The Ukrainian Weekly, 2021

36
Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association $2.00 Vol. LXXXIX No. 51 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2021 T HE U KRAINIAN W EEKLY Putin accuses Ukraine of failing to transfer Soviet assets by Roman Tymotsko LVIV – Russian President Vladimir Putin on December 12 accused Ukraine of failing to turn over foreign assets of the Soviet Union to Russia. Ukraine’s Foreign Affairs Ministry denied the claim, saying the Russian pres- ident was twisting the facts of the case. “Russian President Vladimir Putin’s allegation that Ukraine has failed to fulfill its commitment to transfer foreign assets of the Soviet Union to the Russian Federation is a manipulation of the facts,” said Oleg Nikolenko, spokesman for Ukraine’s Foreign Affairs Ministry. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, newly independent coun- tries needed to agree on the distribution of the USSR’s debt and assets. Without such an agreement, Western countries, including the EU, would not recognize the newly independent states, nor would they establish diplomatic relations with them. The distribution of Soviet property is governed by the 1991 Treaty of Succes- sion on External Public Debt and Assets of the USSR. According to the agreement, Ukraine’s share of the total debt and assets from the Soviet Union was 16.37 percent. In 1994, Ukraine and Russia signed the so-called “Zero Option Agreement,” under which Russia agreed to pay Ukraine’s share of the Soviet Union’s external public debt as of December 1, 1991. For its part, Ukraine was to transfer to Russia its share of Soviet assets as of December 1, 1991. “At the same time, the Russian side’s disregard for legal requirements to pro- vide information on the value of Ukrainian assets to be transferred made it impossible for the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine to ratify the agreement,” Mr. Nikolenko said, who added that as a result the agreement could not be enforced. by Roman Tymotsko LVIV – The ongoing case against Vitaliy Markiv, the Ukrainian national guardsman who stood trial for the death of an Italian photo journalist and his Russian interpret- er, has reached a final denouement. While an Italian appellate court acquit- ted him of all charges on November 3, 2020, prosecutors appealed the verdict to Italy’s highest court of appeals, the Supreme Court of Cassation, whose sole purview is to interpret the laws that per- tain to cases under its review. On December 9, the Rome-based Supreme Court of Cassation upheld a lower court’s ruling to release Mr. Markiv for lack of evidence that he committed a crime. “The secret of our victory [in court] is only in joint efforts,” Mr. Markiv said after the verdict was announced. “The case against me is one of the forms of hybrid war used by the enemy Russia against Ukraine.” The dual Ukrainian-Italian citizen spent three years, four months and two days in a Milan prison for his alleged role in killing an Italian photojournalist and his Russian interpreter in an eastern Ukrainian war zone. Mr. Markiv was convicted by a lower court in Italy on July 29, 2019. He was sen- tenced to the maximum 24 years’ impris- onment for allegedly coordinating mortar fire that killed Italian journalist Andrea Rocchelli and his Russian colleague, Andrey Mironov, on May 24, 2014, near Sloviansk, a town that was controlled by Russian-led forces in Donetsk Oblast. Italy’s highest court upholds decision to acquit Ukrainian National Guard soldier Markiv (Continued on page 14) by Mark Raczkiewycz KYIV – Diplomatic talks at the highest level continued this week in an effort to avert a larger-scale war that Russia has been threatening as Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy met with several counterparts for the yearly Eastern Partner- ship Summit at the European Union’s (EU) headquarters in Brussels. As the menace of a further Russian inva- sion still looms over the country, Ukraine’s second post-Soviet war-time president urged the EU to impose additional restric- tive measures on Moscow before its armed formations escalate an ongoing conflict in its eighth year. “We understand that, only if sanctions are applied prior to an armed conflict, they can be a prevention mechanism,” Mr. Zelenskyy said bluntly. “[Sanctioning Moscow] after a conflict ... would basically render them [sanctions] meaningless.” Talks in Brussels were centered more on protecting Ukraine from Russian war mon- gering and were less about EU member- ship prospects, an aspiration enshrined in Ukraine’s Constitution. The other four partners at the Brussels summit, whose policy is designed to inte- grate non-EU members, are also dealing with Russian military interference and regional strife. Those countries are Moldova, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. The latter two saw military clashes reemerge this year in the Nagorno- Karabakh region. Moldova still has Russian troops stationed in its breakaway region of Transdniestria and a pro-Russian political force in its legislature. Russia invaded Georgia in 2008, siphon- ing from the country two regions, for which it was sanctioned. And Belarus pulled away from the EU grouping in June after holding a fraudulent presidential election and cracking down on its citizens during peace- ful protests over the disputed vote. Russian buildup More than 90,000 Russian troops and heavy weaponry are still stationed near Ukraine’s state borders to the south, east, north and northwest, Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council Oleksiy Danilov said this week. They have not withdrawn since military drills were held in April and after U.S. President Joe Biden held a video call with Russian President Vladimir Putin on December 9. Leading up to the call, U.S. intelligence Ukraine continues high-level diplomatic talks over ongoing Russian threat of further invasion (Continued on page 5) A Ukrainian armored vehicle with a multiple-rocket launcher, part of the North oper- ational and tactical group, takes part in a training exercise in Luhansk near the front lines on December 14. Joint Forces Operation of Ukraine Vitaliy Markiv held a Ukrainian flag while leaving an airplane that landed in Kyiv on November 4, 2020, after flying him from Milan, where he was released from prison. National Guard of Ukraine Kyiv calls Putin’s claim ‘manipulation of facts’ (Continued on page 6) CHRIST IS BORN! ХРИСТОС НАРОДИВСЯ!

Transcript of The Ukrainian Weekly, 2021

Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association

$2.00Vol. LXXXIX No. 51 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2021

The Ukrainian Weekly

Putin accuses Ukraine of failing to transfer Soviet assets

by Roman Tymotsko

LVIV – Russian President Vladimir Putin on December 12 accused Ukraine of failing to turn over foreign assets of the Soviet Union to Russia.

Ukraine’s Foreign Affairs Ministry denied the claim, saying the Russian pres­ident was twisting the facts of the case.

“Russian President Vladimir Putin’s allegation that Ukraine has failed to fulfill its commitment to transfer foreign assets of the Soviet Union to the Russian Federation is a manipulation of the facts,” said Oleg Nikolenko, spokesman for Ukraine’s Foreign Affairs Ministry.

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, newly independent coun­tries needed to agree on the distribution of the USSR’s debt and assets. Without such an agreement, Western countries, including the EU, would not recognize the newly independent states, nor would they establish diplomatic relations with them.

The distribution of Soviet property is governed by the 1991 Treaty of Succes­sion on External Public Debt and Assets of the USSR. According to the agreement, Ukraine’s share of the total debt and assets from the Soviet Union was 16.37 percent.

In 1994, Ukraine and Russia signed the

so­called “Zero Option Agreement,” under which Russia agreed to pay Ukraine’s share of the Soviet Union’s external public debt as of December 1, 1991. For its part, Ukraine was to transfer to Russia its share of Soviet assets as of December 1, 1991.

“At the same time, the Russian side’s disregard for legal requirements to pro­vide information on the value of Ukrainian assets to be transferred made it impossible for the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine to ratify the agreement,” Mr. Nikolenko said, who added that as a result the agreement could not be enforced.

by Roman Tymotsko

LVIV – The ongoing case against Vitaliy Markiv, the Ukrainian national guardsman who stood trial for the death of an Italian photo journalist and his Russian interpret­er, has reached a final denouement.

While an Italian appellate court acquit­ted him of all charges on November 3, 2020, prosecutors appealed the verdict to Italy’s highest court of appeals, the Supreme Court of Cassation, whose sole purview is to interpret the laws that per­tain to cases under its review.

On December 9, the Rome­based Supreme Court of Cassation upheld a lower court’s ruling to release Mr. Markiv for lack of evidence that he committed a crime.

“The secret of our victory [in court] is only in joint efforts,” Mr. Markiv said after

the verdict was announced. “The case against me is one of the forms of hybrid war used by the enemy Russia against Ukraine.”

The dual Ukrainian­Italian citizen spent three years, four months and two days in a Milan prison for his alleged role in killing an Italian photojournalist and his Russian interpreter in an eastern Ukrainian war zone.

Mr. Markiv was convicted by a lower court in Italy on July 29, 2019. He was sen­tenced to the maximum 24 years’ impris­onment for allegedly coordinating mortar fire that killed Italian journalist Andrea Rocchelli and his Russian colleague, Andrey Mironov, on May 24, 2014, near Sloviansk, a town that was controlled by Russian­led forces in Donetsk Oblast.

Italy’s highest court upholds decision to acquit Ukrainian National Guard soldier Markiv

(Continued on page 14)

by Mark Raczkiewycz

KYIV – Diplomatic talks at the highest level continued this week in an effort to avert a larger­scale war that Russia has been threatening as Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy met with several counterparts for the yearly Eastern Partner­ship Summit at the European Union’s (EU) headquarters in Brussels.

As the menace of a further Russian inva­sion still looms over the country, Ukraine’s second post­Soviet war­time president urged the EU to impose additional restric­tive measures on Moscow before its armed formations escalate an ongoing conflict in its eighth year.

“We understand that, only if sanctions are applied prior to an armed conflict, they

can be a prevention mechanism,” Mr. Zelenskyy said bluntly. “[Sanctioning Moscow] after a conflict ... would basically render them [sanctions] meaningless.”

Talks in Brussels were centered more on protecting Ukraine from Russian war mon­gering and were less about EU member­ship prospects, an aspiration enshrined in Ukraine’s Constitution.

The other four partners at the Brussels summit, whose policy is designed to inte­grate non­EU members, are also dealing with Russian military interference and regional strife. Those countries are Moldova, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan.

The latter two saw military clashes reemerge this year in the Nagorno­Karabakh region. Moldova still has Russian troops stationed in its breakaway region of Transdniestria and a pro­Russian political force in its legislature.

Russia invaded Georgia in 2008, siphon­ing from the country two regions, for which it was sanctioned. And Belarus pulled away from the EU grouping in June after holding a fraudulent presidential election and cracking down on its citizens during peace­ful protests over the disputed vote.

Russian buildup

More than 90,000 Russian troops and heavy weaponry are still stationed near Ukraine’s state borders to the south, east, north and northwest, Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council Oleksiy Danilov said this week.

They have not withdrawn since military drills were held in April and after U.S. President Joe Biden held a video call with Russian President Vladimir Putin on December 9.

Leading up to the call, U.S. intelligence

Ukraine continues high-level diplomatic talks over ongoing Russian threat of further invasion

(Continued on page 5)

A Ukrainian armored vehicle with a multiple-rocket launcher, part of the North oper-ational and tactical group, takes part in a training exercise in Luhansk near the front

lines on December 14.

Joint Forces Operation of Ukraine

Vitaliy Markiv held a Ukrainian flag while leaving an airplane that landed in Kyiv on November 4, 2020, after flying him from Milan, where he was released from prison.

National Guard of Ukraine

Kyiv calls Putin’s claim ‘manipulation of facts’

(Continued on page 6)

CHRIST IS BORN!ХРИСТОС НАРОДИВСЯ!

No. 51THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 20212

Ukrainian sentenced to 11 years in prison

A court in Ukraine has sentenced a Ukrainian citizen to 11 years in prison over his alleged involvement in the conflict in the country’s east alongside Russia­backed sep­aratists. The court in the eastern city of Sloviansk on December 15 found Viktor Mykhed guilty of creating and participating in a terrorist group, and involvement in the inhumane treatment of prisoners of war and civilians. Investigators said Mr. Mykhed was a close associate of Igor Bezler, a command­er of the separatists in Donetsk. They said he took part in escorting captured Ukrainian soldiers and shot propaganda video clips for the separatists, including a fake execution by shooting. The defendant has rejected the charges against him and claimed he had been deprived of a fair trial. He said was not provided with enough time to get acquaint­ed with the case file and that his request to have a translator from Ukrainian to Russian was ignored. More than 13,200 people have been killed during more than seven years of fighting between Ukrainian government forces and Kremlin­backed separatists in eastern Ukraine. Parts of Ukraine’s Donetsk and Luhansk regions, known commonly as the Donbas, have been under the separat­ists’ control since April 2014, weeks after Russia forcibly annexed Ukraine’s Crimean Peninsula. Russia has provided military, eco­nomic and political support to the separat­ists. Despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary, Moscow maintains it is not involved in Ukraine’s domestic affairs. (RFE/RL’s Ukrainian Service)

European leaders favor Normandy Format

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelens­kyy has told European Union leaders that Ukraine is ready for talks with Russia in any format but urged Western countries to keep pressure on Moscow through sanctions. Mr. Zelenskyy spoke on December 15 in Brussels after meeting with French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz on the sidelines of an EU summit. Mr. Macron’s office said the meeting sought to find ways to restart nego­tiations in the Normandy Format that involves France and Germany. “The three leaders reaffirmed their commitment to this format of negotiations in order to find a last­

ing solution for the conflict and to preserve Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integri­ty,” Mr. Macron’s office added. Mr. Zelenskyy said at a news conference that Ukraine is ready for talks in the Normandy format or any other. He said his delegation also explained Ukraine’s belief about sanctions to its European colleagues. “What our state cares about is a strong sanctions policy that comes before a likely escalation,” he said. “Only this type of relation based on precau­tionary measures can really stop the military conflict that has been ongoing in the east of our country for eight years now,” he said. Mr. Zelenskyy spoke after EU leaders met with members of the Eastern Partnership pro­gram as the bloc attempts to rescue its out­reach to the former Soviet republics in the program amid heightened tensions with Moscow. The Eastern Partnership program, which seeks closer cooperation between the EU and Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, was to meet on December 15 with the 27 heads of the EU a day before a full EU summit. The leaders of three of the countries – Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova – have lobbied for the start to nego­tiations to formally join the bloc, but they are expected to win only reassurances of sup­port. The desire of Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine to join the bloc are complicated by territorial disputes with Moscow. That is especially true for Ukraine, where Russia­backed separatists are continuing a military conflict in its eastern territory that started in 2014, weeks after Russia illegally annexed Ukraine’s Crimean Peninsula. Georgia and Moldova also have Russian troops deployed in regions on their soil. In addition, Georgia is going through a political crisis, and Moldova’s economy is suffering from a hike in gas prices that Brussels sees as orchestrat­ed by Moscow. Belarus suspended its partici­pation in the Eastern Partnership in June after criticism from the EU of leader Alyaksandr Lukashenka’s disputed 2020 reelection. But the current buildup of Russian troops on Ukraine’s border is the main issue alarming EU leaders. They have joined the United States in warning Russia against invading its neighbor. Though Moscow denies having any plans to do so, tensions remain high. Mr. Zelenskyy also

(Continued on page 11)

NEWS ANALYSIS

by Pavel K. BaevEurasia Daily Monitor

The topics of Russia’s plight and future prospects came up again and again last week, in the December 7 video­conversa­tion between Presidents Joseph Biden and Vladimir Putin, at the Summit of Democracies that the Biden Administration organized and hosted on December 9­10, as well as during this year’s Nobel Peace Prize award ceremony, held on December 10, where Dmitri Muratov and Maria Ressa gave traditional lectures. Mr. Muratov’s remarks were foreboding for the leader­ship in the Kremlin: Although the world seems to be turning away from democracy toward dictatorship (Novaya Gazeta, December 10), he recalled Soviet dissident Andrei Sakharov’s assertion in his 1975 Nobel lecture, when the Soviet Union also appeared to be going strong, that dictator­ships had no future, because without human rights and civil liberties there could be no progress. The collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991 delivered positive proof for that thesis. However, in Mr. Putin’s Russia, this anniversary only increases Moscow’s urge to reconstitute its position of power, which was undercut three decades ago by that happenstance “geopo­litical catastrophe” (Izvestia, December 8).

The Kremlin made a particular point of disputing the words of U.S. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Victoria Nuland – preparing for yet another trip to the Russian capital – who asserted that Mr. Putin may be contemplating a restoration of the Soviet Union as a way to mark his legacy (RIA Novosti, December 8). According to Moscow, Russian policy is inspired entirely by peaceful regional inte­gration in various formats, from the Commonwealth of Independent States (in

fact, entirely dysfunctional) to the “Union State” between Russia and Belarus (RBC, December 8). A gradual but far from benev­olent takeover by Russia is, indeed, “pro­gressing” in Belarus, however: and the lat­ter’s failed attempt to “weaponize” migrants from Iraq against Poland and Lithuania – likely with Moscow’s assistance (see Eurasia Daily Monitor, November 11) – has now led to requests from Minsk to deploy Russian nuclear weapons on Belarusian territory (Nezavisimoe Voennoe Obozrenie, December 9).

Acute as the crisis around Belarus is, it is Ukraine that presents a greater and graver problem, not least because the sustained Westward drift of this crucially important neighbor defies and undercuts all Russian ambitions for re­integrating the post­Soviet space. Moscow applies every “hybrid” instrument at its disposal to destabilize Ukraine, but direct military pressure is seen as the most impactful and indispens­able lever (Ezhednevny Zhurnal, December 9; see EDM, December 9). In order to make this pressure convincing, every subsequent threat of invasion needs to be supported by a stronger grouping of forces, even if Gen. Valery Gerasimov, the chief of the General Staff, has indifferently described the still ongoing massing of troops as “routine maneuvers” (Mil.ru, December 9). Denials are intended only to intensify the uncer­tainty, and the Nobel laureate Mr. Muratov warned with utmost concern that the pow­er­holders in Moscow “are actively selling the idea of war” (Carnegie.ru, December 9).

Days earlier, the two­hour­long virtual conversation between Messrs. Biden and Putin was supposed to discharge tensions at the snow­covered Russian­Ukrainian border and deescalate the wider conflict;

by Dumitru MinzarariEurasia Daily Monitor

The December 7 video­conference between Presidents Joseph Biden of the United States and Vladimir Putin of Russia raised many questions, as both sides were scarce with details. The official read­outs of the meeting confirmed the previously voiced positions, leading many observers to conclude that the talks broke little new ground. Nevertheless, the separate state­ments by U.S. and Russian officials, com­bined with extensive media coverage, have provided some helpful insights about the content of the talks as well as facilitated a better understanding of the rationale behind the recent Russian military buildup near Ukrainian borders (see Eurasia Daily Monitor, December 8, 9).

These revelations suggest Moscow came to believe it can effectively instrumentalize the military threat to attract desired atten­tion from the West along with diplomatic concessions on the Ukraine issue – however small they may seem – from the U.S. but also the European Union. Having failed to direct­ly pressure Ukraine, Russia’s strategy is now to apply that pressure indirectly, targeting fears in the U.S. and the EU of a potential

war in Europe (Carnegiemoscow.org, December 6; see EDM, December 8). The useful question to ask under these condi­tions is not whether or not Russia will invade Ukraine militarily, but rather what actions are likely to reduce the probability of Russian aggression, short of sacrificing Ukraine’s sovereignty? To answer this, it is necessary to delve more deeply into the Kremlin’s instrumentalization of the logic of threats (Carnegiemoscow.org, November 29) aimed at creating strategic ambiguity about Russia’s readiness to attack Ukraine.

One could observe a peculiar dynamic in the Russian media space just ahead of the Biden­Putin teleconference. Russian experts targeting Western audiences tended to argue that the threat of a Russian military attack against Ukraine could not be ruled out and that the West should take seriously Russia’s concerns (Carnegie moscow.org, December 9). In contrast, Russian media content targeting the domestic audience predominantly portrayed the idea of a Russian military operation in Ukraine as “Western hysteria” (Gazeta.ru, December 6). Similarly, Russian officials dismissed any concern about a potential armed invasion

The anniversary that Russia fails to internalize

The Kremlin’s logic of threats and strategic ambiguity

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(Continued on page 5)

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3THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2021No. 51

G-7 warns Russia of ‘massive consequences’ if it attacks Ukraine

Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Foreign ministers from the Group of Seven (G­7) have warned Russia that it faces “massive consequences” and “severe” costs if it launches a military attack on Ukraine.

The warning came on December 12 during a G­7 meeting in the English city of Liverpool where delegates said they were united in their condemnation of Russia’s military buildup near its border with Ukraine. The G­7 ministers called on Moscow to de­escalate the situation.

“Russia should be in no doubt that further military aggression against Ukraine would have massive conse­quences and severe cost in response,” said the G­7, which groups together Britain, Germany, France, the United States, Italy, Canada and Japan.

“We reaffirm our unwavering commit­ment to Ukraine’s sovereignty and terri­torial integrity, as well as the right of any sovereign state to determine its own future,” it said.

U.S. intelligence agencies have assessed that Russia could be planning a multi­front offensive on Ukraine as early as 2022 involving up to 175,000 troops.

The Kremlin denies it plans to invade other parts of Ukraine. It claims the West is gripped by “Russophobia.” Moscow also says the expansion of NATO threat­

ens Russia and has contravened assur­ances given to it when the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991.

Russia seized and illegally annexed Ukraine’s Crimea region in early 2014. Fighting in eastern Ukraine since April 2014 between Ukrainian government forces and Russia­backed separatists has also killed more than 13,200 people.

A statement released by the Russian Embassy in London late on December 11 said Britain’s frequent use of the phrase “Russian aggression” during the Liverpool meeting was misleading and designed to create a cause for the G­7 to rally behind.

“Russia has made numerous offers to NATO on ways to decrease tensions,” the Russian Embassy said. “The G­7 forum could be an opportunity to discuss them, but so far we hear nothing but aggressive slogans.”

Russia has said the growing NATO embrace of neighboring Ukraine – and what Moscow sees as the possibility of NATO missiles in Ukraine targeted against Russia – is a “red line” it will not allow NATO to cross.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has demanded legally binding security guar­antees that NATO will not expand further east or place its weapons close to

EU leaders to warn Moscow against military action against UkraineRadio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

European Union leaders are expected to warn Moscow that hostile action against Ukraine would trigger unprecedented sanc­tions as they meet in Brussels amid concerns that Russia’s military buildup near the bor­der could prepare for an invasion of Ukraine – something Russian officials have denied.

Besides tensions over the Ukraine­Russia border situation, the December 16 summit is also set to be dominated by the ongoing migrant crisis along the bloc’s bor­der with Belarus, as well as the coronavirus pandemic and energy prices.

Speaking to reporters upon entering the meeting, Lithuanian President Gitanas Nauseda said the 27­member bloc should not underestimate the Russian threat and had to “do everything to prevent the worst scenario.”

“We have enough tools to stop Russia from its aggressive behavior. ... We have to

talk about sectorial and also economic sanctions,” Mr. Nauseda said.

According to new German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, the EU leaders “will underscore again that the inviolability of borders is an important basis for peace in Europe, and that together we will do everything that this inviolability endures.”

The EU has already imposed several rounds of sanctions on Russia over its sei­zure and illegal annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea region in March 2014, and over its backing of separatists in eastern Ukraine in an ongoing conflict that has killed more than 13,200 people since April 2014.

In recent weeks, Kyiv and its Western backers have accused Russia of massing tens of thousands of troops near its border with Ukraine as a possible prelude to an invasion as early as next month.

The EU has urged Russia to deescalate and engage in renewed diplomacy over the seven­year conflict, threatening strong new

sanctions in coordination with Britain and the United States if there is any attack.

Russia denies it has plans to launch an offensive and has issued a series of demands about Ukraine’s potential mem­bership in NATO and the Western alliance’s activities near its western border.

Ukraine­Russia tensions were already the focus of a summit on December 15 between EU leaders and their neighboring Eastern European counterparts, including Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

After meeting with French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Scholz on the sidelines of the Eastern Partnership summit in Brussels, Mr. Zelenskyy said Kyiv was ready for talks with Russia in any format, but urged Western countries to keep pressure on Moscow through sanctions.

Mr. Macron’s office said the meeting sought to find ways to restart negotiations in the Normandy Format that involves

France and Germany.Discussions about tensions with Belarus

over migration flows on the EU’s eastern border are also set to take place after the bloc earlier this month slapped a fifth sanc­tions package on strongman Alyaksandr Lukashenka’s regime.

The West and the Belarusian opposition accuse Mr. Lukashenka of rigging the results of a presidential election in August 2020 that handed him a sixth consecutive term in office.

The results sparked months of protests and an increasingly brutal crackdown by Mr. Lukashenka’s regime, with tens of thou­sands or people across the country being detained.

There have been credible reports of tor­ture and ill­treatment by security forces. Several people have died during the crack­down. Many of Belarus’s opposition leaders

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy (left) met with the Charles Michel, presi-dent of the European Council, during the Eastern Partnership summit in Brussels on December 15. On the sidelines of the summit, Mr. Zelenskyy also met with French

President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz.

Office of the President of Ukraine

On the sidelines of the Eastern Partnership summit in Brussles on December 15, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy (left) met with Pedro Sánchez, the prime

minister of Spain.

European Union

WASHINGTON – U.S. Sen. Rob Portman (R­Ohio), co­chair of the Senate Ukraine Caucus, along with Sens. Jim Risch (R­Idaho) Jim Inhofe (R­Okla.), Marco Rubio (R­Fla.), Pat Toomey (R­Pa.), John Barrasso (R­Wyo.), John Cornyn (R­Texas) and Tom Cotton (R­Ariz.) on December 15 introduced the Guaranteeing Ukraine’s Autonomy by Reinforcing its Defense Act (GUARD Act), legislation to provide critical support to Ukraine as it faces the threat of an invasion from Russia.

“I am proud to join my Senate col­leagues in introducing comprehensive leg­islation to support our key ally Ukraine. The dangerous and unprovoked buildup of Russian forces on the Ukraine border requires a decisive, whole of government response – and this bill is a good start,” said Mr. Portman. “While we have provided sub­stantive material and training support to Ukraine, including through the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative, there is still much to be done. We can show our allies and the world our support for Ukraine by increasing the amount of security funding for Ukraine, strengthening the Nord Stream 2 sanctions and enacting additional diplo­matic initiatives – all of which will help Ukraine continue to strengthen their secu­

rity and democratic institutions.”The measure was also supported by Mr.

Risch.“As Ukraine faces yet another build­up of

Russian troops on its border and the threat of a mid­January invasion, the United States should be doing everything it can right now to deter Russia and provide Ukraine the supplies and support it needs to defend itself,” Mr. Risch said. “Since the [Biden] administration has failed to act, I have intro­duced legislation that would provide imme­diate material support to Ukraine. We can­not sit back and wait to react to Russian aggression. Congress must continue its strong support for the Ukrainian people and their right to sovereignty and self­defense.”

Mr. Inhofe also stressed the need for U.S. support of Ukraine.

“We’ve watched Russia’s military build­up around Ukraine for months, seeing clearly that [Russian President Vladimir] Putin intends to violate Ukraine’s sover­eignty. Despite this, the Biden Administr­ation says they won’t take any action until after Mr. Putin invades – and by then, it will be too late for our friends in Ukraine. This bill pushes President [Joe] Biden to speed

U.S. senators introduce legislation to bolster support for Ukraine

Legislation builds on efforts to increase support through Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative

(Continued on page 13)

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No. 51THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 20214

Anne Applebaum selected to join Pulitzer Prize BoardPulitzer Prize Board

NEW YORK – Anne Applebaum, author and staff writer for The Atlantic, and Gabriel Escobar, the editor and senior vice president of The Philadelphia Inquirer, have been elected to the Pulitzer Prize Board, Columbia University announced on December 13.

“We are delighted to welcome these two acclaimed journalists to the Pulitzer Prize Board,” said co­chairs Katherine Boo, author and journalist; Gail Collins, opinion columnist for The New York Times; and John Daniszewski, vice president for stan­dards for The Associated Press.

“In her work for The Atlantic and previ­ously for The Washington Post, [Ms.] Apple­baum has powerfully documented the spread of repressive authoritarianism as an ongoing threat to human rights and liber­ties. [Mr.] Escobar, leading the newsroom of a distinguished metropolitan newspaper at a time when quality local journalism is urgently needed, will bring to the board his expertise for inclusive storytelling and investigations that hold public institutions accountable,” the co­chairs said in their statement.

A prize­winning historian with a partic­ular expertise in the history of communist and post­communist Europe, Ms. Apple­baum is the author of several books, includ­ing “Red Famine: Stalin’s War on Ukraine” (2017); “Iron Curtain: The Crushing of

Eastern Europe” (2012); and “Gulag: A History” (2003), which won the 2004 Pulitzer Prize for General Nonfiction. Both “Gulag” and “Iron Curtain” were finalists for the National Book Award.

A columnist for The Washington Post for 15 years, Ms. Applebaum is a former mem­ber of The Washington Post editorial board, a former deputy editor of the Spectator magazine in London, and a former Warsaw correspondent of The Economist magazine and the Independent newspaper. She also has written for the New York Review of Books, The Wall Street Journal and Foreign Affairs and currently holds the position of senior fellow at the SNF Agora Institute at Johns Hopkins University, where she co­leads ARENA, a research project on disin­formation and 21st century propaganda.

“It’s a great honor to be part of an insti­tution with such a long history of dedica­tion to journalism. The recognition and reward of excellence is an important task, especially in this era of informational revo­lution,” Ms. Applebaum said.

Ms. Applebaum is a graduate of Yale University and received a master’s degree in international relations from the London School of Economics. She also was a Marshall Scholar at Oxford University and holds honorary doctorates from George­town University’s School of Foreign Service and the National University of Kyiv­Mohyla Academy.

Mr. Escobar is the editor and senior vice

president of The Philadelphia Inquirer, which was founded in 1829 and is one of the oldest continuously published newspa­pers in the Western Hemisphere. The Philadelphia Inquirer LLC has multiple brand platforms, including Inquirer.com, newspapers, e­editions, apps, newsletters and live events, that reach more than 10 million people a month.

Mr. Escobar spent 16 years at The Washington Post, as a reporter on the local and national staffs, a foreign correspondent

based in South America and as city editor. At the Inquirer he has worked as managing editor, deputy managing editor for Metro and as assistant managing editor for news. Escobar also worked at The Hartford Courant, the Philadelphia Daily News and The Dallas Morning News, where he was an editorial writer and columnist.

Born in Bogota, Colombia, and raised in New York City, Mr. Escobar has a bachelor’s degree in creative writing from Queens College of the City University of New York, and a master’s degree in journalism from the University of Maryland.

The Pulitzer Prizes, which are adminis­tered at Columbia University, were estab­lished by Joseph Pulitzer, a Hungarian­American journalist and newspaper publish­er, who left money to Columbia University upon his death in 1911. A portion of his bequest was used to found the School of Journalism in 1912 and establish the Pulitzer Prizes, which were first awarded in 1917.

The 19­member Pulitzer Prize Board is composed mainly of leading journalists or news executives from media outlets across the U.S., as well as five academics or per­sons in the arts. The dean of Columbia’s journalism school and the administrator of the prizes are nonvoting members. The chair rotates annually to the most senior member or members. The board is self­perpetuating in the election of members. Voting members may serve three terms of three years for a total of nine years.

The Ukrainian Weekly Press Fund: November 2021Amount Name City State$5,000.00 Mazur Leonard L & Helena Mountain Lakes NJ$250.00 Hrycelak George Elmwood Park IL$200.00 Olijnyk Thomas Ozone Park NY$150.00 Kuritza George Park Ridge IL$120.00 Dekajlo Oleh & Innesa East Meadow NY Kowalysko Michael Gaithersburg MD$115.00 Masiuk George Alexandria VA$100.00 Horodysky Tamara Eugene OR Olds Natalie Fenton MI Ritter Alexandra Bethlehem PA Steck Ulana Mississauga ON$75.00 Riszko John Orchard Park NY$70.00 Milanytch Nickolas Etowah NC$65.00 Shandor Bohdan Bonita Springs FL$55.00 Dolbin Walter Cleveland OH$50.00 Baran Andrij Saratoga Spgs NY

Sheremeta Adrian Northville MI Wolosenko Jerema Brookline MA Zaplitny Paul Richmond Hill NY$40.00 Bamber Katia Madison CT Stasiuk Irene Clarendon Hills IL Wronskyj Wolodymyr Greenlawn NY$25.00 Diachok Orest Oakton VA Matvienko-Dean Irene Mount Vernon ME Orlick Gerald Lake Wylie SC$20.00 Brozyna Mykola Bridgewater NJ Futey Bohdan Annapolis MD Krul Petro & Sonia Gettysburg PA Myers Mary Rochester NY Prokopovych Irynej Calabasas CA Santarsiero Natalie Naples FL Syzonenko Valentina Somerset NJ Tymkiw Stephan Millersville MD Ursone Eugenia South Windsor CT$15.00 Baltarowich Oksana Huntingdon Vy PA

Charkewycz Roxana Park Ridge IL Hanas Orest & Zirka Timonium MD Kipa Albert Allentown PA Nagurney Ladimer Amherst MA$10.00 Bellinger Marian Riverton WY Kapitula Steve Hastings Hdsn NY Kuczwarskyj Bohdan Brooklyn Park MN Lovell Adrianna Munroe Falls OH Zabijaka V Silver Spring MD$5.00 HaftkowyczNadia Wethersfield CTY

TOTAL: $7,325.00

Sincere thanks to all contributors to The Ukrainian Weekly Press Fund. The Ukrainian Weekly Press Fund is the only fund dedicated exclusively to supporting the work of this publication.

Anne Applebaum

Courtesy of Anne Applebaum

but it is unclear whether these moderate goals have been achieved (Kommersant, December 9). The U.S. president followed up those talks by holding conversations with key European allies and “frontline” North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member states, as well as with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy – and these preparations for expanding multilateral aid to Ukraine definitely go against the Kremlin’s intentions (Novaya Gazeta, December 10). Still, Mr. Putin appeared pleased with himself for ostensibly compel­ling Mr. Biden to commit to further dia­logue. Other Russian officials expressed sat­isfaction with the apparent U.S. readiness to listen to Russia’s concerns but also com­plained about the “toxic atmosphere” in bilateral relations (TASS, December 9). These mixed messages were sternly clari­fied in a recent foreign affairs ministry statement, which formulated Russia’s

demands for a legally binding guarantee of no further NATO enlargement and insisted that the Alliance must “officially disavow the decision taken at the 2008 NATO sum­mit in Bucharest about ‘Ukraine and Georgia becoming NATO members’” (Mid.ru, December 10).

This Russian position is so clearly unac­ceptable for the U.S. and NATO that the Western allies are left guessing as to what Moscow really seeks to achieve in the “seri­ous dialogue” it purportedly so desires. In any bargaining, it makes good sense to start with somewhat exaggerated claims – but not with such a patent, non­starter (Nezavisi­maya Gazeta, December 9). One plausible guess is that Russia wants a commitment on the reduction of NATO exercises and other activities in the Black Sea, where sev­eral risky incidents were registered in the last couple of years; whereas, in the Baltic Sea, which had seen plenty of tension in the aftermath of the aggression in the Donbas, the situation has notably stabilized. Mr. Putin’s remark to his top brass – that a U.S. combat vessel could be observed either

through “binoculars or the cross­hairs” of an anti­ship weapons systems – betrayed his angst about perceived threats to his Sochi residence (Kommer sant, November 2).

Another and more worrisome possibility is that Moscow plans for a breakdown of talks with NATO, seeking to demonstrate to various risk­averse Western audiences that Russia’s “legitimate” concerns were rejected and the blame for a new escalation to the conflict lies squarely with Ukraine. The next spasm of hostilities could be triggered by an interruption of natural gas transit through Ukraine, facilitated by the launch of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline; and the shortage of supply in the European market underpins the expectation that the new German gov­ernment would be reluctant to take resolute action (Nezavisimaya Gazeta, December 9). Ukraine is seen by the Moscow leadership as an ultimate test of Russia’s claim to “Great Power” status; while for the U.S., it is a peripheral problem, distracting from the pivotal power contest with China. Meanwhile, for Europeans (though with some possible exceptions), it is not a prize

worth fighting for (Meduza, December 8).Such perceptions reflect Mr. Putin’s per­

sonal transition from a pragmatic “opera­tive” to a self­deluded autocrat and the par­allel degradation of the government into a court always eager to whisper and trumpet the messages the ruler wants to hear. The courtiers amplify Mr. Putin’s impression that each conversation with Mr. Biden sig­nifies a victory that exploits the Western propensity to compromise and erode NATO solidarity. This choir of self­praise leaves no moment for contemplation on the fact that each apparently effective resort to military pressure forces the West to commit more strongly to containment and to plan for more forceful countermeasures. Decision­making in the Kremlin is increasingly influ­enced by its own propaganda, in which there is no need for reflection on the degen­eration of the Soviet Union 30 years ago.

The article above is reprinted from Eurasia Daily Monitor with permission from its publisher, the Jamestown Foundation, www.jamestown.org.

(Continued from page 2)

The anniversary...

5THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2021No. 51

said that Russia could rapidly deploy an additional 75,000 soldiers for a further invading force of nearly 200,000, and that additional, unplanned troop and hardware movements are ongoing.

Mr. Zelenskyy spoke about the ongoing buildup in an interview with major Italian newspaper La Repubblica on December 14 before meeting the country’s Prime Minister Mario Draghi.

During the lengthy interview, the Ukrainian president accused Moscow of trying to “blackmail the West” by imposing constantly shifting “red lines” on Ukraine’s aspiration to join the defense bloc of NATO, as well as taking part in drills with the alli­ance’s countries and receiving weapons from its members.

“Russia threatens Ukraine in order to blackmail the West. We will defend our land and our people. Ukrainians will never give up on their freedom,” Mr. Zelenskyy said.

Back in Brussels, the Ukrainian presi­dent discussed the matter with French President Emmanuel Macron and new German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, after which point all sides called on Russia to hold another round of discussions in their so­called Normandy Format.

In his first speech as chancellor in Germany’s Bundestag legislature, Mr. Scholz called for “constructive dialogue” to break “out of the spiral of escalation” with Russia, but he warned that aggression against Ukraine would come at a “high price.”

The Financial Times reported that his predecessor, Angela Merkel, blocked the provision of weaponry through NATO despite recent U.S. warnings, according to the London­based newspaper’s interview with Defense Minister Oleksii Reznikov on December 12.

“Under the former chancellor, Germany twice intervened to stop the U.S. and Lithuania from delivering weapons that Ukraine had already paid for through a NATO procurement scheme,” a separate report by MSN said.

On the following day of the summit, EU leaders held their last meeting of the year while Mr. Zelenskyy met with NATO chief

Jens Stoltenberg.“Since 2014, Russia has been pushing

Ukraine towards NATO. It’s precisely Russia that’s been paving Ukraine’s way to NATO,” the Ukrainian president said during a joint news conference with Mr. Stoltenberg regarding Russia’s opposition and threats over Kyiv’s push to join the alliance.

Along with Washington and Ottawa, the EU also warned that stiffer sanctions would be imposed should Russia attempt to occu­py more Ukrainian territory beyond the Crimean Peninsula and certain areas of the easternmost Luhansk and Donetsk regions that account for about 7 percent of Ukraine’s sovereign territory.

Mr. Biden also left space to join the four­way Normandy discussions, which have failed to bring peace to the war. Two previ­ous so­called Minsk Agreements between Ukraine and Russia that were brokered by Germany and France have also not brought an end to the conflict.

The war has killed 14,000 people and internally displaced a million more in what is the only ongoing shooting war in Europe and one that has caused the largest internal migration of people on the continent since World War II.

Russia denies involvement in the conflict and constantly portrays it as an “internal” or civil war, a reason it says why direct talks

with Kyiv to resolve it are unnecessary. Despite the denial, an overwhelming

amount of evidence has surfaced implicating Russia’s direct involvement in the conflict.

They include captured soldiers and operatives, cemeteries in Russia with gravestones marking where men were killed, war medals and honors from the Kremlin and Russian Defense Ministry, weapons seized, and an abundance of open­source intelligence and research.

For example, a November court ruling in Russia’s Rostov­on­Don region sentenced a regional manager of a commercial firm in a criminal case for twice bribing the head of the Southern Military District’s Center for State Sanitary and Epidemiological Supervision, Medical Service.

The bribes were in exchange for “general patronage and connivance,” the BBC report­ed, while the supply rations were for “Russian military personnel deployed to the [Russian­formed proxies of the] Donetsk People’s Republic and Luhansk People’s Republic.”

U.S.-Moscow

Washington continued to engage Moscow while the two EU summits were underway.

U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Karen Donfried on December 15 met with high­

level Kremlin official Dmitry Kozak, who is the chief negotiator on the conflict in east­ern Ukraine.

Joined by Deputy Russian Foreign Affairs Minister Sergey Ryabkov, they “emphasized that progress is possible on ending the con­flict in eastern Ukraine through implemen­tation of the Minsk agreements and that the United States is ready to support diplomatic efforts, in support of the Normandy Format.”

Russia and Ukraine have publicly quar­reled over two “irreconcilable interpreta­tions” that address the sequence of imple­menting the Minsk roadmap, according to the London­based Chatham House think tank.

“Ukraine’s version puts the re­establish­ment of control in the east before a political settlement. … Russia would evacuate its troops and return the border to Ukraine. … the Donbas would be reintegrated in line with the national decentralization program (with some extra powers) and subordinat­ed afresh to the authorities in Kyiv,” the think tank wrote in May 2020.

“Russia’s version of Minsk­2 reverses key elements of this sequencing,” Chatham House wrote.

Congressional delegation visit

Before the summit, another U.S. congres­sional delegation visited Ukraine this year that consisted of five House representa­tives: Joe Wilson (R­S.C.), Mike Waltz (R­Fla.), Seth Moulton (D­Mass.), Salud Carbajal (D­Calif.) and Ruben Gallego (D­Ariz.).

Their weekend trip started on Decem ber 10 and focused on assessing the ongoing threat posed by Russia. The delegation met with the head of Ukraine’s Special Forces and trainers, and national guardsmen.

“What I got out of this trip is, number one, Ukraine has a will to fight, and they are not the Ukraine of 2014,” Mr. Gallego told the Washington Examiner. “I do worry that we still have some of the policies of 2014 where we worry about and you hear about all the time, like trying not to escalate ourselves into the war. I think that is a false choice.”

On his part, Mr. Moulton spoke of the need to “dramatically increase the speed of weap­ons procurement [by Ukraine from the U.S.], and I think we should do so very publicly.”

Reports of more severe Western sanc­tions have included cutting Russia off from the Belgian­based international SWIFT payment, clearing and settlement systems.

(Continued from page 1)

Ukraine continues...

A Ukrainian tank, part of the North operational and tactical group in Luhansk, takes part in a training exercise on December 14.

Joint Forces Operation of Ukraine

into Ukraine, pointing out that Russia had the right to deploy its military forces any­where on its territory (Kommersant.ru, November 22). This striking contrast is rather atypical of the tightly­controlled information space that the Russian govern­ment built over the past two decades. It, thus, suggests that an influence operation was being orchestrated by the Kremlin, aimed at affecting the perceptions and risk attitudes of the Western governments, to make them more accommodating.

In a recent interview that the Ekho Moskvy radio station conducted with the former U.S. ambassador to Russia Michael McFaul, the journalists pointed out that “we sell the Americans their own fears” (Ekho Moskvy, December 8). This came in the context of an observed repeat pattern: Russia brings military forces to the Ukrainian borders, which then results in the West generally and the U.S. in particular rushing to Russia for talks. It happened in April earlier this year, leading to the Geneva summit between Messrs. Biden and Putin (Swp­berlin.org, July 6). It was replicated again following Russia’s military buildup

around Ukraine in November.The Russian media and expert outlets

have also played with the idea that Ukraine represents high stakes for Russia but is of lower importance for the United States – unlike, say, China (Rossyikaya Gazeta, December 8; Globalaffairs.ru, March 8, 2014). This was explored to increase the credibility of Russia’s readiness to use mili­tary force but also to show that Russia does not believe the West is ready to shoulder sufficiently high costs to stop Russia. The conflicting signals that Russia sent about a potential military invasion into Ukraine, along with the messages indicating readi­ness to accept high costs, created a strategic ambiguity about Russia’s intentions. Given the Kremlin’s belief that the West is risk­averse, the creation of this strategic ambi­guity was a deliberate act.

A comparison between the U.S. public read­out of the talks (Whitehouse.gov, December 7) and the Russian one (Kremlin.ru, December 7) reveals some helpful clues. The Kremlin claims that the two presidents agreed to create a discussion format, addressing Russia’s concerns about the enlargement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) eastward and its “exploration” of Ukrainian territory. The White House’s version talks about the need

for de­escalation and a return to diplomacy as well as the agreement of the two heads of state to task their teams to follow up on this. Moreover, in an unexpected change of heart, the Russian side seems ready to allow the U.S. to join the Normandy Format talks. Even though immediately before the video­confer­ence the Russian president’s spokesperson, Dmitry Peskov, insisted that the Normandy Format was self­sufficient and there was no plan to invite the U.S. to join (1tv.ru, December 7), after that call the Russian Foreign Affairs Ministry accepted such a possibility (Kommersant.ru, December 8).

This radical change of stance aligns well with the Russian conviction that the U.S. can simply order Ukraine to change policy. Moscow’s resistance toward the United States joining the Normandy Format was due to a belief that Russia had more lever­age over Germany and France than over the U.S. This 180­degree turn would indi­cate the Kremlin believes the U.S. is now open to consider some of Russia’s demands and is ready to push Ukraine toward their implementation.

Russia is pursuing two main goals. One is to put indirect pressure on Ukraine to restrict its use of the Bayraktar TB2 attack drones bought from Turkey (see EDM, November 10). The use of these drones

would give Ukraine a high military advan­tage, raising Russia’s concerns that Kyiv might be tempted to attempt a military solution in the Donbas. This would force Russia to intervene, at a high cost. In fact, Russia wants to avoid either losing control over the Donbas or being forced to fight Ukraine openly. The second goal was made clear via public statements: compel the West to force Ukraine back into the Russian version of the Minsk agreements.

The threat of Russia’s military invasion into Ukraine is only the tool, while the objective remains the same as the one that triggered the Kremlin’s proxy war in the Donbas. Russia does not aim to control Ukraine militarily but politically. Therefore, a major trap for the collective West is giving in and accepting the Russian model of con­flict resolution in the Donbas in exchange for avoiding war against Ukraine. This is arguably the central Russian objective behind its recent massing of military troops around Ukraine, its military threats and the creation of strategic ambiguity regarding its readiness to attack.

The article above is reprinted from Eurasia Daily Monitor with permission from its publisher, the Jamestown Foundation, www.jamestown.org.

(Continued from page 2)

The Kremlin’s...

No. 51THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 20216

It seems that much of Europe is now addressing more seriously than it had previ­ously the looming threat of yet another potential Russian invasion of Ukraine. We are heartened to hear that all of the various European bodies and countries have made clear that they do not see the situation the way Russian President Vladimir Putin has sought to frame it. Leaders of the European Union, meeting in Brussels on December 16, warned Moscow that any hostile action against Ukraine would be met with unprecedented sanctions. Lithuanian President Gitanas Nauseda said that Europe should not underestimate Mr. Putin’s intentions and that the EU has a responsibility to “do everything to prevent the worst scenario. … We have enough tools to stop Russia from its aggressive behavior.”

German Chancellor Olaf Scholz said that EU leaders “will underscore again that the inviolability of borders is an important basis for peace in Europe, and that together we will do everything [to ensure] that this inviolability endures.”

Even British Prime Minister Boris Johnson brought up the issue, saying that he warned Mr. Putin against taking any “destabilizing action” against Ukraine, calling such a move a “strategic mistake” that would come with “significant consequences.” Mr. Johnson, who spoke with the Russian president on December 13, told Mr. Putin that Britain is committed to “Ukraine’s territorial integrity and sovereignty,” accord­ing to a spokesman for Mr. Johnson, who added that the prime minister also “expressed the United Kingdom’s deep concern over the build­up of Russian forces on Ukraine’s border.”

Concern on the matter was also raised by foreign affairs ministers from the Group of Seven (G­7) countries who met in Liverpool, England, to discuss the issue. “We need to defend ourselves against the growing threats from hostile actors. And we need to come together strongly to stand up to aggressors who are seeking to limit the bounds of freedom and democracy,” said British Foreign Secretary Liz Truss. She met with U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, and then met with German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock. Following those meetings, all of the participants released similar statements essentially warning Mr. Putin not to invade Ukraine again.

In short, officials from various European bodies and countries have spoken out forcefully, warning the Russian president not to underestimate or test their resolve on Ukraine. While welcome to our ears, we nonetheless know that these words mean nothing if they are not followed by real, concrete actions to show Mr. Putin that anoth­er Russian invasion of Ukraine will be met not only by Ukrainian armed forces, but by a united Europe willing to stand against a tyrant and a dictator. Ukraine’s allies in Europe must be reminded of the lesson learned during World War II. In March 1938, Hitler annexed Austria, but there was little response from Europe. He then laid claim to a portion of what was then known as Czechoslovakia, which had a predominantly ethnic German population, but again European powers conceded.

Perhaps history doesn’t repeat itself, but patterns from the past do feel eerily familiar today. As Mr. Putin continues to mass troops along the border with Ukraine, let us recall that little was done after he annexed the Crimean Peninsula and used the pretext of protecting ethnic Russians in eastern Ukraine to invade there. May the world never forget that empty words, no matter how sharp, do nothing to stop an aggressive threat.

The Ukrainian Weekly

Twenty­six years ago, on December 24, 1995, the breakaway region of Moldova, known as Transdniestria, voted in a referen­dum to adopt a constitution that proclaimed it as an indepen­dent state (with 81.8 percent approval), and an additional result of 90.6 percent in favor of its joining the Commonwealth of Independent States and its related structures. Russian “peace­

keepers” were sent to the breakaway region in 1992, to support Transdniestria, and remain to this day.

Moldovan officials denounced the elections and the referendum as illegitimate, while Russia officially distanced itself from the poll. Russian news service ITAR­TASS quoted a spokesman for the Russian Foreign Affairs Ministry, who described the region as “part of the Republic of Moldova,” and that what happened there was “an internal affair of that independent and sovereign state.”

In addition to the constitutional referendum, parliamentary elections were held in the breakaway region of Moldova, with initial results that indicated the Bloc of Patriotic Forces, which promoted closer ties with Russia, had emerged victorious.

It is notable that the breakaway region of Transdniestria continues to use the Soviet hammer­and­sickle on its flag and coat of arms. Moldova maintains its position that Russia must remove its troops and arms from Transdniestria, while Ukraine has denounced Russia’s military forces that occupy the region. Russia also maintains control over armed groups within the Transdniestria region, known as the self­proclaimed “Moldovan Republic of Transdniestria.” The European Court of Human Rights and the United Nations consider the breakaway region to be part of Moldova. Since Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Autonomous Republic of Crimea through a sham referendum in 2014 following the Russian invasion and military occupation of Crimea, Transdniestria also sought mem­bership in the Russian Federation. Russia continues its position that the withdrawal of its military presence from Transdniestria would lead to instability in the region.

This year, a presidential election in the breakaway region on December 12 had low voter turnout (35 percent) and is seen as a sign of discontent with the current leadership under Vadim Krasnoselsky, who was re­elected with 87.04 percent of the votes cast. The elections were monitored only by Russian election observers.

Source: “Transdniester vote held,” (Newsbriefs: OMRI Daily Digest), The Ukrainian Weekly, December 31, 1995.

Dec.241995

Turning the pages back...

Concern over Russia grows in Europe

“Ukrainian Nativity” by Iryna Korchuk and Volodymyr Petryshyn, from a Christmas card published by the Ukrainian National Association in 2021.

“This document did not enter into force for either Ukraine or Russia. Therefore, it seems unreasonable to talk about non­ful­fillment of any obligations without a proper legal process,” Mr. Nikolenko stated.

According to Mr. Putin, the Russian Federation had committed to repaying all of the debt of the former Soviet Union, for all of the former Soviet republics, with the expectation that these republics would hand over the foreign assets of the former Soviet Union.

“We repaid the debts for everyone, but not everyone fulfilled this obligation to transfer foreign assets to us. For example, Ukraine has not done so yet,” Mr. Putin said in a segment that aired on the Russia 1 tele­vision channel on December 12.

Russia had been paying debt from the USSR until 2017. According to the Russian Ministry of Finance, a final payment of $125.2 million was made to Bosnia and Herzegovina in August 2017.

In March 2014, after the Euro­Maidan in Ukraine, then­Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk said the distribution of property after Ukraine’s withdrawal from the USSR was incomplete, and Ukraine would pre­pare relevant legal documents and file a complaint against Russia, which left the property illegally.

“Ukraine has legitimate claims against Russia for the property that Russia illegally left behind [after Ukraine’s withdrawal from the USSR],” Mr. Yatsenyuk said in 2014.

The Russian Foreign Ministry then said that Moscow reserved the right to insist on immediate compensation of $20 billion to Ukraine if Kyiv returned Soviet property.

The agreement between Ukraine and

Russia, according to the Russia’s Foreign Affairs Ministry, Ukraine was to transfer Soviet property and Russia was expected to pay Ukraine’s share of the debt of the for­mer Soviet Union as it stood on December 1, 1994.

“At that time, this share was $6.8 billion. Now it is approaching $20 billion (as a result of inflation),” the Russian Foreign Affairs Ministry said in 2014.

The Russian Federation has not dis­closed data on the composition and value of Soviet foreign assets.

Mykhailo Kukhar, an economist at Ukraine Economic Outlook, said that, as of 1991, the debt of the USSR amounted to about $90 billion. Meanwhile, the total value of Soviet assets could be much higher now, though an exact figure has not been disclosed.

“The gold and diamond fund of the USSR was estimated at more than $100 billion in prices at the time, and any of the former Soviet republics were allowed to audit it,” Mr. Kukhar said.

Volodymyr Denysiuk, a senior analyst at the Ukrainian Geostrategy group, said in an interview with Deutsche Welle, that Kyiv should not pay attention to Russia’s state­ments about “Ukraine’s imaginary commit­ments” because “Moscow has no levers of legal pressure on this issue.”

“Russia will not go to any court in any country in the world because it will have to provide the court with full information about Soviet assets,” Mr. Denysiuk said.

Russia does not want to discuss the actu­al value of these assets, Mr. Denysiuk said, “because they [the value of the different assets] significantly exceed the paid debt.”

Mr. Denysiuk added that Mr. Putin’s statements on the topic are meant to apply psychological pressure on Ukraine at a time when Russian forces are massing along the border between the two countries.

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Putin accuses...

7THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2021No. 51

by Lubomyr Luciuk

I dreamt this last night.I was standing in a room on the ground

floor of the home in which I grew up. I was not alone but am not really sure who stood with me. We were both alarmed. For out of a window, looking northwest, we could see something evil. Of that geographical direc­tion I am most certain. I made note of this particular detail even though I knew this was just a dream.

Our view was obscured. There was a kind of unnatural fog covering the ground between us and the neighboring land. There we spied an ugly beast, akin to a bear, but more muscular and grotesque. It wore a tattered khaki cap with a metallic badge, bearing what looked like a red star. It was menacing and malevolent, had already reared itself up, poised to attack. Other lesser beasts joined it, but they were indistinct. We did not worry about them. It was obvious the bear­thing is what we would have to face.

I looked to how we might mount a defense. There was nothing much at hand. Even having a friend beside me was not much comfort. I remember thinking he was quite small, wouldn’t really be of much use in a fight, no matter how heartened I was by his company.

My only protection was a kind of bow. I don’t remember much about its construct but it felt rather flimsy. There were only a few arrows. They were black and looked sharp. I knew they would damage anything they hit. But were they enough to deter this demon?

Then, without warning, the devilish thing crossed the fence separating us, a border breached. It fell upon me. Even though its attack was expected, I was still shocked. I shot off an arrow but missed. The bear saw that and laughed.

We had no choice but to fall back, retreating southeast. Through all of this I knew we were still in my parents’ home. Depressingly, it was obvious we were being routed. There was not even enough time to slam doors as we withdrew, turning west. We began climbing a staircase, leading to an upper floor. This would give us higher ground, a good defensive position. We stopped, just below the landing, deter­mined to hold. I nocked another arrow, made ready to fire. Still the bear came on. I shot and hit it in the neck. It was but a glancing blow yet it drew blood – I saw red – enough to give this demon its first pause.

But our defense did not stop its onslaught. The beast kept coming. We had no choice but to turn again, pulling away in a norther­ly direction.

We barricaded ourselves in a washroom, hoping to slow the invader, buy time, per­haps enough for someone to hear our cries and come to our aid.

The beast was relentless. It crashed against the door. Desperately, I called to my comrade, begging him to fire his revolver through the collapsing barrier, hoping a lucky shot might just kill the bear. But he would not. “Why?” I cried. He replied he had only one bullet left, would use it on himself rather than be dismembered.

I took another arrow from my quiver. There were just two left. My fingers trem­bled as we sallied forth into the hallway, on the offensive, and I fired again. Our rally surprised the bear­beast, which must have thought we were cornered and finished. Again, I hit it and now came its turn to back up. Wounded it headed northwest, with­drawing to another room to recover and regroup. Our feint had secured only a tem­porary respite.

There was only one remaining option and we took it, scrambling up a flight of steep stairs into the attic, the last unoccu­pied room in what had once been my home. Here we would make our last stand. There was simply nowhere else to go, no exit left other than a small, east­facing window. To go out that way meant falling from a height no one would want to survive. We realized our cause was lost but didn’t flinch. That was never our way. Better to die in battle than surrender ourselves to be eaten by this bear. What did weaken us was realizing that no one had ever intended to come to our aid, even after they heard our desperate cries for help. We were abandoned.

Still, we fought. We dumped whatever we found in the attic into the stairwell, hop­ing to impede the beast. It didn’t work. The thing kept coming on, mocking us as it smashed through those final, failing barri­cades.

I do not recall whether I felt despair or just cursed as the bear’s paws reached out to render my flesh, for I started awake and this troubling dream ended. Then I found myself lying in bed, praying this was not a foreshadowing of Ukraine’s near­future fate.

A worrying dream COMMENTARY

Ukrainian Americans lost a friend when former U.S. Sen. Bob Dole died on December 5.

I had the honor and pleasure of being a member of Mr. Dole’s staff in 1977. We met when I was still the special assistant for ethnic affairs to former President Gerald Ford. Mr. Dole was President Ford’s run­ning mate during his 1976 presidential run. The senator was familiar with my efforts to maintain good relations with people in cap­tive nations: Lithuanians, Estonians, Latvians, Poles, Ukrainians and others.

My endeavors were made difficult by the machinations of Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and his acolyte Helmut Sonnenfeldt. It was Mr. Sonnenfeldt who was sent to a meeting of American ambas­sadors in 1976 to inform them that, hence­forth, Europe was to be divided between the Soviet sphere, namely the Soviet Union and its satellites, and the western sphere, or the remainder of Europe. The United States would only focus on the west, main­taining a “hands off” policy in the east. When newspaper columnists Rowland Evans and Robert Novak wrote about the “Sonnenfeldt Doctrine,” my White House telephone exploded. Mr. Kissinger’s “real politik” was now official U.S. policy toward the Soviets.

President Ford’s campaign began limped during the third presidential debate when he insisted that Poland was not under Soviet domination. Later, I helped organize a White House meeting with President Ford and ethnic leaders during which Mr. Ford backtracked. Poland was not free. The Soviets were in charge.

A crack in Moscow’s tyrannical control occurred in 1975 when President Ford signed the Helsinki Accords which, among other things, guaranteed freedom of the press, freedom of emigration and cultural exchanges among nations. The Helsinki Final Act was signed in Helsinki, Finland, by 35 nations, including the United States and the USSR.

The Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), commonly called the Helsinki Commission, was creat­ed in order to monitor compliance by the signatory nations. Before he left office, President Ford appointed Mr. Dole to the commission and in 1977 the senator asked me to be his Congressional liaison to the commission. My role was to prepare the senator for Senate hearings and to keep him aware of developments in Eastern Europe. I organized an ethnic advisory board of East European ethnic Americans and used them to establish contacts in Europe.

Mr. Dole wanted to attend the first review of the Helsinki Accords, scheduled for July 1977 in Belgrade, Yugoslavia. I flew to Vienna, a familiar city since I had lived there while attending the University of Vienna for a semester. I touched base with my recommended contacts, and arranged for Mr. Dole to meet with them when he arrived. They included dissidents who had recently fled from Czechoslovakia (a mem­ber of Charter 77 was among them), Hungary, Poland and Estonia. They met the senator a few days later.

The talks in Belgrade were fascinating. The Soviet delegation behaved just as expected: arrogant and boorish. Defensive regarding issues of human rights, the Soviets convinced few people of their sin­cerity to comply. Did it make a difference?

Absolutely. The world was watching as the Helsinki committees within the Soviet bloc continued their demands for compliance, an action which eventually contributed to the collapse of the evil empire.

Returning to Vienna, I headed to my room at the Bristol Hotel, and there was Michael Karckoc, a young Ukrainian American, sitting on my doorstep. An active member of the Ukrainian American Helsinki Committee in Minneapolis, Minn., he had traveled to Belgrade to protest Soviet violations of the Accord. Forced to leave everything behind in his hotel room, he was quickly whisked out of the city by the local gendarmes, leaving with nothing but the clothes on his back. He spent the night with me and I sent him on his way home the next morning.

During our time in Vienna, Mr. Dole insisted on a visit with Simon Weisenthal, the well­known Nazi hunter. Mr. Weisenthal gave the senator a list of alleged “Nazis” liv­ing in the United States. Asked to hold the list, I put it into my Ukrainian National Association (UNA) attaché case. Later, I realized I had inadvertently left the case behind. Returning to retrieve it, I was ush­ered into Mr. Wiesenthal’s office. Mr. Weisenthal spoke fluent Ukrainian, having once been a practicing attorney in Lviv. I asked if we could converse. “Of course,” he replied graciously.

“Do you think all Ukrainians hate Jews?” I asked him point blank.

He mentioned that his life had been saved by a Ukrainian and added, “the line that separates good people from evil people runs through all nations.” I’ve often won­dered: Was Mr. Wiesenthal a Soviet asset?

A highlight of my time with Mr. Dole was convincing him to host a UNA reception in the Capitol. Working with me on this first of its kind event were Taras Szmagala, Sr., Eugene Iwanciw and Joseph Lesawyer. The idea was to have Ukrainians contact their senators and representatives by phone, tell them about the reception, and then come to Washington, D.C., and escort them to the event.

Mr. Dole was marvelous, strong­arming colleagues to the reception, which focused on Ukrainian dissidents in the Soviet Union. More than 100 UNA members from New York City; Boston; Philadelphia; Detroit; Chicago; San Diego; Phoenix; Denver; Cleveland; Baltimore; Syracuse, N.Y., Buffalo, N.Y., Rochester, N.Y., Passaic, N.J., Whippany, N.J., and Irvington, N.J., attended the recep­tion. Among the senators who attended were Republicans Charles Percy, Barry Goldwater, Richard Lugar, Bob Packwood, John Heinz, Jesse Helms, Peter Dominici, Malcolm Wallop, Strom Thurmond, as well as Democrats Hubert Humphrey, Dennis DeConcini and John Danforth. House mem­bers in attendance included Republicans Ed Derwinski and Henry Hyde, and Democrat Morris Udall. Our effort was significant in that it underscored the efficacy of UNA members in lobbying their elected leaders in the nation’s capital.

Times were different when Bob Dole was a senator. There was greater civility and cooperation among members of Congress, and the UNA was still a political force on the American political state. I miss that time.

Myron Kuropas’s e-mail address is [email protected].

Bob Dole: great American, Ukraine’s friend

Lubomyr Luciuk is a professor of politi-cal geography at the Royal Military College of Canada.

Russian territory.But Washington has repeatedly said no

country can veto Ukraine’s NATO hopes.Meanwhile, the Kremlin said on

December 12 that Mr. Putin has requested an in­person meeting with U.S. President Joe Biden. It said there were “serious con­ceptual differences” on what Moscow regards as its “red lines” internationally.

There was no immediate confirmation from the White House of such a request.

Mr. Biden on December 11 reiterated his warning that Russia would face devastating economic consequences if it invades Ukraine.

Mr. Biden, who spoke with Mr. Putin in a videoconference on December 7, said he “made it absolutely clear … that if he moves on Ukraine, the economic consequences for his economy are going to be devastating,

devastating.”Russia’s standing in the world, Mr. Biden

said, would change “markedly” in the event of an incursion, he said, speaking in Wilmington, Del.

At a summit in Switzerland in June, Mr. Putin described Ukrainian membership of NATO as a “red line” for Moscow, and reports suggest he has since described pos­sible NATO infrastructure there similarly.

Ministers at the G­7 meeting on December 12 were also discussing China’s increased military activity in the Indo­Pacific region and negotiations in Vienna aimed at reviving a deal to limit Iran’s nuclear ambitions. (With reporting by Reuters, AP, AFP and dpa)

Copyright 2021, RFE/RL Inc. Reprinted with the permission of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, 1201 Connecticut Ave. NW, Washington DC 20036; www.rferl.org (see https://www.rferl.org/a/g7-russia-ukraine-invasion-truss/31605275.html).

(Continued from page 3)

G-7 warns...

No. 51THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 20218

Myron, finds that strangers from Russia were brought to his village to replace the dead Ukrainian farmers who died from famine; the foreigners claim that there is no famine, while the head of the kolkhoz calls on the farmers to throw “all khokhols into one ditch” (khokhol is the Russian deroga­tory word for Ukrainians). Myron, who was a loyal Communist Party man, faces an awakening about the forced famine, after his dead mother appears to indicate to him what he should do: build a cross for her unmarked grave and carry it. By slowly accepting her signs, he also comes to understand the enormity of the crime com­mitted by what used to be his party.

Oleksandr Ocheretny was born in 1919 in the Cherkasy area; he was about 14 years old during the Holodomor, old enough to remember many events. He was a member of the Writers’ Union since 1963. Then, in 1999, he wrote a play about the Holodomor, “Trahediia v domi” (Tragedy at Home). It begins in 1933, in a village, where a mother and three children are suffering from advanced hunger. Party officials con­fiscate every grain of food. The mother dies, and only her baby remains alive. Then, in 1937, the action moves to the city, where the woman’s sister and brother­in­law reside. He is a much­decorated and faithful member of the party. However, his desire to behave in an ethical manner leads to his and his wife’s sudden arrest. Among the party men in the city, the self­delusional mantra that “the Party knows best” contin­ues until 1937, when the naked truth is too obvious. Only then does the protagonist come to understand what the Party was doing to his country, though people in the villages grasped it several years earlier.

Natalia Vorozhbyt, a current Ukrainian playwright and screenwriter (writing in Ukrainian, and earlier also in Russian) of over a dozen plays and as many films. After pursuing her theater studies in Moscow, she remained in Russia for several years. In 2005, the British Royal Shakespeare Theatre Company (RSC) held a workshop there for Ukrainian and Russian play­wrights and commissioned Ms. Vorozhbyt to create a play in Russian for the group. She then wrote “Zernohranilishche” or “Zernoskhovyshche,” which depicts Holodomor events. Later, RSC also provid­ed a grant to have it translated into English. In 2009, RSC also published a translation of this play by Sasha Dugdale, titled “The Grain Store.” Ms. Vorozhbyt’s play identi­fies all scenes by specific historical dates. In the book, in order to stress the events that lead to the Holodomor, a two­page timeline precedes the text: “From Collectivization to the Ukrainian Holodomor, 1928­1933.”

Ms. Vorozhbyt’s play consists of a dozen scenes showing a clear progression from a happy life in Ukrainian villages in the past to the final communist­enforced collectiv­ization. While at first people pray in their village church, soon the Soviets turn it into a grain storage. Well­to­do farmers are shot or deported to a Gulag, and the village slowly deteriorates and becomes depopu­lated. The writer based her play on her grandmother’s reminiscences of the forced famine, which resulted in most of the villag­ers dying (including her grandfather and his 10 brothers). Ms. Vorozhbyt often writes about historical/political events almost in the style of docudrama, and employs “the verbatim method” (quoting excerpts from conversations with witness­es), which she developed and popularized.

In the English text of “The Grain Store” (translated from Russian) many phrases and songs are rendered in Ukrainian. Some of these translations are not exactly accu­rate and many are in colloquial British

English. One can hope that once the Ukrainian text is published as a book there will be individuals eager to translate it into American English.

“Zernoskhovyshche” was staged in Ukrainian in Lviv in 2015 and 2017, and in Kalush in 2019; it included a scene with Walter Duranty (the infamous reporter for The New York Times), which does not appear in the English translation of the book. The play was also performed in Latvia and Poland.

In September, Ms. Vorozhbyt received the Dovzhenko Award from Ukrainian Presi­dent Volodymyr Zelenskyy for her leading contribution to Ukrainian cinematography.

What do most of the Holodomor plays depict?

In each of the above plays (except that of Mr. Boychuk), we have the initially loyal communists who realize the extent of the atrocious plan that the Party/Moscow were carrying out in Ukraine. Mr. Boychuk’s play, as well as Mr. Rudenko’s verse drama are shaped as a philosophical pièce à thèse, dealing with issues of man’s inhumanity to man, of free will and sacrifice for the sake of others. All of the above writers portray the Holodomor as an existential hell, almost all mention cannibalism and many include grim, dehumanizing scenes depict­ing a woman who becomes insane from the terrible events and hunger.

While many of the above writers send the same message in rather subtle forms, Mr. Rudenko’s protagonist expresses it bluntly and succinctly. He stresses that for 300 years Ukraine became too meek under Russian rule. He also notes that there are people who possess too much love of power (in these plays they appear as Soviet collab­orators and apparatchiks). While Messrs. Boychuk and Ocheretny raise the issue of free will when applied to one’s freedom to die from starvation, Mr. Boychuk’s protago­nist demonstrates this freedom when he chooses to sacrifice his life for the baby. In the other plays, passing a type of boundary situation also provides the protagonists with the strength to follow their values and choices. Still, Mr. Chaplenko directly blames the Ukrainian apparatchiks for the disaster. Ms. Vorozhbyt depicts an inner and outward degradation of individuals and society due to Communism, leading to plans of collectiv­ization and then resulting in the Holodomor.

As a counteraction or a neutralization of the state of self­blame, in Mr. Rudenko’s play Christ tries to lift up the people’s spirit, attempting to separate them from any faults or sins, reminding them that, “Ukrainians have never conquered other nations, and never took others into slavery.” By providing a basis for Ukrainians to have greater self­confidence, Christ encourages them to “take up your cross” (free will and free choice) and fight for their right to be Ukrainians and use the Ukrainian language. It is their choice and their risk; however, the protagonist reminds them, “in order to be resurrected, you have to die first.” Mr. Rudenko’s protagonist pro­claims that it is time to act. He is ready to fight and/or suffer because he has lost all fear. Mr. Ocheretny’s young protagonist com­plains that “slaves do not protest,” but when her grandmother states the truth about the famine, she is immediately shot. Such stands for truth might serve as an answer to the hope of all of the protagonists who sought justice. Achievement of this justice is hinted at for the sake of generations of Ukrainians who live in a post­genocidal society.

The Holodomor theme in drama: an examination of plays on the HolodomorDuring and following the fall 2020 Holodomor commemorations and conferences in

North America, there were many questions about the existence of plays on the subject. Although usually literary information is acquired by reading, seeing a play staged in a theater may be an immediate and effective way to experience it. Therefore, provided here is information on Holodomor plays.

by Larissa M. L. Zaleska Onyshkevych

Many literary scholars agree that drama usually mirrors both the anguish and the values of individuals or of a group in a par­ticular society, or a period in history. Drama is often the last genre to deal with a painful subject . For us today, the Holodomor, the subject of the death of mil­lions by enforced starvation, is also of spe­cific literary interest in terms of what Ukrainian authors chose to incorporate into that mirror of historical reality. While during the Soviet period several Ukrainian plays on the Holodomor were written in the West, obviously this topic could hardly have been mentioned in Ukraine (there is one exception). Since 1991, the situation has greatly improved and several plays on the Holodomor have now been published.

The plays (listed in chronological order of publication) include the following:

The first play published in Ukraine that mentions the Holodomor is Yuriy Yanovs ky’s “Potomky” (Descendants, 1938). He also touches on the issue of the famine in two film scenarios: “Sertsia dvokh” (The Hearts of Two, 1933) and “Prystrast” (Desire, 1934). Although “Potomky” is not strictly about the Holodomor, it contains parts of scenes that mention the “Great Famine” directly or indi­rectly, while other references appear only in specific editions. Obviously, at the time, Mr. Yanovsky could not publicly blame the regime for the atrocities. According to the contemporary Ukrainian scholar and critic Ivan Dziuba, this play contains one of the first published mentions of the famine in Soviet Ukrainian literature.

Serhiy Lediansky (pseudonym Serhiy Kokot) wrote the play “Tysiacha Deviatsot Trydtsiat Tretiy Rik (1933) in Kyiv and Lviv in 1942. He witnessed the Holodomor at the age of 26. Many of his relatives, as well as half of the people in his village, died due to the famine. The book came out in 1943 in Lviv, and later in Germany, Great Britain and the United States. One variant of the play appeared in 1950 under the title “Velykyi Zlam” (The Great Mayhem), while the latest edition (in 1972) kept the original title. Serhiy Lediansky emigrated to the U.S. and resided in Ann Arbor, Mich.

The play presents two different worlds: the city, where the Communist Party and Komsomol members (young communists, aged 14­28) take trips to vacation resorts, while farmers are dying from enforced star­vation. The protagonist, a student at Kyiv University, is not allowed to visit and help her starving parents in the village. It is only at the end of the play, that she realizes the truth of what the communist Party is doing to Ukrainians by means of the Holodomor.

Vasyl Chaplenko, born in the Dnipropet­rovsk area, died in Matawan, N.J. He was a writer and a historian of the Ukrainian lan­guage. He too witnessed the 1932­1933 famine, and depicted it in his play “Chyi Zlochyn?” (Whose Guilt Is It?). It was first published in Buenos Aires in 1952, and then in New York in 1964. Written very much in the realistic style, it deals with the introduction of collectivization in Ukrainian villages. The protagonist is named after an actual Ukrainian communist activist and member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, Andriy Richytsky. In the first two acts he is portrayed as cruelly dealing with anyone opposing collectiviza­tion. In the last act, his victims testify against him, and then party judges sen­tence him to death. It is only then that the protagonist comprehends that his crime was in hurting his own people.

Bohdan Boychuk wrote his play “Holod (1933)” in 1962 in New York; it was first published and staged there in 1969. The play was translated into English by the English poet Vera Rich. Virko Baley wrote an oratorio to it. The original version of the drama includes moving ballet scenes, set in parallel to Christ’s comments on people’s suffering due to the drastic famine events. The leading protagonists are two strangers: a man and a woman with a baby, near a Crucifix, at an intersection. All three are suffering from hunger. While losing strength, the cynical man can’t understand why God allows the baby to be in such pain. He blames God for being indifferent, and in anger bangs his hands at the cross, asking God to do something. The man accidentally pierces his hand, and, seeing his blood drip­ping, lets the baby suck his finger, and thus saves the child. Backdrop scenes of hunger, together with the designation “1933,” tie it specifically to the Holodomor. This drama is highly poetic and deeply philosophical, rather than a realistic documentary.

Mykola Rudenko was a poet and writer, as well as editor of a literary periodical Dnipro. However, his political behavior led to his ouster from the Ukrainian Writers’ Union in 1975. In February of 1976, he wrote a verse drama “Khrest” (Cross), depicting scenes from the Holodomor. A few months later, he became one of the co­founders of the Helsinki Watch Group. In 1977, he was sentenced to Soviet prison. Afterwards, he was able to leave for Germany, and then the United States; he returned to Ukraine in 1990, where, in 1993, he was honored with the national Taras Shevchenko Prize in literature. Roman Tatchyn translated the play into English: “The Cross” (1987).

In the play, Mr. Rudenko’s protagonist,

Larissa Zaleska Onyshkevych is a schol-ar of Ukrainian drama and literature. She has compiled several anthologies of Ukrainian drama.

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met with European Council President Charles Michel, saying afterward that Ukraine’s goal is full membership in the European Union. (RFE/RL, with reporting by Reuters and AFP)

Putin stresses need for ‘immediate’ NATO talks

Russian President Vladimir Putin has again called for “immediate” talks with the United States and NATO over security guar­antees as tensions mount over Ukraine. Mr. Putin reiterated the demand in phone calls with his Finnish and French counterparts on December 14, the Kremlin said. In recent weeks, Ukraine and its Western backers have accused Russia of massing troops near their common border as a pos­sible prelude to an invasion as early as next month. Russian officials deny Moscow is preparing any offensive, instead accusing Ukraine of provocation and insisting they have the right to move forces anywhere they want within their own country. In his call with Finnish President Sauli Niinisto on December 14, Mr. Putin “reiterated the need to immediately launch negotiations with the United States and NATO in order to develop international legal guarantees for the security of our country,” the Kremlin said in a statement. The two also discussed the crisis over Ukraine, the statement added. Separately, the Kremlin said Mr. Putin told his French counterpart, Emmanuel Macron, in a phone call on the same day that Moscow wanted immediate talks with Western countries to prevent NATO’s expansion further east. “The Russian president emphasized the impor­tance of immediately launching interna­tional negotiations to develop legally fixed guarantees that would prevent any further NATO expansion to the east and the deploy­ment of weapons to neighboring states, pri­marily in Ukraine, that threaten Russia,” the Kremlin said in a statement. Mr. Putin made similar demands during virtual talks with U.S. President Joe Biden last week and in a

phone call with British Prime Minister Boris Johnson on December 13. European Union foreign affairs ministers met on December 13 in Brussels to coordinate a sanctions response against Moscow if it launches a new military invasion of Ukraine. The EU has already imposed sev­eral rounds of sanctions on Russia over its forcible seizure of Ukraine’s Crimea region in March 2014 and over Moscow’s backing of separatists in eastern Ukraine in an ongoing conflict that has killed more than 13,200 people since April 2014. Finland, which shares a 1,340­kilometer border with Russia, is not a member of NATO, but has in recent years increased its bilateral defense and military cooperation with the United States and its neighbors Sweden and Norway. Last week, the Finnish govern­ment agreed to buy 64 Lockheed Martin F­35A fighter jets to replace its aging fleet of combat planes in a 10­billion­euro ($11.3 billion) deal – the country’s largest­ever military purchase. (RFE/RL, with reporting by AFP and Reuters)

British PM Johnson warns Kremlin

British Prime Minister Boris Johnson has warned Russian President Vladimir Putin that any “destabilizing action” by Moscow against Ukraine would be a “strategic mis­take” with “significant consequences,” a spokesman said. Mr. Johnson “emphasized” to Mr. Putin in a December 13 phone call that Britain is committed to “Ukraine’s ter­ritorial integrity and sovereignty,” the spokesman said, adding that the prime minister “expressed the United Kingdom’s deep concern over the build­up of Russian forces on Ukraine’s border, and reiterated the importance of working through diplo­matic channels to deescalate tensions and identify durable solutions.” Mr. Johnson’s remarks echoed concerns expressed by for­eign affairs ministers from the Group of Seven leading economies about Russia’s buildup of military forces on its border with Ukraine. The G­7 ministers urged a diplomatic solution to the standoff. Russian media quoted the Kremlin on December 13 as saying that Messrs. Putin and Johnson

(Continued on page 13)

(Continued from page 2)NEWSBRIEFS agreed to continue talks through different

channels. The phone call came amid high tensions between Russia and Ukraine. Officials in Kyiv say they fear a possible Russian invasion. Russia, which seized Ukraine’s Crimean Peninsula in 2014 and backs pro­Russian separatists in eastern Ukraine, denies it has any such plan. Mutual recriminations between Russia and Ukraine have been rising for weeks. Washington says it believes Russia may be planning to use alleged “provocations” by Ukraine to justify military aggression. Ukraine on November 26 accused Russia of being behind an alleged coup plot against President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, which the Kremlin denied. (RFE/RL, based on report­ing by RFE/RL’s Ukrainian Service, Reuters, AP, AFP, RIA Novosti and TASS)

Pope Francis prays for ‘dear Ukraine’

Pope Francis has joined the internation­al chorus of concern over tensions stem­ming from a Russian troop buildup near its

border with Ukraine, urging dialogue to resolve strains and avoid armed conflict. The Roman Catholic pontiff told an audi­ence of thousands at St. Peter’s Square in the Vatican on December 12 that “weapons are not the path to take.” He said he was praying for “dear Ukraine, for all its church­es and religious communities and for all of its people, so that tensions there are resolved through a serious international dialogue and not with weapons.” Ukraine, a post­Soviet country of around 44 million mostly Orthodox Christians, has been fight­ing a war against Russia­backed separatists in its east for seven years. Kyiv and Western governments say a recent buildup of tens of thousands of Russian troops near the bor­der with Ukraine could signal President Vladimir Putin’s plans to launch a large­scale invasion. “May this Christmas bring peace to Ukraine,” the pope said. About 10 percent of Ukrainians are Catholic. NATO,

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No. 51THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 202112

Wishing a

Merry Christmas and a

Happy New Year to my family and friends.

Eugene Serba

Радісних Свят

Різдва Христовогота

Щасливого Нового Ровубажаємо Вам і Вашій Родині

Богдана, Богдан і Александер Пужик

Merry Christmasand

a Happy New Year

to family and friends, members of the UNA General Assembly,

Branch Secretaries, and all UNA employees.

Yuriy and Nataliya Symczykwith children Victoria and Diana

В Е С Е Л И Х С В Я Т

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Wishing a

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13THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2021No. 51

up lethal military aid to Ukraine to deter Russia, before Russia invades. Lethal aid will remind [Mr.] Putin that any attempt to annex Kyiv will have real and concrete costs,” Mr. Inhofe said.

Mr. Rubio criticized concessions made to Mr. Putin by the Biden Administration and suggested that they have emboldened the Russian president.

“President Biden’s willingness to make concessions to [Mr.] Putin not only endan­gers Ukrainians, but also welcomes the Kremlin’s aggression in the region at large,” Mr. Rubio said. “Unfortunately, this pattern of appeasement isn’t new – it’s the same failed strategy used by the Obama Administration years ago. It’s time to rec­ognize that the Biden Administration’s so­called foreign policy experts are intent on repeating the same mistakes of the past. I’m proud to join Sen. Risch in introducing this legislation, which takes the threat of [Mr.] Putin’s hostility seriously.”

Mr. Toomey also expressed concern about Russia’s intentions in Ukraine.

“As evident by Russia’s escalating aggression, the mere threat of sanctions will not stop [Mr.] Putin from invading Ukraine,” Mr. Toomey said. “The adminis­tration must immediately take concrete steps to assist our Ukrainian partners by sanctioning the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, providing lethal assistance and bolstering our bilateral defensive cooperation. I’m glad to join my colleagues in introducing the Guaranteeing Ukraine’s Autonomy by Reinforcing its Defense Act (GUARD Act) to protect Ukraine’s sovereignty and deter [Mr.] Putin’s aggression.”

Mr. Barrasso likewise discussed Mr. Putin’s intentions in Ukraine and offered his own suggestion on what can be done to limit the Russian leader from invading Ukraine.

“[Mr.] Putin is attempting to dominate and control Ukraine. We cannot let this bold and dangerous behavior go unchecked. The United States and our allies must do more to deter Russia by increasing the costs of its aggression,” Mr. Barrasso said. “Our bill strengthens sanc­tions on Russia and establishes clear con­sequences if they invade Ukraine. It also makes sure the brave Ukrainian Armed

Forces have the resources they need to fight for their country’s freedom and future.”

Mr. Cornyn stressed that the White House should do more to counter Mr. Putin from once again violating Ukraine’s sover­eignty and territorial integrity.

“The United States cannot ignore [Mr.] Putin’s latest efforts to rob the Ukrainian people of their sovereignty,” Mr. Cornyn said. “While President Biden has so far stood by and watched this aggression unfold, my colleagues and I are pushing the White House to take action. This legislation will ensure the administration moves quickly to bolster Ukrainian armed forces and reaffirm our commitment to our European allies, as well as hold [Mr.] Putin accountable for his thuggery.”

Mr. Cotton was also critical of the Biden Administration’s steps to counter Mr. Putin.

“The time to deter conflict is before it starts. Vladimir Putin has become more aggressive since Joe Biden took office, but the Biden Administration hasn’t taken the necessary steps to prevent another inva­sion of Ukraine. Our bill will help mitigate President Biden’s failure by sanctioning Russia’s Nord Stream 2 pipeline and increasing our support for Ukraine’s armed forces,” Mr. Cotton said.

The legislation includes the provisions:Substantially and immediately increases

material support for the Ukrainian Armed Forces, including funding for weaponry, training, and military reform;

Authorizes $450 million in foreign mili­tary financing for Ukraine for the year 2022;

Replenishes the presidential drawdown authority account should the president use all currently available funds to support Ukraine;

Strengthens sanctions on Nord Stream 2, a Russian malign influence project designed to undermine Ukraine and threaten European energy security;

Establishes diplomatic and military deterrents to counter Russian aggression;

Designates Russia as a state sponsor of terrorism in the event its forces further invade Ukraine;

Limits security risks related to U.S.­Russian military cooperation;

Reaffirms U.S. policy of unwavering commitment to Ukrainian sovereignty.

Source: Office of U.S. Sen. Rob Portman.

(Continued from page 3)

U.S. senators...

have been arrested or forced to leave the country.

Spiking energy prices and the threat of persistent inflation will also be a subject of talks between the EU leaders. Those discus­

sions are likely to hit on the controversial Nord Stream 2 pipeline, which would bring Russian gas under the Baltic Sea to Germany.

Approval for the already complete pipe­line, which would help ease Europe’s natu­ral gas woes, has been temporarily halted by German regulators until it comes into line with EU energy laws.

But the situation on the Russian­Ukraine border is now a factor, with new German Foreign Affairs Minister Annalena Baerbock saying earlier this month that the gas pipeline would be shelved in the event of a Russian attack on Ukraine.

Much of Europe has been hit hard by the Delta variant of the coronavirus and is now bracing for the new Omicron strain to fuel a

wave of infections. (With reporting by AFP, dpa and Tagesschau)

Copyright 2021, RFE/RL Inc. Reprinted with the permission of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, 1201 Connecticut Ave. NW, Washington DC 20036; www.rferl.org (see https://www.rferl.org/a/eu-summit-russia-ukraine/31611795.html).

(Continued from page 3)

EU leaders...

European leaders and the United States have repeatedly warned of serious conse­quences if Russia escalates militarily against Ukraine. Group of Seven (G­7) foreign affairs ministers meeting for a second day of talks in Liverpool on December 12 are reportedly preparing a statement cautioning Moscow of “massive consequences and severe cost” if it takes fresh military action against Ukraine. The Kremlin has meanwhile said it is plan­ning another Russian­U.S. presidential con­versation – and would like an in­person summit – to discuss Ukraine and what it regards as its “red lines” internationally. The fighting in eastern Ukraine has killed more than 13,200 people since April 2014 in a conflict that followed soon after Russia’s military occupation and annexation of the Crimean Peninsula from Ukraine. (RFE/RL, based on reporting by Reuters)

U.S. sent 30 anti-tank missile systems

The United States sent 30 Javelin anti­tank guided missile systems to Ukraine in October as part of its annual military aid to help the country deter Russian aggression, the Pentagon confirmed on December 11. The shipment also included 180 Javelin mis­siles, the Pentagon said in an e­mail to RFE/RL. “The Javelins were delivered to Ukraine

on Oct. 23. The United States has committed more than $450 million in security assis­tance to Ukraine in 2021, and this is part of our ongoing commitment to supporting Ukraine’s ability to defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity,” Pentagon spokes­man Marine Corps Lt. Col. Anton T. Semelroth said in the e­mail. The United States in September said it was sending Javelins to Ukraine as part of an additional $60 million military aid package. However, it did not at the time disclose the number of systems and rockets. Javelins are lethal weapons that can pierce tank armor. The United States had previously sent Javelin sys­tems to Ukraine to help it defend against possible Russian aggression. Russia has amassed tens of thousands of combat­ready troops and machinery near its border with Ukraine for the second time this year, raising concerns that the Kremlin could be prepar­ing for an invasion. Ukrainian Defense Minister Oleksiy Reznikov said last month during a visit to Washington that his nation’s military needs have shifted as Russian tac­tics have changed. He said Ukraine needs U.S. air and naval defense systems now, add­ing that the nation’s ground forces were strong. Ukraine lost much of its navy when Russia seized the Black Sea peninsula of Crimea. Mr. Reznikov said the United States agreed to send advisers to Ukraine to study what additional defense systems the country needed. (RFE/RL)

(Continued from page 11)NEWSBRIEFS

May peace � ll your home,may joy � ll your heart,and may God’s love � ll your life this Christmas.

Wishing you a Merry Christmas and a Healthy and Happy New Year.

John, Olya and Marko Czerkas

God’s Blessings to Allduring this Joyous Christmas Season

andwishes for a Happy and Healthy New Year

� e Horbaty FamilyGloria (Paproski) Horbaty, UNA Advisor,

with husband Donaldchildren: Roman and Chrystyna

grandchildren: Tristan and Justyna

Христос Раждається!

Wishing everyone a Joyous Christmas

and a Happy New Year!

Irene Jarosewich with husband Oleksandr

No. 51THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 202114

Restoration project aims to digitize taped recordings of Soviet Ukrainian dissidentsby Vera Barabash

MONTREAL – A major restoration proj­ect has begun to save, restore, digitize and put online important community tapes of former Soviet Ukrainian dissidents that were invited to speak in Montreal and oth­ers cities in Canada in the 1970s and 1980s. The project will serve as an online resource for educators and anyone inter­ested in learning more on this topic, which is gaining increased attention.

The Ukrainian Canadian community provided a significant voice in the defense of former Soviet Ukrainian dissidents and their stand for human rights from the late 1960s to the 1980s.

This restoration project will create a record of this history; it will ensure the unique material will be preserved. The original Montreal filming of these dissi­dents was done by Volodymyr Hayduk and his team. The 2021 restoration project to safeguard the historic tapes is being under­taken by Yurij Luhovy and Zorianna Hrycenko.

The tapes are in a fragile state, in need of immediate attention to prevent them from being lost. These Ukrainian­language video recordings were made on ½ inch black and white tapes, filmed on Sony AV 3600 reel to reel – one of the earliest video formats that has since been largely discontinued. As a result, the project to restore the tapes requires special care.

Twenty­six tapes are being transferred digitally to today’s standards by one of the few companies in the United States that still does this work. The digitized film will then be color­corrected, sound balanced, edited and transferred online via YouTube for public access worldwide. Interwoven presently into the physical tape cases are press articles on the defense of political prisoners and photographs taken by Mr. Luhovy from the speaking events.

The restoration project will help ensure the work of the Ukrainian Canadian com­munity in defense of human rights in Soviet Ukraine remains a part of the community’s, the diaspora’s and Ukraine’s history. The tapes provide a unique, visual record of for­mer Soviet Ukrainian dissidents speaking at press conferences and to overflowing

audiences at community events. Dissidents of the mid­1960s to late

1980s helped shape a movement contrib­uting to the collapse of the Soviet Union and Ukraine’s renewed independence. The role of former political prisoners, their cou­rageous stand and impact is relevant to a fuller understanding of contemporary events in Ukraine.

The restoration project will help inform the public about the vital role the Ukrainian diaspora played in defending Soviet Ukrainian political prisoners. It will pro­vide a permanent record of the involve­ment and persistence of the Ukrainian community to organize events and advo­cate for the defense of Ukrainian dissidents and human rights activists before the fall of the Soviet Union.

“This rare historical material is invalu­able to future generations, researchers and the community,” said the noted historian Prof. Roman Serbyn.

Among the Ukrainian dissidents includ­ed in the restoration project tapes are Valentyn Moroz (1936­2019), one of five dissidents who arrived in the United States

in 1979 in exchange for two Soviet spies. He was arrested in 1965 for his active defense of human rights, the Ukrainian lan­guage, culture, identity and opposition to Russification policies. Mr. Moroz served a 14­year sentence in Soviet prisons. He lived in Canada between 1986­1991.

Also included in the tapes are recordings of Nadia Svitlychna (1936­2006), a former Soviet political prisoner and human rights activist who was arrested in 1972 by the KGB. She served four years of hard labor in the Mordovian SSR, and she was the first woman political prisoner allowed to emi­grate to United States (in 1979), having served her sentence and having been stripped of her USSR citizenship.

The tapes also include recordings of Victor Borovsky (1957­2009), one of the youngest dissidents who was arrested by the KGB and taken to a psychiatric prison. Upon being exiled, he continued to speak out and reveal details of his imprisonment and the Soviet regime’s use of psychiatric torture.

The recordings also captured Petro Hryhorenko (1918­2007), a former high­

ranking Soviet army general disillusioned with the Soviet system who began to chal­lenge and criticize the Soviet regime. Arrested in the 1960s, he was sent to a “special” psychiatric hospital run by the KGB. Mr. Hryhorenko was one of the found­ers of the human rights movement in the Soviet Union and the Ukrainian Helsinki Group. Expelled by the KGB to the West in 1977, he continued to expose Soviet viola­tions of human rights, policies of repres­sions and Russification of Soviet Ukraine.

The above dissidents were invited to speak at press conferences and community presentations. Their activism has become a crucial link between the past and present. These tapes provide a rare first­hand account of their experiences and are a valu­able historical record providing a fuller understanding of the Ukrainian Canadian diaspora’s role in their defense.

Ukrainian communities in North Ameri­ca, including university students in Canada, were at the forefront of organizing defense committees, such as the Committee in Defense of Valentyn Moroz, the Committee for the Defense of Soviet Ukrainian Political Prisoners, the Information and Anti­Defamation Committee of the Ukrainian Canadian Committee, among many more in the United States, France, Britain and else­where.

A previous restoration project was initi­ated by Mr. Luhovy and Zorianna Hrycenko on the First International Symposium on the Holodomor, Stalin’s manufactured fam­ine of 1932­1933, that was held in 1983 in Montreal. That project can be viewed online at www.yluhovy.com. Comprised of 22 parts, it includes recordings of speakers James Mace, Yurij Shevelov, Roman Serbyn and Bohdan Krawchenko.

The dissident restoration and digitiza­tion project is partially supported by UNF­Montreal, Shevchenko Foundation­Ukrainian Canadian Veterans Fund, Caisse Populaire Desjardins Ukrainienne de Montreal, Ukrainica Research Institute and BCU Foundation. To help complete this project, readers may send a check made out to MML Inc (memo: “Dissident Restoration Project”) to the following address: MML Inc., 2330 Beaconsfield Ave., Montreal, Quebec, H4A 2G8.

Yurij Luhovy at work selecting photos for the Soviet Ukrainian dissident restoration project.

MML Inc

Italian prosecutors previously argued that, though media identification was not worn by the journalist and his interpreter, along with a French photographer who was wounded in the mortar attack, they were “civilians” fired upon by Ukrainian forces – “a violation of the Geneva Conventions.”

Italian law enforcement officers refused to conduct investigations in Ukraine, and declined a proposal from Ukrainian author­ities to establish a joint investigation team.

The accusation against Mr. Markiv was partly based on witness testimony from William Rogelon, who was with Messrs. Rocchelli and Mironov when the mortar attack occurred.

Mr. Markiv’s defense argued that prose­cutors could not prove the national guards­man was in the vicinity on the day and time the victims were killed and wounded.

His lawyers, Raffaele Della Valle and Donatella Rapetti, provided evidence that suggested the victims were caught in a cross­fire and, given their position in a wooded ravine behind a railroad passageway of cargo trains, were not visible from the nearest point where Ukrainian soldiers were based – more than 1,700 meters away (1,860 yards).

Mr. Markiv’s defense said that evidence provided by prosecutors was circumstan­tial and partly based on Russian propagan­da and testimony consisting mostly of hear­say.

According to a report in The New York Times, among the evidence submitted by prosecutors were videos from the Russian propaganda TV channel Russia Today and the Internet site Russkaya Vesna.

According to Ukrainian journalist Olga Tokariuk, who is fluent in Italian, the prose­cution described the Ukrainian military in Donbas as sympathizers of far­right forces that kill civilians. When representatives of the Ukrainian diaspora in Italy came to Mr. Markiv’s hearing, they were called “nation­alists” in the local media.

“They wanted to put the mark of war criminals and Nazis on Euro­Maidan activ­ists and the Ukrainian military in the hands of an Italian court. This would be a huge defeat for Ukraine in a hybrid war with Russia. Realizing this, I also realized that we could lose. Having given three and a half years of my life to this cause, on December 9 I felt great joy from the final victory,” said Oles Horodetskyy, an activist and member of the Ukrainian community in Italy.

StopFake, the Ukrainian fact­checking group, released a statement about the case, saying that the amount of manipulation,

propaganda and misinformation in Mr. Markiv’s case was “simply outrageous, and the scale of the campaign is impressive. It seems that, according to the Kremlin’s plan, this hybrid special operation was to become one of the key ones on the Russian­Ukrainian information front.”

In March, the Ukrainian Crisis Media Center published a study on Kremlin narra­tives and misinformation in Mr. Markiv’s case. According to researchers there, the mainstream Italian media was biased dur­ing the trials.

“Since the decision of the court of the first instance was made by a jury, it is likely that the disinformation about Ukraine and Mr. Markiv’s case spread in reputable media and online resources could have influenced their verdict,” the Ukrainian Crisis Media Center study found. “Given these factors, it is safe to say that Mr. Markiv’s case in Italy was an ‘operation of influence’ by the Kremlin aimed at discred­iting Ukraine and its armed forces, as well as undermining Ukraine’s trust and sup­port for the West.”

Meanwhile, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy welcomed news of the final closure to Mr. Markiv’s case.

“Justice has prevailed! The Supreme Court of Italy has rejected all false accusa­tions against our National Guardsman,

Vitaliy Markiv. Now no one has any reason to doubt the honor and valor of Vitaliy, who defended the territorial integrity of Ukraine. Congratulations, Vitaliy!” he Tweeted on December 9.

Mr. Markiv took part in the Euro­Maidan protests and then joined Ukraine’s National Guard. In the spring and summer of 2014, he fought near Sloviansk, in the Donetsk region of Ukraine. The city has since been liberated from Russian­led forces.

In June 2017, Mr. Markiv was detained during a visit to Italy and accused of being involved in 30 mortar strikes on May 24, 2014, at the foot of Mount Karachun in Sloviansk, near the spot where foreign jour­nalists were positioned.

Mr. Markiv’s lawyers and the leadership of Ukraine’s Interior Ministry insisted that the country’s National Guard carried only light weapons in May 2014, and Mr. Markiv could not order mortar strikes.

Following the latest Italian court’s ruling on December 9, Mr. Markiv said Ukrainians should present a united front to counter ongoing Russian aggression, propaganda and misinformation.

“We should not quarrel so as not to give the enemy reasons to use our weaknesses,” Mr. Markiv said. “After the darkest night comes a bright day. We must always fight for justice and not give up.”

(Continued from page 1)

Italy’s...

15THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2021No. 51

The Executive Сommittee of the Ukrainian National Association

and its newspapers, Svoboda and The Ukrainian Weekly,

extend best wishes for a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year to the leaders of Ukrainian Churches, Ukrainian organizations, the UNA General Assembly, District Committees, Branches and members, readers

of the UNA’s publications, as well as Ukrainian communities in the diaspora and Ukraine.

Christ is Born! Glorify Him!

No. 51THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 202116

UNWLA Branch 98 holds annual fundraiser to benefit elderly women in Ukraineby Anna Poruchynsky

MATAWAN, N.J. – There is an old adage that says necessity is the mother of inven­tion. This year’s annual event to benefit elderly women in Ukraine held by the Ukrainian National Women’s League of America brought this saying to life.

The event, “Christmas in October,” was organized by members of UNWLA’s Branch

98 from Holmdel and Middletown, N.J., and was held on October 9 to raise money for the organization’s “Fund Babusi.”

As a result of the ongoing COVID­19 pan­demic, the annual event was reinvented this year by Branch 98. While it is tradition­ally held indoors in December, this year branch members hosted a very successful and festive outdoor holiday gathering.

Amidst beautiful weather, festive Christ­

mas decorations, delicious food and good conversation, the event raised funds for the UNWLA’s “Fund Babusi.” The fund, active since 1958, supports elderly women in Ukraine who may be alone and in need of assistance during the Christmas season. This year’s event was truly a success, as dona­tions exceeded the amount raised last year.

Life for the past two years has been quite different for almost everyone, but such circumstances necessitate change that

can lead to an even more successful event. As rules changed seemingly every day as a result of the ongoing COVID­19 pandemic, challenges were confronted head on by UNWLA members in their own unique

COMMUNITY CHRONICLE

HARTFORD, Conn. – Members of the Hartford Branch of the Ukrainian American Youth Association (known by its Ukrainian acronym CYM), dressed in Ukrainian embroidered shirts, held its annual Holodomor commemoration on November 16 at the Ukrainian National Home of Hartford, Conn.

– Olexandria Maksymiuk

Hartford CYM youth commemorate Holodomor

Olexandria Maksymiuk

Chrystia Gerbahy

Margaret Zakanycz-Putykewycz (center wearing red sweater), who served as the master of gift baskets, was joined at an event on October 9 to benefit the UNWLA’s “Fund Babusi” by other mem-

bers of the organization.

UNWLA members Luba Bilowchtchuk (right) and Luba Kasian

Volodymyr Lojko

Members of the Ukrainian National Women’s League of America, Branch 98, their friends and national officers of the UNWLA gathered on October 9 for an event to

benefit the organization’s “Fund Babusi.”

Volodymyr Lojko

by Sean McLaughlin

JENKINTOWN, Pa. – Students and facul­ty from Martin Saints Classical High School in Oreland, Pa., visited the Basilian Spirituality Center here on November 19 to learn about Ukrainian Catholicism and volunteer with St. Basil Support Ministry. The results were incredible: they met Sisters of St. Basil the Great, attended Divine Liturgy, and made more than 1,000 blessing bags for those in need.

About 45 students and a half dozen fac­ulty made the short trip, arriving mid­morning. First on the agenda was to learn about Ukrainian Catholicism. Discussion ranged from art history to liturgy. The lat­ter was essential because the next part of the schedule was Divine Liturgy in Holy

Trinity Chapel celebrated by Father John Ciurpita, chaplain to the Sisters.

The group from Martin Saints explored the chapel’s icons and reflected on the beauty of the Liturgy. Father Ciurpita’s homily focused on the connection between the Resurrection and the true presence of Christ in the Eucharist. He used the example of the zeon to illustrate this. The zeon is a feature of the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom according to which the deacon or priest pours warm water into the chalice to signify the living Christ in the Eucharist. Following their time in Holy Trinity Chapel, everyone broke for lunch.

After lunch the service component began. Sister Teodora Kopyn, director of St. Basil Support Ministry, set up two stations

(Continued on page 30)

in the Spirituality Center to assemble bless­ing bags.

The Support Ministry provides food, clothing, and other necessities to those in need. These blessing bags combine all three – sometimes even in the same pack­age – and are distributed in Kensington, Pa., and elsewhere in Philadelphia. Martin Saints students and faculty were so indus­trious that they quickly exceeded the target number she had in mind. In fact, they more than quadrupled it.

“It was amazing,” said Sister Teodora. “Everyone took initiative and worked so hard. I couldn’t believe my eyes.”

The penultimate event on the schedule included trivia and declamations. Faculty quizzed students on what they learned about Macrina and Basil, Eastern Christianity, and other aspects of the day. Next several students competed by reciting an excerpt from Basil’s famous Sermon to

(Continued on page 17)

Students and staff of Martin Saints Classical High School in Oreland, Pa., visited the Basilian Spirituality Center on November 19 to learn about Ukrainian Catholicism

and volunteer with St. Basil Support Ministry.

Martin Saints Students

Martin Saints Students spend day at Basilian Spirituality Center

17THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2021No. 51

Merry Christmas and

Happy New Year!

May your hearts be lled with joy that only this season can bring.

Volodymyr Stashchyshyn with Family and

Academy Physical � erapy & Wellness

З ПРАЗНИКОМ РІЗДВА XРИСТОВОГО

вітаю

родину, приятелів і членів Головного Уряду,як також працівників Українського Народного Союзу

та видавництва „Свобода“ і The Ukrainian Weekly

та бажаю

ЩАСЛИВОГО НОВОГО РОКУ

УЛЯНА ДЯЧУК

We greet all our dear friends

with a joyfulChristmas caroland best wishes

for a wonderful new year!

– Andriy, Roma, Markian and Paul Hadzewycz

Wishing youand all of yoursa very happy, blessedand merry Christmas

– Andrew and Melania Nynka

the Rich. The group then explored the beautiful grounds of the Motherhouse, especially the grotto, for the remainder of their time.

Meanwhile, Sister Tedora received the greatest surprise of the day. The school had collected an immense amount of food and drinks for St. Basil Support Ministry. It took several people to unload everything. Sister Tedora and Sean McLaughlin, director of the Basilian Spirituality Center, were shocked and elated at the donations. They along with the rest of the Sisters of St. Basil the Great and their lay employees were extremely thankful to the Martin Saints community for their generosity and joyful service.

Martin Saints Classical High School opened in September 2017 with a small 9th grade class. It has grown each year

thereafter and graduated its first seniors in the spring. Martin Saints belongs to the Chesterton Schools Network, whose mem­ber institutions share the mission “to help inspire and encourage parent­led schools across the nation offering affordable, rigor­ous, classical curriculum taught through the lens of the Catholic faith.” The school occupies the upper floors of the Holy Martyrs building in Oreland, Pa., formerly home to the parish school.

Martin Saints is named for the incredible family of Saints Louis and Zélie Martin who had nine children, including St. Thérèse of Lisieux­the Little Flower. There are many parallels with Macrina and Basil’s own fam­ily, which also consisted of nine children born to saintly parents (Saints Basil the Elder and Emmelia).

For more information about the school, readers may visit the following websites: https://www.facebook.com/StBasil SupportMinistry and https://www.martin­saintsclassical.org/.

(Continued from page 16)Martin Saints...

Students from Martin Saints Classical High School in Oreland, Pa., assembled bless-ing bags that were distributed to people in need.

Martin Saints Students

A student from Martin Saints Classical High School examines a Ukrainian Catholic iconostas.

No. 51THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 202118

19THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2021No. 51

No. 51THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 202120

Romanna and Michael Frye and familyWilliamsburg, VA

May the spirit of Christmas � ll your heart and home

with peace and joy!

Merry Christmasand a

Happy New Year

У радісний час Різдва Христовогоразом із сердечними побажаннями

вітаємо нашу родину, друзів і знайомих.

Хай в році новім,При святому Різдві,Всі мрії сповняться -

Давні й нові!Як тим пастухам,

Хай Вам ангел щодниниПриносить до дому

Приємні новини!

ХРИСТОС НАРОДИВСЯ!Марта і Дарко Лиско

Our best wishes for a Blessed Christmas and a joyous 2022

Ihor and Natalka Gawdiak and Family

UNA Plastovyi Branch 450

Wishes its members, their families and friends, the Executive committee of the UNA, employees and all the UNA membersa blessed and joyous Christmas and a Happy, Healthy and Successful New Year 2022.

Христос Раждається! Christ is Born!Adia Fedash, President

Motria Milanytch, Secretary

РАДІСНИХ СВЯТ

РІЗДВА ХРИСТОВОГО

І ЩАСЛИВОГО НОВОГО РОКУ

Родині, Приятелям і Знайомим

б а ж а ю т ь

ЛІДА І ОРЕСТ ЦЯПКА з родиною

З Різдвом Христовимвiтаємо щиро

Рідних, Приятелів і Знайомих,а в Новому Році

бажаємо всього найкращого.

Христос Рождається!

НЕОНІЛЯ СОХАН і син ТАРАС

вітають родину, приятелів і знайомих

ЗЕНОН, ДОЗЯ і ВІКА КРІСЛАТІта засилають наищиріші святочні побажання всій родині на рідній Батьківщині та всім ближчим і дальшим друзям.

ХРИСТОС РОЖДАЄТЬСЯ! СЛАВІТЕ ЙОГО!

Клівленд, Огайо Cleveland, Ohio

З Різдвом Христовим,

Святим Йорданом і Новим Роком

the Doll Family - Irena and Ron,with Lida, Yarema, Melasia and Andrij

May the Lord’s blessings bring you joy and peace this Christmas and in the New Year!

Christ is Born! Glorify Him!

21THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2021No. 51

No. 51THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 202122

23THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2021No. 51

No. 51THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 202124

З РІЗДВОМ ХРИСТОВИМі

НОВИМ РОКОМвітаємо

родину, приятелів і знайомих.

д-р Юрій і Христя Демидовичі з Родиною

P: 973-854-0917F: 888-392-5704

e: [email protected]

2200 Route 10, Suite 104 Parsippany, NJ 07054

www.tabalaw.com

Wishing a very

Merry Christmasand a

Happy New Year

to all our family, friends and clients

Roman Tabatchouk and family

ROMAN TABATCHOUK, ESQ.Licensed in NJ & NY

Yaroslaw and Karen ChelakMoye Handling Systems, Inc

39 Rt 206 Box 785, Somerville, NJ 08876908/526-5010 • f 908/707-1686 • www.hoistdepot.com

Greetings and Best Wishes for a

Merry Christmas and a

Happy New Year

Христос Раждається!

Щирі Вітанняз нагоди свят

Різдва Христового і

Нового Рокуродині, приятелям і пацієнтам

з а с и л а ю т ь

Рута і Петро Ленчур з дітьми

25THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2021No. 51

To our members, supporters and the Ukrainian community, we wish you

a joyous Christmas and a Blessed New Year

Orphans’ Aid Society29 years of Service

Т-во Допомоги Сиротам в Україні

29 років допомоги

Щиро вітаємо наших членів, прихильників та Українську громаду

з Різдвом Христовим та Новим Роком

To donate, please go to:www.oasukraine.org

136 2nd Ave., Ste 504, New York, NY 10003Tel.: 516-250-7805 • [email protected]

May your hearts be � lled with happiness,

joy and love.

Lubomyr and Dwanna ZylaWimberley, TX

To our family and friends, Merry Christmas

and a Happy New Year

Радісних СвятРіздва Христового

та Щасливого Нового Року

Родині, Приятелям та Клієнтам

бажають

Зеня Брожина з сином Олесем з дружиною Христею

і дітьми Матеєм і Христіяномта сином Романом з дружиною Ренею

A Merry Christmasand

a Happy New Yearwith loving best wishesto family and friends.

Mary J. Kramarenko

No. 51THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 202126

За Крайову Управу СУМ,Леся Гаргай - ГоловаУляна Йосипів - Секретар

KРАЙОВА УПРАВА СПІЛКИ УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ МОЛОДІ В АМЕРИЦІ

бажаєІєрархам Українських Церков,

Світовій Управі СУМ, всім Управам Осередків та Булавам Відділів Юнацтва СУМ, членам

і прихильникам та Українському Народові в Україні і в діяспорі

мирних і радісних свят

РІЗДВА ХРИСТОВОГО та ЩАСЛИВОГО НОВОГО РОКУХРИСТОС РОЖДАЄТЬСЯ! СЛАВІМ ЙОГО!

To all our Families and Friends here at home and abroad,

we wish You a

Merry Christmasand a

Happy New Year!Ukrainian American

Bar Associationwww.uaba.org

ДИРЕКЦІЯ ПЛАСТОВОЇ ФУНДАЦІЇ В НЮ-ЙОРКУ

бажає

своїм членам, фундаторам, добродіям, жертводавцям,Начальному Пластунові, пластовим проводам, проводам

Пласт-Прияту, пластункам і пластунамта всій українській громаді

ВЕСЕЛИХ СВЯТРІЗДВА ХРИСТОВОГО

таЩАСЛИВОГО НОВОГО РОКУ!

СТАНИЧНА СТАРШИНАПЛАСТОВОЇ СТАНИЦІ

В НЬЮ-ЙОРКУ

бажає

УКРАЇНСЬКІЙ ГРОМАДІ, ПЛАСТОВІЙ ФУНДАЦІЇ,СВОЇМ ЖЕРТВОДАВЦЯМ ТА УСІМ ПЛАСТУНАМ І

ПРИЯТЕЛЯМ ПЛАСТУ

ВЕСЕЛИХ СВЯТТА

ЩАСЛИВОГО НОВОГО РОКУ

www.plastnyc.org

Wishing all our members and supporters

Merry Christmas and

a Happy New Year!

Thank you for your continued support.

The Ukrainian American Coordinating Council

2 East 79th Street, New York, NY 10075212-288-8660 ∙ [email protected]

www.ukrainianinstitute.org

Warmest Wishes

for a Joyous Christmasand a

Happy & Healthy New Yearto all our Members, their Families and our Friends

from the Board of Directors of theUkrainian Institute of America

27THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2021No. 51

� e executive board of the

Ukrainian Athletic Educational Association

Chornomorska Sitch

wishes all its members and supporters

a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year!

Христос Рождається!

CHRIST IS BORN! Greetings from KLK,

the Carpathian Ski Club,to all our members, family and friends!

May you havethe spirit of Christmas

which is Peace,the gladness of Christmas

which is Hope,and the Heart of Christmas

which is Love.

Merry Christmas and a Happy, Healthy New Year!

We wish you a

Merry Christmas and a

Happy New Year!

www.lemko-ool.com

Please stay safe and healthy!

We s incerely thank al l our branch heads and our entire memb ership for their

hard work and supp or t .

The National Boards ofThe Organization for the Defense of

Lemkivshchyna (OOL) and

The Lemko Research Foundation (LRF)

Наукове Toвариство ім. Шевченкав Америці

Христос родився!

б а ж а є

українській громадірадісних свят

Різдва Христового,доброго і успішногоНового 2022 року

No. 51THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 202128

MichiganUkrainian Selfreliance MichiganFederal Credit Union26791 Ryan RoadWarren, MI 48091T: 877. POLTAVABranch o� ces:Hamtramck, MIwww.usmfcu.org

New JerseyNova UA Federal Credit Union851 Allwood RoadCli� on, NJ 07012T: 1-844-7NOVAFCUBranch o� ce:Botany Village; Cli� on, NJwww.novafcu.com

New YorkSelf Reliance (NY)Federal Credit Union108 Second AvenueNew York, NY 10003T: 888.SELFRELBranch o� ces:Kerhonkson, NY; Uniondale, NY;Astoria, NY; Lindenhurst, NYwww.selfrelianceny.org

Pennsylvania – New JerseyUkrainian SelfrelianceFederal Credit Union221 W Street Rd,Feasterville, PA 19053T: 888.POLTAVABranch o� ces:Jenkintown, PA;Philadelphia, PA; Trenton, NJwww.ukrfcu.com

PennsylvaniaUkrainian Selfrelianceof Western PennsylvaniaFederal Credit Unon95 South Seventh StreetPittsburgh, PA 15203T: 412.481.1865www.samopomich.com

Connecticut-MassachusettsUkrainian Selfreliance New EnglandFederal Credit Union21 Silas Deane HighwayWethers� eld, CT 06109T: 800.405.4714Branch o� ces:West� eld, MA; New Britain, CTwww.usnefcu.com

Illinois – New Jersey – MichiganSelfreliance Federal Credit Union2332 West Chicago Ave.Chicago, IL 60622T: 888.222.UKR1Branch o� ces:Newark, NJ; Jersey City, NJ;Whippany, NJ; Warren, MI; Hamtramck, MI; West Bloom� eld, MIPalatine, IL; Bloomingdale, IL;Chicago, ILwww.selfreliance.com

MarylandSelf Reliance BaltimoreFederal Credit Union2345 Eastern AvenueBaltimore, MD 21224T: 410.327.9841 www.srbfcu.org

New York – New JerseyUkrainian NationalFederal Credit Union215 Second AvenueNew York, NY 10003T: 866.859.5848Branch o� ces:South Bound Brook, NJBrooklyn, NY; Perth Amboy, NJwww.ukrnatfcu.org

OhioCleveland SelfrelianceFederal Credit Union6108 State RoadParma, OH 44134T: 440.884.9111Branch o� ces:North Canton, OH; Lorain, OHwww.clevelandselfreliance.com

UKRAINIAN AMERICAN CREDIT UNION ASSOCIATIONЦЕНТРАЛЯ УКРАЇНСЬКИХ КООПЕРАТИВ АМЕРИКИ (ЦУКА)

New York – ConnecticutSUMA (Yonkers)Federal Credit Union125 Corporate Blvd.Yonkers, NY 10701T: 888.644.SUMABranch o� ces:Spring Valley, NY; Stamford, CT;New Haven, CTwww.sumafcu.org

New York – North Carolina – California – Massachusetts – Ohio – Oregon – WashingtonUkrainian Federal Credit Union824 Ridge Road EastRochester, NY 14621T: 877.968.7828Branch o� ces:Bu� alo, NY; Amherst, NY; Syracuse, NY; Webster, NY; Matthews, NC ; Boston, MA; Cleveland, OH; Portland, OR; Rancho Cordova, CA; Sacramento, CA; Seattle, WA; Vancouver, WAwww.ukrainianfcu.org

Christ is Born! Glorify Him!One of the real joys of this Glorious season is the opportunity

to say Thank You, to wish you a very Blessed and Merry Christmas, and a New Year of health, happiness and prosperity.

Ukrainian American Cultural Center of New Jersey

60 North Je� erson Road, Whippany, NJ 07981

wishes

MERRY CHRISTMAS and

A HAPPY NEW YEARto all its members, guests, patrons

and the entire Ukrainian community.

Christ is Born! Glorify Him!

Центральна Управа, Відділи i все членство Організації Державного Відродження України (ОДВУ)

в і т а ю т ь

З РІЗДВОМ ХРИСТОВИМ та

НОВИМ РОКОМУкраїнський народ на рідних землях і всіх наших земляків,

розкинених по різних країнах світу. Вітаємо Ієрархію Українських Церков в Україні і діяспорі, центральні

проводи і членство політичних і громадських організацій в Україні і діяспорі, а в тому проводи і членство УНО –

Канада, ІСНО, Фундацію ім. О. Ольжича, Жіноче Т-во ім. О. Теліги та Редакцію „Смолоскип“.

Бажаємо успіхів у всіх заходах для об’єднання національно-державницьких сил у справі відбудови

і закріплення української соборної самостійної України.

Слава Україні! - Героям Слава!

ХРИСТОС РОЖДАЄТЬСЯ!

29THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2021No. 51

Ukrainian Selfreliance New England Federal Credit Union

wishes you a Merry Christmas

and a New Year � lledwith peace and happiness!

21 SILAS DEANE HIGHWAY, WETHERSFIELD, CT 06109-1238 PHONES 860-296-4714 • 800-405-4714 FAX 860-296-3499

WESTFIELD BRANCH •103 NORTH ELM STREET, WESTFIELD, MA 01085 • PHONE 413-568-4948 FAX 413-568-4747NEW BRITAIN BRANCH • 270 BROAD STREET, NEW BRITAIN, CT 06053 • PHONE 860-801-6095 FAX 860-801-6120

VISIT OUR WEB SITE AT: WWW.USNEFCU.COM

Федеральна Кредитова Кооператива СУМА в Йонкерсі, Н. Й. разом зі своїми філіями

вітає

Всіх своїх шановних членів, приятелів та українську громадув Йонкерсі, Н. Й., Спрінґ Валі, Н. Й., Стемфорді, Кон.,

Ню-Гейвені, Кон., та околицях

З Радісним Святом

РІЗДВА ХРИСТОВОГО із НОВИМ РОКОМ

Бажаємо усім доброго здоров’я, миру і спокою,успіхів у житті та праці на добро українського народу.

ХРИСТОС РОДИВСЯ! СЛАВІМ ЙОГО!

Члени Дирекції, комісії та працівники ФедеральноїКредитової Кооперативи СУМА.

SUMA (YONKERS) FEDERAL CREDIT UNION125 Corporate Blvd.Yonkers, NY 10701

914-220-4900www.sumafcu.org

Щиросердечні побажання

РАДІСНИХ СВЯТ РІЗДВА ХРИСТОВОГО

та ЩАСЛИВОГО НОВОГО РОКУ

для української громади

з а с и л а є

DNIPRO LLC.Tel.: (908) 241-2190 • (888) 336-4776

Український народ у вільній Україні, Ієрархію і ДуховенствоУкраїнських Церков, Проводи українських організацій в Україні

та в діяспорі, Українську світову Кооперативну Раду та Централю Українських Кооператив Америки, всіх своїх

членів, їхні родини та все українське громадянство

З РІЗДВОМ ХРИСТОВИМ І НОВИМ РОКОМ

ХРИСТОС РОЖДАЄТЬСЯ!

Cleveland Selfrelianc FCU6108 State Road, Parma, Ohio 44134 (440) 884-91113010 Charleston Ave., Loraion, Ohio 44055 (440) 277-19015553 Whipple Ave., # F, N. Canton, Ohio 44720 (330) 305-0989

C S F C U

ФЕДЕРАЛЬНА КРЕДИТОВА КООПЕРАТИВА „САМОПОМІЧ“

у Клівленді, Огайо з радістю вітає

ХРИСТОС РОЖДАЄТЬСЯ!

Iskra Ukrainian Dance Ensemble and Academywishes a

Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year to its students and their families,

supporters and the Ukrainian community.

З нагоди Різдва Христового та Нового 2022 Року

Екзекутива та Рада ДиректорівЗлученого Українського Американського Допомогового Комітету

шле щирий привіт і святочні побажання Ієрархам і духовенству Українських Церков, нашим добродіям і жертводавцям, членам

ЗУАДК-у і всім нашим братам і сестрам по цілому світі. Нехай Всемогучий Господь обдарує всіх щедрими ласками.

Христос Родився! Славім Його!Екзекутива ЗУАДК-у

United Ukrainian American Relief Committee, Inc.1206 Cottman Ave, Philadelphia, PA 19111Tel. 215-728-1630 • Fax. 215-728-1631

e-mail: [email protected] • web site: www.uuarc.org

No. 51THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 202130

ВEСЕЛИХ СВЯТ РІЗДВА ХРИСТОВОГОТА ЩАСЛИВОГО НОВОГО РОКУ

нашим покупцям і приятелямб а ж а є

ЕAST VILLAGE MEAT MARKET139 2nd Avenue (between 8th and 9th Streets) New York City • Tel.: (212) 228-5590

Найбільший у Ню-Йорку український м’ясний магазин пропонує широкий вибір вуджених домашніх ковбас та свіжовиготовлених гарячих і холодних виробів української та европейської кухні.

� e � nest home-made American and European-style food.

ХРИСТОС РОЖДАЄТЬСЯ!

Веселих Свят та Щасливого Нового Року

б а ж а є

УКРАЇНСЬКОМУ ГРОМАДЯНСТВУ

UNION FUNERAL HOMELytwyn & Grillo

УКРАЇНСЬКЕ ПОХОРОННЕ ЗАВЕДЕННЯ

1600 Stuyvesant Ave. (corner Stanley Terr.), Union, NJ 07083(908) 964-4222

ВЕСЕЛИХ СВЯТта

ЩАСЛИВОГО НОВОГО РОКУбажають

ДАНИЛО БУЗЕТА – директор та родина ДМИТРИК

Peter Jarema Funeral Home129 East 7th St. (between 1st & Ave. “A“),

New York, NY 10009212 674-2568

Модерні й охолоджувані каплиці

The Ukrain ian Nat ional Home

wishes a l l i ts patrons

a very Mer ry Christmasand a Happy New Year

140 2nd Ave. New York, NY 10003

Tel.: (212) 529-6287

Ukrainian-American homecare agency, Ukrainian Sisters wishes its clients

and the Ukrainian Community

Ukrainian-American homecare agency631-764-5388 • 631-727-2880

[email protected]

a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year

Щиросердечні побажання

Радісних Свят Різдва Христового

та Щасливого Нового Року

клієнтам та українській громаді з а с и л а є

Va r s h a v s k y M o n u m e n t s1152 Route 10 West, Suite N, Randolph, NJ 07869

[email protected]

ways. This was clearly the case as members of Branch 98 met pandemic challenges with an innovative approach to the annual fundraiser.

The reinvention of the annual Christmas project was just one example of what mem­bers of UNWLA Branch 98 do best: work together. Branch 98 is made up of 34 women from various counties in New Jersey. Members have been able to embrace technology, such as various social media tools and Zoom meetings to realize their goals. But they have also found traditional ways to share, cherish and honor their Ukrainian heritage. Either way, members tirelessly help support the needy in the United States, Ukraine and around the world through the many programs and

humanitarian projects sponsored by the UNWLA and its various branches.

The UNWLA headquarters distributes the generous gifts donated during the event to struggling elderly women (babusi) in Ukraine in time for Christmas. They are women who have minimal resources to cover their essential needs. Their lives have not been easy, and they have very little in their twilight years. With meager resourc­es, these elderly women are forced to fore­go meals, medicine or heat. Readers who would like to help can send a donation by check made out to UNWLA to the following address: UNWLA, 203 Second Avenue, 5th Floor; New York, N.Y., 10003. Please indi­cate that your contribution is for the “Fund Babusi.”

Anna Poruchynsky is a member of UNWLA Branch 98 in Holmdel and Middletown, N.J.

(Continued from page 16)

UNWLA Branch 98...

31THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2021No. 51

Is Oleh Dovhun the next Ukrainian boxing champion?The boxing world is very familiar with Ukrainian cham­

pion boxers. Brothers Vitali and Wladimir Klitschko ruled the heavyweight division for a few decades at the turn of the century. In recent years, Vasyl Lomachenko has been named the best pound­for­pound fighter in the world, hav­ing dominated three separate weight classes (feather­weight, junior lightweight and lightweight). In 2021 Oleksandr Usyk became a two­weight champion when he won four heavyweight titles on top of his previous cruiser­weight belts. Hoping to join this list of Ukrainian boxing champions is Oleh Dovhun.

On November 13, undefeated super bantamweight Oleh “Ukrainian Pitbull” Dovhun (13­0, 5 KOs) went into battle against Glenn Dezurn in Pittsburgh for the North American Boxing Association (NABA, an affiliate of the World Boxing Association) Super Bantamweight Title. Sweeping the judges’ scorecards in a most dominant manner, Dovhun secured the NABA championship, proving beyond a shad­ow of a doubt that to the victor go the spoils. The 27­year­old Ukrainian was further elated when the World Boxing Association (WBA) announced him as their No. 6 world rated super bantamweight several days later.

Dovhun definitely capitalized on his opportunity by thoroughly dominating his power­punching challenger, Baltimore native Dezurn (14­2­1, 10 KO). The bout between two fighters on the brink of moving into world contender position saw the two battle it out in front of a

Ukrainian­filled crowd at the Cathedral Room at St. Nicholas in Pittsburgh. Dovhun controlled the action and led the charge from the opening bell with a pinpoint accu­racy attack and deft footwork. Dezurn was kept constantly off balance and in retreat mode by Dovhun’s offensive game plan.

The fourth of the scheduled 10­round title bout saw Dezurn try to turn the momentum, launching his own aggressive attack on Dovhun. The boxers’ banging of heads created a bleeding cut under Dovhun’s left eye. Despite the injury, Dovhun continued his assault on Dezurn, pounding him relentlessly with Loma chenko­like left­right combina­tion punches, which Dezurn was not able to answer. The Ukrainian maintained his sharp edge and consistency for the rest of the bout, triumphantly taking the WBA NABA Super Bantamweight title by unanimous decision (all three judges issued 100­90 scores).

“I want to thank everyone for their support,” said Dovhun in a post­fight interview. “You are all the best. I heard everyone shouting loudly and it was incredible. With such support we will be world champion. God bless America!”

Of course, Dovhun’s career goal is to become a world champion. His win over Dezurn was a giant step in the right direction. The southpaw boxer bested an experienced

A promotional poster shows Ukrainian boxer Oleh Dovhun.

Courtesy of Mike McSorley

Lomachenko earns unanimous decision over CommeySOUTH WINDSOR, Conn. – It was

Ukrainian Saturday night fight night at the world’s most famous sports arena’s lower bowl (Madison Square Garden) on December 11. Top Rank Boxing and ESPN’s main event was a 12­round matchup between one of the world’s best pound­for­pound boxers in Ukrainian Vasyl Lomachenko (16­2, 11 KO) and Richard Commey (30­4, 27 KO) of Ghana, while an undercard bout featured Ukrainian heavy­weight Oleksandr Teslenko battling it out with Jared Anderson. For the many Ukrainian boxing fans gathered among the crowd of 8,555, one of the above fights was a huge success, the other not so much.

Lomachenko did his damage in the sev­enth round, flooring Commey hard, leaving him wobbling and in trouble. The Ukrainian pleaded with Commey’s corner to stop the contest, but it allowed the fight to continue. The stoppage never happened for Lomachenko after that, but he was still dominant. It was a victory that continued his march toward another shot at the light­weight title. The judges’ cards read 117­110, 119­108 and 119­108; no surprise to anyone.

“I saw his situation; it was very hard for him,” Lomachenko said of the seventh round in a post­fight ESPN interview. “That’s why I said, ‘Hey, stop the fight.’ He is a true warrior. He has a big heart and we continued and we showed people 12 great rounds.”

“In this weight division, we have a lot of great fighters,” Lomachenko added, “so we can organize a lot of great fights in the future.”

The greatest future fight for Loma­chenko would probably be with George Kambosos, Jr., (20­0, 10 KO) of Australia, who recently upset Teofimo Lopez (16­1, 12 KO) of the U.S.A. to become the undis­puted lightweight champion (WBA, WBO, WBC and IBF titles). Lopez was coming off his own upset win, a decision over Lomachenko in October 2020.

A rematch with Lopez is no longer a pri­ority, and Lomachenko is willing to travel

to Australia for a shot at Kambosos. American boxers Devin Haney (27­0, 15 KO) and Gervonta Davis (26­0, 24 KO) could also be potential partners for Kambosos. Lomachenko, 33, is on a mis­sion to acquire all four lightweight belts.

The two­time Olympic gold medalist was in vintage form, utilizing angles and deft footwork to locate openings and deliv­er pinpoint punches. He absorbed some hard body shots from the Ghanaian, but the punches did not seem to affect him.

Lomachenko’s shots, however, did trou­ble Commey. He picked apart the larger man in close, showing off his improved inside game. The former 126­ and 130­pound champion, Lomachenko broke through in the seventh round with a sweeping left that crashed into Commey’s chin, dropping him to the canvas. Instead of closing in for a knockout, Loma motioned to trainer Andre Rozier to save Commey from further damage.

Lomachenko proceeded to pour on a barrage of punches, and Commey respond­

ed in kind. Referee Steve Willis moved in to inspect Commey’s legs, but Commey sur­vived the round, and Lomachenko perhaps lost his moment to stand out among the lightweights. The eighth round saw Commey (30­4, 27 KO) clear his head, absorb much more punishment, but never again face serious danger.

Lomachenko is attempting to get past his loss to Lopez. Currently rated as ESPN’s No. 2 lightweight, Lomachenko stopped Masayoshi Nakatani (19­2, 13 KO) of Japan this past June, his first action since surgery to repair a torn rotator cuff. Lomachenko fought Lopez with the injury, and topped his rival with a better performance against Nakatani (Lopez had struggled to a deci­sion win over Nakatani in 2019).

Against Commey, Lomachenko did not outdo Lopez, thus it remains to be seen if the performance was enough to lure Kambosos into the ring. Lomachenko has not shown any interest in a proposed fight with 130­pound champion Shakur Stevenson (17­0, 9 KO) of the U.S.A., stating

his only goal is to fight for the 135­pound title. Attractive lightweight fights with Davis and Haney would generate major commercial interest and may be consid­ered.

No matter whom he fights next, Lomachenko remains one of the best in the world. His mission remains the same, and after the Commey victory he is one step closer to a shot at the undisputed champi­onship. From this latest fight, Lomachenko picked up the WBO Lightweight Inter­Continental Title.

Lomachenko landed 45 percent of his punches (248 out of 554) to Commey’s 12 percent (73 of 614). Lomachenko landed 26 percent of his jabs (60 of 231) to Commey’s two percent (5 of 210). Lomachenko hit on 58 percent of his power punches (188 out of 3230), while Commey only hit on 17 percent (68 out of 404).

Teslenko KO’d by AndersonTwo powerful punches and two rounds

was all it took for heavyweight prospect Jared Anderson to knock out his 11th straight opponent. Anderson (a two­time U.S. national champion in 2017 and 2018) landed over 40 percent of his first­round punches, and followed up with a right to the head of Ukrainian Oleksandr Teslenko (who is a Canadian citizen) then a quick left and the Ukrainian fell to the canvas and was out of the fight.

An undercard bout prior to the Lomachenko­Commey main event saw Anderson (11­0, 11 KO) begin the fight in a southpaw stance, which is not how he tra­ditionally fights. The move confused his opponent.

Teslenko (17­2, 13 KO) attempted to get up from the one­two punches of the sec­ond round, eventually doing so only to stagger back, and referee Danny Schiavone halted the bout. This was the second time Teslenko has been knocked out in his last three fights. It was also the third straight fight that Anderson won by stoppage in the second round. The fight was scheduled for eight rounds.

Vasyl Lomachenko (left) follows through on a punch that connected with Richard Commey during their fight in Madison Square Garden in New York City on

December 11.

Vasyl Lomachenko, Telegram

(Continued on page 35)

No. 51THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 202132

For 65 years we have treated our guests to the most delicious traditional Ukrainian cuisine. If you cannot visit Ukraine, visit us in New York’s East Village, sample our dishes, and

enjoy the past and present of our neighborhood.

We are awaiting you!Traditional Ukrainian dishes

in the center of the East Village

Veselka RestaurantWishes all its patrons

Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year

Veselka Restaurant144 2nd Avenue, New York, NY 10003212-228-9682 F 212-505-6950www.veselka.com

twitter @veselkanycinstagram #veselkanycfacebook /veselkanyc

33THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2021No. 51

No. 51THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 202134

35THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2021No. 51

December 20 Book discussion, “The Pacification of Galicia in 1930: A New Online Interpretation from the Sources,” with Yaroslav Hrytsak, Roman Wysocki, Myroslav Czech and Roman Skakun, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta, www.ualberta.ca/canadian-institute-of-ukrainian-studies/

December 26 Yalynka and Koliada Fundraiser, with performances by the Somerset, NJ Promin Vocal Ensemble and the St. Sophia Seminary Choir, with a sing-a-long led by Bohdanna Wolansky, and art exhibit “Illustrated Carol Project” by Natalka Pavlovsky, Ukrainian Cultural Center, 732-356-0132 or [email protected]

January 15 Concert, “Caroling for Christ,” Metropolia Center of the Somerset, NJ Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the U.S.A., Ukrainian Cultural Center, 732-356-0090

January 22 Presentation of Debutantes, Plast Ukrainian ScoutingWhippany, NJ Organizations – Newark Branch, with music by Hrim and Philadelphia Funk Authority, Hanover Marriott, www.plastnewarkdeb.com or [email protected]

January 22 Plast Cleveland Debutante Ball, Plast Ukrainian Scouting Independence, OH Organization, with music by Klopit, Embassy Suites Hotel Cleveland-Rockside, [email protected]

January 29 Ukrainian Debutante Ball, Taras Shevchenko School ofWashington Ukrainian Studies of Greater Washington, with music by Hrim, Omni Shoreham Hotel, [email protected] or www.dcukrainiandeb.com

February 5 Chervona Kalyna Cotillion Ball, with presentation of Pearl River, NY debutantes, Plast Ukrainian Scouting Organization, Hilton Pearl River, www.kalynadeb.org

February 7-11 Conference, “Beyond Borderland: 30 Years of Ukrainian Online Sovereignty,” featuring keynote speaker Ambassador Marie Yovanovitch, Temerty Contemporary Ukraine Program, Harvard University, [email protected]

February 12 Presentation of Debutantes, Ukrainian Engineers’ Society Philadelphia of America, The Bellevue Hotel, 610-277-1284 or [email protected]

February 19 Presentation of Debutantes, Ukrainian American Youth Parsippany, NJ Association, Sheraton Parsippany Hotel, https://cym.org/en/us/deb-tickets

February 26 Presentation of Debutantes, Ukrainian Medical Chicago Association of North America (Illinois Branch), Palmer House Hilton, www.umana.org or [email protected]

Entries in “Out and About” are listed free of charge. Priority is given to events advertised in The Ukrainian Weekly. However, we also welcome submissions from all our readers. Items will be published at the discretion of the editors and as space allows. Please send e-mail to [email protected].

Help Support Modernization Of Ukrainian Science Classrooms!

Donations up to $2,500 matched on November 30th

New monthly donors matched week of December 13th

https://bit.ly/sv-ukraineLearn more at www.sciencevoices.org

opponent quite comfortably and with rela­tive ease, making him one to be reckoned with in the division. He will rest and train until next year, when he will face new chal­lenges in his quest for a world title.

The undefeated 122­pound Ukrainian began boxing in his hometown of Stebnyk, Ukraine, (Lviv region) at the age of 10 where he amassed an impressive 347 ama­teur fights. Dovhun was a member of the Elite WSB Ottoman Team, which produced great boxers like Vasyl Lomachenko and won five Ukrainian National titles. In 2017 Dovhun moved to Pittsburgh with country­man Lyobomyr Pinchuk to train under Mike McSorley of the Conn­Greb Boxing Club. The team of Dovhun and McSorley has accumulated a perfect 13­0 record with 5 KOs, including noteworthy victories over Daron Williams and Derrick Wilson.

Dovhun was born on March 22, 1994, to parents Vasily and Lyubov. He has a broth­er, Stepan. He graduated from Stebnyk School No. 7 in 2011, and in 2016 he gradu­ated from the Lviv School of Physical Culture. He learned boxing from coach Mikhail Stakhnev in Stebnyk, Ukraine, and at age 18 he trained with the honored Ukrainian coach Roman Semenishin. Dovhun is married to Ruslana, who joined him in the United States in November 2020.

Dovhun’s notable achievements– In 2008 he won first place at the

Kharkiv Champion ships of Ukraine and was selected to join Ukraine’s National Team;

– He won championships in Ukraine for his age group in 2009 and 2010. In 2010 he participated in the European Champion­ships;

– He won the Class A boxing tournament in 2013 and the Ukrainian Cup in 2015;

– In 2016 he participated in qualifying fights for the Rio Olympics.

Lyobomyr Pinchuk turns pro, emigrates to Pittsburgh

Following a 250­bout amateur career that included two Ukrainian national cham­pionships, Lyobomyr “The Demolition Man”

Pinchuk turned professional in March 2017. He decided he would pursue his pro career in the United States, and he surfed the inter­net for a trusted trainer. His searches con­nected him with Mike McSorley, who has spent his life in boxing as a cut man, trainer, manager and promoter.

The duo hit it off with McSorley liking what he witnessed on video and what he heard from Pinchuk via Skype. In what turned out to be a degree of good fortune, Pinchuk would bring along a fellow coun­tryman, Dovhun; it was a two­for­one deal. McSorley most willingly accepted the offer.

“Lyobomyr is a machine. Fearless,” said McSorley, owner of the professional­only Conn­Greg Boxing Club in North Oakland, Pa. “We have worked hard on his punching power since he arrived here, and he’s cracking like the small end of a ball peen hammer. His work ethic is unparalleled. I’m proud of his sacrifice,” McSorley said in an August 2018 interview with Tri­State Sports and News Service.

Pinchuk has been matched up with sev­eral tough opponents while compiling a record of 13­2­1. He has won the Pennsylvania state cruiserweight title and the regional American Boxing Federation championship (ABF). His two losses were by decision: one to a two­time Olympian, the other to 6’5” undefeated top­ranked heavyweight Stephan Shaw. He has since moved back to the lighter cruiserweight division and is currently one win away from a top­10 ranking.

The 25­year­old Pinchuk emulates him­self after his favorite fighter, heavyweight champion Tyson Fury.

Both Pinchuk and Dovhun signed with STAR Boxing Promotions out of New York. STAR’s CEO, Joe DeGuardia, echoes McSorley’s sentiment that the two Ukrainian boxers could very well be com­peting for major titles in their next few fights. In spite of major obstacles like the immigration process, COVID­19, personal issues and some boxing politics, their ulti­mate goal remains to become world cham­pions proudly representing their homeland in western Ukraine.

Ihor Stelmach may be reached at [email protected].

(Continued from page 31)

Is Oleh Dovhun...

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