, several chieftainsand nayakas challenged the authority of the Senji nayakas. The pressures fromthese chieftains and the Vijayanagara rayas of the Aravidu dynasty at Chandragiriultimately proved to be harmful for the Senji nayakas in the seventeenth century(Srinivasachari1943: 27-64; Rao et.al. 1992: 42-4).

7.4.3 The bases of the Nayaka State FormationThe formation of the nayaka states and their consolidation was based upon sixmain components that marked a substantial departure from the previous period.One was the possession of liquid capital that is money, which had become moreimportant than landed property. In fact, sources tell us that Nagama Nayaka ofMadurai asserted his right to be the king on the basis of his possession of largeamount of money. Two, the significant role of mercenaries in state formation cannotbe ignored. They were mobile, had no ties with land and were equipped witharms, good horses that enabled them to travel swiftly without much preparationThree, a territory in which this mobile warrior elite would settle down andconsolidate their power. Fourth, the allegiance to the Vijayanagara king was

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Indian Political System essential, even if the latter had become weak for that legitimised the newly foundedkingship. Fifth, the consolidation of power had to be based on divine sanction anddisplay of complete devotion to the divine power was crucial. For instance, goddessMinakshi was the patron deity of the Madurai nayakas. Sixth, the role of brahmanasto compose genealogies for providing a kshatriya lineage, or function as ministersand advisers was not relevant any more. The nayakas could assert their indepen-dence if they possessed money, were mobile and well equipped, controlled a regionand had the legitimising authority of the Vijayanagara king and divinity (Raoet.al. 1992: 54-6).

These six requirements for state formation and consolidation of power alsoinfluenced the ideology of kingship, which will be discussed below.

7.5 RELATIONSHIP WITH THE VIJAYANAGARARULERS

The relations between the nayakas and the Vijayanagar rulers fluctuated fromdisplay of loyalty to rebellion. At times the nayakas sought the help of theVijayanagara rulers to counter each other. For example, the Senji nayakas remainedloyal to the Vijyanagara rulers till 1592 CE. Similarly, the nayakas of Tanjoreremained loyal to the Vijayanagara through the sixteenth century and supportedVenkatapatideva, the Vijayanagara king against the invasion from the Golcondasultanate. The Madura nayaka, Visvappa and his successors also remained loyalto the Vijayanagara rulers and even supported the raya against the Portuguese.Similarly, the nayakas of Ikkeri were also loyal to the Vijayanagara rulers. SadasivaNayaka (1540-65 CE) at Ikkeri helped Rama Raya to defeat the Bijapur Sultan.Thereafter, Rama Raya rewarded him with the title of Raya.

Both Krishnadevaraya and Achyutadevaraya often transferred the nayakas fromone place to another. But the nayakas especially of these four polities often managedto avoid the transfer, held on to their territories and strengthened their positionafter 1565 CE. However, despite defying the Vijayanagara authority, they continuedto claim loyalty to the Vijayanagara rule and considered themselves to beresponsible for the administration of their territories (Karashima 2014: 227).

After 1592 CE, the Vijayanagara king, Venkatapati I shifted his capital fromPenukonda to Chandragiri in order to control the nayakas. This generatedresentment amongst the nayakas, who often evaded the payment of tribute to theVijayanagara state. In fact, whenever the Vijayanagara rulers increased their powerto centralise the administration, the nayakas responded by challenging the ruler’sauthority. For instance, after 1580s the Madurai nayakas rebelled against theVijayanagara rulers and refused to pay taxes to them. Venkatapati I had to send hisarmy to subjugate the Madura nayakas in order to collect the revenue.

Often the Vijayanagara rulers also tried to set up one nayaka against another sothat no powerful alternative arose to challenge the Vijayanagara authority. Forexample, Venkatapati instigated the nayakas of Vellore to challenge the authorityof their feudal overlord, the Senji nayakas and ultimately by 1608 CE Venkatapatiovertook both Senji and Vellore. Similarly, the Ikkeri nayakas who had remainedloyal to the Vijayanagara rulers throughout the sixteenth century, rebelled in the

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The Nayakasseventeenth century under Venkatappa Nayaka (1586-1629 CE) of Ikkeri duringthe reign of Vekatapati I.

Some of the nayaka kingdoms always remained difficult for the Vijaynagara rulersto control. The Odeyara chiefs, who had settled in the region of Mysore in thethirteenth century, predating the establishment of the Vijayanagara Empire, neveraccepted the authority of the Vijayanagara rulers. Even Krishnadeveraya foundthe Odeyars, difficult to control. It was under Chamaraja III (1513-53 CE) and hisson Timmaraja (1553-72 CE) that the Odeyars became powerful. By 1610 CE, theOdeyar raja could establish his independence when the Odeyars successfullyeliminated the Vijayanagara viceroy from Seringapattanam and declared it as thecapital of Odeyar nayaka kingdom.

After 1614 CE, a change in the political attitude of the nayakas is visible. In 1614CE, Vijayanagara ruler Venkata II died without leaving an heir. Thereafter aprolonged war of succession broke out between two sets of claimants to throne;each supported by the nayakas of Madurai and Senji on one hand and nayakas ofTanjavur on the other hand. There were heavy losses and the Vijayanagara rulerbecame weak with virtually no power in his hands. Though the relationship betweenthe nayaka states and the Vijayanagara rulers continued as that of the overlord andfeudatory in the 1640s, it was in name only. In 1642 CE Sriranga II ascended theVijayanagara throne. Soon thereafter, the Madura and Senji nayakas rebelledagainst him and he had to shift to stay in the nayaka kingdom of Tanjavur forsometime. In 1649 CE, Bijapur attacked Tanjavur and Sriranga II sought refugewith the nayakas of Odeyars and relocated himself in Mysore. A few years later,on account of the conflict between Golconda and Bijapur and the Mughal invasionsof these Deccani Sultanates, Sriranga II moved to Carnatic in the Coromandel andseized back Chandragiri, the capital of the Vijayanagaras from the Golconda sultan.Due to his conflicts with the nayakas of Senji, Tanjavur and Madurai, Sriranga IIagain sought asylum in Karnataka with Sivappa Nayaka of Ikkeri who symbolicallyconsidered him as his overlord.

7.6 NAYAKA RULERS AND CHIEFTAINS:CONSOLIDATION AND ADMINISTRATION

In the Tamil, Karnataka and Telugu regions, there was always the presence ofpetty chieftains who had powerful local roots, controlled a large part of agrarianproduction and trade and possessed large territories called palaiyam. Some ofthem also possessed a big army. These chieftains were known as palaiyakaran inTamil, palegana in Kannada, palegadu in Telugu and poligars in English.(Karashima. 2014: 228). During the seventeenth century CE, the nayakas employedthese chieftains ‘for local administration and guarding the forest areas andhighways.’ Most of these poligars were loyal to their respective nayaka overlordsand also supported them militarily especially during invasions of other powers.However, some of these chieftains or poligars were able to assert their power andmade their respective palaiyams as independent chieftaincies, especially in theeighteenth century. One of the well-known examples is that of the Sethupathis ofRamanathapuram, who were Marava chieftains or poligars (Dirks 1987; Karashima2014: 228).

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1) Give a brief account of the rise of the nayaka polities in south India from thesixteenth to the seventeenth century.

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2) Who were poligars and what was their role in nayaka polity?

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3) Briefly state any three bases of the nayaka state formations.

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4) Discuss briefly the relationship of the nayaka polities with the Vijayanagarastate.

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7.7 WARFARE TECHNOLOGY OF THE NAYAKASTATE

Since this was a period of conflict between the nayaka states, Aravidu rulers ofthe Vijaynagara kingdom, lesser nayaka subordinates, chieftains, Bijapur andGolconda sultanates, the development of warfare technology would have receivedsome patronage and attention. The geographical knowledge of the terrain andissues of mobility were crucial as the nayaka warriors and chieftains like theMaravas, Sethupathis and Kallars engaged in guerilla warfare (Rao et al. 1992:238-9). This period is known for the construction of forts and fortresses for thepurpose of defense and security. The fort at Senji is well known and was consideredto be practically impregnable.

The nayaka polities were familiar with the use of firearms and used it duringarmed combats (Rao et al. 1992: 220-41). The literary sources provide informationabout firearms and firearms technology while discussing warfare, hunting andromance (Rao et al. 1992: 224-26). Interestingly they used ‘firearms as a poeticdevice in diverse contexts…’ (Rao et al. 1992: 224). The European tradingcompanies were the major supplier of firearms to the nayaka states. The Dutchfactory records inform us about local chieftains making several requests for canonsto be given on loan or sold to them (Rao et al. 1992: 230).

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The NayakasHowever, some historians feel that despite an environment of warfare and presenceof a strong martial culture, firearms were not widely used. Rather their use wasoften looked down upon and swords and lances were considered to be a greatertest of courage as using them brought a warrior face to face with the enemy. (Raoet al. 1992: 235-36). Thus, it is emphasized that though new military innovationswere accepted and widely known, it was not a period of ‘military revolution’ asthe nayaka states did not easily incorporate these new technologies into theirwarfare infrastructure. In addition there was a heavy dependence on cavalry thanon infantry. It is for these reasons that the Bijapur and Golaconda armies with askilled use of firearms and a well-organized infantry could overwhelm the nayakaarmies in various battles. (Rao et al. 1992: 239-41)

7.8 KINGSHIP, LEGITIMACY AND THE IMAGE OFTHE KING

The previous polities of south India, for instance, the Pallavas, Cholas and to agreat extent the Vijayanagara Empire derived the legitimacy for their rule fromthe Vedic rituals. The nayaka rulers in addition to the Vedic rituals derived theirrespective legitimacies from the authority of the greater power of Vijayanagara byclaiming a lineage based upon loyalty and political ties with its rulers. Thus all thenayakas of Senji, Madurai, Tanjavur, Ikkeri and Mysore claimed that they wereloyal subordinates of the Vijayanagara rulers and the latter had granted them specialfavours and positions in the past. Such a political lineage not only bestowed prestigeto the nayaka rulers but also strengthened their position by empowering themwith some kind of moral and ritual authority to rule at a time when the politics ofsouth India was dominated by small states always in competition and warfarewith each other.

This is well documented in the textual sources of the nayaka period. Citing fromthe Rayavacakamu, Wagoner points out that the nayaka states in general and thenayaka kingdom of Madurai in particular despite being powerful ‘never assumedthe titles and positions of “great kings or universal overlords” (Dirks 1987:45),but instead remained content to follow the political mode of dependent kingship,professing subordination to the Vijayanagara throne and thereby strengtheningtheir own authority through a reflected glory’ (Wagoner 1993:10). Thus themechanisms of legitimacy that consolidated the nayaka kingship documented inthe Rayavacakamu was as follows:

7.8.1 Use of the PastAccording to Wagoner, Madurai ruler, Visvanatha Nayaka deemed it appropriateto commission a genealogical text that would claim a lineage to a glorious past ofthe Vijayanagara Empire with a grand capital city and a great ruler, Krishnadevaraya.Such a connection it was felt would bestow prestige upon Madurai as a legitimatesuccessor state. Since the contemporary Vijayanagara dynasty of the Aravidusthat co-existed with the nayaka kingdoms was a mere shadow of a glorious pastand the Vijayanagara king, Vekatapati represented a ‘faded’ monarchical power,identifying with such a state would diminish the prestige of Madurai (Wagoner1993: 10-11, 23-33).

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Indian Political System 7.8.2 Capital City as a Source of AuthorityAccording to the Rayavacakamu, Vijayanagara or City of Victory was a gloriouscapital city and an important source of power and authority. In a separate chapterdevoted to the city, the text informs us that the city was founded by divine powerthree hundred years before Krishnadevaraya’s reign. Therefore it was implied thatthe persona of the individual ruler including Krishnadevaraya was secondary andderived from ‘the physical possession of the city’, which was the only source oflegitimacy and power for every ruler. The destruction of the city after the battle ofTalikota in 1565 CE also meant the loss of the source of ritual power and‘destruction of legitimate dynastic authority’. Since the Vijayanagara kingdom inthe seventeenth century could never find an alternative to the city of Vijayanagara,it was thus devoid of any legitimising authority, with a diminished stature of theruler (Wagoner 1993:11-12, 33-50).

7.8.3 Representation of the EnemySince the destroyer of the city of Vijayanagara were the Deccani sultanates whoserulers were Muslims, the Rayavacakamu portrayed them in a critical manner aspeople belonging to an alien culture, hostile to the dharmic kingship of theVijaynagara rulers. Defining them as the ‘Demons of the Kali Age’, the textcondemns their social practices and cultural sensibilities. It also portrayed a pictureof a strong enemy, confronting whom implied military prestige (Wagoner 1993:12, 50-63). It should be noted that such a description of the Muslim presence as athreat was a standard theme in the Telugu poetry of the seventeenth century andhad become a literary convention (Rao et al. 1992:7).

Therefore, the nature of the nayaka kingship was a balance between dependenceupon and independence from the Vijayanagara rule. Despite becoming independentin the sixteenth century and not paying any tribute to the Vijayanagara ruler, thenayaka politics sought legitimacy from a distant glorious past and a magnificentcity that was ‘a powerful talisman bestowing an invincible authority on itspossessor’(Wagoner 1993: 11). In fact, the status of a loyal feudal subordinatewho owed allegiance to his powerful Vijayanagara overlords gave the nayakakingdoms legitimacy and prestige which enabled them to exercise power over thepowerful chieftains and poligars who were placed lower in the political hierarchy.Thus sovereignty was always indirectly claimed.

Another important feature of the nayaka kingship was that it did not any longerrequire the brahmanical sanction of a kshatriya lineage. Though the Vedic andPuranic ideas were acknowledged but they now exercised lesser influence on thedevelopment of kingship and the political ideology related to it. The Sanskriticframework was no longer necessary to camouflage the non-brahmana ‘shudra’background of the nayaka king and was upheld with pride as an equally respectablepedigree. This new model of kingship was no longer based on dharmic ideologythat upheld the king as a guardian of the traditional varna hierarchy (Rao et al.1992: 79; 57-82)

The notion of bhoga came to be identified with the kingship and the image of theking. It implied that the king’s ritual role as a donor of lands to the temples andbrahmanas was no longer important as it was in the previous regimes. Rather,kingship meant lavish spending on food and distributing the food amongst people

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The Nayakasof the kingdom. Thus the ritual role of annadana (giver of food) shaped the imageof a ruler as generous and not land grants any more. The idea of bhoga alsoadvocated extravagant lifestyles, elaborate court life, dance, music, literature andsensuous pleasures. The personality of the king had to exemplify these qualitiesand in addition to being a warrior, he was supposed to possess intelligence, witand refined manners. However, the king continued to bestow land and other giftsto the brahmanas and temples, but now gifting of fluid resources (dravya) acquiredpredominance (Rao et al. 1992: 61-72).


1) Why did the nayaka states need legitimacy from the sixteenth centuryVijayanagara state?

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2) Explain the process of political legitimation as portrayed in the Rayavacakamu.

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3) Which of the following statement is false?

a) Rayavacakamu is a Telugu text. ( )

b) The glorious past of the Vijayanagara Empire was used by the nayakasto legitimise their kingship. ( )

c) The nayaka period witnessed a glorious military revolution. ( )

d) The Muslim rulers of Deccan were condemned for their attack on thecity of Vijayanagara. ( )

4. The notion of bhoga implied that:

a) Land was no longer important

b) Land was important

c) Land was irrelevant

d) None of the above

7.9 POLITICAL ECONOMY OF THE NAYAKA STATESThe new political ideology of kingship and the ideal image of the king were rootedin the changing context of the economy from the fifteenth century onwards. Aform of mercantilism developed and the nayaka rulers took interest in maritimematters and developed an efficient method for custom duty collection. This was aperiod when south India had flourishing trading relations with the world economyand new crops and manufacturing commodities were produced (Rao et al. 1992:107-11). Trade was also encouraged for it fostered diplomatic relations with various

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Indian Political System powers across the Indian Ocean and Southeast Asia. Several items were exportedand imported, especially precious metals, war-horses and elephants. The nayakasespecially the Madurai nayakas took interest in pearl fishery and delegated agentson their behalf for it. They also interacted with the Portuguese and Dutch whoalso engaged in pearl fishing. The nayakas controlled the retail trade in pearl andcollected a large amount of taxes from it (Rao et al. 1992:111). Thus there wasmoney and gold in circulation in large numbers and this income from trade was assignificant as the income from the agrarian sector. The elites owned ships andseveral mercantile families like the Balijas had trading relations with Burma, theMalay Peninsula and Sri Lanka (Rao et al.1992: 108-09).

The nayaka states developed several urban centres. Those towns that existed beforethe nayaka rule, underwent transformation and adopted the new ethos. These townsbecame centres of circulation and redistribution of resources and encouragedextravagant consumption for population who lived there, mainly warriors, artisans,specialist cultivators and traders. Foreign travel accounts give detailed descriptionsof flourishing court towns of Velur, Madurai, Tiruchirapalli, Senji, Tanjavur,Odeyars and Ikkeri that flourished. The military character of nayaka towns withfortified urban settlements known as palaiyams developed and were describedvividly in the accounts of the foreign merchants, Jesuits, European Companiesand so on. Large-scale construction of temples in these towns also took place.These accounts describe the urban lifestyle as martial in spirit, with an influentialurban population being warriors, cavalrymen and soldiers who also moved in andout of the nayaka courts. The market towns, pettai also emerged during this periodin large numbers with periodic markets and some of them gradually developedinto palaiyams (Rao et al. 1992: 82-92).

The fiscal resources in the nayaka kingdoms were based upon a range of complexlanded rights over agricultural land and its income (Rao et.al. 1992). These rightswere held by individuals, corporate bodies, temples and monastic organisationsand often required the recognition of the state, which in turn took tax remissions.The most significant of these rights was kani, the right to possession of property,especially agricultural land and its produce. The other rights like the amaram,nayakkattanam and palaiyams, were the rights of the warrior groups that gavethem fiscal claims over the landed produce. The state controlled these rights withhelp of its elaborate administrative machinery comprising powerful officials likedalavay, rayasam and pradhani. Since these rights were competitive and conflictswere common, the transfer of fiscal resources to the nayaka state varied and thenayaka rulers had to device various strategies to collect taxes. For instance, theMadurai nayakas frequently visited the southern parts of their territory to ensure asmooth collection of fiscal resources. The nayakas controlled certain parts of theirterritories directly and used the administrative machinery to collect taxes.

By the middle of the seventeenth century, a new fiscal commercial arrangementdeveloped, known as the revenue farming. The evidence tells us that the revenuefarmers belonged to several social groups including the brahmanas, velalas, chettis,and migrant Telugu warriors. These revenue farmers not only collected land tax,but a host of other dues on trade, artisanal and non-agricultural products. Hencethey needed to possess good commercial knowledge in order to assess ‘the revenuepotential of a region’. According to Rao, Shulman and Subrahmanyam, the stateencouraged revenue farmers as they had superior information networks about

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The Nayakasassessing the revenue potential of a region. In addition, they took the risk of apoor collection while passing on the fixed amount to the state whose fiscal stabilitywas thus ensured (Rao et al.1992: 1054-05). But there was always the danger ofthese revenue farmers becoming powerful with an army of their own and notpaying the revenue finally, causing fiscal loss to the state.

7.10 CULTURAL DEVELOPMENTSNayaka rule was noted for its artistic and cultural achievements, and the creationof a unique style of temple architecture. In many ways, it was an elaboration uponVijaynagara architecture. The Nayaka rulers often made additions to the alreadyexisting temple structures that existed from the previous reigns (Karashima 2014:221). The temple architecture consisted of large pillared halls (mandapa) on theouter side of the main sanctum sanctorum. These pillars ranged from one hundredto one thousand in number. Tall gateways (gopurams) with more storeys, slenderin appearance were constructed around the temple. The granite basement of thesegopurams developed into elaborate structures (Karashima 2014: 221). The Madurainayakas constructed the tallest gateway (gopura) in Tamil Nadu. The gatewaywas located in Srivilliputtur near Madurai.

The temple structures, including the mandapa and gopurams were carved withelaborate sculptures that gave a heavy and rich look. There were painted stuccostatues on the surface, and long corridors were cosntructed around the temples.Some of the elaborate sculptures on the pillars and architecture of the nayakaperiod can be found in the Meenakshi temple at Madurai, most of which wasconstructed in the seventeenth century during the period of Tirumalai Nayaka(1623-59 CE). The sculptures on the pillars ususally were images of god, tribalheroes, folk dieties and lifesize images of nayaka rulers and their queens (Karashima2014: 221). In addition to the Meenakshi temple at Madurai, other famous templeswith elaborate nayaka period sculptures and architectures are found inJalagandesvara temple at Vellore, Aghoresvara temple at Ikkeri, Ramesvara andVirabhadra temples at Keladi and Ahobilam and Somapalem temples in the Andhraregion (Karashima 2014: 221).

One of the new features during the Nayaka period was the construction of numerouspalaces and forts. The fort complex at Senji in Tamil Nadu spread over three hillswith palaces and temple structures constructed by the Senji nayakas. The fort hada reputation of being a strong structure that could never be destroyed and itsarchitectural layout made it inacessible. The site of the fort was developed in theninth century during the Chola period and gradually over a period of time additionswere made to it by various ruling dynasties and powerful overlords. However, theSenji nayakas made significant contributions to the development and constructionof the fort. The utility of the fort as a strong battlement is established when atvarious points of time, it was captured by the Marathas, Bijapur sultans, theMughals, Nawabs of Carnatics, the French, Hyder Ali and finally the British. Thenayaka civic architecture combined Dravidian and Islamic styles, as exemplifiedby the palace erected by King Thirumalai Nayaka of the Madurai Nayaka dynastyin 1636 CE.

Painting and art also received patronage and developed during the nayaka period.For instance, Tanjavur painting, a famous South Indian school of classical painting,emerged under the nayakas. These paintings were usually in bright colours and

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Indian Political System gold foils, tiny glass beads and pieces and precious and semi-precious stones wereinlaid into the paintings. The theme of these paintings was usually devotional, thesubjects mostly being gods, goddesses, saints and narratives from various religioustexts. There was an influence of the Deccani and Vijayanagara art forms and lateron of the Marathas and European Companies on the Tanjavur or Tanjore paintings.

The nayaka courts emerged as a centre of literary development and performancearts. One of the unique features of the nayaka literary tradition was that it wasexpressed in multiple languages. This multilingualism also influenced the courtlyperformance of dance-dramas, music and dance. Such a culture of ‘polyglossia’(existence of multiple languages) was due to the social changes that had takenplace from the fifteenth to the seventeenth century (Peterson 2011: 285-301). Arich Sanskritic and regional linguistic traditions in Telugu, Tamil and Kannadahad already developed under the Vijaynagara rule and continued to flourish in thenayaka kingdoms especially with the migration of the Telugu warrior communities.In addition, the presence of the Deccani sultans, the Mughals, merchantcommunities, palaiyakkarars, British, French and other European Companies alsocontributed towards the development of a cosmpolitan environment whichinfluenced the literature and arts in the nayaka kingdoms.

7.11 A NEW ETHOSThe historians consider the period between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuryas characterised by a new ethos, a departure from the previous period and culturallyand politically innovative. Based on various genres of literary works produced inthe nayaka kingdoms, like court literature, dance-dramas, praise-poems and soon, Velcheru Narayana Rao, David Shulman and Sanjay Subrahmanyam demonstratein their work, Symbols of Substance the areas in which change and differencewere noted. According to them, one of the fundamental features of this new ethoswas increasing use of ‘money’ that acquired prominence over landed property.Wars and rebellions, according to these authors took place over the acquisition ofthis liquid wealth (Rao et. al.1992: 57-110). The rebellion of Nagama Nayaka ofMadurai against Krishnadevaraya is cited in this case (Karashima 2014:228). Suchan ethos was due to the involvement of south India with the world economy throughinternational trade and exchange. This is a period when the Portuguese, Frenchand other European Companies entered the south Indian commercial system,established their factories and also interfered in the local politics.

Another area that experienced a new flavor, according to the Symbols of Substancewas the image of the king and idea of kingship. The king was now apart from awarrior, a man of aesthetics, intelligent, a sensuous hero, a good lover who enjoyedlife and had many pursuits. Hence, the personal qualities of the king were held inhigh esteem and the three authors illustrate this new image by citing the personalityof Vishvanatha Nayaka of Madurai as an instance (Rao et al.1992: 57-72; 169-80).Similarly the social markers of caste, lineage and position were now no longerdependent on the brahmanical supremacy. Rather the authors demonstrate throughexamples from literary texts that instead of attributing importance to the kshatriyastatus, the shudra origin of the nayakas was upheld, accorded social prestige andconsidered as a significant factor in acquiring the status of a king, thus invertingthe classic Sanskritic varna scheme (Rao et al.1992: 13). In fact the social landscapeexpanded ‘with realistic portrayal of predatory bandit castes, alluring courtesans,

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The Nayakaspretentious doctors, Mleccha merchants, Deccani soldiers, and local little kingsof “an altogether new type” and “the Balija elite with its heroic ethos, at home, atwar…” (Rao et al. 1992: 12)

Enjoyment of sensuous pleasure, food, wealth and songs and dance became thespirit of this period. Money and personal qualities of a warrior hero were givenmore importance, which was not the case before. Such a spirit, according to Rao,Shulman and Subrahmanyam described in the nayaka literature was probablyintroduced from the earlier period with the migrations of the Telugu warriors fromthe northern areas and their subsequent interactions with the Tamil and Kannadaenvironment (Rao et al.1992: 27-56).

Culturally as discussed above, this was a period of great literary development.Different genres of literature were developed at the court of the nayaka rulers whowere also authors of some of these works. Many of these compositions becamethemes of performance, which the nayakas patronised actively. New forms ofliterary tradition developed, namely ‘the short lyric padam, which was both sungand mimed, and the musical drama form called yakshagana, which drew fromliterary and theatrical traditions of the adjacent regions of Karnataka and Andhra’(Peterson 2011: 291). In fact, the yakshgana texts were inspired by the classicalTelugu tradition and became subjects of several courtly performances. In fact,Telugu became an important language of literary productions.

Thus a new ethos emerged that created a wide canvass for cultural creativity(Peterson 2011:28, 50-90; Rao et al. 1992). Such an ethos is well documented inTanjavur in the courts of the Madurai nayakas. Raghunatha Nayaka (1600-34 CE)and his son Vijayaraghava (1634-73 CE) not only patronised various kinds ofliterature, they also composed court poems (kavyas) in Telugu and Sanskrit. Theirministers, queens and courtesans also composed in Telugu and Sanskrit (Peterson2011: 291). In the seventeenth century, especially under these two nayaka rulers,Tanjavur became the centre of dance and music. Subsequently the advent of theMarathas further contributed towards Tanjavur’s cosmopolitanism and multi-lingualism (Rao et al.1992).

7.12 DECLINE OF THE NAYAKA KINGDOMSThe repeated attacks of the Decaani sultanates of Bijapur and Golconda proved tobe fatal for the various nayaka kingdoms. The nayaka rule in Senji virtually cameto an end by 1650 CE after being defeated by Bijapur. However, the nayakas ofTanjavur, Madurai, Mysore and Ikkeri managed to survive for sometime. Finallyin 1676 CE, Tanjavur was attacked and conquered by the Bijapur Sultanate, puttingan end to the nayaka rule there. A Maratha general named Venkhoji (Ekoji) led theBijapur army. He was the half-brother of Shivaji and carried out the orders of hisBijapur overlord by placing a child prince on the throne of Tanjavur. After sometime,Venkhoji asserted his independence and established the Maratha rule in Tanjavur.The Maratha-Bhonsle clan continued to rule till 1855 CE till the British annexedTanjavur under the Doctrine of Lapse (Rao et.al. 1992: 314). The Madurai nayakapolity came to an end in 1732 CE, when the Nawab of Arcot captured it. Similarly,Ikkeri polity was overtaken by Hyder Ali and merged with Mysore in 1763 CE(Karashima 2014: 228).

The nayaka rulers also fought amongst themselves. As already stated above, each

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Indian Political System of these kingdoms was separate, with an identity of their own, with a distinctlanguage, court culture, political dynamics and regional configurations. The Ikkerinayakas had hostile relations with the Odeyar chiefs of Mysore and Bijapur Sultan.Their desire to acquire control over the rich tract of Gersoppa in the north Canararegion that had a flourishing pepper cultivation often led to warfare with the queenof that region.

By the eighteenth century CE, the nayaka polities had disappeared and the Mughalrule spread in the south with the help of the Nizam of Hyderabad and Nawab ofArcot. The Nawabs, Marathas, Mysore and the poligars now were politicallypowerful and controlled the politics in the south as was evident in their negotiationswith each other in the Carnatic and Mysore wars. The arrival of the English andthe French on the scene further complicated the political dynamics.


1) In what ways did trade contribute to the development of the nayaka economy?

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2) Discuss briefly revenue farming in the nayaka states?

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3) Describe any two features of cultural development in the nayaka period.

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4) Give three reasons for characterising the nayaka period as an era of newethos.

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7.13 SUMMARYThis Unit discussed the main features of the nayaka states with a special focus onMadurai, Tanjavur and Senji. The historiography has usually neglected this periodfrom the sixteenth to the end of the seventeenth century, when the VijayanagaraEmpire was considered to be weak and its capital lay in ruins. It is lately thatresearch on these years preceding the British rule in south India has becomeimportant for analysis. The Telugu origins of the nayakas and the experience thatthey carried from the northern Andhra region shaped the economy, polity andculture of the Vijayanagara Empire. While these Teulgu warrior groups wereabsorbed into the Vijayanagara administration as nayaka officials and given

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The Nayakasterritories to administer, they gradually became powerful and asserted theirindependence with new kingdoms. These nayaka states became centres of newpolitical practice, ideologies of authority, different from the previous times, changedsocial orientation, a transformed political economy and cultural milieu. All thesefeatures became hallmarks of the new ethos of this period and provided a contextfor the historical developments in the eighteenth century south India.

7.14 KEYWORDSAravidu Vijayanagara dynasty ruled from 1570-1646

Battle of Talikota Battle of Talikota was fought between theVijayanagara ruler Aliya Rama Raya and thecombined forces of the Deccani Sultanates in1565. It resulted in the defeat of the Vijayanagararuler and the decline of the Vijayanagara powerin South India

Nayakatana Territorial assignments made to the nayaks forthe maintenance of their troops

Odeyar Dynasty that ruled over the kingdom of Mysorebetween 1399-1950. They were the feudatoriesof the Vijyanagara rulers. Later, with the declineof Vijayanagara power, Raja Odeyar got theopportunity to occupy Srirangapatnam anddeclared his independence from Vijayanagarayoke in 1610.

Paravas Local fishing community in the Madurai region

Sima, Sime, Simai Territories assigned to nayaks

Vadugas Telugu nayaks migrated from the Andhra regionand got settled in in Kannada and Tamil regionsduring the 14-15th centuries

Yakshagana A musical drama form

7.15 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESSEXERCISE*


1) See Sections 7.2, 7.3

2) i-e; ii-a; iii-d; iv-b; v-c

3) i-x; ii-x; iii-; iv-x


1) See Section 7.4

2) See Section 7.6


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Indian Political System 4) See Section 7.5


1) See Section 7.8


3) (d)

4) (d)


1) See Section 7.9

2) See Section 7.9

3) See Section 7.10

4) See Section 7.11

7.16 SUGGESTED READINGSAiyar, R. Sathyanatha, (1924) History of the Nayakas of Madura (Madras: OxfordUniversity Press) (Reprint).

Dirks, Nicholas, B., (1987) The Hollow Crown: Ethnohistory of an Indian Kingdom(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).

Karashima, Noboru, (1994) Towards a New Formation: South Indian Society underVijayanagar Rule (New Delhi: Oxford University Press).

Karashima, Noboru, (2014) A Concise History of South India: Issues andInterpretations (Delhi: Oxford University Press).

Peterson, Indira Viswanathan, (2011) ‘Multilingual Dramas at the Tanjavur MarathaCourt and Literary Cultures in Early Modern South India’, Medieval HistoryJournal 14, 2: 285-321.

Rao, Velacheru Narayana, Sanjay Subrahmanyam, and David Dean Shulman,(1992) Symbols of Substance: Court and State in Nayaka Period in Tamil Nadu(New Delhi: Oxford University Press).

Srinivasachari, Rao Bahadur C.S., (1943) A History of Gingee and Its Rulers(Annamalainagar: The University Press).

Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, (2001) Penumbral Visions: Making Polities in EarlyModern South India (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press).

Swaminathan, K.D., (1967) The Nayakas of Ikkeri (Madras: P. Varadachary &Co.).

Stein, Burton, (1989) Vijayanagara. The New Cambridge History of India(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).

Vriddhagirisan,V., (2011[Reprint]), The Nayakas of Tanjore, Edited WithIntroduction and Suppelementary Notes By Rao Bahadur Professor C.S.Srinivasachariar, M.A. (New Delhi: Asian Educational Services [ 1942, 1995,Annamalai University Historical Series, No.3, University of Annamalai,Annamalainagar]).

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The NayakasWagoner, Philip B., (1993) Tidings of the King. A Translation and EthnohistoricalAnalysis of the Rayavacakamu (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press).

7.17 INSTRUCTIONAL VIDEORECOMMENDATIONS

Thirumalai Nayakar History in Englishhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QOzuMShsQe4

Madurai Nayak dynastyhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=89XKif7Z4po&t=2s

The Nayakas of Chitradurgahttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CDEvXEbFyb4

The Nayakas of Keladihttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cweIidKR-qM

Thanjavur Nayak kingdomhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4iCiLjZOuPY

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