UC-NRLF

B 3 SDb =135

:; :\. «/.,T.'-'--

WORKS ISSUED BY

t ^afelugt J^orietg*

THE TRAVELS OF

LUDOVICO DI VA1ITHEMA

M.DCCC.LXIII,

WORKS ISSUED BY

t Hafclupt

THE TRAVELS OF

LUDOVICO 1)1 VA11THEMA

M.liCCC.LXlII.

1

THE TRAVELSOF

LUDOYICO DI VARTHEMAIN

EGYPT, SYRIA, ARABIA DESERTA AND ARABIA FELIX,

IN PERSIA, INDIA, AND ETHIOPIA,

a.d. 1503 to 1508.

ftranslatcfc

FROM THE ORIGINAL ITALIAN EDITION OF 1510,

WITn A PREFACE,

BY

JOHN WINTER JONES, Esq., F.S.A.,

&n& CftttcK,

WITH NOTES AND AN INTRODUCTION,

BY

GEORGE PERCY BADGER,LATE GOVERNMENT CHArLAIN IN THE PRESIDENCY OP BOMBAY,

AUTHOR OP "THE NESTORIANS AND THEIR RITUALS,"ETC., ETC., ETC.

WITH A MAP.

to/LONDON:

PRINTED FOR THE IIAKLUYT SOCIETY.

3I.DCCC.LXIII.

\%S&

G*3>

LONDON : T. RICHARDS. 37, GREAT QUEEN STREET.

RIGHT HONOURABLE

SIR CHARLES WOOD, Bart., G.C.B.,

HER MAJESTY'S SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA,

THIS EDITION

OF THE EASTERN TRAVELS OF

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA,

AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY,

IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED

BY THE EDITOR,

107194

COUNCIL

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, G.C.St.S., F.R.S., D.C.L., Coir. Mem. Inst. F

Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburg, etc., etc., President.

Rear-admiral C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, C.B.

)

\ Vice-Presidents.The Rt. Hon. Sir DAVID DUNDAS, M.P. )

J. BARROW, Esq., F.R.S.

Rt. Hon. LORD BROUGHTON.

Captain CRACROFT, R.N.

Sir HENRY ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S.

JOHN FORSTER, Esq.

R. W. GREY, Esq, M.P.

T. HODGKIN, Esq., M.D.

JOHN WINTER JONES, Esq., I'.S.A.

His Excellency the COUNT DE LAVRADIO.

R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A.

Sir CHARLES NICHOLSON, Bart.

Sir ERSKINE PERRY.

Major-General Sir HENRY C. RAWLINSON, K.C.B.

WILLIAM STIRLING, Esq., M.P.

CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, Esq., Honorary Secrexak\.

DIRECTIONS TO THE BINDER.

Map of Vartbema's route ...... to face title-p:ige.

Section from Gastaldi's Map ..... „ page cxx.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PREFACE BY THE TRANSLATOR.This translation made from the first Italian edition of 1510 ; truthful-

ness of Varthema's narrative, and simjjlicity of his style ; later- editions more or less faulty ; the present version intended to be a

faithful representative of the original text ; Varthema's work imme-diately attracted attention, i-iii. Different editions and translations

enumerated : Italian ; Latin ; German ; Spanish ; French ; Dutch ;

English, iii-xvi.

INTRODUCTION BY THE EDITOR.Deficiency of all the aiithorities as to Varthema's antecedents, xvii ; not

supplied by allusions in his dedication, xix ; notice of the Lady Agnesina,Duchess of Albi and Tagliacozzo, to whom he dedicates, xix ; Eamusio'spreface has no information, and his edition a third-hand version, xxi ;

particulars derivable with more or less certainty from the narrativeitself, xxii ; his motives for travelling, xxiii ; character of his narrative,

xxiii ; scanty recompense, xxiv.

Date of his leaving Europe, xxv ; remarks on his notices of Cairo and-Egypt under the Mamluks, ib. ; Syria and Damascus, xxvi ; his enrol-

ment as a Mamliik, and reserve as to his profession of Islam, his Mus-sulman name (Tunas or Jonah), and his knowledge of Muhammedanism,xxvi ; remarks on such conformity to Islamism, xxvii ; he joins the HajjCaravan from Damascus, ib. ; the only European who has reached Meccahby that route, xxvii ; his sketches of the desert and Bedawin, xxviii ; his

notice of a colony of Jews near El-Medinah, and the fact authenticated,ib. ; his description of El-Medinah and correction of fables about Mukam-med's coffin, xxix ; his journey on to Meccah, xxx ; his notice of thepolitics of the time confirmed by Arabic authorities, the Kurrat El-Ay Cm and Riuih er-Ruah, xxx-xxxv; his account of Meccah, its visitors,

holy places, and ceremonies, xxxv ; wonderful truth of his descriptions,

as confirmed incidentally by Burckhardt and expressly by Burton, xxxvi.

Varthema escapes to Juddah from the Caravan, xxxvi-vii ; his voyage downthe Red Sea and arrival at Aden, xxxviii ; suspected as a Christian spyand imprisoned, and sent to the Sultan of southern Yemen at Radaa,xxxix ; corroboration of a part of Varthema's story here from the nar-ratives of Portuguese acts of piracy at this time, xxxix—xli ; outlineof the contemporary politics of Yemen from Arabic authorities, xli—xliv,

and incidental corroboration of Varthema's narrative, xliv; interventionof one of the Sultan's wives in Varthema's favour, and his pretendedmadness, xlv ; morality of the harini, ib. j Varthema obtains leave tovisit Aden, where he engages a passage to India, and spends the intervalbefore its departure on an excursion through Yemen, xlvi ; he is the first

European traveller who has described that country, and scarcely any but

a

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Niebuhr have followed, xlvi ; abstract of his route, xlvii ; returns to Aden,embarks, runs for Africa and visits Zaila and Berbera; truth of his de-scriptions, xlviii ; circumstantial evidence of the season at which thisvoyage was made, xlix ; Varthema crosses the Indian ocean to Diu inGuzerat ; thence to Gogo ; and thence westward to Julfar in the Per-sian Gulf, Maskat, and Hormuz, 1 ; notices of Homiuz and its his-

tory, 1, li.

Varthema's visit to Eri or Herat, lii ; difficulty about his " large and fine

river ;" Shiraz, liii ; his meeting with a Persian merchant " Cozazionor,"who becomes his travelling companion ; advantages of this to Varthema,liv ; they start for Samarcand, but are turned back by the Sufi's perse-cution of the Shi'iis; confirmation of this from history, lv,lvi; Cozazionorproposes to give Varthema his niece in marriage, lvii ; they reach Honnnzand embark for India, arriving at Cheo or Jooah on the Indus ; theyreach Cambay, lviii ; truth of particulars regarding it.

Political state of "Western India at this period, lviii ; accession to thethrone of Guzerat of Mahmud Shah, surnamed Bigarrah, who reignedduring Varthema's visit, lix ; Mussulman kingdom of the Deccan, its

vicissitudes and subdivision ; 'Adil Shah of Bijapur, Varthema's " Kingof Deccan," lx ; the Brahminical kingdom of Bijayanagar ; Ranrraj ofthat state, Varthema's " King of Narsinga," lxi ; Rajah of Cannanore;kingdom of the Zaniuri Rajah or Zamorin, lxii ; history of his pre-eminence as given by the Portuguese

;Quilon, lxiii ; Chayl ; kingdom

of Bengal under the Purbi sultans.

Varthema's account of the Jains and the Joghis, lxiv ; his description ofSultan Mahmud's mustachioes confirmed by the Mussulman historians.

Varthema's journey along the coast, inland to Bijapur and back to thecoast, and so to Cannanore, lxv ; his abstinence from communicationwith the Portuguese already established there; visit to Bijayanagar,and remarks on his notices of the coinage ; return to the coast andjourney along it to Calicut, lxvi ; fullness, truth, and originality of his

descriptions of manners and peculiarities here, of the distinctions ofcastes and singular marriage customs, lxvii ; remarks upon these.

Varthema and his companion quit Calicut by the Backwaters, for Kayan-Kulam and Colon or Quilon, lxix ; thence to Chayl ; position of thelatter ; city of Cioromandel, lxx, probably Negapatani ; their visit toCeylon ; they proceed to Paleachet or Pulicat, lxxi ; remarks suggestedby the narrative as to the freedom of trade, and protection of foreigntraders in India in those days, lxxi ; many subordinate ports then fre-

quented even by foreign vessels are now abandoned and have disap-peared from the maps, lxxii ; causes of the greater commercial centraliza-tion of the present day, and doubts whether the improvement of accessto the old intermediate ports would not have been attended by betterresults ;

general prosperity which seems to have prevailed, and for whicha much less equal distribution of property has now been substituted

;

impartial administration of justice in old India; the comparative costli-

ness and tardiness of our system ; humorous story in illustration relatedby an Arab merchant, lxxiv.

Sketch of the political geography of the Transgangetic Peninsula, lxxvi

;

Pegu, Siam, Ava, and Toungoo ; the various kingdoms of Sumatra

;

" Moors" and "Pagans;" Java, lxxvii; sovereigns of the farther islandsvisited by Varthema.

The travellers sail from Pulicat to Tarnassari or Tenasserim, lxxviii

;

truthful features of the description ; Varthema's notice of the Hornbill,lxxix ; of extraordinary marriage usages ; voyage to the " city of Ban-ghella," lxxx ; discussion as to the whereabouts of the city so indicated,with various quotations ; wealth and abundance of products, lxxxii

;

meeting with Christians from the city of Sarnau, and probable identifi-

i at ion of that place, from passage in Odorico ; remarks on the interest-

ing character of Fra Odorico's narrative, lxxxiii ; these Christians advised

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Varthema's companion to visit Pegu with them, lxxxiv ; description of

Pegu, Lxxxv; Varthema's statement about the existence of Christians

there, Lxxxv ; interview with the King of Pegu, lxxxvi.

Departure for Malacca, lxxxvii; "Great Biver," viz. Straits of Malacca,lxxxvii ; character of the place and people, and corroboration of Var-thema's narrative ; Sumatra, Ixxxviii

;questions raised by the text

regarding coins and silk in that island ; voyage to the Spice Islands

undertaken, xc ; this part of the route never previously recorded by anyEuropean, but it would be rash to say never travelled, xci ; the Nutmegor Banda Islands ; Monoch or the Moluccas ; which of the latter didVarthenia visit ? xcii ; visit to Borneo, the part not determined, xciii ;

curious particidars as to appliances for navigation, xciv ; the SouthernCross, xcv; and stories heard of apparently antarctic regions,xcv; curiosity

of the Sarnau Christians about Western Christendom ; this may haveawakened Varthema's desires for home and the abandonment of his

false profession, xcvi ; arrival at Java ; a plea for the account of it

given by Varthema against Mr. Crawfurd's condemnation ; mutilatedchildren, xcvii.

Return to Malacca and thence to Negapatam, and Calicut, xcviii ; thetwo Milanese gun-founders ; Varthema's appearance as a physician, andas Imam ; his journey to Cannanore and escape into the Portuguesegarrison, xcix.

Varthema present at the sea fight off Cannanore, c ; employed as factor

at Cochin ; in the attack on Ponani ; his knighthood ; remarks on thefanaticism and violence of the Portuguese.

Varthema finally quits India, ci; remarks on the rapid growth of thePortuguese power in the East, and its rapid decay, cii ; their religious

conquests have survived their temporal sovereignty, ciii ; success of

Boman Catholic mission in India greater than that of the Beformedchurches, civ ; remarks of Heber quoted.

Mozambique, cvi ; summary of history of the Muhammedan settlementson the coast of Eastern Africa from Krapf, cvii ; the Portuguese ride

and its fall, cviii ; inscription over the gateway of Monibasa ; rise of the'Amman Seyyeds of Maskat and Zanzibar, ex ; Varthema's inland excur-

sion at Mozambique, and the illustration it affords of the dealings of thecivilized with the uncivilized, cxi.

Varthema's arrival in Europe, and conclusion of his narrative, cxii.

The Editor's acknowledgments to various gentlemen, cxiii.

Postscript. On the site of the ancient city of Bengala.Further evidence as to the existence of Bengala as a city and port distinct

from Satgong and Chittagong, cxiv ; some authors, however, mention the

two latter and not Bengala, cxvii ; abstract of the data as to these threecities afforded by the principal old maps in the British Museum, cxix

;

Bengala appears for the last time in 1740 ; the site of Bengala, and its

probable destruction by the river as supposed by Eennell, cxx.

Advantages of Travel, from the Arabic.

TEAVELS OF LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA.

(The headings in the larger type are those of the original text.)

Privilege of printing granted to Varthema by Raphael Bishop of Portueriand Cardinal of St. George, the Pope's Chamberlain.

Dedication to Countess of Albi and Duchess of Tagliacozzo, 1-4.

First Chapter concerning Alexandria, 5.

a 2

TARI,F. OF CONTENTS.

Chapter concerning Cairo, 5, 6.

Size of the city, 5 ; Sultan, Mamelukes, and Moors, 6.

Chapter concerning Baruti, Tripoli, and Aleppo, 6, 7.

Sails to Baruti (Beyroot), 6; St. George and the Dragon, 7; goes to

Tripoli, ih. ; to Aleppo, ib.

Chapter concerning Aman and Menin, 8.

First Chapter concerning Damascus, 8-11.

Beauty of Damascus, 8 ; Varthema learns Moorish (Arabic) ; Castle

of Damascus ; story of its builder, a Florentine, 9 ;government of

Damascus under the Sultan of Cairo, and oppressive exactions, 10

;

watchmen, 11.

Second Chapter concerning said Damascus, 11, 12.

Riches; fruits and flowers; water and fountains, 11; Mosque of St.

Zachariah; legendary sites of St. Pavd's history and others, 12.

Third Chapter concerning [the Mamelukes in] Damascus, 13-15.

Mamelukes, their training, pay, and customs, 13; rudeness to ladies;

dress of ladies ; divorces ; cheese, milk, and goats, 14 ; truffles ; dress

of Moors ; Mameluke oppression ; Christian merchants, 15.

BOOK CONCERNING ARABIA DESERTA.

Chapter showing the route from Damascus to Mecca, wherein

some Arabs are concerned, 16-19.

Varthema joins the caravan to Mecca in the character of a Mame-luke ; travels to Mezeribe, 16 ; Zambei a great Arab lord ; his plun-

dering excursions ; Arabs described, 17 ; numbers in the caravan,

and its marshalling ; length of the journey to Mecca; food of camels ;

halts to water, 18 ; fights with the Arabs at watering places ; excel-

lence and skill of the Mamelukes as soldiers, archers, and horsemen, 19.

Chapter concerning the city of Sodom and Gomorrah, 19-21.

Valley of Sodom ; barren and blood-red soil, 19 ; deaths from thirst

in the caravan ; mountain with a well, and fight with 24,000 Arabs

;

camel intrenchment, 20; black-mail paid; fight renewed and manyArabs killed, 21.

,

Chapter concerning a mountain inhabited by Jews, 22-25.

Mountain in which dwelt Jews, naked, short and black, 22, 23

;

tank of water, and turtle-doves, 24 ; arrives at Medinathalnabi (El-

Medinah) ; barrenness round it ;palm-garden ; fables about Maho-

met's tomb denied, 25.

Chapter concerning where Mahomet and his Companions were

buried, 26-28.

The mosque described ; books of Mahomet and his Companions, 26

;

tombs of Mahomet, Haly, Babacher, Othman, Aumar, and Fatoma,

27 ; dissensions of Mahometan sectaries, 28.

Chapter concerning the Temple and Sepulchre of Mahomet and

his Companions, 28-31.

Superior of the Mosque tries to trick the caravan, 28; Varthema'

s

A nil lie, 29;pretended supernatural illumination of the sepulchre, 30;

no truth about the loadstone, 31.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Chapter concerning the journey to go from Medina to Mecca, 31-35.

Pilots of the caravan, 31 ; well of St. Mark, 32 ; sea of sand (whichshoidd have been mentioned before the Jews' mountain) and its

dangers, 33 ; remarkable mountain and grotto, 34 ; two fights withArabs ; arrival at Mecca ; four brothers fighting for the lordshipthereof, 35.

Chapter showing how Mecca is constructed, and why the Moorsgo to Mecca, 35-37.

Description of Mecca, 35 ; its governors ; caravan enters the city, 36

;

barrenness round the city renders it dependent for food on foreignparts, 37.

Chapter concerning the merchandize in Mecca, 38.

Chapter concerning the pardoning in Mecca, 38-41.

The Great Temple or Mosque described, 38 ; the tower (El-Kiiaba), 39

;

the well, 40; ceremonies performed by the pilgrims, 41.

Chapter concerning the manner of the sacrifices in Mecca, 42-4G.

Sacrifices of sheep at a motmtain ;poor pilgrims, 42 ; discourse of the

Cadi; returns to Mecca; stone-throwing, and legend of its origin, 44;doves of Mecca, 45.

Chapter concerning the unicorns in the Temple of Mecca, not very

common in other places, 46-49.

Chapter concerning some occurrences between Mecca and Zida, a

port of Mecca, 49-52.

Varthema recognized as a European by a certain Moor, 49 ; but pro-fesses to be a Mahometan convert, 50; the Moor conceals him in his

house, and the Damascus caravan departs, 51 ; whilst Varthema goeswith another caravan to Zida (Juddah), 52.

Chapter concerning Zida, the port of Mecca, and of the RedSea, 52-54.

Zida described; Varthema hides in a mosque, 52; agrees with aship-master going to Persia, and sads, 54.

Chapter showing why the Red Sea is not navigable, 54.

THE SECOND BOOK.—OF ARABIA FELIX.

Chapter concerning the City of Gezan [Gazan], and of its fer-

tility, 55, 56.

Chapter concerning some people called Baduin [Bedawin], 56-57.

Chapter concerning the island of the Red Sea called Chama-ram [Camran], 57, 58.

The island and its productions, 57 ; the mouth of the Red Sea, andisland of Bebmendo (Bab el-Mandeb) ; arrival at Aden, 58.

Chapter concerning the city of Aden, and of some customs respect-

ing the merchants, 59, 65.

Aden described; intense heat; Castle (of Seerah), 59; mode ofsecuring the Sultan's dues from ships; Varthema denounced as aChristian spy, and put in irons, 60 ; sent to the Sultan at a city

called Rhada (Radaa), 61 ; dialogue with the Sultan ; the author

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

professes to be a Mahomedan, but cannot utter the creed, and is

cast into prison, 63 ; Sultan's guard of Abyssinians ; tlieir dress andarms, (34 ; camels and tents, Go.

Chapter concerning the partiality of the women of Arabia Felix for

white men, 65-68.

The Queen's kindness to Varthenia, 65 ; he feigns madness, 66, 67

;

he is removed to the palace, 68.

Chapter concerning the liberality of the Queen, 68-^3.

The Queen makes much of him, but he evades her advances, 68-70

;

she procures his release from the Sultan, 71 ; he goes to Aden andengages a passage to India, 73.

Chapter concerning Lagi, a city of Arabia Felix, and concerning

Aiaz, and the market in Aiaz, and the castle Dante, 73-75.

Whilst the ship delays he travels over Arabia Felix; to Lagi (Lahej),

73; Aiaz ('Az'az), 74; Mahomedan sects; strong city of Dante(Damt), 75.

Chapter concerning Almacarana, a city of Arabia Felix, and of its

abundance, 75-77.

Goes to Almacrana (El-Makranah), a city on a mountain, 75 ;great

reservoir; and the Sultan's treasure kept there, 77.

Chapter concerning Reame, a city of Arabia Felix, and of its air,

and of the customs of the inhabitants, 77, 78.

Goes to Eeame (Yerim), 77; fat-tailed sheep; seedless grapes

;

longevity of people, 78 ; fashion of horns.

Chapter concerning Sana, a city of Arabia Felix, and of the strength

and cruelty of the King's son, 78-80.

Goes to Sana (Sanaa), 78; the Sultan's endeavours to capture it, 79;the Sidtan of Sana's mad son, who eats human flesh, 80.

Chapter concerning Taesa and Zibit and Damar, very large cities

of Arabia Felix, 80-82.

Goes to Taesa (Ta'ez), 80 ; its antiquity and buildings, 81 ; goes toZibit (Zebid)

; goes to Damar (Dhainar), 82.

Chapter concerning the Sultan of all the above-mentioned cities,

and wherefore he is called by the name of Sechamir, 83, 84.

The name explained ; the Sultan puts no one to death but in war

;

but had thousands in prison.

Chapter concerning apes, and some animals like lions very hostile

to man, 84, 85.

Returns to Aden, 84 ; finds a mountain with numerous apes, anddestructive animals Hke Uons (supposed hyenas), 85 ; goes on boardship.

Discourse touching some places of Ethiopia, 85.An accident sends them to the coast of Ethiopia, where they enter theport of Zeila (Zaila).

Chapter concerning Zeila, a city of Ethiopia, and of the abundance

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

of it, and concerning some animals of the said city, such as

sheep and cows, 86-88.

Traffic of Zeila, slave trade, &c, 88 ; products ; oil of zerzalino ; fat-tailed Berbera sheep, 87 ; twisted-tailed sheep ; stag-horned cows

;

one-horned cows ; the Sidtan, his soldiers, &c, 88.

Chapter concerning Barbara, an island of Ethiopia, and of its

people, 88-90.

Arrival at Barbara (Berbera), 88 ; sails for Persia, 90.

THE BOOK CONCERNING PERSIA.

Chapter concerning Diuobandierrumi, and Goa, and Giulfar, lands

of Meschet, a port of Persia, 91-93.

After twelve days reaches Diuobandierrunii (Diu in Guzerat), 91 ;

goes to Goa (Gogha), 92; to Giulfar (Julfar in the Persian Gidf), 93 ;

and Meschet (Maskat).

Chapter concerning Ormus, a city and island of Persia, and howthey get very large pearls at it by fishing, 94, 95.

Chapter concerning the Sultan of Ormus, and of the cruelty of the

son against the Sultan his father, his mother, and his bro-

thers, 96-99.

The Sultan's eleven sons, the eldest a devil, the youngest simple, 9G;the former murders his father, mother, and brothers, except theyoungest ; he tries to get rid of two powerful favourites of his father,

and is slain by one of them, 97, 98 ; who causes the younger brotherto be proclaimed Sultan, 99 ; the many merchants of Ormus.

Chapter concerning Eri in Corozani, of Persia, and of its riches,

and of the abundance of many things, and especially of rhu-barb, 99-101.

Varthema passe 3 to Persia, and travels to Eri (Herat) in Corazani(Kkorassan), 99; abundance of silk and rhubarb; population, 101.

Chapter concerning the river Eufra, which I believe to be the

Euphrates, 101-103.

Arrives at a large river called by the people Eufra (? Pnlwan), 101

;

reaches the city Schirazo (Shiraz) ; turquoises and rubies fromBalachsam (Badakksan), 102 ; musk, and its power when pure

;

character of the Persians; liberality and kindness of Cozazionor(Khawaja ), a Persian merchant who proposes that Varthemashould travel with him; they set out towards Sambragante (Sainar-cand), 103.

Chapter concerning Sambragante (as it is called), a very large city

like Cairo, and of the persecution by the Sofn, 103, 104.

The greatness of Sambragante and its king, 103; but they arehindered from going thither by the Soffi's (Shah Isma'il es-Sufi's)

violence against believers in Bubachar, Othnian, and Auniur (viz.

Sunnis) ; Cozazionor proposes to give Varthema his beautiful nieceSamis (Shams) to wife, 104; they return to Eri, and thence to Ormus,and take ship for India, where they arrive at the port of Cheo (Jooain the Indus delta)

.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

THE FIRST BOOK CONCERNING INDIA.

Chapter concerning Combeia, a city of India, abounding in all

things, 105-107.

The Indus, and city of Combeia (Cambay), 105; its spices (or drugs),

106 ; cotton j and precious stones, 107.

Chapter concerning the estate of the Sultan of the very noble city

of Combeia, 107-110.

Sultan Machamuth (Mahrnud Bigarrah), 107; the Guzeratis, their

virtues and dress, 108; the Sultan's pomp and elephants, 109; his

huge mustachioes ; his daily eating of poison, and spurting it on those

he desires to kill; his embraces fatal, 110; great trade and riches of

Cambay, 111.

Chapter concerning the manner of living and customs of the Kingof the Joghe, 111 113.

The Pagan king of the Joghe, his people, and their pilgrimages, 111

;

their dress, and various acts of devotion, and reputed sanctity, 112

;

their wars with Sultan Machamuth, 113.

Chapter concerning the city of Ceval [Chaul] and its customs, andthe bravery of its people, 113, 114.

Chapter concerning Dabuli, a city of India, 114, 115.

Chapter concerning Goga, an island of India, and the King of the

same, 1 15, 116.

Varthema and his companion go to Goga (Goa), 115 ; Pardai a goldcoin of the country (pagodas) ,- Mameluke garrison and their warswith the King of Narsinga, 116; goes on to the city of Decan.

Chapter concerning Decan, a very beautiful city of India, and its

many and various riches and jewels, 117, 118.

The city of Decan (Bijapur) and its Mohamedan King, 117; beautiful

palace and houses ; splendour of the court, 118 ; mountain from whichdiamonds are dug ; veiled ladies.

Chapter concerning the activity of the King in military affairs, 118.

His wars with Narsinga ; his navy hostile to Christians ; Varthemagoes to Bathacala, 118.

Chapter concerning Bathacala, a city of India, and of its fertility in

many things, and especially in rice and sugar, 119, 120.

Bathacala (Bathcal, Beitkul, or Sedashevaghur), 119; its trade andfertility, 120 ; absence of horses, mules, and asses ; Varthema goes to

Anzediva island.

Chapter concerning Centacola, Onor, and Mangolor, excellent

districts of India, 120-122.

Arrives at Centacola (Uncola in North Canara), 120; at Onor (Honah-war), 121 ; its productions, fine air, and longevity of the people, 122;Mangolor.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Chapter concerning Canonor, a very great city in India, 123-125.

The King of Portugal's castle at Canonor, 123 ; importation of horses,

124 ; spices (properly so called) begin ; the King's Naeri (Nairs) andtheir costume; the travellers take their way to the kingdom of

Narsinga, and reach the city of Bisinegar, 125.

Chapter showing Bisinegar, a very fertile city of Narsinga in

India, 125-128.

Great size and defences of Bisinegar (Bijayanagar), 125; a paradise

of a place, 126 ; the power of the Pagan King ; his horsemen andelephants; equipinent of the war elephant; his docility, 127; his

dread of fireworks ; how elephants were employed in Varthema'spresence at Canonor to beach a ship ; the absence of joints a fable

;

description of the animal, and power of his trunk, 128 ; height of theelephant ; pace, and how they are mounted.

Chapter showing how elephants generate, 129-131.

They generate in secret marshes, 129 ; parts of an elephant eaten in

some countries ; various values of elephants ; their great discretion ;

riches of the King of Narsinga ; dress of the people and the king ; his

coinage, 130 ; lions ; the Portuguese honoured in Narsinga, 131

;

return to Canonor, and go to Tormapatani.

Chapter concerning Tormapatani, a city of India ; and concerning

Pandarani, a place one day distant; and concerning Capo-gatto, a similar district, 131-134.

Torinapatani (Dorinapatain), 131; misery of the people, 132; timberfor ships ; houses worth half a ducat ; Pandarani ; Capogatto, 133

;

go to Calicut ; has reserved till now the description of the mannersof the preceding places (because similar to those of Calicut), but hewill now describe that kingdom, for the King of Calicut, called

Samory, is the most important, 134.

THE SECOND BOOK CONCERNING INDIA.

Chapter concerning Calicut, a very large city of India, 135, 136.

Description of the city and poverty of the houses.

Chapter concerning the King of Calicut, and the religion of the

people, 136-139.

The king worships the devil, 136; why, 137; description of the devil's

chapel and images of Deumo and Sathanas ; rites and ceremonies of

the Brahmins in worshipping, 138.

Chapter concerning the manner of eating of the King of Calicut,

139-141.

The King's food first offered to Deumo, 139 ; and how the Brahminswait on the King when eating, 140 ; and carry their relics away andgive them to the black crows, 140.

Chapter concerning the Brahmins, that is the priests of Calicut, 141.

The Brahmins are the chief persons of the faith; royal marriagecustom.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Chapter concerning the Pagans of Calicut and of what classes theyare, 141, 142.

Classes of the Pagans, 141 ; Brahmins ; Naeri (Nairs) ; Tiva, or arti-

sans, 142 ; Mechua, or fishermen ; Poliar, who collect pepper, wine,and nuts ; Ilirava, who plant lice; degradation of the two last beforeBrahmins and Naeri.

Chapter concerning the dress of the King and Queen, and others

of Calicut, and of their food, 143.

Chapter concerning the ceremonies which they perform after the

death of the King, 143, 144.

Succession goes to sister's son, 143 ; reasons for this, 144 ; customson the King's death; betel eating.

Chapter showing how the Pagans sometimes exchange their

wives, 145-147.

Yarthema shows his Malayahm, 145; dialogue between two mer-chants exchanging wives; poiyandria of the other classes ofpagans, 146.

Chapter concerning the manner of living, and of the administration

of justice among the Pagans, 147, 148.

How they eat, 147; punishments; impaling; fines; curious mode ofenforcing payment of debts.

Chapter concerning the mode of worship of the Pagans, 149.

Their matutinal washing ; prayers ; and customs of cooking, &c.

Chapter concerning the fighting of these people of Calicut, 149-151.

Army of the King, 149; dress, 150; customs of battle; the Naeri(Nairs), 151; customs as to burning and burial; money of Calicut;great variety of nations found trading there

; great numbers of Moors(Mohamedans)

.

Chapter concerning the manner of navigating in Calicut, 152-154,

Mode of ship-building, 152; timber, 153; sails; anchors of niarble;

seasons of navigation ; names of the different classes of vessels, 154.

Chapter concerning the palace of the King of Calicut, 155, 156.

The palace and its small value, 155 ; why they cannot dig founda-tions, 156; the King's jewels, and his bad humour, with the reasonsthereof; his treasures.

Chapter concerning the spices which grow in that country of

Calicut, 157, 158.

Pepper described, 157; ginger, 158; myrobalans.

Chapter concerning some fruits of Calicut, 159-163.

Fruit called ciccara (jack), 159 ; amba (mango) ; corcopal (?), 161

;

fruit like a medlar ; comolanga (?) ; malapolanda (plantain), 162.

Chapter concerning the most fruitful tree in the world, 163-166.

The tenga (cocoa-nut tree), 163 ; its many uses, 164 ; the nuts ; sub-

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

stance like flax which is woven, 165 ; another made into cords ; char-coal ; excellent water contained in the nnt ; oil ; sap drawn and usedfor wine ; the cutting down of these trees not forgiven, 166 ; mode ofcultivation; the oil of zerzalino (sesamum).

Chapter concerning the practice they follow in sowing rice, 166, 167.

Ploughing, sowing, and devil-dancing, 167.

Chapter concerning the physicians who visit the sick in Calicut,

167.

Devil-dancers employed to visit the sick, 167 ;potion of ginger.

Chapter concerning the bankers and money-changers, 168-170.

Their balances and touchstones, 168 ; the brokers, and their curiousmode of bargaining with the fingers ; weights used in trade, 170.

Chapter showing how the Poliari and Hirava feed their chil-

dren, 171-173.

Singular treatment of the children, 1 71 ; then' agility ; the manyanimals and birds of Calicut, 172 ; parrots ; starlings (or mainas)

;

apes and then- tricks.

Chapter concerning the serpents which are found in Calicut, 173.

Great marsh serpents (crocodiles), 173; venomous serpents; protec-

tion of them ;protection of cows, 174 ; superstitions.

Chapter concerning the lights of the King of Calicut, 174, 175.

Vases used in the king's house for lamps described, 174; feasting

customs on expiry of mourning, 175.

Chapter showing how a great number of people came to Calicut onthe 25th of December to receive their pardon, 175-177.

Temple in a tank, 175; manner of the sacrifice; the great Sathanas;the vast number assembled, 177.

THE THIRD BOOK CONCERNING INDIA.

His companion cannot sell his goods, because of the war with theKing of Portugal, 178 ; they go by a beautiful river (backwater) to

Caicolon, 179; Christians of St. Thomas, 180; go to Colon (Quilon),

182; and thence to Chayl, 184; pearl-fishery.

Chapter concerning Cioromandel, a city of India, 186-188.

City of Cioromandel, 186; body of St. Thomas, 187; miracle at his

tomb; war with the King of Tarnassari, 188; Varthenia and his

companion go to Zailon (Ceylon).

Chapter concerning Zailani, where jewels are produced, 188-190.

Four kings in the island, 188 ; then' wars, 189 ; elephants ; rubies,

190 ; mining customs ; excellent fruits.

Chapter concerning the tree of the canella [cinnamon], 191-194.

Cinnamon-tree described, 191 ; Adam's Peak; no rice in Ceylon, 192;dress and character of the people, 193: no artillery; flowers; sum-moned to show their goods to the King, 194.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Chapter concerning Paleachct, a country of India, 194, 195.

Palcachet (Pulicat), 194; its trade, 195; war with Tarnassari; theyset out for that place.

Chapter concerning Tarnassari, a city of India, 196-199.

Description of Tarnassari (Tenasserim), 196 ; the King's wars withNarsinga and Banghella (Bengal) 198; his army; products of thecountry.

Chapter concerning the domestic and wild animals of Tarnassari,

199-202.

Animals detailed, 199; bird with great beak (hornbill), 200; greatcocks and hens ; cock-fighting

; goats, reniai-kable sheep, &c. ; buffa-

loes, 201 ; great bone of a fish ; dress of the people.

Chapter showing how the King causes his wife to be deflowered,

and so also the other pagans of the city, 202-204.

White men employed, 202; dialogue between merohants and theauthor's companion recited.

Chapter showing how the dead bodies are preserved in this city, 204.

Burning of the dead and preservation of the ashes, 204 ; odoriferouswoods, &c, used in burning, 205.

Chapter showing how the wife is burnt alive after the death of her

husband, 206-208.

Description of the ceremonies of widow-burning, 206, 207; anothercustom of proving affection, 208.

Chapter concerning the administration of justice which is observedin Tarnassari, 209.

Punishment of murder, 209; conveying, &c.; the King heir to foreignmerchants ; funeral customs of Moorish merchants.

Chapter concerning the ships which are used in Tarnassari, 210.

Chapter concerning the city of Banghella, and of its distance fromTarnassari, 210-212.

They go to Banghella (some city of Bengal), 210 ; the Moorish Sultanand his great army, 211; great plenty in the country, 212; wealthymerchants ; names of the stuffs exported.

Chapter concerning some Christian merchants in Banghella, 212-

214.

Christian merchants from a city called Sarnau, 212 ; their dress, 213;their bebef, mode of writing, observances ; they offer to take Var-thema and his companion to a good market, 214 ; these go with theChristians to Pego (Pegu).

Chapter concerning Pego, a city of India, 215.

The city of Pego, 215; Christians employed by the King, 217; animals,2JS; parrots; timber (teak); great canes; rubies from Capelhm; theKing's wars with Ava; they go in search of the King, 219; butroi urn to Pego, and are admitted to an interview when he comes backvictorious.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Chapter concerning the dress of the King of Pego above-men-tioned, 219-222.

The King described, and his jewels, 219 ; Yarthenia's companionshows his corals, 220 ; and presents them to the King, 221 ; the Kinggives rubies in return ; his wealth and liberality, 222 ; products of his

country ; approach of the King of Ava ; women burning themselves.

Chapter concerning the city Malacha and the river Gaza, otherwise

Gange, as I think, and of the inhumanity of the men, 223-228.

Go to Melacha (Malacca), 223 ; great river more than twenty-fivemiles wide, called Gaza (the Straits of Malacca) ; Sumatra ; Sultanof Melacha ; tributary to the King of Cini (Siam), 224 ; great amountof shipping ; trade and produces, 225 ; the people described, 22f>

;

their violence and insubordination, 227 ; the travellers go to Pider(Pedir) in Sumatra, 22S.

Chapter concerning the island of Sumatra, and concerning Pider,

a city of Sumatra, 228-232.

Circumference of Sumatra, 229 ; he identifies it with Taprobane

;

the inhabitants and their customs, 230 ; the\r money, 231 ;great

elephants, 232.

Chapter concerning another sort of pepper, and concerning silk

and benzoin, which are produced in the said city of Pider,

233, 234.

Pepper and long pepper, 233 ; silk, 234 ; benzoin.

Chapter concerning three sorts of aloes-wood, 234-237.

Three kinds of aloes-wood, viz., calampat, loban, and bochoY, 235

;

the first and best chiefly purchased in Gran Cathai, in Cini, Macini,Sarnau, and Giava, 236.

Chapter concerning the experiment with the said aloes-wood andbenzoin, 238.

The Christians show by experiment the excellence of kalanrpat andof benzoin ; lacca-wood used for dying red.

Chapter concerning the variety of dealers in the said island of

Sumatra, 238.

Beautiful work in gold, 238 ; numerous money-changers, 239 ; timber

;

great junks, with prows each way; swimmers, and fireworkers.

Chapter concerning the houses, and how they are covered in thesaid island of Sumatra, 240-243.

Houses covered with turtle shells, 240 ; great elephants' teeth, 241

;

very great serpents ; they wish to see spices growing, but are informedthat the nutmegs and cloves grow much farther off ; their Christiancompanions teach them what they must do to go there, 242 ; they buytwo small vessels, and persuade the Christians to accompanythem, 243.

Chapter concerning the island of Bandan, where nutmegs and macegrow, 243, 244.

Pass many islands, 243 ; arrive at Bandan, 244 j description of the

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

people, and of the nutmeg-tree ; stupidity of the people ; determineto go to the clove island.

Chapter concerning the island of Monoch, where the cloves grow,244-246.

Reach the island of Monoch (Moluccas), 245; the clove-tree de-scribed, 246.

Chapter concerning the island of Bornei, 246-248.

The Christians propose to show them the largest and richest island in

the world (apjiarently Java), 247; but they niust first go to anotherisland called Bornei (Borneo) ; which they reach accordingly, 248

;

the Christians are charmed with Vartheina's conversation about thesaints, and wish him to go home with them ; notices of Bornei ; theycharter a vessel for Giava.

Chapter showing how the mariners manage the navigation towardsthe island of Giava, 248-251.

The captain carries compass and chart with lines, 249 ; how he navi-gated thereby, but tells them how beyond Giava there are some raceswho sail by certain stars opposite to the north (antarctic) ; and thatthere the day is only four hours long, and 'tis colder than in anypart of the world, 251.

Chapter concerning the island of Giava, of its faith, manner of

living and customs, and of the things which grow in the said

Island, 251-255.

Arrive at Giava, 251 ; religion of the island ; its products, 252 ; cha-racter and features of the people, 253 ; birds ; dress of the people

;

arms, 254 ; blowpipes ; food.

Chapter showing how in this island the old people are sold by their

children or their relations and afterwards are eaten, 255-257.

Fathers when aged sold in the market for food, 255 ; sick personskilled and sold, 256 ; Vartheina's comrade takes alann.

Chapter where, at midday, the sun casts a shadow in the island of

Giava, 257, 258.

The sun casts a shadow to the south in June, 257 ; their fear of beingeaten ; purchase of emeralds and mutilated children, 258.

Chapter concerning our return, 258-263.

Charter a junk and return to Malacha, 258 ; part with the Christiansof Sarnau, to the great grief of these, 259 ; sail to Cioromandel, andtake another ship to Colon (Quilon) ; they proceed to Calicut, whereVarthema finds two Milanese Christians who made ordnance for theking ; Varthema plays the hypocrite, pretending to be a Mussulmansaint, and is much venerated, 262.

Chapter showing how I made myself a physician in Calicut,

263-266.

Varthema called to visit a silk merchant, 263 ; his medical practice,

264 ; and its success ; his fame as a saint spreads, but he keeps upsecret communication with the Christians, 265.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Chapter concerning the news of the ships of the Portuguese whichcame into Calicut, 266.

Two Persian merchants of Cannanore report the arrival of the Portu-guese fleet there, and the comrnencement of a fort ; Varthenia pre-tends to denounce them, 266.

Chapter showing how the Moors summon to the church those whoare of their sect and faith, 267, 268.

Takes occasion to describe the call to prayer (adh'm), 267 ; Varthemasets forth (as Imam) to lead the prayers of the congregation in themosque ; gives his version of the prayer (Fdtihah)

; pretends illness,

and his comrade proposes his going to Cannanore for change, 268.

Chapter concerning the flight from Calicut, 268-270.

Varthema after doubts and fears sets out by sea with the two mer-chants of Cannanore, 268 ; they are stopped by the Nairs ; they start

by land till they find a boat which takes them to Cannanore, 270

;

where a friend of his (Mussulman) comrade receives him hospitably.

Chapter showing how I escaped from Cananor to the Portuguese,

270-274.

He makes his way to the Portuguese factory, and takes refuge withDon Lorenzo de Almeyda, 271 ; to whom he relates all the prepara-tions at Calicut ; and is then sent to the Viceroy at Cochin, 272 ; theViceroy receives him well and gives him a safe conduct for the twoMilanese ; he makes many attempts to induce them to escape alonewith their jewels and money ; but their avarice causes delays and theyare betrayed, 273 ; the Moorish merchants combine to bribe the Kingof the Gioghi, who was then at Calicut, to have them murdered, 274

;

Varthema protects the son of one of them, who dies a year later.

Chapter concerning the fleet of Calicut, 274-280.

Description of the great fleet which issued from the ports of Calicut,

274 ; the Viceroy's son having but eleven ships to meet them, 275 ; heexhorts his officers and men ; the chaplain follows with a discourseand absolution ; but the main fight takes place next day near Can-nanore, 277 ; gallantry of Captain Joan Sarrano and of Captain SimonMartin, 278 ; rout and pursuit of the Calicut fleet, 279 ; great slaughterof the enemy ; bravery of the Portuguese ; and joy of the Viceroy, 280.

Chapter showing how I was sent back to Canonor by the Viceroy,

280-286.

Varthema made factor by the Viceroy and sent to Cannanore, 280

;

King of Cannanore dying, the new king is hostile, 281 ; war breaksout and the fort is beleaguered from April to August, 282 ; when theyare relieved by the fleet from Portugal ; miraculous aid hinted at, 284

;

superstition of the Moors, 285 ; enchanters among them, 286.

Chapter concerning the assault of the Portuguese upon Pannani,286-288.

Varthema obtains leave to go to Europe, 286 ; but first takes part in

the assault on Pannani, 287 ; desperate fighting; Varthema is knightedby the Viceroy, 288 ; return to Cannanore.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

THE BOOK CONCERNING ETHIOPIA.

Chapter concerning the various islands in Ethiopia, 289, 290.

They sail from India, and arrive at Mozarubich, 289 ; notices of Me-lindi, Mombaza, Chiloa (Kilwah or Quiloa), Zaphala (Sofala), Gogia(Angoxa), Pati (Pate), Brava, the islands of Socotra, of Cumere (Co-moro), and Penda (Peniba), 290.

Chapter concerning the island of Mozambich and its inhabitants,

291-296.

Products of Mozambich are gold and oil, 291 ; natives, their low state,

292 ; wild elephants, 293 ; extraordinary speech of the negroes ; barterwith them, 294 ; proceed on then- voyage, passing the island of SanLorenzo (Madagascar) ; the Portuguese conversions in India meritsuccess for the king's arms.

Chapter concerning the Cape of Good Hope, 296-298.

Pass the Cape of Good Hope at a distance of 200 miles, 296 ; pass nearSt. Helena, where they see two great and extraordinary fishes, 291 ; findthe island of Ascension, and certain stupid bh-ds thereon ; begin tosee the north star; reach the islands of Astori (Azores) ; and Lisbon;Varthema has an interview with the King of Portugal, 298, who con-firms his patent of knighthood; Varthema proceeds to Rome.

PREFACE,BY THE TRANSLATOR.

The following translation has been made from the

first edition of Varthema's work printed at Rome in

the year 1510, or, as stated in the colophon :" Nel

Anno M.D.X. a di • vi de Decembrio." It is impos-

sible to peruse Varthema's narrative and not feel a

conviction that the writer is telling the truth, that he

is recording events which actually took place, and

describing men, countries and scenes which he had

examined with his own eyes. There is a manifest

absence of all attempt at composition. The tale is

told with a charming simplicity and all the concise

freshness of a note-book, and the author has evi-

dently not stopt to consider whether the word he

used was Bolognese, Venetian, or "Lingua Toscana."

Neither has he felt any qualms of conscience as to

his grammar. This latter circumstance has occa-

sionally rendered the meaning of a passage somewhat

doubtful. The printers also have added their mite

to the obscurity by sometimes uniting two words

or sentences together, or separating one word or

sentence into two, or by leaving out a word alto-

b

11 PREFACE.

gether. This edition, however, is the only one which

gives Varthcma's text truly. Even the Latin trans-

lation by Archangelus Madrignanus (a monk of

the abbey of Clairvaux), which was finished on the

25th day of May 1511, or within six months after

the publication of the first Italian edition, is not

always an exact exponent of Varthema's text. Later

editions vary still more, and the English translation,

which is given in Eden's Collection of Voyages and

Travels, printed at London in 1577, is extremely im-

perfect : many passages are totally at variance with the

original, and many others are omitted. It has, there-

fore, been thought advisable by the Council of the

Hakluyt Society that a new version should be exe-

cuted, which should as far as possible be a faithful

representative of the original work. With this

object in view, the translator has endeavoured to

preserve the quaint dry style of the author. This

must be his excuse for retaining some expressions

which are hardly suited to the refinement of the

present day, and for not omitting some anecdotes

which a writer in modern times would hardly ven-

ture to record. They, however, afford an additional

voucher for the truth of the narrator : it is impos-

sible to imagine them to be inventions, and they only

make us feel the more assured that we are really

travelling with Varthema, and sharing with him in

all his adventures. His work at once attracted

attention. It was, as stated above, immediately

translated into Latin, shortly afterwards into Ger-

man, then into Spanish and French, again into

PREFACE. Ill

German, then into Dutch and English, a third time

into German, and again into Dutch in the middle

of the 1 7th century.

All the early editions, as well of the original Ita-

lian as of the translations of this work, are extremely

rare and costly. The consequence is, that there is,

perhaps, no work which has been so frequently re-

produced, of which the lists given by bibliographers

are so inaccurate and imperfect. They have been

obliged to copy one from another without the means

of testing the accuracy of their statements. The

translator has had the advantage of seeing most of

the editions of which he gives the titles, and has

described them somewhat fully for the benefit of

those to whom the originals may not be conveniently

accessible.

The following is a list of the most important

editions of this work :

—

Italian.

1. Itineraries de Ludouico de Varthema Bolognesc nello

Egypto, nella Surria, nella Arabia deserta & felice ; nella

Persia, nella India & nella Ethiopa. La fede, el uiuere,

& costumi de tutte le prefate Prouincie con Gratia & Pri-

vilegio infra notato.

Colophon.—Stampato in Roma per maestro Stephano guil-

lireti de Loreno & maestro Hercule de Nani Bolognese,

ad instatia de maestro Lodouico de Henricis da Corneto

Vicetino. Nel Anno m.d.x. a di • vi. de Decembrio. 4°.

This edition contains 102 leaves, besides the title,

100 of which are numbered, and the two leaves con-

taining the last page of the privilege, and the first

b 2

IV PREFACE.

three pages of the table being unnumbered. This is

the first Italian edition, and is of excessive rarity.

Until recently, very few bibliographers were aware

of its existence. A copy is in the Grenville Library

in the British Museum.

S. Itinerario de Ludouico de Varthema Bolognese nello

egypto nella Suria ; nella Arabia deserta et felice nella

Persia nella India et nella Ethiopia Le fede, el viuere et

costumi de tutte le pfate prouincie. Cu Priuilegio.

Colophon.—Impresso in Rome per Mastro Stephano Guil-

lireti De Loreno Nel anno m.d.xvij adi . xvi de Junio

Cum gratia et Privilegio del S. Signore N. S. Leone,

p. p. X. in suo anno quinto. 8°.

This edition contains title, seven leaves of prelimi-

nary matter (viz. the privilege and table of contents),

and 123 leaves of text not numbered. Signatures

A ij to Q vj.

The Privilege is dated 10th of June 1517. In this

Privilege it is stated that licence is given to Stephanus

Guillereti de Lothoringia to print the book, " Ludo-

vico defuncto, neminem ex heredibus superesse qui

ex nova impressione vel jactura vel injuria afficiatur."

It is also stated that all the copies of the former im-

pression were sold.

The only known copy of this edition is in the

Grenville Library.

Mr. Grenville, in a note upon this copy, speaking

of some of the editions of the book, says :

—

" It was a third time printed in Italian, at Venice in 1518,

and this third Italian edition is by Haym, and most of the

books of bibliography, described as the first. In truth, the

PREFACE. V

two first Italian editions of 1510 and 1517 are so rare, that

I find no notice whatever of either of them, except in Croft's

Catalogue, No. 8045—8046, and quoted by Brunet from

Croft's. This copy [of the edition of 1517] comes from the

Blandford sale ; it had been bought at Croft's sale. I have

seen no copy but this of this edition. It is unknown to

Panzer, Maittaire, Haym, &c."

3. Itinerario De Ludouico De Varthema Bolognese ne lo

Egypto, ne la Suria, ne la Arabia Deserta & Felice ne la

Persia ne la India ne la Ethiopia. La fede el viuere &costumi de tutte le pfate pulcie, Nouamete impsso.

Colophon.—Stampata in Venetia per Zorzi di Rusconi

Milanese : Regnando linclito Principe Miser Leonardo

Loredano : Nella incarnatioe del nro signore Jesu xpo

m.d.xvii. adi vi del Mese de Marzo. 8°.

This edition is printed in double columns, and con-

tains ninety-two unnumbered leaves. Signatures A ii

to M. The table of contents occupies four pages, and

commences on the verso of sig. M.

This edition was printed in 1518, new style, the

year then commencing on the 25th of March. Acopy is in the Banksian Library in the British

Museum.

4. Itinerario De Ludouico De Verthema Bolognese ne lo

Egypto ne la Suria ne la Arabia Deserta e Felice ne la

Persia ne la India : e ne la Ethiopia. La fede el uiuere e

costumi de tutte le p'refate prouincie. Nouamente impresso.

Colophon.—Stampata in Milano per Ioanne Angelo Scin-

zenzeler Nel Anno del signor m.cccccxix. Adi vltimo de

Mazo. 4°.

This copy contains fifty-eight unnumbered leaves.

Signatures a ii. to g iii. The colophon is printed on

VI PREFACE.

a separate leaf, and is followed by two leaves of the

table of contents.

A copy of this edition is in the Royal library in

the British Museum.

5. Itinerario De Ludouico De Verthema Bolognese ne

lo Egypto ne la Suria ne la Arabia Deserta & Felice ne

la Persia ne la India : & ne la Ethiopia La fede el uiuere

& costumi de tutte le prefate prouincie. Nouamente irn-

presso.

The type in the colophon has got shifted. It

reads :

—

fflSta

M.ccc mpata in Milano per Johanne Angelo

Scinzenzeler nel Anno del Signorccxxiii. adi_ xxx <je Aprile. 4°.

This edition contains title, forty-one leaves num-

bered ii to xlii, and two leaves of table of contents

not numbered. Signatures A ii to F ii.

A copy of this edition of 1523 is in the Grenville

Library.

6. Itinerario de Ludouico De Varthema Bolognese nello

Egitto, nella Soria nella Arabia deserta, & felice, nclla

Persia, nella India, & nela Ethyopia. Le fede el viuere,

& costumi delle prefate Prouincie. Et al psente agiontoui

alcune Isole nouamete ritrouate.

Colophon.—Stampato in Vinegia per Francesco di Ales-

sandro Bindone, & Mapheo Pasini compani, a santo Moyse

al segno de Langelo Raphael, nel m.d.xxxv. del mese

d'Aprile. 8°.

The Itinerary of Varthema terminates on the recto

of page 89, with the following words :

—

PREFACE. Vll

" Qui Finisse lo Itinerario de Ludovico de Varthema

Bolognese, de li paesi et Isole la Fede el vivere et costumi

loro. Nuovamente per lui visto in piu parte."

Followed by

—

" Qui comencia lo Itinerario de Lisola de Iuchatan noua-

mente retrouata per il Signor Joan de Grisalue Capitan

Generale de Larmata del Re de Spagna e p il suo Capellano

coposta."

This edition consists of 103 leaves, of which 99 are

numbered ; the title-page, and table of contents, and

device at the end, are not numbered. The colophon

is printed at the end of the table ; the device occupies

a separate leaf, and represents the " Archangelus

Raphael" leading with his right hand " Tobiodo,"

(who is represented as a little child with a large fish

in his hand), and having on his left Tobit's dog.

The Itinerary of the Island of Yucatan is printed

in this edition of Varthema for the first time.

A copy of this edition is in the Grenville Library.

7. Itinerario de Ludovico De Varthema Bolognese nello

Egitto, nella Soria, nella Arabia deserta, & felice, &nella Persia, nella India, & nella Ethyopia. Le fede, el

viuere, & costumi delle prefate Prouincie. Et al Presente

Agiontovi alcune Isole nuouamente trouate.

Colophon.—In Venetia per Matthio Pagan, in Frezzaria,

al segno della Fede. 8°.

The type in the colophon has got shifted. This

edition reads page for page with that of 1535. One

has evidently been closely reprinted from the other.

Mr. Grenville was of opinion that this edition was

printed in 1518. This, however, must be a mistake.

Vlll PREFACE.

as Matthio Pagan or Pagano printed at Venice be-

tween the years 1554 and 1569 (see also " Saggio di

Bibliografia Veneziana, composto da E. A. Cicogna."

Venezia 1847), and his name is not found in any list

of printers prior to that date. The circumstance

which renders it important to fix the date of this edi-

tion is that of the " Itinerario de l'lsola de Juchatan,"

being printed for the first time with the work of

Varthema. If Mr. Grenville be correct, then the

Itinerary was printed in 1518 ; if not, it was not

printed until 1535. It is not included in any edi-

tion bearing a date prior to that of 1535.

A copy is in the Grenville Library.

Varthema is also inserted by Ramusio in his

" Prime volume delle navigationi et viaggi nel qual si

contiene la descrizione dell' Africa, et del paese del

prete Janni con varii viaggi dal Mar Rosso a Calicut et

infin all' isole Molucche dove nascono de spetierie,"

&c. Venetia, 1550. Fol. Ramusio had evidently

never seen the first or second editions, as he tells us

that he had made use of the Spanish translation from

the Latin, in order to correct the corrupted text then

in use. It may naturally, therefore, be supposed that

such a process cannot have restored the language of

the original.

Boucher de la Richarderie (" Bibliotheque Univer-

selle des Voyages ") mentions an edition in Italian

printed by Rusconi at Venice in 1520, and another

printed at the same place in 1589 ; and Ternaux

Compans inserts in his " Bibliotheque Asiatique et

Africa ine" the title of an edition printed by Scin-

PREFACE. IX

zenzeler at Milan in 1525 in 4°. Beckmann(Vorrath)

mentions an edition printed at Venice in fol. in 1563.

Latin.

We have already said that the travels of Varthema

were translated into Latin within a few months after

the appearance of the Italian edition, the dedicatory

epistle of the translator bearing the date " Mediolani

octavo calen. Junias mdxi." [25 May, 1511.] Al-

though there is no date to this edition, it was most

probably printed in the year the dedication bears

date, or very shortly afterwards. The title is as

follows :

—

Ludovici Fatritii Romani novum Itinerarium iEthiopise

:

JEgypti : vtriosque Arabise : Persidis : Siriae : ac India;

:

intra et extra Gangem. 4°.

The dedicatory epistle bears the following inscrip-

tion :

—

Reverendissimo in Christo Patri Domino Domino Bernar-

dino Carvaial episcopo Sabino : Sancte crucis in Hierusalem

Cardinali amplissimo : Patriarchs Hyerosolimeo : ac utri-

usque philosophise monarchal eminentissimo, Archangelus

Carsevallensis.

In this epistle the translator gives a rapid geogra-

phical sketch of the various parts of the world, show-

ing the interest and importance of Varthema's work,

which, he says, " tuis auspiciis effectus est romanus

et, quasi serpens, exuto senio elegantioreque sumpto

amictu juvenescit."

Colophon.—" Operi suprema manus imposita est auspitiis

cultissimi celebratissimiq : Bernardini Carauaial hispani.

Epi sabinen. S.R.E. Cardialis cognometo sancte crucis

X PREFACE.

amplissimi. quo tpe quibus nunq : antca bcllis : Italia

crudele Imodu uexabat."

This edition consists of sixty-two numbered leaves,

besides eight preliminary leaves. Sigs. AA. A. to I v.

Ternaux Compans (Bibliotlwque Asiatique et Afri-

caine) gives the title of an edition of Madrignanus's

translation of 1508 ; but this is clearly a mistake, the

Italian not having been printed until 1510, and the

epistle to the Latin translation bearing date 1511.

A copy of the edition of 1511 is in the Grenville

Library.

Another Latin edition was printed at Nuremburg

in 1610, and again at Francfort in 1611. It was

also inserted in the " Novus Orbis" of Grynceus.

German.

Four years after the Latin translation a German

version was published with the following title :—

1 . Die Ritterlich vn lobwirdig rayss des gestrengen vn

uber all ander weyt erfarnen ritters vnd Lantfarers herren

Ludowico vartomans vo Bolonia Sagent vo den landen,

Egypto, Syria, vo bayden Arabia, Persia, India, vn Ethiopia

vo den gestalte, syte vn dero menschen leben vnd gelauben.

Auch von manigerlay thyeren voglen vnd vil andern in den

selben landen seltzamen wiiderparlichen sachens. Das alles

er selbs erfaren vn in aygner person gesehen hat.

Colophon.—Auss welscher zungen in teytsch transferyert

und seligklichen volend worden in der Kayserlichen stat

Augspurg in Kostung und verlegung des Ersamen Hansen

Millers der jar zal Christi 1515. An dem. sechzechen den

Tag des Monatz Junij. 4°.

This edition consists of 76 leaves not numbered.

PREFACE. XI

Signatures a ii to t. iii. The printer's device occupies

the last leaf.

A copy is in the Grenville Library.

2. Die Ritterlich und lobwurdig reiss des gestrengen \h

uber all ander weyt-erfarne Hitters vii landtfarers herre

Ludowico Vartomans vo Bolonia Sagend von den landen,

Egypto, Syria, von beiden Arabia, Persia, India, vnd

Ethiopia, von den gestalten, sitten vnd dero menschen

leben vnd glauben. Auch von manigerley thieren, voglen

vnd vil andern in den selben landen seltzamen wunderbar-

liclien sachen. Das alles er selbs erfaren vnd in eygner

person gesehe hat.

Colophon.—Auss Welscher zungen in Teutsch transffe-

riert. Unnd selighlichen volendet unnd getruckt in des

Keyserliche Freystat Strassburg. Durch den Ersame Jo-

hannem Knobloch, Als man zalt vo der geburt Christi

unsers herre mcccccxvj. Jar. 4°.

This edition contains 113 unnumbered leaves.

Signatures A ij to X. v.

A copy is in the British Museum.

Both these editions are copiously illustrated with

engravings on wood.

Panzer (Annalen der cilteren Deutschen Literatur,

p. 421,) gives the following:

—

" 3. Die Rittertich vnd lobwirdig raiss des gestregen vnd

iiber all ander weyt erfarnen ritters \n landfarers, herren

Ludowico Vartomans von Bolonia. Sagent vo den landen

Egipto. Syria, vo bayden Arabia. Persia. India, vfi Ethiopia.

Das alles er selbs erfaren vnd gesehen hat." Colophon.—" Getrucht in der kaiserlichen stat Augspurg, in der jar zal

Christi m.d.xvtii." 4°.

Panzer is of opinion that this translation may have

Xll PREFACE.

been made by Michael Herr. It will be shown,

however, hereafter, that this cannot have been the

case. It was reprinted at Augsburg in 1530.

In 1532 Simon Gryna?us published at Basle, in

folio, a collection of voyages and travels, under the

title, " Novus orbis regionum ac insularum veteribus

incognitarum una cum tabula eosmographica et

aliquot aliis consimilis argumenti libellis," in which

he included the Latin translation of Varthema. This

collection was translated into German by Michael

Herr, under the title, " Die New "Welt," and printed

at Strasburg in 1534. In the introductory epistle to

Regnart Count of Hanau, he says, that if he had

met with the German translation of Varthema (whomhe calls Varthoman) before he had made his own, he

should have been glad to have been spared his trouble.

It is clear, therefore, that Herr did not make the

German translation published in 1515 and 1516.

Herr's translation was executed from the Latin

—

that of 1515 from the Italian.

Another translation by Hieronymus Megiserus,

historiographer of the Elector of Saxony, was printed

at Leipzig in 1610, with the following title :

—

" 4. Hodeporicon India? Orientalis ; das ist, Warhafftige

Beschreibung der ansehlich Lobwiirdigen Reyss, Welche

der Edel gestreng und weiterfahrne Bitter, H. Ludwig di

Barthema von Bononien aus Italia biirtig, Inn die Orienta-

lische und Morgenlander, Syrien, beide Arabien, Persicn,

nnd Indien, auch in Egypten und Ethyopien, zu Land und

Wasser personlich verrichtet : Neben eigentlicher Vermel-

dung Vielerley Wenderbahren Sachen, so er darinnen

gcsehcn und erfahren, Alss da seynd manigfaltigc sorten

PREFACE. Xlll

von Thieren unci Gewachsen,Dessgleichcn allerhand Volcker

sitteu, Leben, Polycey, Glauben, Ceremoinen unci gebrauch,

sampt anderer seltzamen denckwiirdigen dingen, daselbst zu

sehen : Und endlich, Was er fiir angst, noht und gefahr in

der Heidenschafft vieler ort aussgestanden : Alles von jhme

H.Barthema selber inltalianischerSprach schrifFtlich verfasst

und nu aus dem Original mit sonderm fleiss verdeutsclit

:

Mit Kupferstiicken artlich geziert, und aufFs new in Truck

verfertiget : Durch Hieronymum Megiserum. Leipzig.

1610. 8 ."

This edition is copiously illustrated with maps and

plans engraved on copper by H. Gross. A copy is

in the British Museum.

Ternaux Compans has inserted in his Bibliotheque

the title of an edition of Megeserus's translation,

printed at Augsburg in 4° in 1608. This date may

be correct, as the preface to the edition of 1610 is

dated 1 October 1607. He also mentions an edition

printed at Francfort by H. Gulferichen in 1548. Anedition was also printed at Leipzig in 1615.

Spanish.

The first edition of the Spanish translation was

printed in 1520, and the translator, Christoval de

Arcos, informs us that he made it from the Latin

version, because he could not procure the Italian.

He recommends those who doubt the truth of Var-

thema's relation to go and see for themselves ; and to

those who may find fault with his translation, he ex-

cuses himself on account of the obscurity of the Latin

from which it was made. The title is :

—

Itinerario del venerable varon micer Luis patricio ro-

XIV PREFACE.

mano : en el qual cueta mucha parte de la ethiopia Egipto :

y entrabas Arabias : Siria y la India. Buelto de latin en

romance por Christoual de arcos clerigo. Nuncia hasta

aqui impresso en lengua castellana.

Colophon. Fue impressa la presente obra enla muy

noble y leal cuidad Scuillapor Jacobo croberger aleman.

Enel aiio dcla encarnaciom del seiior de Mill y quincentos y

veynte. Fol.

This edition consists of fifty-four numbered leaves

(from ii to lv), besides the title, and also the colo-

phon, which is printed on a separate leaf. The book

is printed in double columns. Signatures a iii to g v.

A copy of this edition is in the Grenville Library.

Brunet states that this translation was reprinted at

Seville in 1523 and 1576 in folio, and Ternaux Com-

pans mentions an edition printed at Seville in 1570.

French.

No separate translation into French has been pub-

lished of this work, but a French translation is

printed in the " Description de l'Afrique, tierce partie

du monde contenant ses royaumes, regions, viles, cites,

chateaux et forteresses : iles, fluves, animaux tant

aquatiques que terrestres, &c. Escrite de notre terns

par Jean Leon, Africain." Tome second: "Conte-

nant les Navigations des capitaines Portugalois et

autres faites audit pais, jusques aux Indes, tant

orientales que Occidentals, parties de Perse, Arabie

Heureuse, pierreuse et deserte. . . . L'assiette desdits

pais, iles, royaumes et empires : Les figures, habits,

religion et facon de faire des habitans et autres sin-

gularites cy devant incogneues." Lyons, 1556. Fol.

PREFACE. XV

Dutch.

The Novns Orbis of Grynaeus was again translated,

and this time into Dutch by Cornells Ablijn, and

printed at Antwerp in 1563 in folio. The translator

addresses his work to William Prince of Orange, and,

speaking of the original, announces his own labours

in the following words :

—

" Dwelek ich Cornells Ablijn openbaer notarius resi-

derende inder vermaerder coopstadt van Antwcrpen. door

bede van sommige vrienden wt dcr Hoochduytscher in deser

Nederduytscher oft Brabantsche taelen getranslateert ende

oveghesedt hebbe."

This translation, therefore, is further removed from

the original than any of the others. The privilege is

dated 1561.

De uytnemende en seer wonderlijcke zee-en-Landt-Reyse

vande Heer Ludowyck di Barthema, van Bononien, Bidder,

&c., gedaen Inde Morgenlanden, Syrien, Vrughtbaer en

woest Arabien, Perssen, Indien, Egypten, Ethiopien, en

andere. Uyt bet Italiens in Hoogh-duyts vertaelt door

Hieronymum Megiserium, Cheur-Saxsens History schrijver.

En vyt den selven nu eerstmael in't nederdcuyts gebracht

door. F. S. Tot Utrecht, 1654. 4°.

A copy of this edition is in the British Museum.

Meusel, " Bibliotlieca Historica," vol. 2, pt. 1,

p. 340, says that the German translation of Megiserus

was translated into Dutch, and printed at Utrecht in

1615 in 4°; and Ternaux Compans inserts in the

" Bibliotheque" the title of another edition printed at

Utrecht in 4° by W. Snellaert in 1655.

XVI PREFACE.

English.

In 1577 Richard Eden published, a collection of

voyages and travels in 4°, which he entitled " The

History of Travayle in the West and East Indies,"

&c, in which he included the Itinerary of Varthema

with the following title :

—

" The navigation and vyages of Lewes Vertomannus,

Gentleman, of the citie of Rome, to the regions of Arabia,

Egypte, Persia, Syria, Ethiopia, and East India, both within

and without the ryver of Ganges, etc. In the yeere of our

Lorde 1503 : conteynyng many notable and straunge thinges,

both hystoricall and naturall. Translated out of Latine

into Englyshe by Richarde Eden. In the yeare of our Lord

1576."

A short extract, greatly abridged, from Varthema's

work, is also inserted in " Purchas his Pilgrimage."

London, 1625-6. Fob

J. Winter Jones.

Dec. 10, 1863.

INTRODUCTION,BY THE EDITOR.

Who was Ludovico di Varthema 1 Unfortunately,

scarcely any record of him is forthcoming except

what he tells us himself. I have searched every

available repository of such information, to learn

something of his antecedents, and have searched in

vain. Zedler finds no place for him in his Universal

Lexicon ; our own Biographical Collections pass him

over ; and all that the French have to say is this :

—

" Varlomanas, gentilhomme Bolonais, et patrice Ro-

main, fut un voyageur celebre clans le xvi esiecle. II

est presque inconnu dans le notre, parce que l'abbe

Prevost, et ceux qui ont ecrit l'histoire des voyages,

ont neglige de parler du sien, quoiqu'il soit un des

plus importants pour l'histoire de la geographie, et

pour Thistoire en general." 1I had hoped to glean

some stray notices of him in the writings of his own

countrymen ; but they are as barren of what we wish

to know as the rest. Zurla2 does not even mention

him in his Dissertation on the most illustrious Italian

1 Biographie Universelle, Ancienne et Moderne, Paris, 1827.

2 Di Marco Polo e elegit altri Viaggiatori piu illustri, Disser-

tazione da P. Ab. D. Placido Zurla, 2 vols. Venezia, 1818.

C

XVlll INTRODUCTION.

travellers ; and Fantuzzi, the only Italian historian

who devotes more than a few lines to him, begins his

article on " Lodovico Bartema" with an admission

which I have been obliged to imitate, and ends it by

erroneously stating that our author's Itinerary was

first published at Venice, and by hazarding a doubt

respecting his return to Italy,—a fact which is plainly

stated at the conclusion of his narrative. Fantuzzi's

notice is as follows :—" Of this person, we know

nothing beyond what the Co. Valerio Zani has written

in the Preface to the Genio Vagante, torn. i. p. 32,

viz., that Lodovico Bartema, a Bolognese by birth,

flourished in the sixteenth century,—that he left

Bologna for Venice, from whence he crossed over

into Asia, and arrived first at Alexandria," etc.

" This is all we learn from the Co. Valerio Zani in

the abovenamed Preface, subsequent to which wepossess no information about Lodovico Bartema

;

hence, we do not know whether he returned to Italy,

or where he died, except that, inasmuch as his Itine-

rary was printed for the first time in Venice, we are

led to believe" that he did return thither ; for it is

not easy to suppose that he sent his manuscripts from

Portugal to be printed in Italy, which they appear to

have been during his lifetime." 1

1 The following is appended to the foregoing extract in a foot-

note :—" This writer's name is spelt in different ways. In his

Itinerary comprised in the edition of Ramusio, by Ferdinando

Leopoldo del Migliore in the Firenze Illustrata, p. 310, and in

P. D. Abondio Collina's Dissertation De acus naufica inventore,

contained in the Commentary delV Accadem. dell' Instituto, torn. ii.

INTRODUCTION. XIX

This is very unsatisfactory, and the deficiency is not

supplied by any incidental allusions in the author's

dedicatory epistle. Agnesina, the illustrious lady to

whom he dedicates his Itinerary, was the fourth

daughter of Federico di Montefeltro, Count and

second Duke of Urbino, by his second wife Battista

Sforza, and was married in 1474 to Fabrizio Colonna,

Lord of Marino, Duke of Albi and Tagliacozza. Of

the lady Agnesina, Dennistoun says: " She inherited

the talents and literary tastes which had descended

to her mother, and transmitted them to a still more

gifted daughter, the illustrious Vittoria Colonna,

Marchioness of Pescara." 1 Her brother, whose

part iii. p. 382, he is called Lodovico Bartema ; but in the title-

page of the edition of the said Itinerary, from the edition of 1535,

of Bumaldi, in the Biblioth. Bonon., p. 158, of Orlandi's Notizia

degli Scritt. Bologn., he is styled Lodovico Vartema. This is

noticed by the Co. Mazzuchelli ; but it must be borne in mind, that

the permutation of the letters B and V, in pronunciation, is very

common with the Portuguese and Spaniards, as has been the case,

moreover, among almost all nations in almost every age. So, like-

wise, the ancient Florentines used to say Voce and Boce, Voto and

Buto, and so forth. By Konig, in the Biblioth. Vctus et Nova, p.

831, he is called Lodovicus Vartomannus, alias Varthema. Doni,

in bis Libreria, p. 33, styles him merely Lodovico Bolognese; and

Simlero, in his Epit. Biblioth. Gesneri, p. 121, has Lodovico da

Bologna. Besides Mazzuchelli, who speaks of him in his Scrittori

(V Italia, he is also mentioned by Sig. Ab. Tiraboschi, in his Storia

delta Letter, d'Italia, torn. vii. part i. p. 211." Fanttjzzi's Notizie

degli Scrittori Bolognesi, Bologna, 1781.

1 Memoirs of the Dukes of Urbino, vol i. p. 277. Writing of

Battista, Agnesina's mother, the same author remarks:—"She

was a remarkable instance of the transmission of talent by female

descent. Her great grandmother, Battista di Montefeltro [daughter

c2

XX INTRODUCTION.

genius and acquirements are justly eulogized by

Varthema, was Guidobaldo, who succeeded to the

dukedom on the death of his father in 1482, and died

on the 11th of April 1508. As he appears to have

been living at the time the Dedication was written,

it must have been prepared immediately after the

author's return to Italy. 1

of Count Antonio di Montefeltro,] was conspicuous among the

ladies of high birth, whose acquirements gave illustration to her

age. By cotemporary authors, her talents and endowments are

spoken of in most flattering terms, whilst her character is cele-

brated for piety and justice, benignity and tranquillity. Though

married to a man of miserable character, she had a daughter,

Elisabetta Malatesta, who inherited her misfortunes as well as her

genius. Elisabetta's daughter was Costanza Varana, the associate

of scholars and philosophers, whose gifts she is said to have

rivalled, notwithstanding an early death that deprived her infant

Battista of a mother's care." The latter, the mother of Agnesina,

displayed remarkable talents while yet a child, and subsequently

made rapid acquisition of solid knowledge. She was married to

Count Federigo, Duke of Urbino, in 1459. (See Id., pp. 206-7.)

According to Litta, the lady Agnesina died in 1522, while return-

ing from a visit to the Sanctuary at Loreto. Her brother Guildo-

baldo having been deprived of the dukedom by Leo X., her son

Ascanio Colonna, Duke of Palliano, was subsequently invested

with that dignity by Clement VII. ; but the bull of the former pope

not having been carried into effect, he never succeeded to Urbino.

See Litta, Famiglie Celebri Italiani, torn. ii. tavola vii.

1I am inclined to think, indeed, that the Dedication may have

been intentionally antedated, otherwise Varthema must have had

an extraordinary quick passage from India ; for as he left Can-

nanore on the 6th December 1507, stayed fifteen days at Mozam-bique and two at the Azores, there only remain three months and

eighteen days for the homeward voyage, and for the preliminaries

connected with the preparation of his book, or at least of the

INTRODUCTION. XXI

One would have thought that Ramusio might have

picked up some information respecting the early life

and subsequent career of our author ; but his " Dis-

corso Breve" to Varthema's book is briefer than

many of the notices prefixed to other far less im-

portant Voyages and Travels contained in his valu-

able Collection. Moreover, it is clear that the first

authorized edition of the Itinerary, printed at Rome

in 1510, was either unknown to him or beyond his

reach ; since he tells us that his revised exemplar

was prepared from a Spanish version made from the

Latin translation,—a third hand process, which ac-

counts for the many variations existing between his

copy and the original Italian edition. The following

is all that he says :

—

" This Itinerary of Lodovico Barthema. a Bolognese,

wherein the things concerning India and the Spice Islands

are so fullg and so correctly narrated as to transcend all that

has been written either by ancient or modern authors, has

hitherto been read replete with errors and inaccuracies, and

might hare been so read in future, had not God caused to be

put into our hands the book of Chrisfoforo di Arco, a clerk

of Seville, who, being in possession of the Latin exemplar of

that Voyage, madefrom the original itself, and dedicated to

the Most Reverend Monsignor Bernardino, Cardinal Car-

vaial of the Santa Croce, translated it with great care into

the Spanish language, by the aid of which toe have been

enabled to correct in many places the present book, which ivas

originally loritten by the author himself in our own vulgar

tongue, a?id dedicated to the 3Iost Illustrious Madonna

dedicatory epistle, up to the death of Duke Guidobaldo, which,

according to Dennistoun, occurred on the 11th of April 1508.

XX11 INTRODUCTION.

Agnesina, one of the internment and excellent women of

Italy at that period. She was the daughter of the Most Il-

lustrious Siynor Fcderico, Duke of TJrbino, and sister of the

Most Excellent Guidobaldo, wife of the Most Illustrious

Signor Fabricio Colonna, and mother of the Most Excellent

Signor Ascanio Colonna and of the lady Vittoria, Marchio-

ness Dal Guasto, the ornament and light of the present age.

And the aforesaid Lodovico divided this volume into seven

Books, in the First of tchich he narrates his journey to

Egypt, Syria, and Arabia Deserla. In the Second, he treats

of Arabia Felix. In the Third, of Persia. In the Fourth,

Fifth, and Sixth, he comprises all India and the Molucca

Islands, where the spices groiv. In the Seventh and last, he

recounts his return to Portugal, passing along the coast of

Ethiopia, the Cape of Good Hope, and several islands of the

Western Ocean"

In this dearth of all external aids, we are obliged

to have recourse to the narrative itself; but even

there, the materials for constructing a biographical

sketch of its author are scanty in the extreme. Hetells us on one occasion (p. 263), that his father was

a physician ; but as he was acting a part when that

statement was- made, little reliance can be placed

upon it. On another, he claimed a knowledge of

casting artillery (p. 50) ; and although the circum-

stances under which the pretension was advanced are

calculated to throw a doubt on its truth, it is not im-

probable that Varthema had been brought up to the

profession of arms, or had at some antecedent period

served as a soldier, since he incidentally remarks, in

a subsequent chapter, (p. 280), that he had been pre-

sent at several battles in his time. This conjecture is

INTRODUCTION. XXU1

further supported by the particular attention which

he pays to the military organization and peculiar

weapons of the different people described in the

course of his narrative. The only additional intima-

tion which he lets drop of his private history gives

us to understand that he was a married man, and was

the father of several children (p. 259).

The motives which led him to undertake this

journey are briefly set forth in the dedication of his

Itinerary. He had an insatiable desire of becoming

acquainted with foreign countries, not unmixed with

ambition for the renown which had been awarded

to preceding geographers and travellers ; but being

conscious, withal, of his inaptitude to attain that

object by reading, " knowing himself to be of very

slender understanding" and disinclined to study, he

" determined, personally, and with his own eyes, to

endeavour to ascertain the situations of places, the

qualities of peoples, the diversities of animals, the

varieties of the fruit-bearing and odoriferous trees of

Egypt, Syria, Arabia Deserta and Felix, Persia,

India, and Ethiopia, remembering well that the testi-

mony of one eye-witness is worth more than ten

thousand hearsays." His surprising travels in search

of this knowledge are recorded in the accompanying-

narrative with an ingenuousness and honesty, and his

personal adventures with a ready wit and humour,

which do credit to his head and heart ; the remark-

able success of his book is attested by the successive

editions which were called for in the course of a few

years after its first publication, and its translation

XXIV INTRODUCTION.

into several European languages ; but what reward

was reaped by the enterprising traveller himself, be-

yond the barren honour of knighthood conferred upon

him by Don Francisco de Almeyda after the battle

of Ponani, and subsequently confirmed by Don

Emanuel of Portugal, we have no means of ascer-

taining. As far as we know, the copyright of his

Itinerary, secured to himself and to his heirs for ten

years, officially granted at the special mandate of

Pope Julius II., by the Cardinal Chamberlain of the

Court of Rome, as appears from the document at-

tached to the first edition of 1510, was the only

recompense bestowed upon him by his admiring but

parsimonious countrymen.

Turning from the author to the author's book, I

do not see how I can better introduce it than bv

rapidly leading the reader over the route pursued,

halting here and there to illustrate the traveller's

journeyings by brief sketches of the history of the

countries visited, and the different people with whomhe came in contact. The antecedent investigations

of Dr. Vincent and Dr. Robertson, and the very

recent researches of Mr. R. H. Major, who in his

able Introduction to India in the Fifteenth Century has

done much towards exhausting the subject of the

ancient intercourse with India prior to the discovery

of the route via the Cape of Good Hope, must be myexcuse for not venturing to supplement their learned

essays in that line,—a task, moreover, for which I

am utterly unqualified. With this candid admission,

1 shall now pass on to the narrative under review.

INTRODUCTION. XXV

Varthema appears to have left Europe towards the

end of 1502, and reached Alexandria about the

beginning of the following year, from whence he

proceeded by the Nile to Cairo. In his brief re-

marks on that city, he corrects the exaggerated idea

of its extent which seems to have prevailed in the

West even after his time ; for we find Giovan Leoni

Africano enumerating it as " une delle maggiore e

mirabili citta che siano nel mondo."1 His summary

account of the people and government is surprisingly

accurate :—" The inhabitants are Moors [Arabs] and

Mamluks. The lord over them is the Grand Sultan,

who is served by the Mamluks, and the Mamluks

are lords over the Moors." Egypt, at the time, was

governed by the Borjeeh Mamliik Sultan, El-Ashraf

Kansooh el-Ghon, whose territories comprised Syria

as far as the Taurus in Cilicia on the north, and the

Euphrates on the east. Already, the Turks under

Bayazid II. had attempted to wrest Egypt from the

hands of the Mamluks ; but their invasion in 1490

resulted in nothing beyond the annexation of Tarsus

and Adana. It remained for Bayazid's second son,

Selim L, surnamed El-Yauz, about thirty years later,

to put an end to a military dynasty which for up-

wards of two centuries and a half had usurped the

authority of the 'Abbaside Khalifs, whose representa-

tive in the person of El-Mustansik bTllah must have

been residing in Egypt, in comparative obscurity, at

the period of our author's visit.

From Egypt Varthema sailed to Syria, landed at

1 Hamusio, vol. i. p. 83.

XXVI INTRODUCTION.

Beyroot, and travelled by Tripoli to Aleppo. Henotices the concourse of Persians and other foreigners

at the latter place, which, until the route via the

Cape of Good Hope became the great highway to

and from India, was one of the principal stations of

the overland transit trade between the Mediterranean

on the one side, and Persia and the Persian Gulf on

the other. Passing through Hamah, the Hamath of

Scripture, and Menin in the vicinity of Helbon, still

famous for the quality of its grapes, he arrived at

Damascus, where he appears to have sojourned

several wTeeks, and to have made good use of his

time in acquiring some knowledge of colloquial

Arabic. Here, he became acquainted with the Mam-luks of the garrison, and by means of money, accord-

ing to his own statement, induced a captain of that

body, who was a renegade Christian, to attach him

to a company under his command ; but he cautiously

reserves, what is highly probable, that a profession of

Islamism was exacted as a necessary condition of his

enrolment among the Mamliiks. Whether on assum-

ing the new name of Yiinas, (Jonah,) he underwent

any more special initiation than that of repeating the

simple formula, " There is no god but the God, and

Muhammed is His Apostle," does not transpire ; but

the sequel of his narrative proves, that he had been

tolerably well instructed in the outward ceremonies

of Islam, and by practice, combined with an inquir-

ing disposition, and a great facility in adapting him-

self to circumstances, eventually attained as correct

an insight into the doctrines of the Koran as is pos-

sessed by the generality of Mussulmans.

INTRODUCTION. XXVll

This is not the place to discuss the morality of an

act, involving the deliberate and voluntary denial of

what a man holds to be the Truth in a matter so

sacred as that of Religion. Such a violation of con-

science is not justifiable by the end which the rene-

gade may have in view, however abstractedly praise-

worthy it may be ; and even granting that his demerit

should be gauged by the amount of knowledge which

he possesses of what is true and what false, the con-

clusion is inevitable, that nothing short of utter igno-

rance of the precepts of his faith, or a conscientious

disbelief in them, can fairly relieve the Christian, who

conforms to Islamism without a corresponding per-

suasion of its verity, of the deserved odium which all

honest men attach to apostasy and hypocrisy.

Forming one of the Mamliik escort of the Hajj

Caravan, Varthema set out from Damascus on the 8th

of April 1503 on the march towards El-Medinah.

Among the few Europeans who have recorded their

visits to the Holy Places of the Mussulmans, he is

still the only one who has succeeded in reaching

them by that route. Joseph Pitts of Exeter in a.d.

1680, Ali Bey in 1807, Giovanni Finati in 1811,

Burckhardt in 1814, and Burton in 1853, all pene-

trated into the Hijaz and returned therefrom by the

lied Sea. In this respect, therefore, our author's

narrative is unique ; nevertheless, we have the means

of testing its authenticity by the Hajj Itinerary from

Damascus compiled with so much care by Burck-

hardt. This has been attempted in the annotations

on the text of the present edition, and the result is

XXV111 INTRODUCTION.

alike confirmatory of Varthema's intelligence and

accuracy. A journey of thirty days through a desert,

which Sir John Maundeville and other travellers long

after him would have filled with images of their own

marvellous imaginations, is recounted in the sober

colouring of a tourist of our own times, enlivened

ever and anon with vivid sketches of the wild country

and tribes through which the Caravan wended its soli-

tary way. His description of the Bedawin, of their

marauding incursions and mode of warfare, is mi-

nutely correct, and the picture which he portrays

of an Arab encampment is as true to life now as it

was three centuries and a half ago.

Among the most interesting incidents contained

in this portion of Varthema's peregrinations is the

Caravan halt near " a mountain inhabited by Jews,"

within three days' march of El-Medinah. The stature

of these people, which he limits to two feet in height,

wras either taken on trust from his Muhammedancompanions, or estimated irrespective of the distance

at which he saw them ; but tinged with borrowed

fable as this part of his narrative undoubtedly is, the

existence of a Jewish colony in that locality for ages

anterior to his time is a w7 ell authenticated fact,

though every trace of them, beyond an unfounded

rumour that their descendants still existed there,

performing in secret all the ceremonies of their reli-

gion, had disappeared when Burckhardt visited the

Hijaz. Arabian authors refer the foundation of the

settlement to different periods extending as far back

as the days of Moses ; but the most probable account

INTRODUCTION. XXIX

is that their first immigration occurred after the

devastation of Juclea by the armies of Nebuchad-

nezzar, and that the colony was enlarged by succes-

sive bands of refugees in after times down to the

destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, and the persecu-

tions to which they were subjected under the Em-

peror Adrian.

On entering El-Medinah, " wishing to see every

thing," our traveller's party engaged the services of

a Muzmvivir, or guide, whose duty it doubtless was

then, as it is still, to instruct the pilgrims in the ap-

pointed ceremonies of the Ilajj, as well as to accom-

pany them in the character of ordinary ciceroni. The

principal object of interest here was the tomb of

Muhammed, and with one or two minor exceptions,

attributable probably to his imperfect knowledge of

Arabic, our author's detailed description of the inte-

rior and exterior of the Mosque is strikingly verified

by the later accounts of it as given by Burckhardt

and Burton. He takes occasion, moreover, in the

course of his observations, to correct the absurd

notion, which prevailed extensively in those days,

that the Prophet's coffin was made of metal, and

hung in mid air by the attraction of a powerful

magnet.

Another superstition which the party ventured to

question on the spot, was the supernatural light

which the more credulous Moslems believe to issue

from the sepulchre of their Prophet, as firmly as

pious Christians of the Greek rite believe in the fable

of the Holy Fire as it is manufactured at Jerusalem.

3JTY 1

XXX INTRODUCTION.

The discussion which took place on this subject

between the Captain of the Mamluks and certain

Sherifs of the Mosque reveals the renegade's general

disbelief in Muhammedanism ; though it may well be

doubted whether such an unreserved manifestation

of it could have been attempted with impunity ex-

cept by a person in his position.

The character of the townspeople, which is pro-

verbially bad, elicits from Varthema the epithet of

" canaglia," and expressing equal disgust at " the

vanities of Muhammed," which form the staple at-

tractions to the pilgrim visitors at El-Medinah, or

The City, par excellence, he resumes his onward jour-

ney towards Meccah, which was accomplished in ten

days. The intervening country appears to have been

in. a very unsettled state, for he records two skir-

mishes with large bands of Arabs, and ascribes the

cause to the prevalence of a great war between

four brothers who were fighting for the lordship of

Meccah. In a subsequent chapter, whilst describing

Juddah, he mentions incidentally that the govern-

ment of that town was administered by one of the

brothers of " Barachet," who was then the ruling

" Sultan of Meccah."

By the latter designation, we are undoubtedly to

understand the " Sherif," which title, as applied to

the Arab ruler of Meccah, has entirely superseded

the more ancient one of " Amir." The particular

family from which candidates for that dignity were

elected claim, in common with several others which

assume the same honourable distinction, to be the

INTRODUCTION. XXXI

descendants of Hasan, the eldest son of 'Ali, through

his two sons Zaid and Hasan el-Musanna ; but the

first historical notice which we possess of their terri-

torial jurisdiction in the Hijaz, is given by Ibn Shub-

nah, during the reign of the Ayyubite princes in

Yemen, who records that in his time El-Medinah

and Meccah were severally governed by two mem-

bers of that family, each bearing the title of "Amir." 1

Although exercising almost sovereign power within

the limits assigned to them, the Sherifs were avowedly

subordinate to the successive Khalifs of the Omeyya

and 'Abbaside dynasties, and subsequently to the

Mamliik Sultans of Egypt, whose prerogative it was

to recognize their authority by investing them annu-

ally with a robe of honour. This suzerainty, in his

time, is casually adverted to by Varthema, who

speaks of the lord of Juddah and the Sultan of

Meccah as being " subject to the Grand Sultan of

Cairo."

But a supremacy which, in effect, was barely

nominal, seldom availed to maintain public order in

the Hijaz, more especially whenever rival factions

among the Sherifs contended for the chief magistracy

of Meccah. Such family feuds were of constant

occurrence, and one was actually in progress at the

time of our traveller's visit, and his incidental re-

marks on the subject are so strikingly corroborated

by native historical records, as to merit special illus-

tration. The following passages, translated from the

Kurrat el-Ayun, an Arabic manuscript Chronicle of

1 See D'Herbklox, sub voce Meccah. v

XXXU INTRODUCTION.

Yemen, besides substantiating the statements of Var-

thema, afford a general view of the political condi-

tion of the Hijaz at the period referred to :

—

" a. ii. 906. In the month of ZuF Kaadah of this year,

[corresponding with parts of May and June, a.d. 1500,] a

battle took place between the Sherif Haza'a bin Muhammedbin Barakat and his brother Barakat ibn Muhammed, the

lord of the Hijaz, wherein the latter was overcome and put

to flight, the Egyptian escort seizing all his property, and

depriving him of everything. The cause was as follows:

—

When El-'Adil Tuman Bey, lord of Egypt, succeeded El-

Ashraf Janblat, he expelled an amir of the latter named

Kansooh el-Mahmady, known as El-Burj, who proceeded to

Meccah ; but neither the Sherif nor the Kaclhi, nor any of

the nobles, took any notice of him, fearing the displeasure of

Tuman Bey. On the death, of Tuman Bey, he was succeeded

by El-Ashraf Kansooh el-Ghori, who forthwith sent a letter

to El-Burj, appointing him Niiib of Damascus. Thereupon

the Sherif went to pay his respects to him ; but he refused

to receive him on account of his former conduct. Haza'a

being then at Meccah, Kansooh el-Burj instigated him to

assume the government of Meccah, and to place his brother

Barakat over it [as his subordinate.] To this end he directed

him to go to Yembo, and sent word to the Amir of the

Egyptian Ilajj to meet him there, to make over to him the

imperial firmans, and to invest him with the imperial robe.

This was accordingly done ; and Haza'a put on the robe

which had been brought for his brother Barakat, and dressed

his brother El-Jazani in the clothes which he himself wore

when he presided with his brother Barakat. He then pro-

ceeded with the Egyptian caravan towards Meccah, accom-

panied by about one hundred of the Sherifs of the Benu-

Ibrahim. On hearing this, Barakat went out as far as the

Wadi Marka to meet them, when a battle ensued wherein

INTRODUCTION. XXXlil

Haza'a was routed several times, about thirty of his followers

were killed, and some parts of the caravan plundered. The

Egyptian escort then charged with Haza'a, whereupon Bara-

kat fled, leaving his son Abu'l-Kasam and several of his

soldiers dead on the field. After this, the Egyptians entered

the house of Barakat, seized all he had, his women included,

whom they also plundered. Barakat took refuge in Juddah,

and Haza'a entered Meccah with the Egyptian escort ; but

the city became much disturbed, outrages and fear increased

on the roads, and the pilgrims who had come by sea returned

home ; consequently the Hajj was very small, and the Sherif

Barakat did not perform it. When the Hajj was over,

Haza'a reflected that the cause of all this mischief was owimr

to his contention with his brother Barakat ; and fearing lest

he might be attacked by him in Meccah, he accompanied the

Damascus caravan to Yembo, whither Barakat pursued him;

but the escort protected Haza'a against him. So Barakat

returned to Meccah, and peace and security were reesta-

blished among the people and on the roads.

"But the year following [a.d. 1501] Haza'a and Barakat

again encountered each other in a place called Taraf el-

Burka, when the latter was overcome, and his brother Abu-

Da'anaj, with seven of the Sherifs of the Benu-Nima, toge-

ther with fourteen of the Turks on his side, were killed.

On this occasion Haza'a had with him three thousand two

hundred horsemen, and Barakat only five hundred. The

latter fled till he reached Salkhat el-Ghorab, and Haza'a

went to Juddah, where he proclaimed an amnesty to the

inhabitants, and appointed Muhammed ibn Rajah ibn Sam-

balali his deputy, and one of his slaves governor in Juddah,

and sent his brother, El-Jazani, to Meccah, to settle matters

in that quarter, whither he subsequently followed him with

a military force. Some time after, a robe of investiture and

a firman were sent to him from Egypt, and he took up his

residence in Meccah.

d

XXXIV INTRODUCTION.

" On the fifteenth of the month of Rajab, [25th December

1501,] Haza'a ibn Muhammed ibn Barak at was removed to

the mercy of God, and his brother El-Jazani succeeded him,

through the influence of the Kadhi Abu es-Sa'ud ibn Ibra-

him ibn Dhuheirah.

" a.h. 908. In the month of Sha'aban of this year [cor-

responding with January a.d. 1502] there was a fierce battle

between the Sherif el-Jazani and his brother Barakat at

Munhenna, to the eastward of Mcccah, in which the Sherif

Barakat was thoroughly routed, and all the principal men of

his armies killed, he himself escaping with only a few adhe-

rents.

" In the month of Rajab of the same year [December

a.d. 1502] the Sherif El-Jazani ibn Muhammed ibn Barakat

was killed near the gate of the Kaabah by a band of Turks,

on account of some outrages which he had committed, and

they set up in his place his brother Humeidhah. Towards

the end of that same year [between March and May 1503]

the Sherif Barakat fled from Egypt [by which it would

appear that he had been taken there as a prisoner] with the

connivance of the Amir ed-Duweidar, 1 and brought with

him a large army, which he collected from among the Beni

Lam, the Ahl esh-Shark, and the Findiyin, and he pre-

vented the people from performing the JVaJciif," until the

Amir of the Hajj gave him four thousand ashrafi to clear the

road between them and the [place of the] Wakuf ; where-

upon he was able to accompany the people to Arafat and

Muzdelifah and Mina f but in the meantime the followers

1 This was the first dignitary of the state, after the sovereign,

during the regency of the Mamluks. The office corresponded with

that of the Grand Wazir among the Turks, and the court of the

Amir ed-Duweidar was almost equal to that of the Sultan.

~ One of the ceremonies connected with the Pilgrimage, which

is performed at Arafat. Sec p. 43.:i See note 1 on p. 45.

INTRODUCTION. XXXV

of Barakat plundered a caravan from Juddah,near the gates

of Meccah."

The facts thus recorded are corroborated by the

author of the Ruah cr-Rudh, another Arabic chronicle

of a later date ; but these extracts amply suffice to

attest the truth of Varthema's incidental remarks

respecting the feud which existed between the rival

brothers Barakat, and the general insecurity of the

country resulting therefrom. Moreover, a careful

comparison of dates, as they may be gathered from

our traveller's journal, with those given in the above

quotations, renders it highly probable that the Arabs

whom the caravan encountered between El-Medinah

and Meccah, (see p. 35,) and those also who caused

the precipitate rush from Arafat, (see p. 44,) consisted

of adherents of one or other of the contending factions.

To return to our review of the narrative. Entering

Meccah with the Hajj, Varthema proceeds to give an

account of the city and its inhabitants, noticing par-

ticularly the great number of foreigners who had

arrived there from the east and west, " some for pur-

poses of trade, and some on pilgrimage for the pardon

of their sins"; and the various commodities which

were imported by them from Africa, the western

coast of India, and the Bay of Bengal. Next, he takes

us into the Great Mosque, describing the Ka'abah

and the well Zemzem, with the various ceremonies

performed there ; and thence he accompanies the

pilgrims to Arafat, and returns with them in haste

through the Valley of Mina, where he witnessed the

customary lapidation of the " Great Devil."

cI2

XXXVI INTRODUCTION.

Considering that our author is the first European

traveller on record who visited the holy places of the

Muhammcdans, and taking into account how scanty

must have been his previous knowledge of the history

and distinctive doctrines of Islam, his description of

Meccah and of the Ilajj may fairly claim to be

regarded as a literary wonder. With but few excep-

tions, his minutest details are confirmed by later and

far more learned writers, whose investigations on the

whole have added comparatively little to the know-

ledge which we possess of the Mussulman pilgrimage

through the pages of Varthema ; and the occasional

correspondence between some of his statements and

those of Burckhardt is so striking, as to give rise to

the conjecture that that enterprising traveller had

perused his book either before or after his own journey

into the Hijaz. Burton, whose eastern learning and

personal experience of the Hajj constitute him a most

competent judge, bestows this well merited encomium

on our author's narrative :—" But all things consi-

dered, Ludovico Barthema, for correctness of observ-

ation and readiness of wit, stands in the foremost rank

of the old oriental travellers." 1

The Ilajj over, Varthema being anxious to visit

other countries, or disinclined to return by the same

route he had come, meditated escape from his com-

panions. Fortune favoured the design by throwing

in his way a Mussulman trader who had been to

Europe, and who agreed to aid him in the attempt,

1 Personal Narrative of a "Pilgrimage to El-Medinah and Meccah,

vol. ii. p. 352.

INTRODUCTION. XXX Ml

on learning that he intended to manufacture " large

mortars," to be used by the Moslems against the in-

fidel Portuguese, and in consideration of having his

goods passed free of duty out of Meccah, through our

author's influence with the commander of the Mam-luks. He also furnished him with directions how to

reach the court of the King of the Deccan, from

which latter circumstance it is clear that Varthema

had already contemplated a journey to India. Depart-

ing himself with the caravan, the Mussulman con-

fided his charge to the care of his wife, with instruc-

tions to despatch him, on the following Friday, by the

Indian Jcdfila proceeding to Juddah. According to

his own statement, Varthema succeeded in gaining

the affections of his kind hostess and her young niece,

both of whom held out strong inducements for him

to remain ; but he prudently " declined all their

offers, on account of the present danger," and started

towards the coast with the caravan, " to the no small

regret of the said ladies, who made great lamenta-

tions."

At Juddah, our traveller took refuge in a mosque,

which was crowded with indigent pilgrims, and,

fearing detection, pretended sickness, and even ab-

stained from going abroad except by night in search

of food. Nevertheless, his brief account of the place

is quite correct, and judging from the number of

vessels then in the harbour, which he estimates at

one hundred, " great and small," the commerce of

the port must have been much larger at that time

than it is now,—a result mainly attributable to the

XXXV111 INTRODUCTION.

Cape route having subsequently diverted much of

the trade between India and Europe from its older

channel via Egypt.

In his description of the voyage down the Red

Sea, (which he naively remarks is not red,) during

which the vessel only sailed by day owing to the

numerous coral-reefs and shoals which lie off the

coast, Varthema mentions their landing at Jazan,

now an unfrequented place, but at that time one of

the principal ports of southern Arabia ; then their

skirmish with some wild Bedawin, who are as wild

still; next, their touching at the island of Camran,

which he tells us was subject to the " Sultan of the

Amanni," meaning the Imam of Sanaa, but whose

territories were invaded a few years later by a

combined Egyptian and Turkish army whose fleet

anchored in that very place ; and finally the passage

through the Straits of Bab el-Mandeb, and their safe

arrival at Aden. Here, the day following, being sus-

pected as a Christian spy in disguise, he was forth-

with laden with irons, and placed in confinement

together with another individual, apparently a fellow-

passenger, whose name and country, however, do not

transpire. Three days after, some refugees from a

ship, which had been captured by the Portuguese,

arriving at Aden, the suspicions of the inhabitants

were confirmed, and it was only through the personal

intervention of the deputy governor, who decided

that the case should be referred to the Sultan, that

they were saved from the vengeance of the infuriated

inhabitants. Accordingly, after a delay of sixty-five

INTRODUCTION. XXxi.X

days, the two captives were mounted on one camel,

still in chains, and sent under an escort to Radaa,

eight days' journey from Aden, where they under-

went a preliminary examination before the Sultan;

but Varthema failing to pronounce the Muhamme-dan formula of faith, either through fear, or, as he

says, " through the will of God," he and his com-

panion were again cast into prison.

Leaving them there to chew the bitter cud of re-

pentance, it will not be out of place to notice the

coincidence connected with the proceedings of the

Portuguese in the Indian seas at this period, and the

misfortunes which they entailed on our enterprising

traveller.

In a note on the text of this part of the narrative,

I have adduced a passage from an Arabian historian,

to the effect that in the year a.d. 1502, seven native

vessels had been seized by the Franks between India

and the island of Hormuz;and most of the crews mur-

dered. I am inclined to believe, however, that the

case in which the refugees were concerned may be

gathered more definitely, partly from Greene's Col~*

lection, and partly from the journal of Thome Lopez.

The former has the following :

—

" Stephen de Garaa being arrived on the coast of India,

near Mount Deli, to the north of Kananor, he met a ship of

great bulk, called the Meri [probably Miri, i.e. state pro-

perty,] belonging to the Sultan of Egypt, which was very

richly laden, and full of Moors of quality, who were going

to Mekka. The ship being taken after a vigorous resistance,

the General went on board, and sending for the principal

Xl INTRODUCTION.

Moors ordered them to produce such merchandizes as they

had, threatening them, otherwise, to have them thrown into

the sea. They pretended all their effects were at Kalekut;

but one of them having been flung overboard, bound hand

and foot, the rest, through fear, delivered their goods. All

the children were carried into the General's ship, and the

remainder of the plunder given to the sailors. After which,

Stephen de Gama, by Don Vasco's order, set fire to the

vessel ; but the Moors, having broken up the hatches under

which they were confined, and quenched the flames with

the water that was in the ship, Stephen was commanded to

lay them aboard. The Moors, having been made desperate

with the apprehension of their danger, received him with

great resolution, and even attempted to burn the other

ships.

" Night coming on, he was obliged to desist without doing

his work ; but the General gave orders, that the vessel

should be watched, that the passengers might not, by favour

of the darkness, escape to land, which was near. All night

long the poor unhappy Moors called on Muhammed to help

them, but the dead can neither hear nor succour their vota-

ries. In the morning, Stephen de Gama was sent to execute

his former orders. He boarded the ship, and, setting fire to

it, drove the Moors into the poop, who still defended them-

selves ; for some of the sailors would not leave the vessel

till it was half burnt. Many of the Moors, when they

saw the flames approach them, leaped into the sea Avith

hatchets in their hands, and, swimming, fought with their

pursuers. Some even made up to, and attacked, the boats,

doing much hurt ; however, most of them were at length

slain, and all those drowned who remained in the ship,

which soon after sunk. So that of three hundred persons,

(among whom were thirty women,) not one escaped the fire,

sword, or water." 1

1 Greene's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. i. pp. 51-2.

INTRODUCTION. xli

If this is the same act of piracy recorded by ThomeLopez, which appears tolerably certain, it occurred

on the 29th of September 1502. The main incidents

are identical, and he dilates with admiration on the

gallant defence made by the Arabs, and stigmatizes

the conduct of the Portuguese admiral as cruel and

barbarous. But as all the unfortunate Arabs perished

on that occasion, the case alluded to in Varthema's

narrative, wherein several ships are said to have been

captured and some of the crews to have escaped,

must be a different one, though perhaps both were

connected. The desideratum is supplied by Thome

Lopez, who, in continuation of his account of the pre-

vious engagement, describes, the chase of four Moorish

ships immediately after, of which three escaped, and

one was stranded, and the capture of two others on

the 22nd and 26th of* October following. 1 The six

or seven months which elapsed between these out-

rages and Varthema's arrival at Aden, would allow

time for any of the surviving crews to reach that

place, and the coincidence thus established is another

striking example of the accuracy of our author's state-

ments.

In order to illustrate this still further, it will not

be irrelevant to the subject to give a general outline

of the political condition of Yemen at that period,

referring the reader to the annotations on the text for

the corroboration of particular facts mentioned in the

course of the original narrative.

During the reign of the more warlike Khalifs, the

1 See Ramttsio, vol. i. pp. 136-38.

xlii INTRODUCTION.

turbulent tribes of Yemen appear to have been kept

in tolerable subjection ; but towards the end of the

tenth century the authority of the 'Abbasides became

virtually extinct, and the country was divided into a

number of petty sovereignties, each assuming differ-

ent titles, and exercising various degrees of territorial

jurisdiction. This state of things continued till the

accession of Salah ed-Din, the first of the Ayyubite

Sultans, whose brother Tooran Shah captured Sanaa,

the capital of the province, about a.d. 1173, and

reduced many of the independent chiefs both in the

interior and on the coast to submission. Successive

princes of that family continued to exercise a limited

supremacy over Yemen long after the dynasty had

been superseded by the Baharite Mamluks of Egypt

;

but the country gradually relapsed into complete

anarchy until about a.d. 1429, when the government

was seized by two brothers of the Beni Tahir, named

severally Shams ed-Din 'Ali and Salah ed-Din 'Amir

surnamed El-Melek edh-Dhafir, claiming descent from

the Koreish tribe, who eventually succeeded in taking

possession of Sanaa, and in establishing their joint

sway over the southern provinces of Yemen. The

capital, however, was soon after retaken by its former

governor Muhammed ibn Nasir, and in a fruitless

attempt to recover it Salah ed Din 'Amir lost his life.

The surviving brother was succeeded in 1454 by

Mansiir Taj ed-Din 'Abd el-Wahhab, on whose death

in 1488 the government fell into the hands of his

nephew 'Amir ibn 'Abd el-Wahhab, who was the

ruling sovereign of southern Yemen during the time

INTRODUCTION. xlHi

of Varthema's visit. 1 On the accession of 'Amir ibn

'Abel el-Wahhab the government of the peninsula,

according to the author of the Rutih er-Ruah, was

divided as follows :—" The Tehama, and Zebid, and

Aden, and Lahej, and Abyan, as far as Radaii, were

under 'Amir. Sanaa and its districts were subject to

Muhammed ibn el-Imam2 en-Nasir. Kaukaban and

its districts under El-Mutahhir ibn Muhammed ibn

Suleiman. Esh-Shark, and Edh-Dhawahir, and Sii'a-

dah, with their dependencies, were divided between

El-Muweyyed, the Sherifs of the Al el-Mansur, and

the Imam el-Mansiir, Muhammed ibn 'Ali es-Seraji

el-Washli."

1 He mentions him by name as " Sechamir" or Sheikh 'Amir.

See p. 83.

2 In a religious sense, this title ordinarily designates the leader

of the services in the Mosque, and as the Khalifs were recognized

as spiritual as well as temporal presidents, they early adopted it.

When the authority of the 'Abbasides declined in Yemen, it was

assumed by the regents at Sanaa, who moreover usurped that of

Amir el-Mu 'amanin, or Lord of the Faithful. In course of time,

however, other rulers of Yemen seem to have called themselves

" Imam ;" so that eventually it came to signify nothing more than

a presiding prince, or one having authority over subordinate chiefs.

At the present day, it would be difficult to trace the right of bear-

ing the distinction to lineal descent; in fact, those who now use

it in Yemen cannot lay claim to it on that score. On the other

hand, in 'Amman it appears to have been conferred, by the general

consent of the people, for some real or fancied excellence in the

person of the sovereign ; and it is remarkable that whereas all the

predecessors in the dynasty of the late Seyyed Sa'id bore the ap-

pellation, he himself was never so styled except by Europeans,

and his successor at Maskat is known only by the title of

"Seyyed." I may also add that the title of "Imam" has fre-

quently been given to renowned authors, either because they have

at some period taken the lead in the religious services of the

Mosque, or on account of their acknowledged learning and piety.

xllV INTRODUCTION.

It is easy to imagine, from the bare enumeration

of these petty chiefdoms, that the country at this

period was in a most distracted state ; but the genius

and military prowess of 'Amir soon effected a great

change. One after another, most of the inland chiefs

submitted to his sway, and in a.d. 1501 he made an

attempt to capture Sanaa, but was ignominiously

repulsed. Determined, however, not to abandon the

project which he had conceived of removing the only

impediment to his complete ascendancy over Yemen,

he two years after collected a vast army, which

according to the Rudh cr-Ruah consisted of 180,000

men, including 3,000 cavalry, and after a severe

conflict entered the capital in triumph.

Comparing the dates given by the Arabian his-

torian with the probable time of Varthema's arrival

at Kadaa, there can be no doubt that the 80,000

troops which he saw reviewed there, and which he

tells us marched two days after towards Sanaa, headed

by the Sultan, was a portion of the army which shortly

after, as has just been stated, succeeded in capturing

that city. The" coincidence is as perfect as it was

undesigned, and the inference substantiates with

the highest proof the authenticity of our author's

narrative.

After a similar digression, wherein he describes in

detail the arms and military equipment of the Sultan's

army, Varthema invites us to return to his prison. 1

There he would probably have languished for an in-

1 Prisons in many parts of the East arc attached to the palace

or residence of the governor.

INTRODUCTION. xlv

definite period but for the intervention of one of the

Sultan's wives, whom he honours with the title of

" queen," who, impelled by various motives, in-

terested herself in his behalf, and employed her

maidens to minister to his necessities. But Var-

thema, intent on effecting his escape, and reasonably

doubtful whether the queen's liberality alone was

likely to promote that object, drew lots with his com-

panion which of the two should feign madness, 1—

a

stratagem of ancient date, if not of authority, (see

1 Sam. xxi. 13— 15.) The lot fell on our traveller,

and if in the course of his simulation he sometimes

transgressed the bonds of decency, the freaks were

not inconsistent with his assumed character; and his

examination by two hermits, or sheikhs, who were

sent for to decide on the case, would probably have

resulted in a confirmation of his sanctity, but for the

practical joke which he imprudently played on the

persons of the venerable examiners, which sent them

scampering from the prison, exclaiming :" He is

mad ! He is mad ! He is not holy !"

The amusement which these eccentricities afforded

the Sultana and her attendants is so inconsistent with

our notions of female modesty as to be almost in-

credible ; nevertheless, if the inner life of many native

harims were similarly exposed to view, it would exhibit

ladies of rank revelling in scenes far more revolting

than those described in the " Chapter concerning the

1 It is a popular superstition throughout the East to attribute

madness to the influence of a separate spirit acting upon the

maniac.

xlvi INTRODUCTION.

Partiality of the Women of Arabia for White Men."

What else, indeed, could reasonably be expected ?

Brought up without education, confined to the seclu-

sion of the women's apartments, and debarred from

sharing in public amusements, it is not surprising that

the uncultivated mind of eastern females should follow

its natural bent, and seek to satisfy the longing for en-

joyment, inherent in us all, by kindred gratifications.

The queen was evidently convinced from the

outset that our hero's madness was merely a feint

;

but he very discreetly resisted all her consequent

blandishments, only availing himself of them as

might best conduce to his own ends. Simulating

sickness, he obtained her consent to visit a holy manat Aden renowned for miraculous cures, and was

furnished, moreover, by her liberality with a camel

and the very opportune gift of twenty-five ashrafi1

for the journey. On reaching Aden, he forthwith

engaged a passage on board a native ship which was

to sail for India, via the Persian Gulf, in the course

of a month, and, taking advantage of that interval to

escape from the notice of the Adenites, he set out on

an excursion into the interior.

In the subsequent pages, I have annotated so fully

on the text of this part of our author's wanderings,

that it would be superfluous to notice any details

here. The Arabic MS. Chronicles already men-

tioned and Niebuhr's voyages, conjoined with per-

sonal experience derived from natives of the country,

have been my principal guides in illustrating his trip

1 The ashrafi appears to have been equivalent to a ducat, or

about J.v. t'u/. of our mono)'.

INTRODUCTION. xlvii

into Yemen ; in fact, I am not aware that any others,

in the shape of general travels, exist, unless it be the

very meagre account given by Ibn Batuta in the

fourteenth century. Varthema is undoubtedly the

first European who has left us a description of this

portion of Arabia, and between his time and the

present, Niebuhr as far back as 1761, (with the ex-

ception of several brief personal narratives of the

route between Mokha and Sanaa, and a trip from

thence to Mareb by Mons. Arnaud in 1843,) is the

only European traveller who has penetrated into the

country more than a few miles from the sea-coast.

Even Niebuhr's journey, performed in comparative

security and luxury, does not embrace so large an

extent of Yemen as that of our author ; but where-

ever his testimony or that of others was available, it

substantiates in a remarkable manner the accuracy

of Varthema's observations. The annexed abstract

of his route conveys, in a tabular form, the different

towns visited, with their approximate distances :

—

Aden to Damt, 1 via Lahej and 'Az'az

Damt to Yerim, via, El-Makranah

Yerim to Sanaa

Sanaa to Ta'ez

Ta'ez to Zebid

Zebid to DhamarDhamar to Aden

General

xlviii INTRODUCTION.

On his return to Aden, of which place he gives a

very accurate description, Varthema again sought

refuge in a mosque under pretence of sickness ; but

when the time for departure arrived, he was smuggled

on board by the conniving Arab skipper, who doubt-

less received some of the queen's ashrafi which Her

Majesty had given for a different purpose. Sailing

towards the Persian Gulf, the vessel probably en-

countered one of those north-westerly gales which,

at the season of the year when I have calculated the

voyage to have been made, blow for several days

together along the north-east coast of Arabia. Being

obliged to veer, they ran with a fair wind for the

north-east coast of Africa, anchoring first at Zaila,

from whence they subsequently proceeded to the

contiguous snug port of Berbera,

Varthema's account of Zaila comprises all that there

is to be said of the place. He notices the large number

of Abyssinian slaves which were exported from thence

to different parts,—a traffic which has only been ar-

rested within the last few years ; the various produce

which found its way there from the interior ; some

of the animals peculiar to the country ; and his de-

scription of the Somali inhabitants is true to life

still. Except that he erroneously calls Berbera an

island, (wherein he possibly translated from the

Arabic jezirah, a term which the natives also apply

to a peninsula, and sometimes conventionally to

havens on the mainland,) his brief account of that

locality also, and of the pastoral habits of the people,

is equally truthful.

INTRODUCTION. xlix

Though originally bound for the Persian Gulf, the

Arab skipper most probably picked up some addi-

tional freight at the above-mentioned places for

India, between which and the north-east coast of

Africa a considerable trade is still carried on, chiefly

by Borah merchants of Guzerat and Cutch. This

commerce, which in more ancient times appears to

have been conducted through the intermediate ports

of Hadhramaut on the north-east coast of Arabia,

eventually took the more direct route across the

Indian ocean, and was in full play when the Portu-

guese first found their way to the Red Sea. The

fact of the skipper having made for Zaila proves that

the voyage occurred during the north-east monsoon,

which is the only season for foreign trade there,

the coast being generally dangerous throughout the

opposite or south-westerly monsoon.

In twelve days, the vessel reached the small island

of Diu in Guzerat, which Varthema calls " Diu

bander-er-rumi," i.e., Diu the Port of the Bum, and

describes with his usual accuracy. The suffix, which

I have not met with elsewhere, was probably a con-

ventional designation among the Arabs owing to so

many " Turkish merchants," (more correctly, Cir-

cassians, Affghans, and Persians,) being resident

there. The familiar intercourse which existed be-

tween that part of Western India and the opposite

coast of Arabia is attested by incidental notices

occurring in Arabian chronicles of the time.

From Diu, the ship proceeded up the Gulf of

Cambay to Gogo, and from thence steered across

e

1 INTRODUCTION.

the Indian Ocean, doubling Mussendom, to Julfar,

an Arab town on the western side of that pro-

montory, which was subsequently occupied by the

Portuguese as a station for the pearl-fishery. Here,

a retrograde movement was made by redoubling

Mussendom in order to reach Maskat, of which

place our author barely gives the name, and the next

port gained was Hormuz, where he appears to have

sojourned for several days.

The eligibility of that island, situated directly in

the line of the Indian trade, via the Persian Gulf,

appears to have given it considerable importance as

a commercial emporium at a very early period. If it

was the Nekrokis of Benjamin of Tudela, which is

highly probable though his description of that place

is most perplexing, it was largely frequented by

traders to and from India in the middle of the

twelfth century. A century later, Marco Polo makes

it the resort of many merchants who brought thither

spices, pearls, precious stones, elephants' teeth, " and

all other precious things from India ;" and 'Abd er-

Razzak, sixty years prior to our traveller, says that

" the merchants of the seven climates all make their

way to this port." Varthema's account of the island,

—its situation near the mainland, its utter barrenness

and yet withal its prosperity as " a chief maritime

port, where sometimes as many as three hundred

vessels are assembled,"—is in perfect accordance

with these preceding travellers, and he describes the

mode of fishing for pearls just as it exists at the

present day.

INTRODUCTION. H

All this is now changed, and Hormuz, like the

Tyre of Scripture, is little better than a rock for

fishermen to spread their nets on. It was captured

by the Portuguese under Albuquerque in 1508, who

were in turn expelled in 1662 by the Persians, aided

by a British fleet, during the reign of Shah Abbas,

who caused the colony to be removed to Gombrim

on the opposite mainland, and dignified it with the

name of Bander Abbas. The intervention of Great

Britain in this affair is thus judiciously commented

on by Sir John Malcolm :

—

" If the English ever indulged a hope of deriving per-

manent benefit from the share they took in this transaction,

they were completely disappointed. They had, it is true,

revenged themselves upon an enemy they hated, destroyed

a flourishing settlement, and brought ruin and misery upon

thousands, to gratify the avarice and ambition of a despot,

who promised to enrich them by a favour, which they should

have known was not likely to protect them, even during his

life, from the violence and injustice of his own officers, much

less during that of his successors. The history of the English

factory at Gombroon, from this date till it was abandoned,

is one series of disgrace, of losses, and of dangers, as that of

every such establishment in a country like Persia must be.

Had that nation either taken Ormuz for itself, or made a

settlement on a more eligible island in the gulf, it would

have carried on its commerce with that quarter to much

greater advantage ; and its political influence, both in Persia

and Arabia, would have remained unrivalled." 1

We are now to accompany our traveller through a

part of the journey where the landmarks of his route

' History of Persia, vol. i. p. 547.

c 2

lii INTRODUCTION.

are less distinctly traceable. We must, of course,

suppose him to have crossed over to the mainland

;

but how far he had penetrated into the interior when

he writes :" Departing thence, I passed into Persia,

and travelling for twelve days I found a city called

Eri," is not specified. Nevertheless, as I see no

cause to question his visit to Eri, the ancient name

of Herat, and as it is tolerably certain that he could

not have reached that place in the time given, we

may reasonably infer either that an error has in this

instance crept into the original narrative, or that

Varthema dates his departure from a point which he

has omitted to record. As far as his rather summary

account of Herat goes,—of the city, its productions,

its manufactures, and its population,— his information

is perfectly correct ; and that fact, taken in conjunc-

tion with a subsequent avowal that he described

Samarcand by report only, may be fairly regarded as

a proof of his veracity ; for if he was disposed to mis-

represent in the one case, there is no reason why he

should not have done so in the other.

Twenty days' march from Herat brought our tra-

veller to " a large and fine river, called Eufra," which

" on account of its great size" he supposes to be the

Euphrates. As he was then three days distant from

Shiraz, to which city the onward road lay " to the left

hand" of his Eufra, I have supposed him to have struck

on the Pulwan at or near Merghab, a little to the

southward of which town there appears to be a high-

way, leading by Istakar, to a point below the junction

of the Pulwiln with the Bendemir, from whence it is

INTRODUCTION. liii

continued to Shiraz. Should this identification be

correct, (and I can suggest no other, unless he pur-

sued a route by Neyriz and Bakhtcgan, mistaking

the neighbouring lake which goes by those names for

a river,) Varthema must unquestionably be charged

with exaggeration, as neither the Fulwan nor the

Bendemir is entitled to the epithet of " a large and

fine river."

Arrived at Shiraz, which our author describes as a

great mart for turquoises and Balass rubies, remark-

ing, however, that those stones were not produced

there, but came, as was reported, from a city called

" Balachsam" (Badakshan,) accident threw him in

the way of a Persian merchant called " Cazazionor,"

by whom he was recognized as a fellow-pilgrim at

Meccah, and whose friendly overtures on the occasion

were destined to exert a powerful influence in shaping

his subsequent course.

We, who carry with us on our travels circular

notes or letters of credit negotiable in any part of

the globe, can form a very inadequate conception of

the difficulties which an adventurer under Varthema's

circumstances must have encountered in making his

way from one place to another. He never alludes

directly to the subject, but his management may be

gleaned from incidental passages occurring in his

narrative. At the outset, he appears to have had a

supply of money, for he bribed the Captain of the

Mamliiks to admit him into that corps. While with

them, he probably received pay and shared in their

exactions, which, with any remains of his original

liv INTRODUCTION.

funds, sufficed to take him to Aden. From thence,

he was sent into the interior, as the saying is, at

Government expense, and the liberality of the Arabian

sultana furnished his viaticum as far as Shiraz ; for, it

may be remarked, that there is not the slightest evi-

dence to prove his having engaged in any commercial

transactions up to that period, and, if he did so sub-

sequently, it was merely as sleeping partner to his

Persian benefactor. Be that as it may, his encounter

with the latter was a piece of good fortune, without

which it may fairly be questioned whether he would

have been able to extend his travels as far as he did.

On the other hand, the Persian merchant, who ap-

pears to have been a wealthy trader in jewels, was

evidently glad to secure an intelligent companion in

the projected journey, and his oriental hospitality

looked for no other recompense. Instances of such

generosity are not as uncommon in the East as in

the West, and the experience of Varthema in this

respect forms a striking contrast to that of Don Alonzo

Enriquez de Guzman in the course of his European

travels during the same century. 1

The first place for which our travellers started in

company was Samarcand, whether with the intention

of limiting the trip to that city, or of making their

way from thence to India, does not appear. How-

ever, they had not proceeded far when they were

obliged to return, because " the Soffi was going

through this country putting every thing to fire and

1 Hakluyt Society's Publications, The Life and Acts of

Don Alonzo de Guzman, translated and edited by C. 11. Markham.

INTRODUCTION. lv

flame ; and especially he put to the sword all those

who believed in Bubachar and Othman and Aumar,

who are all companions of Mahomet ; but he leaves

unmolested those who believe in Mahomet and Ali."

Here, we have another undesigned coincidence with

contemporary Persian history which deserves special

notice. Isma'il es-Sufi, the first of the Sufawian

dynasty, was the son of the famous Sheikh Haidar,

the son of Juneid the great grandson of Seif ed-Din,

who claimed descent from 'Ali by Hussein his second

son, whose branch, according to the Persians, is that

of the Imams. Haidar's mother was the daughter of

Hasan Beg, the first of the Turkman dynasty called

BayanduiT, who furnished his son-in-law with an

army to avenge the death of his father Juneid, who

had been killed in battle with Ferukhzad king of

Shirwan ; but Haidar lost his life in the attempt, his

two sons Isma'il and 'Ali Mirza were made prisoners,

and most of his adherents destroyed. Haidar's two

sons were afterwards set at liberty by Rustam Beg,

the grandson of Hasan Beg, who succeeded his

uncle Ya'acub. The subsequent portion of Tsmai'il's

career illustrative of our narrative, I translate from

DTIerbelot :

—

" At this period there were among the Mussulmans scat-

tered throughout Asia an infinite number of people who

professed publicly the sect of 'Ali, and especially the dis-

tinctive form of it ascribed to Haider, which Sheik Sufi

one of his illustrious ancestors had raised into high repute.

Isma'il Sufi, hearing that there were a great many of these

in Caramania, which is the ancient Cilicia, repaired thither,

lvi INTRODUCTION.

and raised a levy of seven thousand men attached to the sect,

and more particularly devoted to his family, because either

they or their fathers had been delivered out of the hands of

Tamerlane through the intercession of Sheik Sufi.

" Young Isma'il, who was then only fourteen years old,

undertook with this handful of men to wage war with

Ferukhzad, king of Shir wan, a province of Media, whomhe regarded as the murderer of his father. This enterprise

was so successful, that he challenged and slew his enemy,

seized his kingdom, and thereby gained a position which

opened Asia to his ambition.

" This first essay in arms took place a.h. 906, correspond-

ing exactly with a.d. 1500, and the following year Isma'il

attacked and took the city of Tabriz, obliging Alvend, the

grandson of Usuncassan [Hasan Beg] who reigned there,

to flee and shut himself up in Baghdad ; but that sultan was

forced to leave that city also and take refuge in Diarbekir,

where he died, a.h. 910, and Baghdad fell into the hands

of Isma'il.

" In a.h. 908, [a.d. 1052,] Isma'il Shah, after making

himself master of Tabriz, Media, and Chaldea, turned

his arms against Persia, where another grandson of Usun-

cassan reigned, named Murad Beg, or 'Amrath son of

Ya'acub Beg. This prince, finding himself vigorously at-

tacked by his adversary, wished to decide the contest by a

general engagement. Leaving Shiraz with that object, he

marched towards Hamadan, where the battle took place,

wherein he was overcome and obliged to flee to Baghdad,

as his cousin Alvend had done before him.

" In a.h. 909, [a.d. 1503,] Isma'il having besieged Murad

in Baghdad, the latter took to flight, and running from one

province to another was ultimately slain by the soldiers of

Isma'il." 1

1 Bibliotkeque Orientate, sub voce Ismael.

INTRODUCTION. lvii

The disturbed state of the country consequent on

these intestine politico- religious contests may reason-

ably be inferred, and as they were at their height

during Varthema's sojourn in Persia, his incidental

notice of them, as interrupting his journey to Samar-

cand, is entitled to be regarded as a strong internal

proof of the truthfulness of his narrative.

The Persian merchant became so much attached

to our traveller during the abortive attempt to reach

Samarcand, that on their return to Shiraz he inti-

mated to the latter his intention of giving him the

hand of his niece, who was called " Samis, that is, the

Sun," and so far transgressed Mussulman etiquette in

his favour as to present him personally to the damsel,

with whom Varthema "pretended to be much pleased,

although his mind was intent on other things." Hetells us, however, that his destined bride was " ex-

tremely beautiful, and had a name which suited her ;"

and lest the designation should be considered a mis-

nomer, it must be remembered that the Sun takes

the feminine gender in most of the oriental languages.

Starting afresh from Shiraz, the two travellers

reached Hormuz, where they embarked for India,

and in due course anchored " at a port which is

called Cheo, near to a very large river called the

Indus, which Indus is near a city called Combeia."

Faulty as Varthema's geography is of that part of

the coast, there is no difficulty in identifying his

" Cheo" with Joah, or Kow, a village on one of the

estuaries of the Indus about four miles from the sea,

which is still frequented by native boats trading with

lviii INTRODUCTION.

Scind. His account of Cambay, however, which is

the next port gained,—of the city ; its situation

near another river (the Myhee;) the produce of the

district, comprising abundance of grain, " an im-

mense quantity of cotton" and manufactured silk

stuffs, with which between forty and fifty vessels

were laden every year ; and the cornelians and chal-

cedonies for which Cambay is still famous ;— in all

these particulars his description is as applicable now

as it was then. Moreover, the extraordinary tides

called the Bore, which prevail in the Gulf of Cam-

bay, are recognizable in his remarks on that subject,

although he erroneously makes the waters " rise in

the reverse of ours," that is, " when the moon is on

the wane."

Before accompanying our author any farther, it

may serve to illustrate his subsequent progress, and

obviate needless repetition, if we take a general view

of the political state of Western India at this period.

Till the end of the fourteenth century, Guzerat

was a dependency of the Affghan or Ghori empire

of Hindustan, -and in a.d. 1391 Nasir-ed-Din Mu-

hammed Shah bin Firuz Shah, the ruling emperor,

appointed Dhafir Khan viceroy over that province;

but the disorders which subsequently ensued among

the successors of Firuz Shah induced Dhafir Khan to

throw off his allegiance to the court of Delhi, and in

1408 he declared himself independent under the title

of Muzaffir Shah. Three years later, he was poisoned

by his grandson Ahmed Shah, who succeeded him on

the throne of Guzerat, and the sovereignty continued

INTRODUCTION. llX

in the same family till the accession of Mahmud Shah,

snrnamed Bigarrah, who was the reigning sultan when

Varthema reached Cambay.

The next native state with which onr narrative

brings us in contact is the Mussulman kingdom of

the Deccan, comprising several dependencies in the

Concan, of which the principal appear to have been

Dabul and Goa, ruled by tributary governors, and

extending as far south on the coast as the vicinity of

Varthema's " Bathacala." Towards the end of the

fifteenth century, the different principalities forming

this kingdom were still subject to the Bahmani

sultans of Kalberga, or Ahsunabad, a dynasty founded

by 'Ala-ed-Din Bahmani, a servant at the court of

Muhammed Shah Toghlak, the Ghori Emperor of

Hindustan, who about a.d. 1347 conquered all the

Deccan and established his capital at Kalberga. But

during the reign of Mahmud Shah II., (a.d. 1482

—

1518,) the fourteenth of the Bahmani dynasty, the

territories of this state were divided by the revolt of

several of its subordinate governors : Fath'-Allah

Tmad Khan, of Berar, appropriated that province

;

Ahmed Nizam Shah, of Ahmednagar, followed his

example ; Kasim Berid, the Shah's minister, made

himself master of Bidar, or Ahmedabad ; and Yusuf

'Adil Khan seized upon Bijapur. The latter per-

sonage was the reputed son of Murad II. of Anatolia,

who on the accession of his elder brother Muhammed,and while yet a child, was sent secretly into Persia

by his mother to escape the law which ordained that

only one son of the reigning family should be suffered

lx INTRODUCTION.

to live. Brought up until sixteen years old among

the disciples of the famous Sheikh Sufi, he subse-

quently determined to try his fortune in Hindustan,

became one of the body-guard in the royal house-

hold at Kalberga, and eventually governor of Bijapur.

Taking advantage of the dissensions which arose at

that period in the Bahmani empire, and supported by

a strong party in the state, he assumed independence

with the title of 'Adil Shah. This event occurred in

a.d. 1501, and as his reign lasted for ten years, he is

undoubtedly the " King of the Deccan" referred to

by Varthema in his description of Bijapur.

After passing the maritime provinces of Bijapur,

our narrative brings us into the territories of Bijaya-

nagar, which at the period under review comprised

several tributary dependencies on the Western coast

extending from Bathacala, or Bathcal, near or iden-

tical with the more modern town of Sedashevaghur,on

the north, and Mangalore on the south. This Brah-

minical kingdom of the Carnatic, having its capital

at Bijayanagar on the Toongabudra, and which in

more ancient times included the greater part of the

peninsula, had been deprived of several of its pro-

vinces by the encroachments of the Mussulman

sovereigns of the Deccan ; nevertheless, at the be-

ginning of the sixteenth century it was still a power-

ful state, and exercised jurisdiction over a number of

tributary rajahs on the Coromandel coast as far north

as the Kistnah. At that time, the affairs of the

kingdom were administered by Ramraj, whose ac-

cession to the regency is thus narrated by Ferishta:—

INTRODUCTION. lxi

" The government of Beejanuggur had remained in

one family, in uninterrupted succession, for seven

hundred years ; when Seeroy dying was succeeded

by his son, a minor, who did not live long after him,

and left the throne to a younger brother. He also

had not long gathered the flowers of enjoyment from

the garden of royalty, before the cruel skies, proving

their inconstancy, burned up the earth of his exist-

ence with the blasting winds of annihilation. Being

succeeded by an infant, only three months old,

Heemraaje, one of the principal ministers of the

family, celebrated for great wisdom and experience,

became sole regent, and was cheerfully obeyed by all

the vassals of the kingdom for forty years ; though,

on the arrival of the young king at the age of man-

hood, he had poisoned him, and put an infant of his

family on the throne, in order to have a pretence for

keeping the regency in his hands. Heemraaje at his

death was succeeded in office by his son Ramraaje,

who having married a daughter of Seeroy, by that

alliance greatly added to his influence and power.

By degrees, raising his own family to the highest

ranks, and destroying the ancient nobility by various

intrigues, he at length aspired to reign in his ownname, and totally to extirpate the family of Seeroy." 1

This Ramraaje, or RamraV), was the person whom Var-

thema designates as " the king of Narsinga" in the

account of his visit to Bijayanagar.

Adjoining the littoral provinces of the latter, on

the south, was the small independent rajahship of

1 Scott's Fcrishta, vol. i. p. 262.

lxii INTRODUCTION.

Cannanore, beyond which began the kingdom of the

Tamuri Rajah, commonly called the Zamorin, whose

territories extended as far south as Fonani, and who

appears to have exercised certain rights of suzerainty

over the contiguous state of Cochin. The origin of

the preeminence of the Zamorin, as collected from

the early Portuguese historians, is as follows :

—

" About 600 years ago, Malabar was all united under

one prince, whose name was Sarana Perimal. In his

time, the Moors (Arabs) of Mekka discovered the

Indies ; and coming to Koulan, [Quilon,] which was

then the royal seat, the king was so taken with their

religion, that not content with turning Mohammedan,

he determined to go on a pilgrimage to Mekka, and

there spend the remainder of his life. Before his

departure, he divided his dominions among his kin-

dred, reserving only twelve leagues of land lying near

the sea. This, just before he embarked, he gave to

his page, who was a relation, ordering it to be in-

habited, in remembrance of his embarking there.

He also gave him a sword and his cap as ensigns of

state, and commanded all the other princes, among

whom he had divided his territories, to acknowledge

him as their Samorin or Emperor, except the kings

of Koulan and Kananor ; but forbid all to coin

money but this Emperor. After this, he embarked

where Kalekut now stands: on which account the

Moors took so great an affection to the place, that

thenceforward they deserted the port of Koulan, and

would never since lade goods at any but that of

Kalekut, which by this means became the greatest

INTRODUCTION. IxiU

mart in all India for all sorts of spices, drugs, precious

stones, silks, calicoes, silver, gold, and other com-

modities." 1 Varthema's account of the predominant

authority exercised by the Zamorin on the Malabar

coast, coincides generally with the foregoing, and

with all other writers on the subject.

Passing down the coast, our narrative brings us to

Quilon, which it describes as the capital of an inde-

pendent Hindu rajahship, comprising the maritime

districts as far as Cape Comorin on the south, and

extending beyond that cape to " Chayl " towards the

north-east.

Intermitting any further notice of the prevailing

government on the Coromandel coast, which, as has

already been stated, was ruled generally by deputies

subject to the Rajah of Bijayanagar, the only Indian

kingdom remaining to be noticed is that of Bengal.

Incorporated towards the end of the twelfth century

with the Ghori or Patan empire of Hindustan,

Bengal was formed into a separate province under

Kutb ed-Din, the second Emperor, and placed under

the administration of Muhammed Bakhtiar Khilji,

governor of Berar, who is considered as the first

Sultan of the Purbi dynasty. According to some

authors, Bengal threw off its allegiance to the Em-

pire under Nasir ed-Din Baghra about the end of

the fourteenth century ; whilst others postpone its

sovereignty to the reign of Fakhr ed-Din Iskandar,

who is said to have assumed independence a.d. 1840.

The succession continued in the same family till

1 Greene's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. i. p. 29.

lxiv INTRODUCTION.

the province was subjugated by Akbar in 1573, and

at the period of Varthema's visit the reigning Sultan

was 'Ala ed-Din Husein Shah bin Seyyed Ashraf,

who held his court at Lucknouti or Gour, situated on

the left bank of the Ganges, about twenty-five miles

below Rajemal.

We must now return to our traveller whom we

left at Cambay. His account of the Jains of Guzerat,

and of the habits and customs of the Joghi ascetics,

is as interesting as it is accurate, while his description

of the person of the reigning sovereign supplies

another remarkable instance of his great observation

and veracity :—" The said Sultan has mustachios

under his nose so long that he ties them over his

head as a woman would tie her tresses." According

to 'Ali Muhammed Khan, the historian of Guzerat,

Sultan Mahmud received his surname of " Bigarrah,"

the name applied to a cow with twisted horns,

because his mustachios were long and curled in a

similar way.

From Cambay the travellers sailed along the coast

to Chaul in the" Northern Concan, and then to Goa,

from whence they started to Bijapur, which Varthema

styles, after the province, the " city of Decan," where

they arrived in seven days. His description of this

capital,—of its inhabitants, the splendour of the

the Sultan's court, the magnificence of his palace, his

military prowess, and the number of foreign merce-

naries enrolled in his army, as also his wars with the

neighbouring Rajah of Bijayanagar,—is fully cor-

roborated by the history of the times as recorded by

INTRODUCTION. lxv

Ferishta, as well as by the monuments of its former

extent and grandeur which still mark the site of the

once famous city of Bijapiir.

Returning to the coast, our travellers touched at

Bathcal, Uncola, and Honahwar, in North Canara,

—

places of greater trade then than they are now,—from

whence they proceeded to Cannanore, where Var-

thema mentions the presence of the Portuguese, who

had arrived three years prior to his visit : the first

occasion being that of Cabral in 1501, and the next

of any importance that of Vasco de Gama in 1503,

when he obtained permission to establish a factory in

the harbour. It is noticeable that our author appears

to have eschewed all intercourse with the resident

Europeans at this time, though Cannanore was

eventually the place where he sought their protec-

tion. He was evidently not yet tired of his adven-

turous mode of life, and his assumed profession of

Islam might have been suspected by his companion,

and his future aim thereby thwarted, had he estab-

lished amicable relations with the Portuguese.

Fifteen days' journey inland from Cannanore

brought the travellers to Bijayanagar, where they

remained some time. After describing the city, its

noble site, and the hunting grounds in the neighbour-

hood, our author's narrative is taken up with a full

account of the elephants maintained by the Rajah,

detailing the various uses to which they were applied,

their armour when employed in war, their surprising

intelligence, and the manner of their propagation.

He also gives the names of the different coins cur-

/

lxvi INTRODUCTION.

rent in the country, with their relative value, on

comparing which with a similar list supplied by the

Arabian traveller 'Abd er-Razzak sixty years before,

some changes appear to have been made in the

interval in the silver and copper money; but the gold

coinage had undergone no alteration, unless it was

the withdrawal of the Vardha, or Double Pagoda,

from circulation.

Returning to Cannanore, the party proceeded along

the coast to Tormapatani, Pandarani, and Capogatto.

The first of these places is undoubtedly the " Dorma-

patam " of Hamilton, situated near the Tellicherry

river. The two last I have been unable to identify

satisfactorily with the names of any existing towns

;

but they are distinctly mentioned by Bakkeus as

occurring between Cannanore and Calicut, and appear

to have occupied the sites of Hamilton's " Burgara"

and " Cottica," answering to the " Bergara " and

" Cotta " of D'Anville, and the " Vadacurry " and

" Kotacull " of Buchanan and Arrowsmith. Vasco

de Gama landed at this Pandarani, (which must not

be confounded with a place which then bore a similar

name, to the south of Calicut, but now7 called Ponani,)

when he paid his first visit to the Zamorin.

Our adventurers made a long stay at Calicut, and

an entire book of Varthema's narrative is taken up

with reminiscences of the memorable things observed

there. Its topography, trade, agriculture, animal

and vegetable productions, the court and state of the

Zamorin, the administration of justice, the Brahmins,

the religion of its inhabitants, their every-day worship

INTRODUCTION. lxvti

and funeral services, their division into castes, the

influence acquired there by the foreign and native

Muhammedans, their mode of navigation and war-

fare,—all these subjects are treated of in detail,

and with more than ordinary care, forming together

a most complete domestic history of what he calls

" the place of the greatest dignity in India." Bearing

in mind that all this matter is original, and that

many of the particulars noted were communicated to

Europe for the first time through our author's

writings, one cannot but express surprise at the extent

of his observation and the depth of his researches.

What strikes us most is the generally clear insight

which he obtained into some of the abstruse doctrines

of Hinduism, and the correct account which he gives of

the modeof succession to the sovereignty, the oligarchy

of the Nairs, and the distinctions between the sub-

ordinate castes down to the half savage Poiilias or

Poulichees. Not less remarkable is his description of

the extraordinary relations, sanctioned by usage if

not by law, existing between the Nambouris, or

highest caste, and the wife or wives of the Zamorin,

which, coupled with the picture which he draws of

the polyandry prevailing among the JSTairs, reveals a

state of social depravity as revolting as it is lament-

ably true.

Through what medium did Varthema acquire all

this information, so diffuse in detail and yet so

authentic 1 He had no books of reference, and his

prejudiced Mussulman companions alone would un-

doubtedly have led him into frequent misrepresenta-

/2

lxviii INTRODUCTION.

tioiis regarding the Kafirs. The only inference we

can draw is, that he did not confine his inquiries to

them, but associated familiarly with the Hindus also,

and, being endowed with uncommon perspicacity,

was enabled to separate the true from the false, and

to present us with a narrative almost unrivalled for

originality of investigation and accuracy of statement

among the published travels of his age. Moreover,

how did he compile his book ? Did he keep a jour-

nal, noting down day by day his acquired experience,

or did he trust to recollection alone ? If the latter,

the retentiveness of his memory would not be the

least qualification for the task which he accomplished

with such surprising exactness.

The suspension of trade at Calicut, owing to the

hostile proceedings of the Portuguese on the coast,

was a serious drawback to Cogiazenor's mercantile

speculations, apparently causing him and Varthema

to leave the place sooner than they had otherwise

intended. In describing their onward progress, the

latter says :" We departed and took our road by a

river, which is the most beautiful I ever saw, and

arrived at a city called Cacolon, distant from Calicut

fifty leagues." This river was unquestionably what

is known to sailors as the " Backwater of Cochin,"

formed by the inland confluence of different streams

with the numerous estuaries along the coast, by

which, especially during the rainy monsoon, naviga-

tion is practicable in a line parallel with the shore.

It seems very likely that the journey was continued

by the same mode of conveyance as far as Quilon,

INTRODUCTION. lxix

for Varthema tells us, in a subsequent part of his

narrative, that they went from that place to Calicut

by this same " river" on their return from the Indian

Archipelago. " Cacolon," the modern Kayan Kulam,

and the Coilcoiloan of Hamilton, is described by the

latter, in his time (1688—1723) as " a little princi-

pality contiguous to Porkah," which our author calls

" the island of Porcai," probably from its being almost

insulated by the " Backwater of Cochin." At Kayan

Kulam he fell in with the " Christians of St. Thomas,"

or Nestorians, the ancestors of the native Christian

community still existing in Malabar, and notices

briefly some of their ritual differences from the

Church of Rome. Quilon, the town next gained,

and which Varthema calls " Colon," he describes as

fertile in fruits but not in grain, and speaks of the

king as being very powerful, and a great friend of

the Portuguese, which is true, for they had obtained

permission to settle a factory there two years prior to

his visit.

Leaving Quilon, our travellers rounded Cape Co-

morin, and proceeded in a north-easterly direction to

" Chayl," noticing by the way the pearl-fishery near

Tuticorin. Chayl, I take to represent the " Calligi-

cura" of Pliny, and the " Kolkhi" of the author of

the Periplus, and appears to have been situated near

the promontory forming one side of the Pamban

Passage. 1 Their next voyage was to the city of

1I have identified it with Barbosa's " Cael," which he locates

on the mainland " after passing the province of Quilicare [Killi-

karai] towards the north-east," and also with Hamilton's " Coil,"

(see note I, on p. 184); but I do not find the name in that neigh-

1XX INTRODUCTION.

" Cioromandel," " distant from Colon seven days'

journey by sea, more or less, according to the wind,"

and subject to the Rajah of Bijayanagar. From

the indications given, I presume this to be Nega-

patam, though, if right in the conjecture, it was a

place of greater commercial importance then than

it is now. Departing thence, and passing a gulf

where there were many rocks and shoals, (the Palk

Strait,) they reached Ceylon, and from Varthema's

description of the locality as being situated near a

large river, surrounded by cinnamon-plantations, and

in the neighbourhood of high mountains, I infer that

they landed at Colombo. Though their stay here

was short, owing to some jealousy of Cogiazenor on

the part of a resident Arab merchant, our author

managed to collect a considerable amount of general

information respecting the island. He mentions the

intestine wars which prevailed between four rival

kings,—a fact corroborated by Sir J. E. Tennent and

other historians ; the various gems found there ; the

cultivation of cinnamon ; Adam's Peak, and the tra-

dition associated with it among Mussulmans ; the

dress of the people, their ignorance of fire-arms, and

the weapons in use among them, with which, how-

ever, " they did not kill each other overmuch, because

they are cowardly fellows."

Three days' sail from Ceylon brought our party

bourhood in any of the modern maps. Colonel Yule identifies

Burbosa's Cael with a Coilpatam near the Tinnevelly river; but I

think that position is too far south to correspond with Varthema's

" Chayl." tSce Friar Jordanus, p. 40.

INTRODUCTION. lxxi

to " Paleachet," the modern Pulicat, about twenty-

two miles north of Madras, then subject to the Nar-

singa, or Rajah of Bijayanagar. The neighbouring

district is represented as abounding in grain, and the

port as largely frequented by " Moorish" merchants.

Varthema also mentions that " the country was at

fierce war w7ith the king of Tarnasseri,"—a statement

which I have been utterly unable either to question

or to confirm for want of any historical records, known

to me, of any such international hostile relations

between the rulers on the Coromandel coast and

those of the Burmese peninsula.

Before accompanying our travellers from the shores

of Hindustan, I venture to submit a few brief obser-

vations on the narrative under review, as far as it

treats of that continent.

Notwithstanding the civil wars which prevailed

at the time, the external commerce of the country,

except in the single instance attributed to the pro-

ceedings of the Portuguese fleet off Calicut, appears

to have been carried on without interruption, and to

have been subject to no restrictions beyond the levy

of a fixed customs duty at the place of entry or em-

barkation. Moreover, foreign merchants residing at

the seaports, or periodically visiting them, seem to

have enjoyed perfect immunity in person and property,

to have been under the special protection of the local

authorities, and were withal wholly free in the exer-

cise of their religion. The principal seaports on the

western side were Cambay and Calicut; on the Coro-

mandel coast, Negapatam, Pulicat, and Masulipatam;

lxxii INTRODUCTION.

and, farther cast, Banghella near the eastern month

of the Ganges, and Satgong on the Hooghly ; but

between these were numerous subordinate depots,

occupied originally on account of their harbours, and

as affording more direct communication with different

points in the interior, which were much frequented not

only by coasting craft, but by vessels engaged in the

foreign trade. Many of these ports, some of which

were selected for factories by the early European

traders to India, have been abandoned, and even the

names of a few of those mentioned by Varthema have

disappeared from the modern maps. One cause of this

is doubtless assignable to a considerable share of the

external commerce, in which a great many native

boats were engaged, having been diverted from the

lied Sea and Persian Gulf to the route via the Cape

of Good Hope. The larger vessels employed in that

transport required deeper anchorage, and sought the

most eligible harbours, whither the trade followed

them ; whilst the gradual absorption of the native

states by the British Government tended still further

to promote commercial centralization. That the

trade of the country has progressively increased is

certain ; nevertheless, it may fairly be questioned

whether it would not have increased in a higher

ratio had good roads been more generally substituted

for those numerous outlets on the coast which, by

the combined operation of the causes aforesaid, were

eventually disused and forsaken. This conjectural

inference is confirmed by the fact, that notwith-

standing the efforts which have been made of late

INTRODUCTION. lxxiii

years to facilitate inland intercommunication, the

desirableness of adding to the existing harbours has

originated several schemes for improving several of

the old ports and for creating new ones.

Another inference deducible from our narrative is

the uniform prosperity which prevailed among the

inhabitants. Excepting the case of the outcast

Poulias of Malabar, the different classes of the popu-

lation appear to have been in a thriving condition,

and we read of no systematic oppression on the part

of their rulers. These, and the higher ranks of the

community, are represented as being very opulent;

but their riches served to support large establish-

ments of retainers, and being wholly expended in

the country contributed to promote the general

well-being of the people. It may fairly be doubted,

indeed, whether in this respect the natives of India,

on the whole, have benefited by their subjection to

British rule. Larger fortunes are perhaps amassed

by private individuals, but the domestic changes

which a different system of government has intro-

duced have closed many of the outlets through

which the wealth of the few found its way among

the many ; besides which, no insignificant portion of

the incomes realized in the country is now taken out

of it and disposed of elsewhere. In consequence of

this altered state of things, property is becoming

more unequally distributed, and the native popula-

tion is gradually assimilating itself to the European

model. It remains for the future to decide whether

the results in the East will correspond with the

workings of the social organism of the West.

IXX1V INTRODUCTION.

Varthema's reiterated encomium on the impartial

administration of justice, wherein he corroborates the

testimony of ancient Greek and Roman authors,

reveals another striking feature in the Indian polity

at this period. That no declension, in that respect,

has resulted from the supersession of the old native

tribunals by British legislation cannot be doubted

;

nevertheless, the two systems are frequently con-

trasted by the people to the decided disparagement

of the latter. The chief defect complained of, how-

ever, is the comparative tardiness of our law ; for

under the oriental mode of procedure, punishment

follows hard on the offence, and cases are disposed of

without the intervention of those intricate forms and

delays, and without the heavy fees, which seem in-

separable from a British law court. There are, un-

questionably, many among the better informed natives

who appreciate the even and solid justice ultimately

aimed at and dispensed ; but the masses revert with

regret to the good old days when awards were

attainable in much less time, and at far less cost,

than at present. ' This subject reminds me of a wealthy

Arab pearl merchant from the Persian Gulf, whomI met at Maskat upwards of two years ago, and who

occasionally formed one of a party of evening visitors

whose opinions I frequently endeavoured to elicit on

points connected with British policy in the East.

The theme under discussion was the administration

of justice in India, in the course of which the Arab

merchant, who was well acquainted with Bombay,

spoke as follows, as nearly as I can remember his

INTRODUCTION. lxXV

words:—"There can be no doubt that the government

of the English is the best in the world, and no

Eastern government can be compared to it. Their

law too is excellent, and their judges and magistrates

incorruptible ; still, there are serious drawbacks in

the way of obtaining justice. Knowing this by

experience, I long forbore pressing a case against a

man who was indebted to me to a large amount ; but

a Parsee acquaintance eventually persuaded me to put

myself into the hands of an English lawyer who, he

was sure, would get my claim settled promptly and

economically, and moreover gave me a note of intro-

duction to his legal adviser. Thanking him for his

courtesy, but still wary of the machinery of the law,

I took the note to a Banyan and begged him to read

it for me. It contained this sentence :—

' My dear

, I send you a good fat cow ; milk him well.'

I need not tell you that my suspicions were con-

firmed, and that I preferred a voluntary compromise

with my debtor, to an involuntary milking at the

hands of the English advocate." The anecdote,

whether true or fabricated, is illustrative of a very

common notion among the natives respecting the

obstacles in the way of securing prompt justice from

a British court of law in India.

It is high time to revert to our travellers, but we

must leave them a little longer in the house of the

" Moorish " merchant at Pulicat, (who was delighted

with the corals and saffron, figured-velvet and knives,

which they had brought for sale,) while we take a

cursory glance at the political condition of the

countries whither they subsequently proceeded.

B [MIW

lxxvi INTRODUCTION.

The principal monarchies in the great Burmese

peninsula at this period were those of Pegu and

Siam. The capital of the former was the city of the

same name, and of the latter, Yiithya, or Odia,

situated on the river Menam above the modern

capital of Bangkok. The kingdom of Pegu appears

to have comprised the sea-coast as far as the fifteenth

degree of south latitude, and that of Siam the whole

of the Malayan peninsula, the maritime districts of

which were divided into three provinces, viz., Tenas-

serim, Ligor, and Queda, ruled by semi-independent

viceroys, of whom the chief was the viceroy of

Tenasserim. It would seem, however, that Malacca,

though subject to Siam, formed a separate jurisdic-

tion under a Muhammedan deputy, whereas the

governors of all the other provinces, like the mass of

the people, were Buddhists. There were frequent

wars at this time between Pegu and Siam, and

between Pegu and the inland states of Ava and

Toungoo, which before the end of the sixteenth

century considerably modified the territories of the

rival sovereigns.

The island of Sumatra was divided into several

kingdoms, of which the principal were those of Achin

and Pedir, though it is not improbable that the

latter was tributary to the former. Most of the in-

land sovereigns professed Hinduism, and in Var-

thema's time the king of Pedir was a " Pagan ;" but

there were many " Moors " resident on the eastern

coast, and Achin had embraced Islamism as early, at

least, as the fourteenth century.

INTRODUCTION. Ixxvil

Java, also, was ruled by a number of petty Hindu

kings, who were for the most part subject to a

paramount sovereign, called " Pala-Udora " by Bar-

bosa, who resided in the interior. According to the

same authority, this personage was a " Pagan ;" but

Crawfurd assigns a.d. 1478 as the date when the

principal Hindu state was overthrown by the Muham-medans. There were many " Moors " settled at the

different seaports, and about this period Islamism

appears to have been making rapid progress among

the inhabitants of the maritime provinces.

Of the places visited by our travellers to the east-

ward of Java, there is but little to be remarked under

this head. According to Varthema, the inhabitants

of the Banda or Nutmeg Islands were "Pagans, who

had no king, nor even a governor ;" Barbosa makes

them Moors and Pagans, and Pigafetta, Moors only;

to which De Barros adds, that " they had neither

king nor lord, and all their government depended on

the advice of their elders." The people of the

Moluccas were Pagans and Muhammeclans, but most

of the " kings " were of the latter denomination.

Barbosa describes one of these sovereigns, however,

as being " nearly a Pagan ; " from which we mayinfer that the population generally, as regards re-

ligion, were in a state of transition between heathen-

ism and Islam. Of the prevailing government in

Borneo, we know scarcely anything, beyond the fact

that it comprised a number of petty independent

states, which were chiefly subject to heathen rulers.

The inhabitants of the place where Varthema landed

lxxviii INTRODUCTION.

were Pagans, as were those of the island generally

;

but Crawfurd adduces evidence to prove that many of

the Malay and Javanese settlers had embraced Islam-

ism long prior to this period.

Rejoining our travellers, we shall now proceed to

accompany them in their subsequent wanderings.

From Pulicat, they sailed to " Tarnassari," which 1

have found no difficulty in identifying with Tenas-

serim, although Dr. Vincent was disposed to locate it

either at Masulipatam, or between that place and

the Ganges. Varthema's description of this city,

—

its situation on the southern bank of a large river,

forming a good port; the military power of the king,

who maintained a standing army of 100,000 men,

whose weapons were bows and lances, swords and

shields, some of the latter made of tortoise-shell

;

the animal and vegetable productions of the country;

the domestic habits of the people generally

;

] the

1 Varthema describes the cocks and hens at Tenasserim (p. 200)

as the largest he ever saw ; and among the domestic usages of the

people, he speaks of their eating out of " some very beautiful

vessels of wood." (p. 201.) Colonel Yule informs me that the big

cocks and hens, and very handsome vessels of lackered wood, are

notable features in Burmah at the present day. He also suggests

whether the word " Mirzel," which he has found applied to an

Indian dye in a work written by a Dutch author twelve hundred

years ago, and which seems to indicate the brazil-wood, one of the

products of Tenasserim, may not have originated the Italian

" verzino," which Varthema uses to describe the dye, but the

etymology of which I have failed to discover. (See note on p.

205.) The quotation with which he has kindiy supplied me is as

follows :—" Tinctura quaxlam, Mirzel illis dicta, qua panni ele-

gantissimo colore jecorario sive castaneo inficiuntur." Whereon he

remarks : " Now, has the illis dicta any foundation ? It might

INTRODUCTION. lxxix

peculiar dress of the Brahmins, or, more correctly,

Buddhist priests ; the amusement of cock-fighting

;

the concremation of the dead bodies of the kings and

principal Buddhists, and the prevailing practice of

Salt, or widow-burning, with their attendant rites ;

—

all these subjects are treated of in detail, and with an

accuracy which is amply confirmed by the testimony

of subsequent writers. Among the birds enumerated

by our author, there is one " much larger than an

eagle," with a yellow and red beak, " a thing very

beautiful to behold," the upper mandible of whicli

was made into sword-hilts. Professor Owen con-

siders that this parti-coloured bill applies to the

Buceros galeatus, of which a jewelled bowl, belong-

ing to the crown jewels of the Ottoman Sultan, is

formed ; but which tradition had believed to have

been made from the beak of the fabulous Phoenix.

Varthema devotes a whole chapter to the descrip-

tion of an extraordinary usage among the people of

Tenasserim, connected with their marriages, in which

the concurrence of foreigners was importunately so-

licited, and illustrates it by the personal experience

of his party. Extravagant and obscene as the custom

is, its prevalence in the Burmese provinces is con-

firmed by writers of a later date, and evidence is not

wanting of its existence up to a very recent period.

help us to the origin of the words brazil and verzino. Drury or

Ainslie would give the synonymes." I have searched through

both writers in vain for an Indian name anything approaching that

of Mirzel either in form or sound, and am therefore inclined to

think that it is nothing more than a native corruption of Verzino.

lx.XX INTRODUCTION.

A voyage of eleven days from Tenasserim brought

our travellers to the " city of Banghella." In myannotations on the text (p. 210,) I have inferred

that this place was the ancient Gour on the Ganges;

but the following judicious remarks, which Colonel

Yule has been good enough to transmit to me, lead

me to doubt the accuracy of that identification. Heobserves :

—" I think it is to be deduced from what

Varthema says, that the ' city of Banghella ' was a

seaport, and therefore could not be Gour. In an old

Dutch Latin geography book, which I have chanced

on in the salle of this hotel, (Hotel Royal, Genoa,)

with wonderfully good maps, by J. and C. Blaen,

(no title ; date about 16-40, as Charles I. is spoken

of as reigning,) I find Bengala put down as a town

close and opposite to Chatigam (Chittagong.) I don't

lay much stress on this ; but I suspect it was either

Chittagong, or Satgong on the Hoogly, which was

the great port one hundred years later, and also

in Ibn Batuta's time." By Satgong I presume the

Colonel indicates Ibn Batuta's SddMwdn, which the

latter describes as " the first town he entered," [in

Bengal,] and as being " large and situated on the

sea-shore." 1 But the following quotation from Pata-

vino, whose work was published in 1597, seems to

upset my friend's deduction as well as my own ; for

it also describes Bengala as a town distinct from either

Gour, or Chittagong, or Satgong. He writes:—" GOVRO vrbs Regia habitatio fuit, et BENGALAurbs qua? regioni nomen dat, inter vniversa? India?

1 Lee's Translation, p. 194.

INTRODUCTION. lxxxi

praeclarissimas connumeratur. Pi-aster has iuxta maris

ripam ad ostia Chaberis insignia emporia Catigan et

Satigan iacent, quae centum propemodum leucis ab

invicem distant." 1 I find, moreover, on further investi-

gation, that Rennell likewise recognizes Satgong and

Banghella as distinct towns, and gives some clue to-

wards determining the position of the latter. The

former he describes as follows :—" Satgong or Sata-

gong, now an inconsiderable village on a small creek

of the Hoogly river, about four miles to the north-

west of Hoogly, was, in 1566, and probably later, a

large commercial city, in which the European traders

had their factories in Bengal. At that time, Satgong

river was capable of bearing small vessels ; and I

suspect, that its then course, after passing Satgong,

was by way of Adaumpour, Omptah, and Tamlook ;

and that the river called the Old Ganges was a part of

its course, and received that name while the circum-

stance of the change was fresh in the memory of the

people. The appearance of the country between Sat-

gong and Tamlook countenances such an opinion."

Of the other place, which seems to be Varthema's

Banghella, he says :" In some ancient maps, and

books of travel, we meet with a city named Bangella ;

but no traces of such a place now exist. It is de-

scribed as being near the eastern mouth of the

Ganges,2 and I conceive that the site of it has been

1Geoff. Univ. turn Vet. turn Nova absolutissimum opus, p. 258.

2 It is so placed in several of the old maps belonging to the

British Museum. For some further notes on this subject, the

reader is referred to the Postscript at the end of this Introduction.

9

lxxxii INTRODUCTION.

carried away by the river, as in my remembrance a

vast tract of land has disappeared thereabouts. Ben-

galla appears to have been in existence during the

early part of the last century." 1

To return from this digression : Varthema repre-

sents Banghella as one of the finest cities he had

hitherto seen. The Sultan was a Muhammedan, and

had a standing army of 20,000 men. Here they

found the richest merchants they had ever met

;

the principal exports were cotton and silk stuffs,

which were woven by men and not by women ; the

country abounded in grain of every kind, sugar,

ginger, and cotton, and was, withal, the best place

in the world to live in. In this latter particular,

our author's statement is corroborated by the ex-

perience of Ibn Batuta nearly two centuries before,

who says: " I never saw a country in which

provisions were so cheap. I there saw one of the

religious of the West, who told me that he had

bought provisions for himself and family for a whole

year with eight dirhems," 2 or about twenty-four

shillings of our money !

At Banghella our adventurers met two Christians

from the city of Samau in Cathay, a place which I

was unable to identify when writing the notes, but

for which I have since discovered, what appears to

me, a very probable representative in one of the

letters of Fra Odorico (a.d. 1318), who, in his ac-

count of " Catay," speaks of Christians inhabiting that

1 Memoir of a Map of Hindooslan, p. 57.

2 Lee's Translation, p. 194.

INTRODUCTION. lxxxiii

province in considerable numbers, and mentions that

of the 4,009 doctors who attended on the. " Gran

Cane," eight were Christians. He then adds :

—

" During the winter, this lord resides at Cabalec,

[Kanbalii=Pekin,] but at the beginning of summer

he leaves it to take up his abode in a city called

Sanay, situated towards the north, a very cold lo-

cality and habitation, and in removing from the one

place to the other, he goes in wonderful state.' 1

This quotation is from the narrative which Fra

Guglielmodi Solona professes to have taken down from

Fra Odorico's own lips, at Padua, in the year 1330.

In the other account, which is also preserved by

Ramusio, and which appears to have been written

by the missionary Friar himself, this summer-palace

of the Great Khan is called Sandojj ; but the names

of the same places are so differently spelt in the two

exemplars as frequently to defy identification without

the aid of the accompanying narrative. In this in-

stance, there can be no doubt that Sanay and Sandoy

represent one and the same locality ; and although it

is beyond me to decide which is the more correct or-

thography, I deem it tolerably certain that the place

so called was identical with Varthema's " city of

Sarnau."

There is so much interesting matter in these early

travels of Fra Odorico, that it is to be hoped some

competent hand will prepare an annotated transla-

tion of them for the Hakluyt Society. A striking-

feature in the two narratives, which evidently de-

1 Ramusio, vol. ii. p. 251.

;/2

l.XXXiv INTRODUCTION.

scribe the same journey, is that one of them, viz., that

written by Fra Guglielmo, contains an account of

several places on the western coast of India between

Thana (Tanna) and Cape Comorin, including Alan-

drina (Fandaraina=Pandarani 1) and Mebor (Mala-

bar,) and also of S'umoltra (Sumatra?) and Iana (pro-

bably for Iatia=Ja\3,1) as far &sllicunera,a, large island

in the ocean towards the south about 2,000 miles in

circuit, from whence the traveller proceeds to Silam,

(Ceylon,) then to Dadin, an island one day distant, and

next, after a navigation of many days, to Manzi on the

frontiers of China ; whereas, in the other exemplar,

most of these intermediate places are omitted, and

the writer goes direct from Tana (Tanna) to Nicoverra,

and then to Mangi by Diddi. Whencethis discrepancy 1

Was the additional matter an interpolation of a

later date? The subject deserves a thorough investi-

gation.

The two Sarnau Christians whom our travellers

encountered at Banghella had evidently come to that

part of India for trading purposes, and as Varthema

describes them as writing from right to left, they

were probably Nestorians. On seeing the branches

of coral which Cogiazenor had for sale, they advised

him to accompany them to Pegu, as being the most

eligible market for such articles ; and the party ac-

cordingly set off together on a voyage of " about one

thousand miles," 1 during which they " passed a gulf

1 It is somewhat strange that Varthema should make the dis-

tance between his Banghella and Pegu three hundred miles more

than he interposes between Tenasserim and Banghella. See pp.

213, 214.

INTRODUCTION. IXXXV

towards the south," (Martaban,) and in due time

reached their destination.

Varthema correctly describes the Pegu of his day

as a great city, situated to the west of a beautiful

river, containing " good houses and palaces built of

stone, with lime," and as beiug enclosed within a

wall. The old town has long since disappeared, but

Symes tells us that its extent may still be traced by

the remains of the ditch which surrounded it, and

that the bricks from its ruins now pave the streets of

the new town. Among the vegetable productions of

the kingdom, its splendid timber-trees and enormous

bamboos, and, among the animals, the abundance of

civet-cats, are particularly noticed. The chief mer-

chandize of the place was in jewels, and the mines of

Capellan, which Tavernier a century and a half later

locates in a mountain twelve days' journey from

Sirian, are mentioned as the great source of rubies.

In his account of the Peguese army, our author

makes the singular statement that it contained one

thousand Christians like those found in Sarnau, mean-

ing thereby Nestorians. As there is not the slightest

evidence to prove that so large a number of native

Christians ever existed in Pegu, I have been led to

suppose that Varthema had heard that many of the

soldiers, like the Buddhists in general, believed in a

trinity, or, as Yule explains it in commenting on a

similar remark made by Nicolo de' Conti, " the Triad

of Buddha, Dharma, and Sanga" and incontinently

christianized them. The same writer, in another

place, quotes the old Geographer in Ramusio as iden-

lxXXVi INTRODUCTION.

tifying the Hindu Triad with the Christian doctrine

in personal detail :—" All the country of Malabar

believes in the Trinity, Father, Son, and Holy

Spirit, and this, beginning at Cambay, and ending

at Bengal." 1

Finding that the King was absent on an expedition

against the King of Ava, our party hired " a ship,

made all of one piece," and set forth in search of

him, their course being, as may be presumed, down

the river of Pegu and then up the Irawaddy. Not

being able to reach Ava on account of the war, they

retraced their steps, and on the return of the King

five days after were admitted to an audience of His

Majesty, who was so bedizened with jewels that, if

seen by night, " he appears to be a sun." The

Christians, who acted as interpreters on the occasion,

apprised him of the merchandize which Cogiazenor

had brought for sale ; but that business was deferred

to the day after the next, " because the next day the

King had to sacrifice to the devil for the victory

which he had gained" over his Avan enemies. The

account which Varthema gives of the subsequent

interview reveals the craft of the Persian in placing

his corals at the King's disposal for the mere honour

of having them accepted by royalty. The artifice

was eminently successful ; for although the King

was unable to pay in ready cash, owing to the heavy

expenditure occasioned by two years' war, he gave

the wily merchant a handful of rubies for his corals,

and presented the Christians with two rubies each.

1 Friar Jordanus, p. 24, note.

INTRODUCTION. lxXXVU

" Wherefore," remarks our author, " he may be con-

sidered the most liberal King in the world ; " adding

for our information that his principal revenue was

derived from the lac and sandal-wood, brazil-wood

and cotton, which the country produced in great

abundance. Five days after, news arrived that the

King of Ava was marching to attack the King of

Pegu, and as the latter left the city with a large

army to encounter him, our party embarked on board

a ship and in eight days reached Malacca.

Near this place was a river twenty-five miles wide,

called " Gaza." This was undoubtedly the Straits of

Malacca, which are about that width between the

mainland and the opposite island of Rupat, and the

name is most probably a contraction of Bogluu, the

common Arabic designation of a strait. As Var-

tliema describes their course from Pegu as being

" towards the west," he had evidently a very incor-

rect idea of the geography of the peninsula. The

country about Malacca was not very fertile, but it

abounded in fruits and different kinds of birds and

animals, and the commerce carried on at the port

was very extensive, for " more ships arrived there

than at any other place in the world." The natives

generally were a bad race, and foreign merchants

slept on board their ships to avoid assassination.

Distinct from the more civilized community of the

place, who dressed after the manner of Cairo, there

was another class who set the local authorities at de-

fiance, and who did not care to reside on land be-

cause they were " men of the sea." I have pointed

lxxxviii INTRODUCTION.

out in my annotations on the text how strikingly

this part of Varthema's narrative is corroborated

by the learned researches of Mr. Crawfurd. " Menof the Sea" is the literal translation of the Malay

Orang-laut, or sea-gipsies, who are to be found so-

journing from Sumatra to the Moluccas. The only

habitations of this people are their boats, and they

live exclusively by the produce of the sea, or by the

robberies which they commit on it.

The next place to which our party proceeded was

Pider in the island of Sumatra, which Varthema

locates about eighty leagues from the mainland,—

a

correct estimate if measured from the coast directly

opposite, but nearly twice that distance from Malacca.

After portraying the physical features of the people,

and remarking that their religion and customs, that

of Saft included, were like those of Tenasserim, Var-

thema describes the currency as consisting of gold,

silver, and tin coins, " all stamped, having a devil

[idol] on one side, and something resembling a cha-

riot drawn by elephants on the other." This state-

ment is somewhat in opposition to Mr. Crawfurd, who

says that the natives of the Archipelago generally had

no coined money prior to the arrival of the Eu-

ropeans ; but this conclusion is modified by the ex-

ception of Java, and more especially of Achin, where

he states that a gold coin existed inscribed with

Arabic characters, bearing the names of the sove-

reigns under whom it wras struck, from which it may

be inferred that the date of coinage was subsequent

to the establishment of Islamism in that province.

INTRODUCTION. lxxxix

Still, as Ibn Batiita found a Muhammedan sovereign

reigning at Sumatra in the fourteenth century, and

as Achin was most likely the place which he touched

at in that island, there is nothing incredible in Var-

thema's account of the different coins current at

Pedir in his time ; for Pedir is the next adjoining

province to Achin, and was probably at some period

tributary to that state. It is possible, however, that

some of these coins were imported in the course of

trade with the continent of India, for Varthema de-

scribes one street of Pedir as occupied by five hun-

dred money-changers, and associates the remark with

the great number of foreign merchants who carried

on an extensive traffic at the place. As a colony of

Hindus still exists at Malacca, whose profession it is to

try gold by the touch and to refine it, it is not unlikely

that the money-changers at Pedir were also natives of

India ; and, if so, the importation of Indian money is

readily accounted for. Perhaps some one learned in

oriental numismata may succeed, where I have failed,

in identifying the devices on Varthema's stamped

money of Pedir with some of the old Hindu coins.

In his enumeration of the natural productions of

Sumatra, our author includes most of those peculiar

to the island, such as pepper, specifying the long

pepper, of which he gives a detailed description ;

benzoin ; different qualities of sandal-wood, the eagle-

wood of commerce ; and silk, both domestic and

wild. With regard to the latter article, Crawfurd

says, in commenting on a similar statement made by

De Barros, that it is probably an error, as he is not

XC INTRODUCTION.

aware of any kind of silk being produced in the

islands of the Archipelago ; and as I can suggest no-

thing to modify this wide discrepancy, I must just

leave it as it is, and rejoin our travellers in their on-

ward journey. 1

A desire on the part of Cogiazenor to see the place

where the nutmegs and cloves were produced, in-

duced him and Varthema to put themselves under

the guidance of their two Christian companions, who

were now anxious to return to their own country,

but who eventually consented to accompany them,

on hearing that Varthema had been a Christian, and

had seen Jerusalem, where he had been purchased as

a slave, and brought up as a Mussulman. This

fabricated story so delighted the simple Sarnau couple,

that they endeavoured to persuade Varthema to go

with them to China, promising that he should be

made very rich there, and be allowed the free ex-

ercise of his adopted faith. Cogiazenor objected to

the latter arrangement, informing them that his

companion was the destined husband of his bright-

eyed niece " Samis," which finally settled the matter.

Smaller boats being required for the projected trip,

1 Varthema also mentions that many of the houses in Sumatra

were covered with shells of sea turtles,—a remark which I have

been able to illustrate by the researches of Mr. II. H. Major (see

note 1, on p. 240). But the colossal tortoise of Diodorus Siculus,

and even the Colossochelys Atlas of the British Museum, is out-

done by one described by Fra Odorico in a country which he calls

" Zapa," somewhere in the Indian Archipelago. He says :

" And in this place I also saw a turtle of wonderful size like the

cuba or trullo [the square tower] of [the church of] Saint An-thony at Padua"! Ramusio, vol. ii. p. 248.

INTRODUCTION. XC1

wherein there were no dangers to be apprehended

from pirates, though the Christians could not promise

them immunity from the chances of the sea, two

sampans, ready manned, were bought by the Persian

for 400 pardai, (about £280,) and after taking on

board a stock of provisions, including the best fruits

which Varthema had ever tasted, the party sailed from

the island of Sumatra.

We are now to follow our adventurers on a route

never before traversed by Europeans, or, more safely,

of which no European before him has left any record. 1

" About twenty islands " were passed during the

voyage, leading us to infer that they steered along

the coast of Java, and in fifteen days they arrived at

" Bandan," one of the Banda or Nutmeg group.

The inhabitants are represented as being " like

beasts :" they had no ruler, neither was any law

necessary, " because the people were so stupid, that

if they wished to do evil they would not know how

to accomplish it.1' Nevertheless, they must have

been within the area of the trade at that period,

and in frequent contact with a superior civilization,

1 As far as I can recollect, Marco Polo and Fra Odorico are the

only Europeans, prior to our author, who have given us a personal

account of any of the countries to the east of the Malayan peninsula,

yet neither of them travelled to the eastward of Borneo. Never-

theless, it is by no means improbable that stray foreigners from

the West may have been there long before Varthema. Until very

lately, I believed with the rest of the world that Burton was the

first European who visited Hurrur ; but Padre Sapeto affirms that

he himself was there some years before Burton, and that several

other Europeans had resided at the place half a century antecedent

to his time.

XC11 INTRODUCTION.

for " money circulated there as at Calicut." The

only production of the island was the nutmeg, which

grew spontaneously, and was common property, each

person gathering as much as he chose. The tree,

nut, and mace, are described with Varthema's usual

accuracy, and he states that the market price of

twenty-six pounds of nutmegs was half a carlino, or

about three pence of our currency.

Leaving Banclan, the next place gained was

" Monoch," 1 a distorted form of 3Ialuka, the proper

collective name of the Moluccas, which they reached

in twelve days. Mr. Crawfurd remarks that Var-

thema " seems to consider the Moluccas as one island,

including probably under this name the great island

of Gilolo."2 This is hardly so ; for our author

mentions expressly "other neighbouring islands where

cloves grow," but says " they are small and unin-

habited." It is impossible to decide with certainty

which of the islands the party landed at, but as it is

described as being " much smaller than Bandan," I

have conjectured that it was either Ternate or Tidor.

The inhabitants are represented as being worse than

those of Bandan, but lived much in the same style.

The only object of interest here was the cloves,—an

object which, as Mr. Crawfurd correctly says, " mainly

prompted the European nations of the fifteenth cen-

tury to the discovery of the New World." Varthema

gives a very fair account of the clove tree, the soil in

1 I perceive that, by an oversight, I have written " JITc/luck"

for Monoch in the 23rd line of the note on p. 247.

2 Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands, etc., p. 64.

INTRODUCTION. XClil

which it flourished, and the simple manner of gather-

ing the spice. The price of the cloves was double

that of the nutmeg, but they were sold by measure" as the people did not understand weights." Hesays the country was very low, which is only true of

the latitude of the Moluccas; and that was evidently

our author's meaning, for he immediately subjoins :

" and the north star is not seen from it."

After a short stay at " Monoch," the Christians

proposed to conduct our travellers to " the largest

island in the world;" for so they designated Java,

proving how ignorant they were of its relative size.

But they must first go to " Bornei," or Borneo, and

procure a large ship there, " because the sea is more

rough." As this precaution would have been un-

called for had the party taken the same route as that

by which they had come, I was at first inclined to

suppose that they might have sailed through the

Macassar Strait ; but that would not agree with the

course pursued, which Varthema says was " constantly

to the southward." Hence, I have been led to infer

that the Java Sea was the rougher passage indicated;

though one fails to see the necessity for their having

taken the route by Borneo, when they might have

reached Java without touching there at all, unless,

indeed, the Christians had some particular object in

visiting that island. Unluckily, the space of two

hundred miles, which Varthema interposes between

the Moluccas and Borneo, affords no clue to de-

termine the route, as the nearest extremities of those

two places are more than twice that distance apart,

XC1V INTRODUCTION.

which leads to the conjecture that by some mischance

the word miles has been substituted for leagues.

However this may be, the place where they disem-

barked was certainly in the highway of trade, for

" a very great quantity of camphor " was shipped

from it every year. Varthema heard that this sub-

stance was the gum of a tree, but not having seen

the tree himself, he abstains from asserting the truth

of the report.

Chartering a vessel at " Bornei," the party pursued

their course towards the south. The captain,—who

was probably a Malay, for Varthema and the Persian

communicated with him through the Christians,

whereas, had he been an Arab, they would not have

required an interpreter,—" carried the compass and

magnet after our manner, and had a chart which was

all marked with lines perpendicular and across."

Mr. Markham assumes that the compass was of Euro-

pean manufacture, its index pointing to the north,

and not like that of the Chinese pointing to the

south. It may be so ; nevertheless, I have not yet

met with any conclusive proof that the Easterns

borrowed the use of the compass, as they now have

it, from the West. However, as the polar star was

invisible, Cogiazenor inquired of the master how he

navigated. To which he replied, that he steered by his

compass, which was adjusted to the north ; but,

pointing out "four or five stars, among which he said

there was one which was opposite to our north star,"

he stated that on the other side of the said island,

towards the south, [Java?] there were "some other

INTRODUCTION. XCV

races who navigate by the said four or five stars

opposite to ours." There can be no doubt that the

constellation of the Southern Cross is here indicated;

but the additional information respecting other races

to the south, " where the day lasted only four hours,"

which would be about 15° to the southward of VanDiemen's Land, is most interesting. It is highly im-

probable that the Malay could have guessed at phe-

nomena so true, and yet so different to anything

which he himself had experienced; still, from whence

did he derive his knowledge, superficial as it was \

In a note which Mr. R. H. Major kindly drew up for

me on this chapter, he remarks:—"This reference to

Australia is the more remarkable, as it precedes, in

time, those early indications of the discovery of that

country which I have shown to exist in manuscript

maps of the first half of the sixteenth century,

although the discoverers' names, most probably Por-

tugese, and the date of the discovery, as yet remain a

mystery." The mystery of the old Malay's knowledge

will never be revealed : Varthema might have aided

us in the matter by pursuing his inquiries, but he

winds up his record of the skipper's communications

with the exquisite peroration :" On hearing this, we

were much pleased and satisfied" !

The tedium of the voyage between Borneo and Java

was relieved by the anxious inquiries of the Christians

respecting their brethren in the far West. On this

subject Varthema had much to communicate which

would be deeply interesting to them ; and when he

told them " of the Volto Santo at St. Peter's, and of

XCV1 INTRODUCTION.

the heads of St. Peter and St. Paul, and of many

other saints," his ingenuous listeners would fain have

taken him back with them to their country. It is

by no means improbable, that this friendly converse

had some influence in determining our traveller to

bring his wanderings to a close at the first favourable

opportunity. He had slaked his thirst for adventure

by seeing parts of the globe which no other European

of his day had yet visited, and the associations of

kindred and home, and of the things which he once

regarded as sacred, revived as they were by these dis-

cussions, made him long to throw off the trammels of

a profession which was now becoming a burden

to him.

Five days' sail from Borneo brought the vessel to

Java, but at what place on the island the party

landed is uncertain ; doubtless, it was somewhere on

the northern coast. The king and all the people

were " Pagans," and although one class of the com-

munity consisted of " the most trustworthy men in

the world," there was another class still so barbarous

as to be addicted to the practice of eating human

flesh. Mr. Crawfurd ridicules the latter idea, which

would perhaps have been preposterous had our tra-

vellers touched at one of the more civilized maritime

towns ; but that, as it appears to me, was not the

case : first, from this recorded statement respecting

the subsistence of cannibalism, which, as I have

shown in my notes, prevailed in other parts of the

Archipelago at this period. Secondly, because the

inhabitants were all Pagans, whereas most of the

INTRODUCTION. XCV11

frequented ports contained many Muhammedans whohad introduced a superior civilization together with

their religion. Thirdly, because in such localities

fire-arms were well known, while the natives where

our party disembarked were quite ignorant of ar-

tillery, their only weapons being bows and darts of

cane, and the peculiar Smnpitan, or blow-pipe. And,

lastly, these separate considerations receive general

confirmation from the absence of all mention in Var-

thema's narrative that the place which they visited

was one of trade,—a circumstance which he never

omits to record whenever such was the case.

Before quitting Java, Cazazionor purchased a

couple of young children who had undergone the

cruel operation regarded as desirable for fitting them

to become attendants on a Mussulman harim. The

barbarous practice, which also prevailed in different

parts of India at this period, was most probably in-

troduced into these countries with Islam, and many

"Moorish merchants" are said to have made a trade

of buying and preparing these wretched victims for

exportation to foreign markets.

Crossing over to Malacca, steering at first to the

eastward to avoid the surrounding islands, our tra-

vellers there took leave of the Sarnau Christians, with

sincere regret on both sides, and from thence proceeded

to " Cioromandel" (Negapatam), where they engaged

a sampan to take them to Quilon. At that place

Varthema found twenty Portuguese, and would gladly

have made his escape to them, " but they were very

few," and the eyes of some Mussulmans who knew

//

XCVlll INTRODUCTION.

him to be Hajji were upon him. At Quilon they em-

barked on the "river" (see p. lxviii. ante,) and in ten

days reached Calicut.

At Calicut, our author met two Milanese, who had

deserted from the Portuguese at Cochin, and were

there employed in casting artillery for the Zamorin.

Varthema concerted with these renegades how to

effect their escape, but the attempt was surrounded

with difficulties on all sides, and he was obliged to

trust to his own resources. Long practice had made

him fertile in expedients, and an adept at dissimula-

tion, and on this occasion he set himself up as a

Muhammedan santon, affecting abstinence from ani-

mal food, (though he clandestinely helped the Milanese

to consume two brace of fowls every day,) and a se-

verity of demeanour consistent with his assumed cha-

racter. As such, he was consulted in the case of a

sick friend of Cazazionor, and requested to prescribe

for him. The narrative of his mode of treating the

patient, as recorded in the chapter entitled " How I

made myself a physician in the town of Calicut," is

as extravagant as it is ludicrous. Fortunately, the

sick man survived the severe treatment to which he

was subjected, and the success of his amateur medi-

cal practice greatly enhanced our author's repute,

insomuch that he was solicited to act the part of

Imdm, and lead the prayers of the congregation in

the mosque. Conceiving that his saintliness was

now generally established, he next simulated sick-

ness, and suggested that a change of air might be

beneficial. Cazazionor, who appears to have been

INTRODUCTION. XC1X

wholly blinded by his companion's deceit, readily

gave his consent, and furnished him with letters of

recommendation to a friend at Cannanore. Var-

thema narrowly escaped detention by the Zamorin's

IS1 airs at the place of embarkation, but his good

star was in the ascendant, and after travelling some

distance along the coast, he eventually picked up a

boat which carried him to his destination. Under

the hospitable roof of Cazazionor's acquaintance, he

breathed more freely, and after reconnoitering the

spot where the Portuguese fort was in course of erec-

tion, he availed himself of the next favourable oppor-

tunity to place himself under the protection of the

garrison. Lorenzo de Almeyda, the Viceroy's son,

who was there at the time, gave a hearty welcome to

one who was so well able to describe the warlike

preparations which were being made at Calicut to

oppose the Portuguese, and after discussing such mat-

ters with him for several days, sent him on board a

galley to his father at Cochin, who also gave him

an honourable reception, and remanded him to

Cannanore to use his best endeavours in behalf

of the two Milanese at Calicut. His efforts, how-

ever, to effect their liberation were unsuccessful. The

unfortunate men were betrayed by the spy he em-

ployed to communicate with them, and were barba-

rously murdered by a crowd of infuriated Joghis in

their own house at Calicut.

The sequel of our author's Indian career may be

told in a few words. He appears to have been pre-

sent at a great naval engagement between the Por-

h2

C INTRODUCTION.

tuguese and the Zamorin's fleet off Cannanore, and was

subsequently employed for a year and a half as factor

at Cochin. He also describes the siege of the Por-

tuguese fort at Cannanore by the justly-incensed

population, which occurred during his tenure of office,

and the opportune relief of the beleaguered garrison

by the fleet under Tristan de Cunna. He also took part

in the attack on Ponani, and in the destruction of the

Zamorin's ships which were anchored there, and after

the battle was, with several others, dubbed a knight

by the Viceroy Don Francisco de Almeyda, the gal-

lant Captain Tristan de Cunna acting as his sponsor

on the occasion. His account of these different ope-

rations is replete with interesting details, and its

general authenticity is fully corroborated by nume-

rous undesigned coincidences between his narrative

and the records of later Portuguese historians. Un-

fortunately, one is unable to deduce any reflection,

from Varthema's independent testimony, palliative of

the unwarrantable proceedings of the Portuguese

towards the native states on the western coast of

India at this period. Those proceedings, the offspring

of national ambition and selfishness, were carried

out in a spirit of barbarity mingled with fanaticism

which outraged the first principles of justice, and dis-

graced the religion which it was one design of such

conduct to promote. Would that the history of our

own first transactions in India were unstained by any

such blemishes ! Let us hope that some, at least, of

those early faults have been atoned for, and that the

remainder will be forgotten in the future prosperity

INTRODUCTION. CI

of an empire which has been justly called the brightest

jewel in the diadem of Britain's glorious Queen.

On the 6th of December 1507, our traveller finally

left Cannanore with the homeward-bound ships, on

board the San Viccnzo, a vessel belonging to one Bar-

tolomeo Marchioni, a Florentine resident at Lisbon.

While on the voyage, he takes a brief retrospect of

the recent conquests of the Portuguese in the East,

and predicts a glorious future for that monarchy

owing to the simultaneous efforts which were made,

under its immediate auspices, to promote Christianity

among the natives of India. t: Ten, and even twelve,

Pagans and Moors were baptized every fete day" at

Cochin alone, and the work of conversion, which was

being zealously prosecuted, was everywhere crowned

with signal success. The prognostication, as regards

territorial aggrandizement, was speedily realized;

for, fifteen years later, the Portuguese had made

themselves masters of the principal ports on the Ma-

labar and Coromanclel coasts, of parts of Ceylon and

the Malayan peninsula, and also of the Moluccas.

Their possession of Malacca in the east, and their

settlements at Diu and Goa on the west, enabled

them to engross the entire trade, including that of

the Persian Gulf on the one side, where they held the

important island of Hormuz, and that of China, Japan,

and the Indian Archipelago on the other. Their

ships frequented every port, and their merchandize

was to be found from the Cape of Good Hope to the

river of Canton ; while along this immense line of

coast they had established a chain of forts and fac-

Cll INTRODUCTION.

tories, where their traffic was carried on and pro-

tected, unrivalled and uncontrolled. The commercial

empire of the Portuguese in the East* whether con-

sidered in the dimensions which it attained, the brief

space in which it was consolidated, its opulence, the

splendour with which its government was conducted,

or the very slender powers with which it was formed,

is unique in the history of nations.

But the dominion thus acquired was as short-lived

as the sincere piety, the generous courage, and the

indefatigable energy which had created it. No longer

animated by the spirit of the original conquerors,

their successors, heedless of the common cause, be-

came indolent, debauched, and effeminate, and strove

solely for their own individual profit. Officers and

soldiers were without subordination, discipline, or

patriotism, and the governors, corrupt themselves,

found it their interest to foment divisions among their

countrymen. These intestine cabals alone, combined

with the oppression which was exercised towards the

natives, would have sufficed in time to disintegrate

the newly-formed empire ; but its downfall was pre-

cipitated by the appearance of a formidable enemy

from without. The revolted Dutch, interdicted by a

decree of Philip II., of Spain and Portugal, from all

commercial relations with those kingdoms, seized

every opportunity of harassing and humiliating their

former masters, and, taking advantage of the anarchy

which pervaded the Portuguese colonies in the East,

boldly prosecuted their trade in that quarter, and

determined at length to expel their rivals. In the

INTRODUCTION. Clll

course of a few years they deprived them of the

Moluccas, the Spice Islands, Amboyna, Tidor, Ceylon,

and Malacca. The English, also, who had now begun

to claim a share of the spoils, wrested from them

Surat and other parts of Guzerat, and in conjunction

with the Shah of Persia drove them from the island of

HormuZjWhile theImam of Maskat expelled them from

'Amman, and from many of their settlements in East

Africa. And now, Macao in China, with Dili, Goa,

and Daman on the Guzerat and Canarese coasts, are

the only fragments which remain to them of an em-

pire which Alexander coveted but could not win.

The religious conquests of the Portuguese, how-

ever, have survived their temporal sovereignty, and

the descendants of the first converts, with large

additions won over to the Church of Rome by the

zeal of subsequent missionaries, are still to be found

scattered over the continent of India, and more

especially in the Madras Presidency, the scene of

their earliest efforts at evangelization, where their

numbers are very considerable. Political influence,

emanating from every department of the Govern-

ment, was undoubtedly used at the outset to promote

Christianity among the natives ; for that, indeed, was

one of the avowed objects of the invaders, who pro-

fessed to be as anxious to destroy the strongholds of

heathendom, as to secure territorial dominion. But

the withdrawal of State cooperation, consequent on

the extinction of Portuguese supremacy, was not

followed, as might have been expected, by any

general apostacy of the proselytes ; on the contrary,

CIV INTRODUCTION.

though arrested for a time, the work of conversion

progressed, and fresh native churches were formed,

whose members at the present day far outnumber the

converts to Protestantism made by the combined

efforts of Dutch, American, and English missionaries,

of all denominations.

How are we to account for this remarkable pheno-

menon in the history of Christianity in India? Whencecomes it that Roman Catholic missions there have

ever been more successful than missions from the

Reformed Churches 1 Whence, that their converts,

a feeble folk though they be, have persistently

clung to their adopted faith amidst all the political

changes which have surrounded them, the social in-

fluences which both directly and indirectly have been

levelled against them, and the strenuous exertions

which have been put forth to win them over to a

purer creed \ And, supposing the case, that British

domination in India were to terminate as suddenly as

did that of the Portuguese, is it probable that two

centuries later there would be found amidst its ruins

native communities professing the Reformed religion

as we now find congregations of native Christians

firmly attached to the Church of Rome % One of

our own Bishops in India, after describing some of

the old Portuguese churches in the neighbourhood

of Bombay makes the following remarks :—" They

are melancholy objects to look at, but they are monu-

ments, nevertheless, of departed greatness, of a love

of splendour far superior to the anxiety for amassing

money, by which other nations have been chiefly

INTRODUCTION. CV

actuated, and of a zeal for God which, if not accord-

ing to knowledge, was a zeal still, and a sincere one.

It was painful to me, at the time, to think, how few

relics, if the English were now expelled from India,

would be left behind of their religion, their power,

or their civil and military magnificence." 1 During

the forty years which have elapsed since the late

lamented Heber penned these lines, a great advance

has been made in our own civil and political status in

India, and much has undoubtedly been done to im-

prove the secular and intellectual condition of the

people generally; but as regards the diffusion of our

religion among the natives, how insignificantly little

has been effected, especially when compared with the

profuse and expensive machinery which for the last

century has been set in motion to that end !

I would be understood as alluding to this subject

in its purely human point of view, and wholly apart

from all supernatural or Divine affinities ; but even

under that aspect, the reflections which it is calcu-

lated to evoke deserve the serious consideration of

such as believe that Christianity alone can regenerate

India, and particularly of those who, whether in this

country or on the spot, are engaged in promoting its

extension among our fellow-subjects in that vast

continent.

To discuss this interesting topic more fully would

be foreign to a work like the present, and perhaps

an apology is due for the foregoing intrusion of it.

Readily granting the same, I return again to the

narrative of our Europe-bound traveller.

1 Bishop Heber's Journal, vol. iii. p. 91.

CV1 INTRODUCTION.

After a course of "about three thousand miles"

from Cannanore, the San Vincenzo reached Mozam-

bique on the east coast of Africa, or^ as the coun-

try was then called, "Ethiopia." They saw " many

lands" on the way, where the King of Portugal

held strong fortresses, but whether they landed at

those places or not is uncertain. Varthema enu-

merates Malindi, Mombasa, Kilwah, Sofala, Pate,

and Brava, but omits all mention of Mukdishu and

Lamu on the continent, and the adjacent islands of

Zanzibar and Pemba, which latter is called by the

Arabs Jezirat el-Khaclhra, or the Green Island.

Most of these localities had been captured by the

Portuguese before our author's arrival, and several

of them were well garrisoned. The conciliatory policy

adopted by Vasco de Gama when he first visited this

coast in 1498 had been reversed by his successors,

whose arrogant pretensions, inspired by a thirst after

gold and conquest, soon brought them into collision

with the inhabitants, who were eventually obliged to

succumb to the superior arms of the invaders. Almost

all the places above-mentioned were at this period in

the hands of the Arabs, whose original settlements on

the coast must have taken place at a very early

period. Eschewing the knotty question of the

locality of the Scriptural " Ophir," which some have

attempted to identify with Sofala, and whether Solo-

mon was supplied with " ivory, apes, and peacocks,"

by Arab traders between Eziongeber and the east

coast of Africa, the reader will find in the following

quotation from the researches of Dr. Krapf a valuable

INTRODUCTION. CVU

summary of the more authentic history of these

foreign colonists.

—

" It is well known that the Muhammeclan Arabs, during the

first period of their history, for 150 years, overran a large

section of Asia, Africa, and Europe, and that soon after the

death of their prophet Muhammed they fell a prey to political

and religious dissensions, and the defeated party resolved to

abandon the land of their birth. Where was a better home

to be found than the fruitful strand of Eastern Africa?

There they were already known, and would be safe from

the pursuit of their fanatical conquerors. It seems that the

first settlements of the kind were made in various points of the

East-African coast in the year 740 by the Emosaids, or ad-

herents of Said, a great grandson of Ali, the prophet's cousin

and son-in-law. Said, proclaimed Caliph by the rebels, was

defeated and slain, on which his adherents were obliged to

seek safety in flight, and it was in East Africa that they

found refuge. In the works of various Arabian historians

and geographers, for several centuries afterwards, we find in-

teresting notices of these Arab settlements. From all these

notices it is to be gathered, that the Muhammedan Arabs

founded political and religious states or towns in Eastern

Africa, and that their migration to that country was some-

times voluntary, sometimes forced upon them. Among these

Arabian states or towns the most prominent are: Mukdishu,

Kilwah, Brava, Malindi, and Mombasa. Mukdishu was

supreme in the north, while Kilwah was queen of the south,

from Zanzibar to Sofala. With the declining power of these

two states and towns, Malindi and Mombasa, situated mid-

way between them, appear to have increased in influence

and importance. Mukdishu seems to have been founded

between a.d. 909-951 ; and Kilwah between a.d. 960-1000.

It is likely from the narrative of the famous Ibn Batuta, 1

1 [See Lee's Translation, pp. 55-57.]

CV111 INTRODUCTION.

who visited Mombasa about a.d. 1330, that the Wanika

[a native tribe] had not then settled in the vicinity of the

coast. ..." These Arabian cities and communities were prosperous,

and in some degree civilized ; but they were deficient in

military organization. They had not been founded by con-

querors, but by traders, emigrants, and exiles, who behaved

peaceably to the natives, and so developed and established

their influence slowly, but at the same time more surely.

They were pacific colonists, and by the trade and commerce

which they originated, the natives of the interior could not

but recognize the advantage of peaceful intercourse with the

strangers, and be glad of their presence. . . . But the

Arabs were not to remain for ever in exclusive possession of

the knowledge, the commerce, and the power of Eastern Africa,

—a possession which would have led them to rule and

to convert the whole of Southern Africa. Providence inter-

posed, and at the right time led into those waters and to

that coast a Christian power, to check the progress and

weaken the influence of Muhammedanism."

The subsequent domination of this " Christian"

power, and its baneful results, are thus described :

—

" In East Africa, Portugal enriched herself by levying

tribute and taxes, in addition to her enormous gains from

the gold-mines of Sofala ; but East Africa received nothing

in return. She ruled the East-Africans with a rod of iron,

and their pride and cruelty had their reward in the bitter

hatred of the natives. In Eastern Africa, the Portuguese

have left nothing behind them but ruined fortresses, palaces,

and ecclesiastical buildings. Nowhere is there to be seen a

single trace of any improvement effected by them. Nowonder that the Portuguese rule was of short duration, and

that it fell as quickly as it had risen. John IV. had, indeed,

restored independence to Portugal in 1640; but he could

no longer save his colonies. In 1620, Portugal had already

INTRODUCTION. C1X

lost the island of Hormuz, and its loss was the more felt,

because it gave the Arabs of Oman courage and leisure to

extend and to strengthen their influence in the Persian

Gulf and in Eastern Africa. Portugal had no longer men

like Albuquerque, capable of restoring the fallen influence

of their country in those seas. All were now alike corrupt

and incapable. In India and its waters, England and

Holland had appeared, and with their appearance the star of

Portugal had to sink to the horizon."

Some idea of the hostile relations which existed

between the Portuguese and the natives towards the

middle of the seventeenth century, may be gathered

from an inscription over the gateway leading into the

fortress of Mombasa. I had not time to transcribe

it during my short stay at that island in December

1860, but relied on a copy in my possession, which I

believe was taken by Dr. Krapf. The following is a

translation of the original Portuguese :

—

" In 1635, Chief Captain Francisco de Xeixas cle Cabreira,

aged 27 years, after having commanded this fortress for

four years, rebuilt it, and raised this corps-de-garde. Andhe reduced into submissio7i to His Majesty the coast of

Malindi, where a tyrant king had sprung up, and made the

kings of Tondo, Mandra, Lazieva, and Jaca, tributaries.

He also visited Pate and Sio with a punishment never before

witnessed in India, levelling the walls thereof to the ground.

He imposed a fine on the Muzungidos , andpunished Pemba

and its rebel people, killing thepetty king, who had been set up

by them and by others of note, obliging the Pariahs to pay

to His Majesty the tribute which they had evaded for years.

For these services, he teas raised to the dignity of Fidalgo of

His Majesty''s Household, havingpreviously received,for other

similar services, the decoration of the Knight of the Order of

Christ, an annuity of a thousand Reis, and six years' tenure

CX INTRODUCTION.

of the Governorship of Jafampatas and four of that of

Bcligas, with flic faculty of making all [appointments] therein

during his lifetime. [This inscription teas raised] a.i>. 1639,

when Pedro cle Silvoa was Viceroy.''''

" We have still to show how the authority of the Arabian

princes of Oman first rose, and gradually replaced that of the

Portuguese along the East- African coast. Oman comprises

the north and south-eastern portions of Arabia, which lie on

the Gulf of Persia and the Indian Ocean. In the year 1624,

after great disorders and dissensions, Oman and its inhabi-

tants became subject to the rule of a sagacious and energetic

Imam, Nasir bin Murshid, the Ya'arabite. After establishing

his sovereignty in Oman, he planned the complete expulsion

of the Portuguese from their Arabian and African posses-

sions. . . . His victories over the Portuguese were con-

tinued by his cousin and successor, Sultan bin Seif bin

Malik, who took Maskat in 1658, leaving the Portuguese

then no seaport of any consequence on the coast of Arabia.

His second son, Sultan Seif, who defeated his brother

Bel'arab and usurped the throne, at the request of the

people of Mombasa, sent a fleet to Eastern Africa, captured

Mombasa, Zanzibar, and Kilwah, and laid siege to Mozam-

bique in 1698. He placed a governor in Mombasa who

was nominally subject to Oman. After the fall of Mombasa,

the Portuguese on "the East-African coast were everywhere

massacred or expelled ; and there was an end of their

sovereignty from Cape Delgado to Cape Gardafui. Even

the town of Mukdishu, which had retained its independence

during the period of the Portuguese rule, placed itself under

the protection of the princes of Oman." 1

The different towns and forts on the coasts, to-

gether with the adjacent islands, from Cape Delgado

1 Ivkaim's Travels and Missionary Labours in Eastern Africa,

pp. 521-29.

INTRODUCTION. CXI

to Mukdishu, still remain in the hands of the 'Amman

Seyyeds or Sultans ; but by a recent arrangement

the African territories have been detached from the

parent state, and placed under the sovereignty of

Seyyed Majicl, a younger son of the late Seyyed Said,

known to Europeans as the Imam of Maskat, his

eldest brother Seyyed Thoweynee retaining possession

of 'Amman.

But it is high time to rejoin our party whom we

left at Mozambique. During their fifteen days' resi-

dence at that island, they made several trips on the

mainland, and Varthema gives a graphic description

of the physiognomy of the aboriginal 3fakuas, their

strange jargon, and peculiar and scanty costume.

The excursionists carried torches to frighten the ele-

phants which abounded in the neighbourhood, but,

notwithstanding this precaution, they were chased by

three dams followed by their young, and only escaped

by running up a mountain. On this occasion also,

they met some natives who dwelt in caves, and our

author's account of their bartering with them reveals

the cupidity of the foreigners and the simplicity of

the barbarians. The former had the dishonesty to

demand thirty bullocks for a bombardier's rasor and

a little bell, with the addition of a shirt which Var-

thema incontinently divested himself of for the sake

of obtaining a meal of fresh meat. They were even-

tually content with fifteen head of cattle, on the un-

derstanding, however, that the owners should conduct

the animals to the top of the mountain. On the way,

and while these Christians were exulting over their

CXU INTRODUCTION.

extortionate bargain, a great noise was heard which

was supposed to arise from a warm discussion among

the natives, as to which of their number should be-

come the happy possessor of the little bell. Whata picture of civilized and uncivilized humanity !

Europe and Africa

!

Madagascar, or the Island of San Lorenzo, as it

was then called, was sighted on the voyage to the

Cape, beyond which the vessels composing the fleet

were scattered by a furious storm, and did not meet

again till they reached Portugal. That in which our

author sailed passed under St. Helena and Ascension,

at which latter place he notices the swarms of boo-

bies which alighted on the deck, and were easily

taken with the hand. Next, they reached the Azores,

remaining for two days at the island of Terceira, and

finally arrived at Lisbon,—in Varthema's case, after

an absence from Europe of about five years. Heleaves to the conception of his readers the delight

which he experienced at being once more within easy

reach of home, while he himself sets off on a visit to

Don Emanuel of Portugal. That deservedly " For-

tunate" monarch welcomed the enterprising traveller

to his court, where he detained him several days lis-

tening with pleasure to the interesting tale of his

discoveries and adventures, and was graciously pleased

to confirm the honour of knighthood which had been

conferred upon him by the Viceroy of India after the

battle of Ponani. Receiving his Majesty's permission

to depart, Varthema hurried away to the land of his

birth, and takes leave of us from the city of Rome as

abruptly as I bring my following him to a close.

INTRODUCTION. CX111

[n the annotations on the text, I have specified myobligations to Professor Owen, to J. J. Bennett, Esq.,

and to R. H. Major, Esq., of the British Museum,

and also to C. R. Markham, Esq., for their prompt

aid where my own knowledge was at fault. A similar

recognition is due to J. Winter Jones, Esq., my col-

league in the preparation of this work, for his uni-

form kindness in aiding me in my part of the task.

To J. Crawfurd, Esq., whose learned researches into

the history of that region were my principal guide in

tracing our author's route through the Indian Archi-

pelago, I owe my best thanks. And last, though

not least, I feel deeply indebted to my friend Colonel

H. Yule, C.B. for many useful suggestions, and,

moreover, for having volunteered to compile the

Table of Contents, and also the valuable Index at

the end of this volume, which may justly elicit the

encomium, finis coronat opus.

I had designed to write an Introduction, but have,

I fear, written a book. The mistake will be un-

accompanied with regret, if the attempt be found

useful to the Members of the Hakluyt Society in

illustrating the early and wonderful travels of old

Ludovico di Varthema.

George Percy Badger.

London,

7, Dawson Place, Bayswater,

November 1863.

POSTSCRIPT

ON THE SITE OF THE ANCIENT CITY OF BENGALA.

I am surprised to find that in transcribing a quotation

from Barbosa respecting the City of Bengala, (note 3

on p. 210,) I omitted a part of his account which,

had the passage been more carefully studied, might

have prevented my erroneous identification of Var-

thema's Banghella with the capital of Gour, and

afforded me at the same time a clue to the position

of the former town. Premising that Barbosa was

travelling from west to east, and had just before

described the kingdom of Orixa, (Orissa,) and the

Guengita, or Ganges, whereby the Hoogly branch is

clearly indicated, he proceeds to say :

—

" Beyond the Ganges, onward towards the East, is the

kingdom of Bengala, wherein there are many places and

cities, as Avell inland as on the sea-coast. Those in the in-

terior are inhabited by Gentiles, who are subject to the king

of Bengala, who is a Moor ; and the stations on the coast are

full of Moors and Gentiles, among whom are many mer-

chants and traders to all parts. For this sea forms a gulf

which bends towards the north, at the head of which is

situated a great city inhabited by Moors, which is called

Bengala, with a good port. The inhabitants thereof are

white men, who are well-disposed. In the same city there

are many foreigners from all parts, including Arabia, Persia,

and Abyssinia. The country being very extensive, and the

INTRODUCTION. CXV

climate temperate, many persons frequent it, and all are

great merchants, who possess large ships made like those of

Mecca, and some like those of China, called Giunchi, which

are very large, and carry large cargoes, and with these they

navigate towards Coromandel, Malabar, Cambaia, Tarnasscri,

Sumatra, Zeilam, and Malaca, and they trade with all kinds

of merchandize from one place to the other." Ramusio,

vol. i. p. 315.

The foregoing extract, taken in conjunction with

Varthema's narrative, is satisfactory evidence that a

city called Banghclla or Bcngala existed at this period,

that it was a seaport of considerable trade, and was

situated beyond the Hooghly, at the head of the gulf

known in those days as the Gulf of Bengal. It is

remarkable that Barbosa makes no allusion whatever

either to Satigan or Chatigam, (Satgong and Chitta-

gong ;) but in the Sommario de Regni, etc., as given

by Ramusio, the former place is mentioned under the

name of Asedegam, and some further particulars are

supplied respecting the city of Bengala. After de-

scribing the kingdom of Bengala, the author sub-

joins:

—

" Of the seaports of the kingdom, the principal is in the

city of Bengala, from which the kingdom takes its name.

One goes in two days from the mouth of the Ganges to the

city, which [Mouth of the Ganges] now goes by the name of

Sino Gangetico or Gulfof Bengal, and in the best roadsteads

the water is three braccia deep. The city contains about

40,000 hearths, and the king has a residence there at all

times, which is the only one covered with tiles, and is built

with well-made bricks.

"There is also another port, called Asedegam, towards the

kingdom of Oriza, which is a good port, with a wide en-

»2

CXV1 INTRODUCTION.

trance, where there is a good and wealthy city, containing

many merchants, and about 10,000 hearths. These are the

principal mercantile cities of Bengala." Ramusio, vol. i.

rtnetp. ooo.

As far as my researches go, these are the only

circumstantial accounts which we possess of the

ancient Bengala, subsequent to which I find it men-

tioned by Purchas and Mandelslo, but by no other

writers. Mandelslo does not appear to have visited

it personally, and merely enumerates it among the

principal cities of the then kingdom of Bengal. (See

a quotation from his Voyages in the note on p. 211.)

Purchas has the following :

—

" The kingdome of Bengala is very large, and hath of

coast one hundred and twentie leagues, and as much within

land. Francis Fernandas measureth it from the confines of

the kingdome of Ramu or Porto Grande [Chittagong] to

Palmerine, ninety miles beyond Porto Pequene, in all six

hundred miles long. The river Chaberis, (which some call

Guenga, and think it to be the ancient Ganges,) watereth

it : it is plentiful in rice, wheat, sugar, ginger, long-pepper,

cotton and silke, and enjoyeth a very wholesome ay re. The

inhabitants neere the shoare are, (for the most part,) Ma-

humetans, and so also was the king, before the Great Mogore,

(one likewise of his owne sect,) conquered him. Gouro, the

seat royall, and Bengala, are faire cities. Of this, the Gulfe,

sometimes called Gangeticus, now beareth name Golfo di

Bengala. Chatigan is also reckoned amongst these cities."

Voyages, vol. v. p. 508.

Of the travellers subsequent to Barbosa, Caesar

Fredericke (a.d. 1563) represents Satigan as a flour-

ishing commercial port, and locates it 120 miles from

the mouth of the Ganges (Ilooghly,) but he does not

INTRODUCTION. CXV11

allude cither to Bengala or Chatigam. (Ramusio,

vol. i. p. 392.) Ralph Fitch, twenty years later,

describes both Satagan and Chatigan, and tells us

that Chatigan was called " Porto Grande " by the

Portuguese ; but he says nothing about Bengala.

In Hamilton's time, a.d. 1688— 1723, the town of

Hooghly appears to have succeeded Satigan as the

chief seaport on the western branch of the Ganges,

for he represents the former as " driving a great

trade, because all foreign goods are brought thither

for import, and all goods of the product of Bengal

are brought hither for exportation," which circum-

stance sufficiently accounts for his not naming Sati-

gan. " Chittagoung, or, as the Portuguese call it,

Xatigam," he describes at some length, but he never

mentions the city of Bengala, which the earlier writers

located at no great distance from that town. (See

Pinkerton, vol. ix. p. 414-16. Vol. viii. p. 415.)

Turning from the travellers to the historians of

the period under review, one is surprised to find the

same omission. De Barros, as quoted by Ramusio,

in describing the Ganges, says :

—

" Its first mouth, which is on the West, is called Satigan,

from a city of that name situated in its streams, where our

people carry on their mercantile transactions. The other,

which is on the East, comes out very near another and more

famous port called Chatigam, which is frequented by most

of the merchants who arrive at and depart from this king-

dom." Ramusio, vol. i. p. 390.

De Faria y Souza is equally explicit with regard

to Satigan and Chatigan, but never alludes to Ben-

CXV111 INTRODUCTION.

yala. After indicating the line of coast between the

Ilooghly and the eastern branch of the Ganges, he

writes:—" Within this interval is contained the Bay of Bengala,

called by some Sinus Gangeticus, because the river Ganges,

after watering the country of Bengala, falls into this bay

about the latitude of 23 degrees. . . . Though the river

Ganges has many mouths, the two most remarkable are called

Satigan to the west, and Chatigan on the east, near one hun-

dred leagues distant from each other."

And, again :—

" This river [Ganges] has its springs in the mountains of

Great Tartary, from whence it runs to the southward near

600 leagues, and divides India into two parts, Intra and Ex-

tra Gangem. In the mouth that falls into the sea to the

eastward is the city Chatigam, on that to the westward Sati-

gam. The principal city is Gouro, seated on the banks of

Ganges, three leagues in length, containing one million two

hundred thousand families, and well fortified." Portuguese

Asia, translated by Stevens, vol. i. pp. 96-97, 416-17.

The absence of all allusion to Bengala by travellers

and historians generally subsequent to Varthema and

T3arbosa, with the exception of Mandelslo and Purchas,

is the more remarkable from the fact of its appear-

ance, together with Chatigam, in most of the early

maps of Asia and of India, and its reproduction by

succeeding cartographers for nearly two centuries

later. The following is a list of the principal maps

belonging to the British Museum, arranged in chrono-

logical order, wherein both cities are noted :—

INTRODUCTION. CX1X

Map.

Asia

CXX INTRODUCTION.

sented in the maps corresponds with RenneH's state-

ment, that the city " appears to have been in exist-

ence during the early part of the last century." (See

p. lxxxi. ante.)

The next subject which calls for inquiry is the site

of this ancient Bengala. All the maps enumerated

in the first of the foregoing lists, with the exception

of the oldest one by Gastaldi, locate Bengala either

on the north-east, due east, or south-east of Chatigam.

Now, if the relative situation of the two cities cor-

responded with one or other of these descriptions,

it is difficult to conceive how the site of Bengala

could have been carried away by the river, as Rennell

supposes, and that of Chatigam, or Chittagong, left

intact. Reverse the position of the two places, and

such a result would not only be probable, but would

moreover serve to account for the present greater

depth of the Gulf of Bengal in that direction as com-

pared with the delineations of it given in the old maps,

and also for the increased distance which now appears

to exist between Chittagong and the eastern mouth

of the Ganges. Singularly enough, Gastaldi does so

transpose the sites of the two cities, placing Catigan

on the south-east of Bengala, as will be seen from the

accompanying section copied from his map.

This alone is but slender ground whereon to form

an hypothesis ; nevertheless, the inference which I

am disposed to draw therefrom receives support from

the manner in which De Barros and De Faria y Souza

describe the Ganges in the extracts already quoted

from their writings. Both profess to indicate its two

INTRODUCTION. CXX1

extremities where it debouches into the sea, and in

doing so both select Satigan as its western and Chati-

gam as its eastern boundary ; whereas, had Bengala

been to the south-eastward or southward of Chatigam,

it is presumable that, standing as Barbosa tells us it

did on the mouth of the nether Ganges, they would

have chosen it, rather than Chatigam, to mark the

eastern termination of that river.

In the absence, therefore, of any direct proof to

the contrary, beyond the not very reliable informa-

tion contained in the old atlases, I am inclined to

infer that Bengala occupied a position between the

Hattia and Sundeep islands, situated at the present

mouth of the Brahmaputra, which I conceive to be

the eastern branch of the Ganges of the earlier geo-

graphers, and have so placed it, marked with a star,

in the map attached to this volume. That I may be

mistaken is more than possible ; but it is worth while

hazarding an erroneous opinion on a subject of this

nature, if it were only for the sake of eliciting ulterior

research and discussion, which may result in defining

the correct site of the ancient city of Bengala.

G. P. B.

ADVANTAGES OF TRAVEL. 1

Go, traverse distant lands, in each you'll find

Some in the place of those you leave behind :

Some, it may chance, of more congenial hearts,

—

Sympathy is life's charm,—its bane ennui,—No honour lies in inactivity,

—

Then quit your home, go, range in foreign parts.

The stagnant puddle foul and fetid grows,

Healthful and clear the running fountain flows :

Unless the changes of the moon on high

Revealed the future to the sage's eye,

He would not watch her aspect in the sky :

Unless he left his den, the forest-king

Would win no trophies of the sylvan war :

Unless the arrow parted from the string,

It could not hit the destined mark afar :

The Tibr, 2 when from its native mine cast forth,

Appears as vile unprofitable earth

;

The aloes-wood enjoys but slight esteem

In its own land,—mere fuel for the hearth;

Let either quit the country of its birth,

The one, an ore all-coveted we deem,

The other, a perfume of priceless worth.

1 Translated from the Arabic. Tor the English versification, the Editor is

indebted to the Eev. P. G. Hill.

2 Tibr means unwronght gold, either in the form of dust or nuggets. Theword is also applied to designate native ores generally.

THE ITINERARY

of Ludovico di Varthema, of Bologna,

in Egypt, in Syria, in Arabia Deferta and

Felix, in Perfia, in India, and in

Ethiopia. The religion, mode of life,

and cuftoms, of all the aforefaid

Provinces, with the Grace

and Privilege hereinafter

mentioned.

[For the Publishers' unities ami Jate of publicatiou, see the end of the volume on p. 298.]

[PRIVILEGE.]fTranslated from the original Latin by the Editor.]

RAPHAEL, by Divine grace, Bishop of Portueri,

Cardinal of Saint George, Chamberlain of our

Most Holy Lord the Pope, and of the Holy RomanChurch, to alt and singular, by whatsoever name

called, and with whatsoever dignity or office invested,

and to all others whom it does or may concern, to

whom these our letters may come,—Peace in the

Lord for ever.

Whereas among other subjects and sciences which,

as well by the inspiration of genius as by art and

experience, promote the benefit, usefulness, and

enjoyment of mankind, and by transmission from

hand to hand are enlarged and illustrated, the de-

scription and measurement of the world and of parts

of the earth, which the Greeks call Cosmography,

Geography, Topography, Geometry, and other like

names, do not hold the last place, and yield no less

pleasure than profit ; on which account those who

have devoted themselves to such studies have always

been held in the highest honour, and have been

abundantly rewarded.—Therefore, whereas our well-

beloved friend Ludovico Vartomanus of Bologna,

PRIVILEGE.

who (as we are assured) has for the space of seven

years travelled over the most remote and hardly-

known regions of Asia and Africa, and has largely

written in the vernacular tongue of their sites, seas,

rivers, pools, lakes, forests, mountains, cities, lands,

people, and their established manners, rites, laws, and

other memorable things, and has corrected many

places, (as one may well do who sees all with his own

eyes, and has not merely heard thereof or received it

from others,) in Ptolemy, Strabo, Pliny, and other

most famous writers, and has also added much to

what others have written thereon up to this time.—It

is our pleasure, being moreover advised thereto by

many other Most Reverend Cardinals of the Apostolic

See, that what he has committed to writing and

collected into a volume, should be printed for the

public use and study of the things therein contained,

and that it should be held worthy, not only of praise

and commendation, but of ample reward. We, being

desirous (as is meet) to assist him as far as we are able,

and to recompense his industry with all due favours,

do, by these presents, proclaim, decree, and inhibit,

in virtue of a mandate from our Most Holy Lord the

Pope in person, communicated to us by word of

mouth to that effect, and by the authority of our

Chamberlain's office, that all Printers who shall be

applied to by the said Ludovico, that they print his

writings on his own request or that of any of his

heirs; and that all other Printers abstain from print-

ing them, and that no Printers or persons of any

other condition whatsoever, either of themselves, or

PRIVILEGE.

through any other or others, shall dare or presume to

sell the printed books or volumes of the said Ludo-

vico, without the consent of the said Ludovico or of

his acknowledged heirs, for the space of ten years to

come, to be reckoned from the date of their first

impression ; and, further, that they lend no aid,

counsel or countenance, to either Printers or Venders

of the same, against the wishes of the said Ludovico

and his heirs, under the penalty of one hundred

ducats of gold to be exacted for every counterfeit

and from every one so counterfeiting, without any

other declaration of the fact, through the medium of

the Apostolic Chamber, to be applied to the use of

the said Ludovico or his heirs. We further command

and inhibit, under the same penalty, all those whomit may concern, that this our edict, decree, and will,

be executed in like manner at the instance of the

said Ludovico, or of his successors and heirs, for the

space of the aforesaid ten years, against all and every

one who, in any manner, or under any pretext, shall

be guilty of counterfeit,—the Apostolical constitu-

tions, ordinances, statutes, and customs, even when

confirmed by oath, also the privileges and licenses

granted to any persons whatsoever, under any words

or form of words, notwithstanding.

Given at Rome, at our Palace of Saint Laurence

in Damaso, the xviith day of November m.d.x., with

the usual seal of our Chamberlain's office appended.

MATTHEUS BON FINIS, Secretarius.

THE TRAVELS OF

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA

TO THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS AND MOST EXCELLENT

LADY THE COUNTESS OF ALBI AND DUCHESS OF

TAGLIACOZZO, MADAME AGNESINA FELTRIA

COLONNA, LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA OF

BOLOGNA WISHES HEALTH.

There have been many men who have devoted themselves

to the investigation of the things of this world, and by the

aid of divers studies, journeys, and very exact relations, have

endeavoured to accomplish their desire. Others, again, of

more perspicacious understandings, to whom the earth has

not sufficed, such as the Chaldeans and Phoenicians, have

begun to traverse the highest regions of Heaven with careful

observations and watchings ; from all which I know that

each has gained most deserved and high praise from others

and abundant satisfaction to themselves. Wherefore I, feel-

ing a very great desire for similar results, and leaving alone

the Heavens as a burthen more suitable for the shoulders of

Atlas and of Hercules, determined to investigate some small

portion of this our terrestrial globe ; and not having any

B

% THE TRAVELS OF

inclination (knowing myself to be of very slender understand-

ing) to arrive at my desire by study or conjectures, I

determined, personally, and with my own eyes, to endeavour

to ascertain the situations of places, the qualities of peoples,

the diversities of animals, the varieties of the fruit-bearing

and odoriferous trees of Egypt, Syria, Arabia Deserta and

Felix, Persia, India and Ethiopia, remembering well that

the testimony of one eye-witness is worth more than ten

heard-says. Having then, by Divine assistance, in part ac-

complished my object and examined various provinces and

foreign nations, it appeared to me that I had done nothing if

I kept hidden within myself the things I had witnessed and

experienced, instead of communicating them to other studious

men. Wherefore I bethought myself to give a very faithful

description of this my voyage, according to my humble

abilities, thinking thereby to do an action which would be

agreeable to my readers ; for that, whereas I procured the

pleasure of seeing new manners and customs by very great

dangers and insupportable fatigue, they will enjoy the same ad-

vantage and pleasure, without discomfort or danger, by merely

reading. Reflecting, then, to whom I might best address

this my laborious little work, you, Most Illustrious and Most

Excellent Lady, occurred to me as being a special observer

of noteworthy things, and a lover of every virtue. Nor did

my judgment appear to me vain, considering the infused

learning transferred by the radiant light of that Most

Illustrious and Excellent Lord the Duke of Urbino your

Father, being as it were to us a sun of arms and of science.

LUD0V1C0 Dl VARTHEMA. 3

I do riot speak of the very Excellent Lord your Brother,

who (although still a young man) has so distinguished him-

self in his Latin and Greek studies as to be spoken of as

almost a Demosthenes and a Cicero. "Wherefore, having

derived every virtue from such broad and clear streams, you

cannot do other than take pleasure in honourable works and

entertain a great desire for them. He who can justly appre-

ciate them, would willingly go with his corporeal feet where

he flies with the wings of his mind, remembering that one of

the praises awarded to the most wise and eloquent Ulysses

was, that he had seen many customs of men and many

countries. But as your Ladyship is occupied with the affairs

of your Most Illustrious Lord and Consort (whom, like

another Artemisia, you love and respect), and about the dis-

tinguished family which, with admirable rule, you adorn by

your graces, I say it will suffice if amongst your other good

works you will feed your mind with this fruitful, although,

perhaps, unpolished reading, not acting like many other

ladies who lend their ears to light songs and vain words,

taking no account of time, unlike the angelic mind of your

Ladyship, which allows no moment to pass without some

good fruit. Your kindness will easily supply all want of

skill in the connection of the narrative, grasping only the

truth of the facts. And if these, my labours, should prove

agreeable to you and meet with your approbation, I shall

consider that I have received sufficient praise and satisfaction

for my long wanderings, my rather fearful exile, during

which I have endured, innumerable times, hunger and

bSJ

4 THE TRAVELS, ETC.

thirst, cold and heat, war, imprisonment, and an infinite

number of other dangerous inconveniences, and shall gain

fresh courage for that other journey which I hope to under-

take in a short time ; for having examined some parts of the

countries and islands of the east, south, and west, I am re-

solved, if it please God, to investigate those of the north.

And thus, as I do not see that I am fit for any other pursuit,

to spend in this praiseworthy exercise the remainder of my

fleeting days.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA.

THE TRAVELS

THE FIRST CHAPTER, CONCERNING ALEXANDRIA.

The same desire to behold the various kingdoms of the

world which has urged on others, excited me also to a similar

enterprise ; and inasmuch as all countries have been very

much laid open by our people, I deliberated in my own

mind that I would see those which had been the least

frequented by the Venetians. Wherefore spreading our sails

to a favourable wind, and having implored the Divine aid, wecommitted ourselves to the sea. When we came to Alexandria,

a city of Egypt, I, longing for novelty (as a thirsty man longs

for fresh water) departed from these places as being well

known to all, and, entering the Nile, arrived at Cairo.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING CAIRO.

On my arrival in Cairo I, who had been previously muchastonished at the account of its size, came to the conclusion

that it was not so large as it had been reported to be. But

its size in circumference is about equal to that of Rome. It

is true, however, that it contains very many more habita-

tions than there are in Rome, and that the population is

larger. The mistake which many have made is this, that

there are several hamlets outside the walls of Cairo which

some believed to be within the circuit of Cairo itself; this,

b THE TRAVELS OF

however, cannot be the case, for they are distant some two

or three miles, and are distinct villages. 1 I shall not enter

into any long account of their faith and manners, because

everyone knows that they are inhabited by Moors 2 and

Mamelukes. The lord over them is the Grand Sultan,3 who

is served by the Mamelukes, and the Mamelukes are lords

over the Moors.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING BARUTI,4 TRIPOLI, ANDALEPPO.

I say nothing about the riches and beauty of the afore-

said Cairo and of the pride of the Mamelukes, because they

are well known to all our countrymen. I sailed thence into

Syria ; and first to Baruti, the distance from the one place to

the other by sea is 500 miles. In that Baruti I remained

several days. It is a country thickly inhabited by the

Moors, and is well supplied with everything. The sea

breaks against the walls, and you must know that the dis-

trict is not entirely surrounded by walls, but only in some

parts, that is to say, towards the west and towards the sea. 5

1 Misr el- 'Ateekah or Old Misr, corrupted by Europeans into " Old

Cairo," and the large suburb of Boolak, are probably the " distinct vil-

lages" indicated.'2 The author frecpiently uses this term as laxly as we do that of

" Arabs," and sometimes as synonymous with " Mussulmans."3 As Varthema commenced his travels a.d. 1503, Egypt was still

under the rule of the Borjeeh or Circassian Mamluks, and the " Grand

Sultan" of the text must have been Sultan el-Ghoree of that dynasty.

Contemporaneous with him in Egypt was the Khalifa el-Mustansik

b'lllah of the 'Abbasieh or Abbaside Caliphs, who, however, had long

ceased to exercise more than a nominal sovereignty over the country.4 Beyroot is still written and pronounced as above by the Levantines

and Italian residents in Syria.

b Until very recently Beyroot was completely enclosed on the land

side by a wall, whereas there is only a small extent of wall " towards the

sea." Possibly, at the period of our author's visit, some parts of the

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 7

I did not see anything there worthy to be recorded, ex-

cepting an ancient building, which, they say, was inhabited

by the daughter of the king when the dragon wanted to

devour her, and where St. George killed the said dragon. 1

This ancient building is all in ruins ; and I departed thence,

and proceeded in the direction of Tripoli in Syria, which is

two days' journey towards the east. This Tripoli is sub-

ject to the Grand Sultan, 2 and all are Muhammedans, and the

said city abounds in everything. And I departed thence

and went to Aleppo, which is eight days' journey inland,

which said Aleppo is a very beautiful city, and is under the

Grand Sultan of Cairo, and is the mart [scala] of Turkey

and Syria, and they are all Muhammedans. It is a country

of very great traffic in merchandize, and particularly with

the Persians and Azamini,3 who come as far as there. This

former had been levelled, and were subsequently restored by the Ameer

Fakhr ed-Din, who repaired and strengthened the fortifications in the

beginning of the seventeenth century ; and he may have mistaken for a

wall the numerous ancient columns which form the foundation of the

quay, and against which the sea frequently beats with great violence.

1 The legend of St. George and the Dragon has been attached to this

locality since the Crusades, and the remains of an old brick building,

situated about two miles from Beyroot, on the road to Jebail, are still

pointed out as occujjying the exact site of the renowned encounter.

Varthema describes it as it is now, " an ancient building in ruins,"

though d'Arvieux, in 16G0, speaks of a chapel of St. George in this

neighbourhood which had been converted into a mosque, and Pococke

repeats the same in 1738. If a Christian chapel ever existed here, the

Muhammedans, in converting it into a mosque, would not scruple to

retain the original dedication, as the JVabi Jergees (the Seer George) is

regarded as an orthodox saint by all Mussulmans.2 Of Cairo, of course, as the whole of Syria at the time was subject to

the Mamluk sovereign of Egypt.3 This is, doubtless, a distorted plural form of ^Ajami, a Persian, the

Italian initial z being used to express the^' sound of the Arabic, just as

in the sequel we find " Zida, cioe porto della Meccha," where Juddah

( Jiddah) is obviously indicated. Also " xii zomate" for xii giornate.

The phrase " Persians and Azamini," moreover, is not altogether a

pleonasm ; since the latter term, in the original, has a wide significa-

tion, and denotes the natives generally of all the countries comprehended

8 THE TRAVELS OF

is the route which is taken to go into Turkey and Syria by

those who come from Azemia.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING AMAN 1 AND MENIN. 2

And I departed thence and went towards Damascus,

which is distant ten short days' journey. Midway there is

a city which is called Aman, in which there grows a vast

quantity of cotton, and very good fruit. And near to Da-

mascus, sixteen miles distant from it, I found another dis-

trict called Menin, which is situated on the summit of a

mountain, and is inhabited by Christians of the Greek

Church, who are subjects of the lord of Damascus. In this

place there are two very beautiful churches, which are said

to have been erected by Helena, the mother of Constantine.

Very excellent fruits grow there, and most especially good

grapes ; and here also there are very beautiful gardens and

fountains. I departed thence, and went to the most noble

city of Damascus.

THE FIRST CHAPTER CONCERNING DAMASCUS.

Truly it would not be possible to describe the beauty and

the excellence of this Damascus, in which I resided some

under the Persian empire. Besides which, the word " 'Ajami" conveys

the same idea among the people of the East as " Barbarian" did with

the ancient Greeks, and " Gentile" among the Jews.1 The modern town of Hamah, the Hamath of Scripture, the Epi-

phania of the Greeks and Romans, and the birthplace of Abu'1-Feda,

the eminent Arabian geographer and historian, which lies midway on

the caravan route between Aleppo and Damascus, is obviously indicated.

It is somewhat surprising that Varthema does not mention the river

Orontes, which bisects the town.8 Menin is situated ten miles from Helbon, still famous, as of old, for

the quality of its grapes. (See Ezek. xviii. 28.) The vine is the chief

LUDOVICO Ul VARTHEMA. 9

months in order to learn the Moorish language, because

this city is entirely inhabited by Moors and Mamelukes and

many Greek Christians. Here I must give an account of

the government of the lord of the said city, which lord is

subject to the Great Sultan of Cairo. You must know that

in the said city of Damascus there is a very beautiful and

strong castle, which is said to have been built by a Floren-

tine Mameluke at his own expense, he being lord of the

said city. And, moreover, in each angle of the said castle,

the arms of Florence are sculptured in marble. It is sur-

rounded by very wide fosses, and has four extremely strong

towers and drawbridges, and powerful and excellent artil-

lery are constantly mounted there. 1 Fifty Mamelukes, in

the service of the Grand Sultan, are constantly quartered

with the governor of the castle. This Florentine was a

Mameluke of the Grand Sultan ; and it is reported that in

his time the Sultan was poisoned, and could find no one

who could relieve him of the said poison, when it pleased

God that this Florentine should cure him. For this service

he gave him the said city of Damascus, and thus he came

to build the castle. Afterwards he died in Damascus ; and

the people held him in great veneration as a holy man, pos-

sessing great knowledge, and from that time forward the

product of the district, which abounds also in fountain-streams tribu-

tary to the Barada. One of these streams takes its rise at Menin.

Christians of the orthodox Greek rite are more numerous in this neigh-

bourhood than in any other part of Syria.1 The citadel of Damascus is an extensive quadrangular fortress, with

towers, surrounded by a deep fosse. I remember noticing several sculp-

tured escutcheons built into the exterior wall of the city during my visit

in 1835, when a portion of the same was being demolished by Ibrahim

Pasha to furnish materials for a military hospital ; but the tradition of

the Florentine is quite new to me, neither do I find it alluded to by any

of the older or more recent travellers in Syria. In its present form the

castle is evidently of Saracenic origin, though its foundations probably

date from a very early age. There is nothing improbable, however, in

the story of a renegade Christian having rebuilt or restored it.

10 THE TRAVELS OF

castle has always been in the possession of the Sultan.

When a new Sultan succeeds to the throne, one of his lords,

who are called Amirra, 1 says to him :" Lord, I have been

for so long a time your slave, give me Damascus, and I will

give you one hundred thousand, or two hundred thousand,

teraphim 2 of gold." Then the lord grants him this favour.

But you must know, that if in the course of two years the

said lord does not send him 25,000 teraphim, he seeks to

kill him by force of arms, or in some other manner ; but if

he makes him the said present, he remains in the govern-

ment. The said lord has always ten or twelve lords and

barons of the said city with him, and when the Sultan wants

two or three hundred thousand teraphim from the lords or

merchants of the said city, who are not treated with justice,

but whom they vie with each other in oppressing by rob-

bery and assassination (for the Moors live under the Mame-

lukes like the lamb under the wolf), the said Sultan sends

two letters to the governor of the said castle, one of which

simply enjoins him to bring together in the castle such lords

or merchants as he may think proper. And when they are

assembled, the second letter is read, the object of which is

immediately carried out, whether for good or for evil. Andin this manner the said lord seeks to obtain money. Some-

times the said lord becomes so powerful that he will not go

into the castle ; whereat many barons and merchants, feeling

themselves in danger, mount their horses and retire towards

Turkey. 3 We will say no more upon this subject, except-

ing that the men of the guard of the said castle, in each of

the four great towers, are always on the watch. They make

1 Ameer.2 In the Third Chapter concerning Damascus, and in some editions,

this word is spelt " Saraphi" and also "Sarahpi." I take it to be the

Sherlf or Ashrafi, an old Arabian ducat.

3 In some editions it is the Lords and Merchants who are said to

refuse to go into the castle when they have become powerful, and this

appears V> be the more correct reading.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 1 1

no cry during the night, but each has a drum, made in the

shape of a half-box,1 upon which they beat vigorously with

a stick, and each answers the other with these said drums.

He who delays answering for the space of a pater noster, is

imprisoned for a year.

THE SECOND CHAPTER CONCERNING THE SAID

DAMASCUS.

Now that we have seen the customs of the Lord of Da-

mascus, it is necessary that I should make mention of some

circumstances relating to the city, which is extremely popu-

lous and very rich. It is impossible to imagine the richness

and elegance of the workmanship there. Here you have a

great abundance of grain and of meat, and the most prolific

country for fruits that was ever seen, and especially for

fresh grapes, during all seasons. I will mention the good

and the bad fruits which grow there. Pomegranates and

and quinces, good : almonds and large olives, extremely

good. The most beautiful white and red roses that were

ever seen. There are also good apples and pears and

peaches, but with a very bad taste, the reason of which is

that Damascus abounds much in water. 2 A stream runs

through the city, and the greater number of the houses have

very beautiful fountains of mosaic work. The houses are

1 The buz or small tall, still generally used by the Musahhirs, who

traverse the streets during the Ramadhan, to announce the hour of the

Sahoor, or last meal of the early dawn.2 It is rather surprising that no mention is made of oranges and apri-

cots, the former being very plentiful, and the latter by far the most

abundant produce of the orchards round Damascus, and one of its chief

articles of export ; but as Varthema left the city early in April, that

fruit was not in season.

Roses, from which the rich perfume of the \itar is extracted, are ex-

tensively cultivated in a part of the great plain about three miles from

the city.

12 THE TRAVELS OF

dirty externally, but within they are very beautiful, adorned

with many works of marble and porphyry.

In this city there are many mosques. One, which is the

principal, is as large as St. Peter's at Rome. It has no roof

in the centre, but the surrounding parts are covered in. It

is reported that they keep there the body of St. Zachariah

the prophet, and they pay him very great honour. In the

said mosque there are four principal doors of metal, and

within there are many fountains. Again, we see where the

canonica stood, which belonged formerly to the Christians,

in which canonica there are many ancient works in mosaic. 1

Again, I saw the place where they report that Christ said

to St. Paul, " Saule, Saule, cur me persequeris ?" which is

without the city, about a mile from one of the gates thereof.

They bury there all the Christians who die in the said city.

Again, there is that tower in the wall of the district where

(as they say) St. Paul was imprisoned. The Moors have

many times rebuilt it, but in the morning it is found broken

and thrown down, as the angel broke it when he drew St. Paul

out of the said tower. I also saw the house where (as they

say) Cain slew Abel his brother, which is a mile without

the city in the opposite direction, on the side of a hill in a

large deep valley.2 We will now turn to the liberty which

the said Mamelukes enjoy in the said city of Damascus.

1 The"Masjid Yahya" or " Jamaa Beni Umeyya" (the Temple of

John or the Mosque of the Omruiades), a part of which is generally sup-

posed to have formed a Christian church dedicated to St. John the

Baptist, the son of Zechariah. This is still regarded as the adytum or

most sacred portion of the building, and is believed by Muhauiinedans

to contain the head of the aforesaid Apostle. A peristyle, supported on

splendid Corinthian pillars, surrounds the quadrangular court, in which

there are several marble fountains for religious ablution. Buckingham,

like Varthema, speaks of the mosque as having been a church dedicated

to St. Zechariah.2 These and several other absurd local traditions, such as the house

of Ananias, the grave of the martyr George who assisted St. Paul to

escape through a window in the wall, and a cleft in the rock, about a

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 13

CHAPTER THE THIRD, CONCERNING THE MAMELUKESIN DAMASCUS.

The Mamelukes are renegade Christians, who have been

purchased by the said lord. Certain it is that the said

Mamelukes never lose any time, but are constantly exercis-

ing themselves either in arms or in letters, in order that

they may acquire excellence. And you must know that

every Mameluke, great or little, has for his pay six saraphi

per month, and his expenses for himself, his horse, and a

family ; and they have as much more when they are en-

gaged on any warlike expedition. 1 The said Mamelukes,

when they go about the city, are always in companies of two

or three, as it would be a great disgrace if they went alone.

If they accidentally meet two or three ladies, they possess this

privilege, or if they do not possess it they take it : they go

to lay in wait for these ladies in certain places like great inns,

which are called Chano,2 and as the said ladies pass before the

mile from the city, through which the Apostle evaded his pursuers, are

still current among the monks and Christians at Damascus.1 Browne's account of the Mamluks in Egypt in 1722, coincides in

the main with the foregoing description. " These military slaves are

imported from Georgia, Circassia, and Mingrelia. A few have been

prisoners, taken from the Austrians and Russians, who have exchanged

their religion for an establishment. ..Particular attention is paid to the

education of these slaves. They are instructed in every exercise of

agility or strength, and are in general distinguished by the grace and

beauty of their persons...They have no pay, as they eat at the table in

the house of their master...Any military officer may purchase a slave,

who becomes ipso facto a Mamluk. After a proper education, the candi-

date thus constituted a Mamluk, receives a present of a horse and arms

from his master, together with a suit of clothes, which is renewed every

year in the month of Ramadhan." Browne was assured that during

the eleven years preceding his visit, sixteen thousand white slaves, of

both sexes, were imported into Egypt. Travels in Africa, Egypt, Syria,

etc., pp. 53-56, 76.

" Khans, buildings generally designed for the accommodation of mer-

chants and their goods. In some instances the principal bazaars are

held in the khans.

14 THE TRAVELS OF

door each Mameluke takes his lady by the hand, draws her in,

and docs what he will with her. But the lady resists being

known, because they all wear the face covered, so that they

know us, but we do not know them. The Mameluke says

to her, that he wishes to know who she is, and she replies :

" Brother, is it not enough that you do with me what you

will, without desiring to know who I am?" and she entreats

him so much that he lets her go. And sometimes they

think that they take the daughter of the lord, when in fact

they take their own wives ; and this has happened while I

was there. These ladies go very well clad in silk, and

over it they wear certain white garments of wool, thin and

bright like silk, and they all wear white buskins and red or

purple shoes, and many jewels around their heads, and in

their ears, and on their hands. These ladies when they are

married, at their own will and pleasure, that is, when they

do not wish to remain with their husbands any longer, go to

the cadi of their faith and cause themselves to be talacare, 1

that is, to be separated from their husband ; and then they

take another, and he takes another wife. Although they

say that the Moors have five or six wives, I for my part

have never seen any who had more than two or three at the

most. These Moors for the greater part eat in the streets,

that is, where the clothes are sold ; they have their food

cooked and eat it there, and there are very many horses,

camels, and bufi'alos, and sheep and goats. There is here

an abundance of good fresh cheese ; and if you wish to pur-

chase milk, there are forty or fifty goats, which go every

day through the district, and which have ears more than a

span in length. The master of these goats takes them up

into your chamber, even if your house have three stories, and

1 An Italianized infinitive of the Arabic talak, to divorce. Ac-

cording to Muhammedan civil law a woman cannot repudiate her hus-

band against his will, unless it be for some grievous fault or cruelty on

his part, and even in that case a formal decision of the Kadhi is neces-

sary to dissolve the union.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 15

there in your presence he milks as much as you please into

a handsome tin vessel. 1 And there are many milch goats.

Here, again, is sold a great quantity of truffles : sometimes

twenty-five or thirty camels arrive laden with them, and in

three or four days they are sold. They come from the

mountains of Armenia and Turkey.2 The said Moors go

clothed in certain long and wide garments, without girdles,

made of silk or cloth, and the greater number wear breeches

of wool and white shoes. "When a Moor meets a Mameluke,

although he may be the principal merchant of the place, he

is obliged to do honour and give place to the Mameluke,

and if he do not so he is bastinadoed. The Christians have

there many warehouses, which contain cloths, and silk and

satin, velvets, and brass, and all merchandize that is re-

quired ; but they are ill treated. 3

1 The long-eared goats of Damascus are correctly described, and the

custom of hawking them about the streets still prevails.

2 Truffles (Arab. Kama) are found in large quantities, at certain

seasons of the year, along the banks of the Euphrates and Tigris, and

are transported by the Bedawin long distances. The price at Mosul

and Baghdad varies from one to six shillings the 'okkah of four

pounds.3 Until within the last few years Varthema's Moors or Mussulmans at

Damascus were quite as overbearing in their conduct towards the

Christians as the Mamluks were in his time. As late as 1835 a haughty

Seyyed insisted on my descending from the pavement into the street

while he passed, and he literally foamed at the mouth with rage because

I declined obeying him.

16 THE TRAVELS OF

THE BOOK CONCERNINGARABIA DESERTA.

THE CHAPTER SHOWING THE ROUTE FROM DAMASCUS TO

MECCA, WHEREIN SOME ARABS ARE CONCERNED.

The matters relating to Damascus having been here

described perhaps more diffusely than was necessary, oppor-

tunity invites me to resume my journey. In 1503, on the

8th day of April, the caravan being set in order to go to

Mecca, and I being desirous of beholding various scenes and

not knowing how to set about it, formed a great friendship

with the captain of the said Mamelukes of the caravan, who

was a Christian renegade, so that he clothed me like a

Mameluke and gave me a good horse, and placed me in com-

pany with the other Mamelukes, and this was accomplished

by means of the money and other things which I gave him ;

and in this manner we set ourselves on the way, and travelled

three days to a place which is called Mezeribe, 1 and there we

remained three days, in order that the merchants might

provide themselves, by purchase, with as many horses as they

required. In this Mezeribe there is a lord who is named

1 El-Mczarib, where, according to Burckhardt, the pilgrim caravan

to Mcccah generally remains encamped for ten days to collect stragglers,

obtain supplies, and pay the accustomed tribute to the different Arab

tribes for tho passage of the caravan through the desert. Travels in

Syria, pp. 240-242.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. IT

Zambei, 1 and he is lord of trie country, that is to say, of the

Arabians ; which Zambei has three brothers and four male

children, and he has 40,000 horses, and for his court he has

10,000 mares. And he has here 800,000 camels, for his

pasture-ground extends two days' journey. And this lord

Zambei, when he thinks proper, wages war with the Sultan

of Cairo, and the Lord* of Damascus and of Jerusalem, and

sometimes, in harvest time, when they think that he is a

hundred miles distant, he plans some morning a great in-

cursion to the granaries of the said city, and finds the grain

and the barley nicely packed up in sacks, and carries it off.

Sometimes he runs a whole day and night with his said

mares without stopping, and when they have arrived at the

end of their journey they give them camels' milk to drink,

because it is very refreshing. Truly it appears to me that

they do not run but that they fly like falcons ; for I have

been with them, and you must know that they ride, for the

most part, without saddles, and in their shirts, excepting

some of their principal men. Their arms consist of a lance

of Indian cane ten or twelve cubits in length with a piece of

iron at the end, and when they go on any expedition they

keep as close together as starlings. The said Arabians are

very small men, and are of a dark tawny colour, and they

have a feminine voice, and long, stiff, and black hair. Andtruly these Arabs are in such vast numbers that they cannot

be counted, and they are constantly fighting amongst them-

selves. They inhabit the mountain and come down at the

time when the caravan passes through to go to Mecca, in

order to lie in wait at the passes for the purpose of robbing

the said caravan. They carry their wives, children, and all

1 Burckhardt enables me to identify this with Ziiabi or Ez-Zaabi, the

patronymic of the principal Arab family in this district. He says: "At

three hours from Mezarib is the village of Ramtha,...the sheikh of which

is generally a santon, that dignity being in the family of Ez-Zaabi,

who possess there a mosque of the same name."

—

Ibid. Appen-

dix iii.

18 THE TRAVELS OF

their furniture, and also their houses, upon camels, which

houses are like the tents of soldiers, and are of black wool

and of a sad appearance. 1

On the 11th of April,2 the said caravan departed from

Mezeribe ; there were 35,000 camels, about 40,000 persons,

and we were sixty Mamelukes in guard of the said caravan.

One third of the Mamelukes went in advance of the caravan

with the standard, another third in the centre, and the other

third marched in the rear. You must understand that we

performed our journey in this wise. From Damascus to

Mecca is a journey of forty days and forty nights : thus, we

set out from Mezeribe in the morning and travelled for

twenty hours. At that point certain signals made by the

captain were passed from band to band that the whole

company should stop where they then found themselves,

and they pass twenty-four hours in unloading, and feeding

themselves and their camels. And then they make signals,

and the camels are immediately laden again. And you must

know that they give the said camels for food only five loaves

of barley-meal, uncooked, and each of about the size of a

pomegranate,3 and then they mount their horses and journey

all night and all the following day for the said twenty-two

hours, and then for twenty-four hours do as before. Andevery eight days they find water, that is, by digging in the

earth or sand ; also, certain wells and cisterns are found, and

at the end of the eight days they stop for one or two days,

because the said camels carry as great a burthen as two

1 A most graphic and correct description of the predatory and warlike

customs of the desert Arabs, and of their physical and social peculiari-

ties. The picture is throughout true to the life at the present day.

2 This is either an error, or Varthema meant thereby to reckon his

travelling days only ; otherwise, as he left Damascus on the 8th of the

month, was three days in reaching Mezarib, and remained there another

three days, the date should be April 14th.

3 The meal or flour is made into a paste and then formed into a ball.

Cameleers throughout the East, especially on long journeys, adopt the

same mode of baiting their animals.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 19

mules, and they only give the poor animals drink once in

every three days. When we halted at the said waters wealways had to fight with a vast number of Arabs, but they

never killed more than one man and one lady, for such is the

baseness of their minds, that we sixty Mamelukes were

sufficient defence against forty or fifty thousand Arabs

;

for pagans, there are no better people with arms in their

hands than are the Mamelukes. You must know that I had

excellent experiences of these Mamelukes during the journey.

Amongst others, I saw a Mameluke take one of his slaves

and place a pomegranate on his head, and make him stand

twelve or fifteen paces distant from him, and at the second

trial strike off the pomegranate by a shot from a bow. Again,

I saw another Mameluke, running at full gallop, take off his

saddle and place it upon his head, and afterwards return it

to its original place without falling, and always at full gallop.

Their saddles are made according to our usage.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE CITY OP SODOM ANDGOMORRAH.

And when we had travelled twelve days we found the

valley of Sodom and Gomorrah. Verily the Scriptures do

not lie, for one sees how they were destroyed by a miracle

of God ; and I say that there are three cities which were on

the top of three mountains, and around them to the height

of three or four cubits is still seen what appears to be blood,

like red wax mixed with earth. Of a truth, I believe,

upon what I have seen, that they were a wicked people, for

all around the entire country is desert and barren. The

earth produces no one thing, nor water ; and they lived

upon manna and were punished, for not acknowledging the

benefits they received ; and by a miracle everything is still

seen in ruin. Then we passed that valley, which was at

c 2

20 THE TRAVELS OF

least twenty miles, and there died there from thirst thirty-

three persons, and many were buried in the sand who were

not quite dead, and they left only their faces uncovered. 1

Afterwards we found a little mountain, near which was a

well, whereat we were well pleased. We halted upon the

said mountain. The next day, early in the morning, there

came 24,000 Arabs, who said that we must pay for their water.2

We answered that wTe could not pay, for the water was

given by God. They began to fight with us, saying that

we had taken their water. We fortified ourselves, and made

a wall of our camels,3 and the merchants stood within the

1 After twelve days' journeying our traveller must have passed the

valley of the Dead Sea proper, but being in the neighbourhood it was

natural that he should refer to the Scriptural narrative of the destruc-

tion of Sodom and the other cities of the Plain. Besides which, it is

now ascertained that the depression about the Dead Sea is but a section of

a continuous valley, extending between Banias, at the foot of Jebel esh-

Sheikh, and the head of the Gulf of 'Akabah. True, Varthema's route,

if he followed that of the Hajj at the present day, was about twenty miles

to the eastward of the Wadi 'Araba (the name which the valley takes to

the south of Petra) ; but it is not surprising that he should have confounded

therewith a dreary and difficult pass which branches off from the cen-

tral chain of mountains, and which is known as the 'Akabet esh-Shami,

for with that I am disposed to identify his " Valley of Sodom and

Gomorrah." Burckhardt gives this as the twelfth day's journey of the

pilgrims from Damascus, and describes it as follows :" The Hadj route,

as far as Akabet Esh-Shami, is a complete desert on both sides. The

mountain chain continues about ten hours to the west of the Hadj

route... Here the Hadj descends a deep chasm, and it takes half an hour

to reach below... The mountain consists of a red grey sandstone, which

is used at Damascus for whetstones." [Was it this colour of the geolo-

gical formation which Varthema's vivid or pious imagination converted

into " what appeared to be blood, like red wax mixed with earth" 1]—

Travels in Syria, Appendix iii.

2 The caravan was now in Edom, traversing a section of the route

taken by the Israelites when they turned "northward" to "'pass through

the coast of the children of Esau," with whom they were commanded" not to meddle," but peaceably " to pass through the coast," and to

" buy meat and water of them for money." (See Deut. ii. 3-6.) Payment

for water is still exacted by the descendants of Esau in the same locality

at the present day.

3 A prevailing custom among the Bedawin when defending themselves

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 21

said camels, and we were constantly skirmishing, so that they

kept us besieged two days and two nights, and things came

at last to that state, that neither we nor they had any more

water to drink. They had completely surrounded the

mountain with people, saying that they would break through

the caravan. Not being able to continue the fighting, our

captain consulted with the Moorish merchants and we gave

them (the Arabs) 1200 ducats of gold. They took the money,

and then said that 10,000 ducats of gold would not pay for

their water, and we knew that they wanted something else

besides money. So our prudent captain arranged with the

caravan, that all those men who were capable of bearing arms

should not ride on the camels, aud that each should prepare

his arms. The morning having come, we put forward all

the caravan, and we Mamelukes remained behind. Wewere in all three hundred persons, and we soon began

to fight. One man and one lady were killed by bows on

our side, and they did us no further harm. \Ve killed of

them 1600 persons. 1 Nor is it to be wondered at that we

killed so many of them : the cause was, that they were all

naked and on horseback, without saddles, so that they had a

difficulty in turning on their way.

against an attack. The right fore-leg is first bent at the knee, and firmly

secured with the leading halter so as effectually to prevent the camel

rising. The animals are then made to lie down in close contact, their

mass serving as a rampart, the space between the shoulders as embra-

sures, and their bodies as rests for the matchlocks of the defenders.1 Probably an exaggeration, though Strabo records a battle between

the Roman army under iElius Gallus and the Arabians of the southern

part of the Hijaz, with a loss of two only of the former and ten thousand

of the latter. Lib. xvi.

22 THE TRAVELS OF

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING A MOUNTAIN INHABITEDBY JEWS.'

At the end of eight days we found a mountain which ap-

peared to be ten or twelve miles in circumference, in which

1 This is a most interesting subject, and deserves more than a cursory

notice. Our traveller describes the locality as being three days' journey

from El-Medinah, which brings it to about " Hedye," given in Burck-

hardt's Itinerary as the twenty-fourth halt of the modern Hajj from

Damascus, and four hours distant from Khaibar, "whither the people of

the caravan often go to buy provisions." Travels in Syria, Appendix iii.

Mons. Caussin de Perceval has collected together the various notices

found in the principal Arabian historians respecting the first Jewish

colony in the Hijaz, from which it will be seen that Khaibar was one of

their most important settlements. According to Ibn Khaldoon, the ori-

ginal immigrants formed part of an army sent by Joshua against the Ama-

lica (Amalekites), which, after destroying that people, took possession of

their country, and occupied Yathrib (El-Medinah), Khaibar, and the sur-

rounding places.

Others, and among them the author of the Aghdni, make the original

colonists to have consisted of a large body of troops which Moses, on

reaching Syria, had despatched against the Amalica, with order to exter-

minate them utterly; but that having spared the young son of the Ainalek-

ite king, Arcam, the Israelites refused to receive them on their return

from the expedition. Whereupon they retraced their way back to the

Hijaz, and finally settled at Yathrib, Khaibar, and the adjoining

districts.

Caussin de Perceval, in noticing the striking resemblance which this

narrative bears to the Scriptural account of the Amalekite king Agag,

whose life was spared by the soldiers of Saul against the positive com-

mand of the prophet Samuel, remarks that if the Arab tradition is

founded on any historical truth connecting the fact of the disobedience

of the Israelitish troops with the establishment of a Jewish colony in

the Hijaz, it would serve to fix the date of that emigration to the time

of Saul, or four centuries after Moses.

Other Arabian historians assert that the emigration did not take place

till after the fall of Zedekiah, the last king of Judah, and the devasta-

tion of Judea by the armies of Nebuchadnezzar, when many Jewish

families sought refuge in the Hijaz. Personal experience enables me to

add that such also is the prevailing tradition among the Jews of Yemenof their original settlement in that country.

From these various accounts it is natural to infer that the Jewish

LUBOV1CO Bl VARTHEMA. 23

mountain there dwell four or five thousand Jews, who go

naked, and are in height five or six spans, and have a fe-

colony in the Hijaz was formed by several successive immigrations in

very remote times, and that it received new accessions by similar im-

migrations of a more recent date, one of which, specially noticed by the

author of the Aghani, may be referred either to the period of the re-

duction of Judea into a Roman province by Pompey, B.C. 6-1, to the de-

struction of Jerusalem by Titus, a.d. 70, or to the cruel persecution of

the Jews under Adrian, a.d. 136. It is, indeed, highly probable that on

each of those occasions many fugitive Jews from Judea sought an

asylum with their co-religionists in the Hijaz.

The existence of a considerable Jewish population in the district in-

dicated by Varthema at the period of Muhammed is a well-authenticated

historical fact. His cursory description of the particular locality is

equally correct ; and the enmity of the resident Jews towards the

Muhammedans appears to have been inherited by them through manygenerations. Referring to that period, Caussin de Perceval says: "TheJewish race was still powerful. They possessed, between three or four

days' journey from Medinah, a fertile territory, abounding in grain and

date-trees, and protected by several forts, the principal of which, called

El-Cammoos, was situated on a mountain difficult of access. The dis-

trict occupied by these strongholds was denominated Khaibar, a word

which Arabian authors take to signify a castle. [More probably a con-

federation or colony, from the Hebrew *")2n (khabar) to be confederated].

Its population was composed of different families, which had been esta-

blished in the country from time immemorial. The Jews of Khaibar

had manifested an active and implacable hatred towards the Prophet

and his followers. United by an old alliance with their neighbours the

Bedawin descendants of Ghatafan, they laboured incessantly to stir up

the hostility of that and other adjacent tribes against Muhammed."In the month of Muharram of the seventh year of the Hijrah (12th

April—12th May, a.d. 628) Muhammed led an army in person against

Khaibar, and after a severe conflict, which lasted for several days, suc-

ceeded in capturing all the forts in that and the surrounding districts,

and in reducing the Jews to abject submission. At first, they merely

begged that their lives might be spared, promising to quit the country

forthwith ; but they were subsequently permitted to remain as simple

farmers of the soil, binding themselves to give half of the produce to its

new Mussulman proprietors. It was expressly stipulated, however, that

their future expulsion should depend on the will of the Prophet.

Though it is generally believed that 'Omar, on his succession to the

Khalifate a.d. 634, availed himself of this proviso to banish the Jews

from the country, in order to execute an injunction said to have been

«4 THE TRAVELS OF

minine voice, and are more black than any other colour.

They live entirely upon the flesh of sheep, and eat nothing

else. They are circumcised, and confess that they are Jews;

and if they can get a Moor into their hands, they skin him

alive. At the foot of the said mountain we found a tank of

water, which is water that falls in the rainy season. Weloaded with the said water 16,000 camels, whereat the Jews

were ill-pleased ; and they went about that mountain like

wild goats, and on no account would they descend into the

plain, because they are mortal enemies of the Moors. At

the foot of the mountain, by the said water, there were six

or eight feet of beautiful thornbushes, in which we found

two turtledoves, which circumstance appeared to us like a

miracle, inasmuch as we had travelled fifteen days and

given by Muhammed when dying, that two religions were not to be

tolerated in Arabia ; nevertheless, it is tolerably certain that they con-

tinued to occupy the neighbourhood of Khaibar in considerable numbers

up to a very recent period. As late as 1762, Niebuhr was informed that

that district was still inhabited by several independent Jewish tribes, who

had sheikhs of their own like other Arabs. Burckhardt mentions the

old colony of the Jews at Khaibar, but says that it had disappeared,

though there still existed an unfounded belief at Meccah and Juddah

that their descendants still existed there, strictly performing the duties

of their religion. They seem, indeed, to have become extinct as a separate

race, for Burton was assured that there is not a single Jewish family now in

Khaibar, adding : "it is, indeed, the popular boast in El-IIejaz that, with

the exception of Jeddah (and perhaps Yembo), where the Prophet never

set his foot, there is not a town in the country harbouring an infidel. This

lias now become a point of fanatic honour ; but if history may be trusted,

it has become so only lately." Pilgrimage to Meccah and Bl-Medinah,

vol. ii. p. 118, note. See also Caussin de Perceval, Histoire des Arabes

avant VIslamisme, etc., vols. ii. 641-644; iii. 193-201, 444. Niebuhk,

Description de VArabie, pp. 326, 327.

Varthema evidently miscalculated the effects of distance in diminish-

ing objects ; hence, I presume, his fabulous measurement of the Jews at

five or six spans in height, and his failing to see the scanty cloth round

their loins, which still constitutes the only garment of the commonBedawin of the Hijaz. As to complexion, if those seen by our traveller

were like the generality of the Jews in Yemen, he aptly describes it as

" more black than any other colour." In that respect they are not to be

distinguished from the Arab Bedawin.

LTJDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA. 25

nights and had not met with a single animal or bird. The

next day we resumed our journey, and in two days time

arrived at a city which is called Medinathalnabi. 1 Near

that city, at a distance of four miles, we found a well, by

which the caravan halted for a day, and at this well each

person washed himself, and put on clean linen to go into

the said city, which contains about three hundred hearths,

and is surrounded by walls made of earth. 2 The houses

within are constructed with stone walls. The country

around the said city lies under the curse of God, for the

land is barren, with the exception that about two stones'

cast, outside the city, there are about fifty or sixty feet of

palmtrees in a garden,3 at the end of which there is a certain

conduit of water, which descends at least twenty-four steps,

of which water the caravan takes possession when it arrives

there.4 Now, some who say that the body of Mahomet is

suspended in the air at Mecca must be reproved ; I say that

it is not true. I have seen his sepulchre in this city, Medi-

nathalnabi, in which we remained three days, and wished

to see everything. 5 The first day we went into the city, at

the entrance by the door of their mosque, and each of us,

small or great, was obliged to be accompanied by some per-

1 Medinat en-Nabi, the City of the Prophet.2 These earthen fortifications, according to Burton, were built by

order of Kasim el Daulat el Ghori. The wall is now of stone, " well-

built of granite and lava blocks, in regular layers, cemented with lime."3 "This alludes to the gardens of Kuba. The number of date-trees is

now greatly increased." Bukton, ut supra.4 Burckhardt, in his plan of El-Medinah, marks these " steps leading

down to the canal in different parts of the town." Burton supposes the

water to come from a spring in the date-groves of Kuba. " It flows

down a subterranean canal, about thirty feet below the surface. In

some places the water is exposed to the air, and steps lead to it for the

convenience of the inhabitants."3 This absurd story, so long current in Christendom, but utterly un-

known to Mussulmans, is supposed by Niebuhr to have originated from

the position, one above the other, which the three enshrined tombs are

represented as occupying in the rude drawings of the mosque made by

native artists.

26 THE TRAVELS OF

son, 1 who took us by the hand, and led us where Mahometwas buried.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING WHERE MAHOMET AND HIS

COMPANIONS WERE BURIED.

The mosque is made square in this manner : being about

one hundred paces long, and eighty wide, and it has around

it two doors on three sides, and the roof made arched, and

there are more than 400 columns made of burnt stone, all

whitened, and there are about 3,000 lighted lamps burning

on one side of the arches.2 On the right hand, at the head

of the mosque, there is a square tower, about five paces

on every side, which tower has a cloth of silk around

it. At the distance of two paces from the said tower

there is a very beautiful grating of metal, where per-

sons stand to see the said tower ; and at one side, on

the left, there is a little door which leads you to the said

tower, and in the said tower there is another little door, and

by one of the doors there are about twenty books, and on the

other side there are twenty-five books, which are those of Ma-

homet and of his Companions, which books declare his life

and the commandments of his sect.3 Within the said door

1 A guide, called Dal'll or Muzawwir.2 Burckkardt makes the dimensions 165 paces in length by 130 in

breadth. Burton calls it "a parallelogram about 420 feet in length by

340 broad." The former says : "It forms an open square, surrounded on

all sides by covered colonnades, with a small building in the centre of

the square The columns are of stone ; but being plastered white it

is difficult to decide what species The roof of the colonnade consists

of a number of small domes." The latter styles it " a hypsethral build-

ing with a spacious central area, called El Sahn, El Ilosh, El Haswah,

or El Ramlah, surrounded by a peristyle with numerous rows of pillars,

like the colonnades of an Italian monastery. Their arcades, or porticoes,

are llat-ceilinged, domed above with the small ' Media Naranja,' or half-

orange cupola of Spain."3 " Near the south-east corner stands the famous tomb, so detached

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 27

there is a sepulchre, that is, a pit under ground, wherein

was placed Mahomet, also Haly, and Babacher, and Oth-

nian, and Aumar, and Fatoma. Mahomet was captain, and

he was an Arab. Haly was son-in-law of Mahomet, that is,

he was the husband of Fatoma, who was the daughter of

Mahomet. 1 Babacher was he of whom we should say that

from the walls of the inosque as to leave between it and the south wall

a space of about twenty-five feet, and fifteen feet between it and the

east wall. The enclosure [Varthema's ' tower'] forms an irregular

square of about twenty paces, in the midst of the colonnade, several of

its pillars being included within it. It is an iron railing painted green

...the railing is of good workmanship, in imitation of filagree, and is

interwoven with open-work inscriptions of yellow bronze... What appears

of the interior is merely a curtain carried round on all sides, resembling

a bed, which is of the same height as the railing, and fills nearly the

whole space. ..This veil is a rich silk brocade of various colours, inter-

woven with silver flowers and arabesques. A band of inscriptions in

gold characters runs across the middle."

—

Bukckhardt." The Hujrah, or Chamber, as it is called, from the circumstance of its

having been Ayisha's room, is an irregular square of from fifty to fifty-

five feet in the south-east corner of the building, and separated on all

sides from the walls of the mosque by a passage about twenty-six feet

broad on the south side, and twenty on the eastern... Inside there are,

or are supposed to be, three tombs facing the south, surrounded by stone

walls, or, as others say, by strong planking. Whatever this material maybe, it is hung outside with a curtain, somewhat like a large four-post bed.

The outer railing is separated by a dark narrow passage from the inner

one, which it surrounds, and is of iron filagree, painted of a vivid grass

green, whilst carefully inserted in the verdure, and doubly bright by

contrast, is the gilt or burnished brass work forming the long and grace-

ful letters of the Suls character, and disposed into the Moslem creed,

the profession of unity, and similar religious sentences. This fence has

four gates. ..they are constantly kept closed, except the fourth."

—

Burton.

The foregoing extracts prove the remarkable correctness of Varthema's

brief description of this mosque. Neither of the two enterprising tra-

vellers, however, throws any light on the books mentioned by him as ex-

isting in the vicinity of the Hujrah. The mosque library, according

to Burton, is now kept in large chests near the Bab el Salam.

1 Muhammed, 'Ali, Abubekr, 'Othman, 'Omar, and Fatimah. Here

Varthema is in error, for it has never been believed by Mussulmans

that either 'Ali or 'Othman was buried in the Prophet's mosque.

Burton says :" The sepulchre or cenotaph of Fatimah is outside the

28 THE TRAVELS OF

he was cardinal, and wanted to be pope. 1 Othman was one

of his captains. Aumar was another of his captains. Andthese said books treat about each of his people, that is, of

the said captains ; and on this account it is that this canaille

cut each other to pieces, for some wish to act according to

the commandments of one, and some of another, and thus

they do not know how to make up their minds ; and they

kill each other like beasts about these heresies, for they are

all false.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE TEMPLE AND SEPULCHREOF MAHOMET AND HIS COMPANIONS.

In order to explain the sect of Mahomet, you must know

that over the said tower there is a cupola, in which you can

walk round the top, that is, outside.2 You must understand

enceinte and the curtain which surrounds her father's remains." Burck-

hardt describes it thus :" Near the curtain of the Ilejrah [Hujrah], but

separated from it, though within the precincts of the railing, which

here, to admit it, deviates a little from its square shape, is the tomb of

Sitna Fatima, the daughter of Mohammed and wife of Ali. But some

difference of opinion exists whether her remains actually rest here, or

in the burial-ground called Bakya, beyond the town."1 I know of no passage in Abubekr's life which merits this remark.

He was throughout the firm ally of Muhammed, and on the death of

the latter proposed two candidates, 'Omar and Abu-'Obeidah, as most

worthy to succeed him. It was mainly through the intervention of

'Omar, who recognized his superior claims as the special favourite of the

Prophet, as his sole companion in the cave at Thor, and as having been

designated by Muhammed to preside at the public prayers when he saw

his end approaching, that the dignity of being his first successor was

accorded to the aged Abubekr.2 The dome over the Hujrah, or Chamber, containing Muhammed's

tomb. " Above the hujrah is the green dome, surmounted outside by a

large gilt crescent springing from a series of globes. The glowing imagi-

nations of the Moslems crown this gem of the building with a pillar of

heavenly light, which directs from three days' distance the pilgrims'

steps towards El-Medinah."

—

Burton, Pilgrimage (o El-Medinah andMeccah, vol. ii. pp. 73, 74.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 29

the trick they played off upon the whole caravan the first

evening we arrived at the tomb of Mahomet. Our captain

sent for the superior of the said mosque, to whom he said

:

that he should show him the body of Nabi—this Nabi

means the Prophet Mahomet—that he would give him three

thousand seraphim of gold ; and that he had neither father

nor mother, nor brothers nor sisters, nor wife nor children,

neither had he come to purchase spices or jewels, but that

he had come to save his soul, and to see the body of the

Prophet. Then the superior answered him with great vio-

lence, and rage, and pride, saying :" How do those eyes of

yours, which have done so much evil in the world, desire

to see him for whom God has created the heavens and the

earth !" Then answered our captain :" Sidi intecate el

melie ;" that is to say, Sir, you say true ;

l but do me a fa-

vour, let me see the body of the Prophet, and immediately

that I have seen it, I will pull out my eyes for the love of

him. And Sidi3 answered :" O Sir, I will tell you the truth.

It is true that our Prophet wished to die here, in order to

set us a good example ; for he could well have died at

Mecca had he so willed, but he desired to exercise poverty

for our instruction ; and as soon as he was dead, he was

carried at once into heaven by the angels, and he says that

he is equal with God." Our captain said to him :" Eise

Hebene Marian phion ?" that is, Jesus Christ the son of

Mary, where is he ? The Sidi answered :" Azafel al Nabi,"

that is, at the feet of Mahomet. 3 Our captain answered

:

1 Sidi, anta tahki el-melieh. Sir, you say well. I shall correct the

orthography and mistranslations of Vartherna's romanized Arabic,

preserving the barbarisms of the original. The orthography varies in

different editions, but in all it is execrably bad.

2 Meaning the JShenf belonging to the mosque.3 Isa ibn Mariam fain hu? Jesus, the Son of Mary, where is He?

As/el en-Nabi. Below (or under) the Prophet. Burton, having

before him only the translation of these words, as he found it, unaccom-

panied by the Arabic, in Eden's History of Travels, supposes the reply

30 THE TRAVELS OF

" Besbes, hiosi," 1 that is, enough, enough ! I will not knowmore. Then the captain came out and said to us: " See

where I wanted to throw away three thousand seraphim !"

In the night time, at three o'clock, there came into the camp

about ten or twelve of those old men of that sect, for the

caravan was encamped near the gate, two stones' cast off,

and these old men began to cry out, some in one part and

some in another :" Lei la illala, Mahometh resullala ; lam

Nabi, hia la, hia resullala, stasforla !" that is, God pardon

me. " Leilla illala," means, God was, God will be ; and " Ma-hometh resullala" is, Mahomet, the messenger of God, will

rise again ;" lam Nabi" signifies, O Prophet ! O God !

" hia

resullala" means, Mahomet will rise again; " stasforla" sig-

nifies, God pardon me. 2 Our captain and we, hearing this

noise, immediately ran with our arms in our hands, thinking

they were Arabs who wanted to rob the caravan, saying to

them :" What is this you are crying out ?" for they made

just such a noise as is heard amongst us Christians when a

saint performs a miracle. These old men answered :" Inte

mar abser miri igimen elbeit el Naby uramen il sama?"

that is, Do you not see the brilliant light which comes out

of the sepulchre of the Prophet ?3 Our captain said :

" I do

to refer to the burial-place of Christ, and justly remarks that in that

sense it is incorrect, since no Moslem ever believed that Christ left his

body in this world. My own impression is, that it merely conveys the

speaker's belief of Christ's inferiority to Muhammed, either locally or in

rank, when the question was propounded.1 Bass, lass. Enough, enough; but I cannot decipher the "hiosi,"

unless it is a corruption of the vulgar mush 'awaz, I don't want [any

more].9 La ilah ilia Allah ; Muhammed RasM Allah. Ya Nabi ! Hayya

Allah ! Ilayya Rasill Allah ! Istaahfir lana ! There is no god but

God. Muhammed is the Prophet of God. Prophet ! Salute God !

Salute the Prophet ! We invoke forgiveness !

3 Antamatabsar en-nur [alladhi] yaji min belt en-Nabi warn min es-

sama ? Do you not see the splendour proceeding from the house of

the Prophet beyond the heavens'? The superstition that a super-

natural light issues from Muhammed's tomb -is still popular amongpious Moslems.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 31

not see anything ;" and he asked all of us if we had seen

anything, and we answered :c< No." One of the old men

replied :" Are you slaves ?" that is, Mamelukes. The cap-

tain said :" Yes, they were slaves." The old man answered :

" Oh, sirs ! you cannot see these celestial things because

you are not well confirmed in our faith." Our captain

replied :" Lami ianon ancati telethe elphi seraphi : vualla

anemaiati chelp menelchelp," which means, " Oh, fools, I

was willing to give you three thousand ducats, by God, but

I won't give you them now, you dogs, sons of dogs." 1 Youmust know that these lights were certain artificial fires which

they had cunningly lighted on the top of the said tower to

make us believe that they were lights which issued from

the sepulchre of Mahomet ; wherefore our captain ordered

that none of us should on any account enter the said mosque.

And you must know (I tell it you for a truth) there is no

coffin of iron or steel, nor loadstone, nor any mountain within

four miles. We remained there three days in order to give

rest to the camels. The people of the said city supply

themselves with the provisions which come from Arabia

Felix, and from Cairo, and from Ethiopia by sea, for from

thence to the sea is four days' journey.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE JOURNEY TO GO FROMMEDINA TO MECCA.

Now we being tired of these things and vanities of

Mahomet, prepared ourselves to pass onwards, and with our

pilots, great observers of their compasses and charts,2 neces-

1 Ya majnun ! ana ''ailti thalath elf ashrafi ! W Allah, ana ma'aati. Kelb bin el-kelb. You fool ! I give three thousand ducats ! ByGod, I will not give. You dog, son of a dog.

2 E con nostri Piloti delle sue bussole e carte al corso del mare ne-

cessarie grandi obseruatori coininciauio a caminare per rnezo giorno."

The passage is obscure. If it means, as I conclude it does from a similar

statement a few lines farther on, that the guides in the Ilijaz used such*

32 THE TRAVELS OF

sary when traversing the sea, began the journey southwards,

and we found a very fine well in which there was a great

quantity of water, which well, the Moors say, was made by

St. Mark the Evangelist, by a miracle of God, on account of

the want of water which prevails in that country. This well

was dry at our departure. 1 [I must not forget to mention our

instruments in order to direct their course between El-Medinah and

Meccah, it is unquestionably absurd. Our traveller may have been led

into the erroneous inference by seeing the leaders of the caravan consult-

ing small portable compasses, called Kiblah-ndmeh, to ascertain the true

K'lhlah, or prescribed point to which they should turn during prayer.

Nevertheless, the comparison which he here institutes leads to the con-

jecture that the Arabs who navigated the Red Sea at this period, one

year at least before the appearance of the Portuguese in that cpuarter,

were in possession of the mariner's chart and compass, which he expressly

tells us in a later chapter were used on board the vessels in which he

sailed from Borneo to Java. It is to be regretted that Varthema did

not record the name by which the native pilots designated the compass.

That of Bushla or Bnsla, from the Italian Bussola, though commonamong Arab sailors in the Mediterranean, is very seldom used in the

eastern seas. Da'irah and Beit el-Ibrah (the Circle, or House of the

Needle), are the ordinary appellatives in the Red Sea. In the Persian

Gulf, Kiblah-ndmeh is in more general use.

1 There are four roads leading from El-Medinah to Meccah ; but it is

impossible, from Varthema's brief description, to decide with certainty

which was taken by his caravan. " St. Mark's well " affords no clue, as

the name of that Apostle is utterly unknown to the Mussulmans of the

llijaz at the present day ; nevertheless, its occurrence in connexion with

this locality is somewhat remarkable. Has the tradition a much earlier

origin ? Eusebius makes St. Mark the first Bishop of Alexandria, and the

patriarchal see of Egypt has borne that title ever since. Ecclesiastical

historians further assert that one Pantaenus, a teacher of divinity, was

sent by Julianus, bishop of Alexandria, to preach the Gospel in Arabia

towards the end of the second century. Ibn Khaldun and the author

of the Aghdni state that several of the Arab tribes between Egypt and

Palestine professed Christianity at the time of Muhammed ; and the

destruction of an Abyssinian army before Meccah, a.d. 570, is a well

authenticated historical fact. Now, as the first introduction of Christ-

ianity into Arabia is referrible to the zeal of the patriarchal see of St.

Mark in Egypt, to which the Abyssinian church has always been eccle-

siastically subject, it is just possible that the occurrence of the Apostle's

name, as mentioned by Varthema, may be a traditional relic handed

down from the earliest Christians in the Hijaz.

LTJDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 33

meeting with the sea of sand, which we left before we found

the mountain of the Jews, and through which we travelled

five days and five nights. 1 Now you must understand all

about this. This is a very large level plain, which is full of

white sand as fine as meal, where, if unfortunately the wind

should blow from the south as you come from the north, all

would be dead men, and although we had the wind with us

we could not see each other at a distance of ten paces. The

men ride on camels in certain wooden boxes,2 in which they

sleep and eat, and the pilots go in advance with their com-

passes as they do at sea. And here many died from thirst,

and a great many died because when they dug and found

water they drank so much that they burst ; and here

mummies are made. 3 When the wind blows from the north

this sand collects against a very large mountain,which is a spur

1 Burton remarks on this chapter generally, that " It is impossible

to distinguish from this description the route taken by the Damascus

caravan in 1503. Of one thing only we may be certain, namely, that

between El-Medinah and Meccah there are no ' seas of sand.' " Ibid.

p. 358. I am of opinion that the passage which I have placed be-

tween brackets is retrospective, and refers to a part of the journey be-

tween Damascus and El-Medinah, for Varthema describes his having

left the sea of sand before he came to the Mountain of the Jews.

Burckhardt's brief description of the stages on the present Hajj route

does not enable me to identify the precise locality ; but I think it

should be looked for between El-Akhdar, the sixteenth stage from Da-

mascus, and Hedye or Khaibar (the Mountain of the Jews), three days

from El-Medinah ; for in a note attached to El-Akhdar, in his enume-

ration of the caravan halts, Burckhardt says :" Two or three hundred

years ago the Hadj route went to the east of the present route, and

it is even now called Darb esh-Sharki, the Eastern Road."2 The Shugduf, the Taktraivan, the Shibriyah, and the Mahaffah,

vehicles of different construction, borne by camels, and used by the

more wealthy pilgrims in making the Hajj.

3 " Wonderful tales are still told about these same mummies. I was

assured by an Arabian physician, that he had broken a fowl's leg, and

bound it tightly with a cloth containing man's dried flesh, which caused

the bird to walk about, with a sound shank, on the second day."

—

Burton, ibid. p. 361, n.

34 THE TRAVELS OF

of Mount Sinai. 1 When wc were at the top of the said moun-

tain we found a door [or doorway] of the said mountain made

by the hand of man. On the left side upon the top of the said

mountain there is a grotto to which there is a door of iron.

Some say that Mahomet stopped there to pray. At this door

' Burton, having inferred that Varthema was describing a part of

the route between El-Medinah and Meccah, supposes this to be Jebel

Warkan, on the sea-route to the latter place. For the reason already

given, I prefer identifying it with the mountains in the vicinity of

Hedjer (more correctly, El-IIijr), which, though with great latitude, maybe styled an offshoot of Sinai. I am confirmed in this opinion by our

author's somewhat romantic account of the ancient remains existing

there, and the traditions with which they are associated. Burckhardt's

description of them is as follows :" The most interesting spot on the

caravan route between Damascus and Medinah, within the limits of

Arabia, appears to be Hedjer, or, as it is sometimes called, Medayen

Saleh, seven days north of Medinah. This place, according to manypassages of the Koran (which has a chapter entitled Hedjer), was

inhabited by a gigantic race of men, called Beni Thamoud, whose

dwellings were destroyed because they refused to obey the admoni-

tions of the prophet Saleh. In circumference, Hedjer extends several

miles ; the soil is fertile, watered by many wells, or running streams.

...An inconsiderable mountain bounds this fertile plain on the west,

at about four miles' distance from the ground where the pilgrims'

caravan usually encamps. In that mountain are large caves cut out

of the rock, with sculptured figures of men and various animals, small

pillars on both sides of the entrances, and, if I may believe the Be-

douins, numerous sculptures over the doors."

—

Travels in Syria, Ap-

pendix vii. According to the Koran, (chap, vii.), the destruction of

the Thamudites was accompanied by " a terrible noise from heaven,"

and Muhammed's own conduct, on the occasion of his expedition against

El-IIijr, shortly after his destruction of the Jews at Khaibar, served to

perpetuate among his followers a dread of that signal example of the

Divine vengeance, for he refused to let them drink at one of the wells

in the valley, bidding them flee the accursed spot. The vivid imagina-

tion of pious Moslems still attributes supernatural noises, "like violent

and repeated claps of thunder," to the desolate abode of those ancient

Troglodytes, and it may fairly be presumed that these and similar tra-

ditions, and the fact of a chapter of the Koran being entitled " El-Hijr,"

—subjects which his Muhammedan companions would freely discuss

while in that vicinity,—gave rise to the fable with which this part of

Varthema's narrative is disfigured.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 35

a very great noise is heard. We passed this said mountain

with great danger, so much so that we thought we should

never arrive at this place.] Then we departed from the said

well and travelled for ten days, and twice we fought with

50,000 Arabs, till at length we arrived at Mecca, and there

was a very great war, one brother with another, for there

are four brothers, and they fought to be Lords of Mecca. 1

THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW MECCA IS CONSTRUCTED,AND WHY THE MOORS GO TO MECCA.

We will now speak of the very noble city of Mecca, what

it is, its state, and who governs it. The city is most beauti-

ful, and is very well inhabited, and contains about 6,000

families. The houses are extremely good, like our own, and

there are houses worth three or four thousand ducats each.

This city is not surrounded by walls. 2 A quarter of a mile

distant from the city we found a mountain where there was

a road cut by human labour. 3 And then we descended into

1 The remarkable coincidence of this casual remark with the historical

record of the period has been fully noticed in the Introduction.a " The city is open on every side ; but the neighbouring mountains,

if properly defended, would form a barrier of considerable strength....

The mode of building is the same as that adopted at Djidda, with the

addition of windows looking towards the street : of these many project

from the wall, and have their framework elaborately carved or gaudily

painted. Before them hang blinds made of slight reeds... Every house

has its terrace."

—

Burckhaudt's Travels in Arabia, vol. i. pp. 189, 190.

3 Burton identifies this with the Saniyah Kuda, a pass opening upon

the Meccah plain. It is, doubtless, the same as that described by Burck-

hardt in the following extract :" Opposite to this building [a house

belonging to the Sherif Ghaleb], a paved causeway leads towards

the western hills, through which is an opening that seems artificial.

El-Azraki applies the name of Jebel el-Hazna to this part of the moun-

tain, and says that the road was cut through the rock by Yahia ibn

Khold ibn Barmak. On the other side of the opening, the road descends

into the plain of Sheikh Mahmoud, so named from the tomb of a saint,

round which the Syrian pilgrims generally encamp."

—

Hid. p. 234.

36 THK TRAVELS OF

the plain. The walls of the said city are the mountains, and

it has four entrances. The governor of this city is a Sultan,

that is, one of the four brothers, and is of the race of

Mahomet, 1 and is subject to the Grand Sultan of Cairo. His

three brothers are always at war with him. On the 18th

of May we entered into the said city of Mecca ; we entered

from the north, and afterwards we descended into the plain.

On the side towards the south there are two mountains

which almost touch each other, where is the pass to go to

the gate of Mecca. On the other side, where the sun rises,

there is another mountain pass, like a valley,2 through which

is the road to the mountain where they celebrate the sacrifice

of Abraham and Isaac, which mountain is distant from the

said city about eight or ten miles. 3 The height of this

mountain is two or three casts of a stone by hand, and it is

of some kind of stone, not marble, but of another colour.

On the top of this said mountain there is a mosque accord-

ing to their custom, which has three doors. At the foot of

the said mountain there are two very beautiful reservoirs of

water. One is for the caravan from Cairo, and the other

for the caravan from Damascus ; which water is collected

there from the rain and comes from a great distance.4 Now,

1 A Sherif. " In Arabia the Sherif is the descendant of Hasan through

his two sons, Zaid and Hasan el-Musanna."

—

Burton's Pilgrimage to

el-Medinah, etc. Vol. ii. p. 257, n.

2 " This is the open ground leading to the Muna Pass."

—

Ibid. p.

362, n.

3 " An error. The sacrifice is performed at Muna, not at Arafat, the

mountain here alluded to."

—

Ibid. p. 362, n.4 Burckkardt's account of Arafat reads like an amplification of Var-

thema's briefer description. " This granite hill, which is called Jebel

cr-Rahme, rises on the north-east side of the plain, close to the moun-

tains which encompass it, but separated from them by a rocky valley.

It is about a mile or a mile and a half in circuit : its sides are sloping,

and its summit is nearly two hundred feet above the level of the plain...

On the summit is shown the place where Mohammed used to take his

station during the hadj ; a small chapel [Varthema's 'mosque'?] for-

merly stood over it, but it was destroyed by the Wahabys... Several large

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA, 37

let us return to the city. At the proper time we will speak

of the sacrifice which they make at the foot of the said

mountain. When we entered into the said city we found

the caravan from Cairo, which had arrived eight days before

us, because they had not travelled by the same route as our-

selves. In the said caravan there were sixty-four thousand

camels and one hundred Mamelukes. You must know that,

in my opinion, the curse of God has been laid upon the said

city, for the country produces neither grass nor trees, nor

any one thing. 1 And they suffer from so great a dearth of

water, that if every one were to drink as much as he might

wish, four qaattrini worth of water daily would not suffice

them.2 I will tell you in what manner they live. A great part

of their provisions comes from Cairo, that is, from the Red

Sea. There is a port called Zida [Juddah], which is distant

from the said city forty miles. A great quantity of food also

comes there from Arabia Felix, and also a great part comes

from Ethiopia. We found a great number of pilgrims, ofwhom

reservoirs lined with stone are dispersed over the plain : two or three are

close to the foot of Arafat...They are filled from the same fine acqueduct

which supplies Mecca, and the head of which is about one hour and a

half distant in the eastern mountains."

—

Travels in Arabia, vol. i. pp.

40-42. Burton says the Meccans have a tradition that the water comes

from Baghdad.1 " Moslems who are disposed to be facetious on serious subjects often

remark, that it is a mystery why Allah should have built his house in a

spot so barren and desolate."

—

Burton, Ibid. Vol. ii. p. 3G3, n.

2 " With respect to water, Mecca is not much better provided than

Djiddah. There are but few cisterns for collecting rain, and the well

water is so brackish, that it is used only for culinary purposes...The

famous well of Zemzem, in the Great Mosque, is indeed sufficiently

copious to supply the whole town ; but, however holy, its water is heavy

to the taste, and impedes digestion...The best water in Mecca is brought

from the vicinity of Arafat, six or seven hours distant. The supply

which it affords in ordinary times is barely sufficient for the use of the

inhabitants, and during the pilgrimage sweet water becomes an absolute

scarcity. A small skin of water, two of which skins a person may carry,

being then often sold for one shilling, a very high price among Arabs."

—Bukckhakdt's, Travels in Syria, vol. i. pp. 193-195.

38 THE TRAVELS OF

some came from Ethiopia, some from India Major, some

from India Minor, some from Persia, and some from Syria.

Truly I never saw so many people collected in one spot as

during the twenty days I remained there. Of these people

some had come for the purposes of trade, and some on

pilgrimage for their pardon, in which pardon you shall

understand what they do.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE MERCHANDIZE IN

MECCA.

First we will speak of the merchandize, which comes

from many parts. From India Major there come a great

many jewels and all sorts of spices, and part comes from

Ethiopia; and there also comes from India Major, from a

city called Bangchella, 1 a very large quantity of stuffs of

cotton and of silk, so that in this city there is carried on a

very extensive traffic of merchandize, that is, of jewels,

spices of every kind in abundance, cotton in large quantites,

wax and odoriferous substances in the greatest abundance.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE PARDONING IN MECCA.

Now let us turn to the pardoning of the said pilgrims.

In the midst of the said city there is a very beautiful temple,

similar to the Colosseum of Rome, but not made of such

large stones, but of burnt bricks, and it is round in the same

manner ; it has ninety or one hundred doors around it, and is

arched, and has many of these doors.2 On entering the said

1 Bengal, pronounced Bangala by the Arabs(f)2 Joseph Pitts, who visited Meccah in 1608, describes the Great

Mosque as having " about forty-two doors to enter into it,—not so much,

I think, for necessity, as figure ; for in some places they are close by

one another." Ali Bey says :" The temple has nineteen gates with

LUDOVICO 1)1 VARTHEMA. 89

temple you descend ten or twelve steps of marble, and here

and there about the said entrance there stand men who sell

jewels, and nothing else. And when you have descended

the said steps you find the said temple all around, and every-

thing, that is, the walls, covered with gold. 1 And under the

said arches there stand about 4,000 or 5,000 persons, men

and women, which persons sell all kinds of* odoriferous

things; the greater part are powders for preserving human

bodies, 2 because pagans come there from all parts of the

world. Truly, it would not be possible to describe the

sweetness and the odours which are smelt within this temple.

It appears like a spicery full of musk, and of other most

delicious odours. On the 23rd of May the said pardon

commences in the above-mentioned temple. The pardon is

this : Within the said temple, and uncovered, and in the

centre, there is a tower, the size of which is about five

or six paces on every side,3 around which tower there is

thirty-eight arches." Burekhardt, in 1814 :" The gates of the mosque

are nineteen in number, and are distributed about without any order of

symmetry. As each gate consists of two or three arches or divisions,

separated by narrow walls, those divisions are counted in the enumera-

tion of the gates leading into the Kaabah, and thus make up the number

thirty-nine." Burton says :" The principal gates arc seventeen in num-

ber. In the old building they were more numerous." The latter fact,

coupled with Burckhardt's description of the double and triple division

in each gate, may account for Varthema's approximate estimate, and

might have spared hiui Burton's remark thereon, who calls it " a pro-

digious exaggeration."1 " Seven [or, according to Burton, eight] paved causeways lead from

the colonnades towards the Kaabah or Holy House in the centre...The

whole area of the moscpue is on a lower level than any of the streets sur-

rounding it. There is a descent of eight or ten steps from the gate on

the north side into the platform of the colonnade, and of three or four

steps from the gate on the south side."

—

Burckhardt's Travels in

Arabia, vol. i. p. 247.

* " I saw nothing of the kind, though constantly in the Ilaram at

Meccah."

—

Burton.3 The Kaabah is here described. Burckhardt calls it "an oblong

massive structure 18 paces in length, 14 in breadth, and from 35 to 40

40 THE TRAVELS OF

a cloth of black silk.1 And there is a door all of silver,

of the height of a man, by which you enter into the said

tower. On each side of the door there is a jar, which

they say is full of balsam, and which is ' shown on the

day of Pentecost.2 And they say that that balsam is part of

the treasures of the Sultan. On each side of the said tower

there is a large ring at the corner. 3 On the 24th of May all

the people begin, before day, to go seven times around the

said tower, always touching and kissing each corner. 4 And

at about ten or twelve paces distant from the said tower

there is another tower, like one of your chapels, with three

or four doors. In the centre of the said tower there is a

very beautiful well, which is seventy fathoms deep, and the

water is brackish. 5 At this well there stand six or eight

feet in height." Burton says it is 18 paces in breadth, and 22 in length;

but as the Kaabah was entirely rebuilt as it now stands in 1627, these

measurements afford no test of the accuracy of Varthema's statement.1 The Kisivah, or curtain covering the Kaabah. Burton says that the

material now is a mixture of silk and cotton. It is renewed annually at

the time of the Hajj.

2 The door of the present Kaabah, according to Burckhardt, is " wholly

coated with silver, and has several gilt ornaments ; upon its threshold

are placed every night various small lighted wax candles, and perfuming

pans filled with musk, aloe-wood, etc."

Giovanni Finati (1814) restricts the opening of the Kaabah to once

a year. Burckhardt says it is opened two or three times a year. Burton,

that " the house may now be entered ten or twelve times a year gratis;

and by pilgrims, as often as they can collect, amongst parties, a sumsufficient to tempt the guardians' cupidity."

Varthema was probably thinking of Good Friday and the Easter

which follows, and connecting in his mind the Muhammedan sacrifices

at Arafat with the solemnities of those Christian seasons, when he sjioke

of " the day of Pentecost."

3 " These are the brazen rings which serve to fasten the lower edge of

the Kisivah, or covering."

—

Burton.4 " Then commenced the ceremony of Tawdf, or circumambulation....

I repeated, after my Mutawwif, or cicerone :' In the name of Allah, and

Allah is omnipotent ! I purpose to circuit seven circuits unto Almighty

Allah glorified and exalted.' "

—

Burton.5 " A true description of the water of the well Zemzem." Burton. The

LUDOVIGO 1)1 VARTHEMA. 41

men appointed to draw water for the people. And when the

said people have gone seven times around the first tower,

they go to this well, and place themselves with their backs

towards the brink of the well, saying :" Bizmilei erachman

erachin stoforla aladin," which means, In the name of God,

God pardon me my sins. 1 And those who draw the water

throw three bucketsful over each person, from the crown of

their heads to their feet, and all bathe, even though their

dress be made of silk. And they say in this wise, that all

their sins remain there after this washing. 2 And they say

that the first tower which they walked round was the first

house that Abraham built, 3 And all having thus bathed,* ...

they go by way of the valley to the said mountain of which

we have before spoken, and remain there two days and one

night. And when they are all at the foot of the said

mountain, they make the sacrifice there. 4

building which encloses the well (Varthema's " tower") was erected,

according to Burckhardt, a.d. 1072. Burton estimates the distance

between the well and the Kaabah at forty cubits.

1 B'ism-IUdh er-rahmdn er-rahlm. Istaghfir lana. In the name of

God, the Pitiful, the Compassionate. Pardon us.

3 " Many hadjis, not content with drinking it, strip themselves in the

room, and have buckets of it thrown over them, by which they believe

that the heart is purified as well as the body."

—

Burckhardt, Idem.

vol. ii. p. 264.

3 " Mohammedan mythology affirms that the Kaabah was constructed

in heaven two thousand years before the creation of this world, and that

it was then adored by the angels, whom the Almighty ordered to perform

the Tawaf, or walk round it. Adam, who was the first true believer, erected

the Kaabah on earth on its present site, which is directly below the spot

it occupied in heaven. ..The sons of Adam repaired the Kaabah, and after

the deluge Ibrahim [Abraham], wheu he abandoned the idolatry of his

forefathers, was ordered by the Almighty to reconstruct it. His son

Ismayl [Ishmael], who from his infancy resided with his mother Hadjer

(Hagar) near the site of Meccah, assisted his father, who had come from

Syria to obey the commands of Allah."

—

Burckhardt, Idem. p. 297.

4 Burton justly observes that there is great confusion in this part of

Varthema's narrative, and gives the following as the consecutive order of

the ceremonies : "On the 9th of Zu'l Hijjah, the pilgrims leave MountArafat. On the 12th, many hasten into Meccah, and enter the Kaabah.

42 THE TRAVELS OF

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE MANNER OF TUESACRIFICES IN MECCA.

Every generous mind is the most readily delighted and

incited to great deeds by novel events. Wherefore, in order

to satisfy many of this disposition, I will add concisely the

custom which is observed in their sacrifices. Every man and.

woman kills at least two or three, and some four and some

six sheep ; so that I really believe that on the first day more

than 30,000 sheep are killed by cutting their throats, facing

the east. Each person gives them to the poor for the love

of God,1 for there were about 30,000 poor people there, who

made a very large hole in the earth, and then put in it camels'

dung, and thus they made a little fire, and warmed the flesh

a little, and then ate it.2 And truly, it is my opinion, that

these poor men came more on account of their hunger than

for the sake of the pardon; and as a proof that it was so, we

had a great number of cucumbers, which came from Arabia

Felix, and we ate them all but the rind, which we afterwards

threw away outside our tent. And about forty or fifty of

the said poor people stood before our tent, and made a great

scrambling among themselves, in order to pick up the said

rinds, which were full of sand. By this it appeared to us

They then return to the valley of Muna, where their tents are pitched,

and sacrifice the victims. On the 10th, the tents are struck, and the

pilgrims re-enter Meccah."1 " Others stood before their tents, and, directing the victim's face

towards the Kiiabah, cut its throat, ejaculating :' Bismillah ! Allahu

Akbar!"'" It is considered a meritorious act to give away the victim without

eating any portion of its flesh."

—

Burton.2 This extempore style of cooking is common among the Bedawin.

Niebuhr describes it with his usual accuracy :" Quelquefois ils [les

Arabes du desert] mettent une boule de pate sur des charbons de bois

allumes, ou sur du fumier de chameau seche ; ils la couvrent soigneuse-

ment de ce feu, afiu qu'elle en soit penetree ; ensuite iis en otent les

cendrcs, et la mangent toute chaude."— Voyai/e en Arabic, vol. iii. p. 40.

LUDOVICO DI VAKTHEMA. 43

that they came rather to satisfy their hunger than to wash

away their sins. 1 On the second clay a cadi of their faith,

like one of our preachers, ascended to the top of the said

mountain and made a discourse to all the people, which

discourse lasted for about an hour ;2 and he made in their

language a sort of lamentation, and besought the people that

they should weep for their sins. And he said to them in

a loud voice :" Oh, Abraham, well-wished for and well-

loved of God !" And then he said :" Oh, Isaac, chosen of

God, friend of God, beseech God for the people of Naby !"

and then were heard very great lamentations.3 And when

he had finished his sermon, the whole caravan rushed back

into Mecca with the greatest haste, for at the distance of

six miles there were more than 20,000 Arabs, who wanted

to rob the caravan, and we arrived for the defence of

1 Burton remarks that " this well describes the wretched state of the

poor Takruri and other Africans, but it attributes to them an unworthy

motive." He gives a still more revolting instance of their abject poverty,

which occurred on the road between El-Medinah and Meccah :" After

the long and sultry afternoon, beasts of burden began to sink in con-

siderable numbers. The fresh carcases of asses, ponies, and camels,

dotted the wayside : those that had been allowed to die were abandoned

to the foul carrion-birds, the Rakham (vulture), and the yellow Ukab;

and those whose throat had been properly cut, were surrounded by troops

of Takruri pilgrims. These half-starved wretches cut steaks from the

choice portions, and slung them over their shoulders till an opportunity

of cooking might arrive. I never saw men more destitute."

—

Ibid. vol.

iii. pp. 7,8.

2 The Khuibat el- Wakfah, or Sermon of the Standing, usually preached

by the Kadhi of Meccah from Arafat, the orator taking his stand on the

stone platform near the top. In Burckhardt and Burton's time the

sermon lasted nearly three hours, i.e. from three p.m. till towards sun-

set.

3 Joseph Pitts, the first Englishman who visited Meccah, describes a

similar scene during the Hajj of 1680 :—" It was a sight, indeed, able to

pierce one's heart, to behold so many thousands in their garments of

humility and mortification [clad in the white ihrdm], with their naked

heads, and cheeks watered with tears ; and to hear their grievous sighs

and sobs, begging earnestly for the forgiveness of their sins."

—

A Faith-

ful Account of the Religion and Manners of the Mahometans, etc.

44 THE TRAVELS OF

Mecca. 1 But when we had gone half way, that is, between

Mecca and the mountain where the sacrifice is made, we

found a certain little wall four fathoms high, and at the

loot of the said wall a very great quantity of small stones,

which stones are thrown there by all the people when

they pass that way, for the objects which you shall hear.

They say that when God commanded Abraham that he

should go and sacrifice his son, he went before him, and he

said to his son that he must follow after him, because it was

necessary to fulfil the commandments of God. The son

answered him :" I am well pleased to fulfil the command-

ment of God." And when Isaac'2 arrived at the above-men-

tioned little wall, they say that the devil appeared to him in

the form of one of his friends and said to him :" My friend

Isaac, where art thou going ?" He answered him :" I am

going to my father, who is waiting for me in such a place."

The devil answered him :" Do not go, my son, for thy

father will sacrifice thee to God and will put thee to death."

And Isaac replied :" Let it be so ; if such be the will of

God, so let it be." The devil then disappeared, and a little

farther on he appeared in the form of another dear friend

of Isaac, and said to him the above-mentioned words. They

relate that Isaac answered with anger :" Let it be so ;" and

1 On this particular occasion the return of the pilgrims may have been

hastened by fear of an apprehended attack from the Bedawin ; but the

same rush, often attended with fatal results, occurs at every Hajj, and

has given to that part of the ceremonies the name of JSd-Defaa minArafat, the Hurry from Arafat. " Every man," says Burton, " urged

his beast with might and main : it was sunset ; the plain bristled with

tent-pegs, litters were crushed, pedestrians trampled, and camels over-

thrown ; single combats with sticks and other weapons took place ;

—

here a woman, there a child, and there a camel were lost ; briefly, it was

a state of chaotic confusion." The cause of this precipitation is that,

in accordance with the example of Muhammed, the Salat el- Esha, or

Prayer shortly after Sunset, should be said at the mosque of Muzdalifah

about three hours distant.

- Here Varthema is in error. According to Muhammedan theology it

was Ishmael and not Isaac who was ordered to be sacrificed.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 45

took a stone and threw it in the devil's face : and for this

reason, when the people arrive at the said place, each one

throws a stone at the said wall, and then they go to the city. 1

We found in the street of the said city 15,000 or 20,000

doves, which they say are of the stock of that dove which

spoke to Mahomet in the form of the Holy Spirit, 2 which

doves fly about the whole district at their pleasure, that is,

in the shops where they sell grain, millet, rice, and other

vegetable productions. And the owners of the said articles

1 " Bartema alludes to the 'Shaytan el Kabir,' the "Great Devil,' as

the buttress at El Munah is called. His account of Satan's appearance

is not strictly correct. Most Moslems believe that Abraham threw the

stone at the ' Rajim,'—the lapidated one ; but there are various tradi-

tions on the subject."

—

Burton.

Tbis custom of maledictory lapidation prevails elsewhere in the East.

In 1835, while travelling from Sidon to Tyre, not far from the former

place, my muleteer and another Mussulman who accompanied us each

took up several small stones, at the same time giving me a handful, and

requesting me to follow their example. Shortly after, we came in sight

of a conical heap of loose pebbles and stones which stood in the road, on

approaching which my companions hurled their stones at it with great

vehemence, uttering simultaneously a long string of curses on the me-mory of a famous robber and murderer, who, as I afterwards learned,

had been killed and buried there half a century before. It has often

occurred to me since, that the ancient practice, recorded in the Old

Testament, of raising a heap of stones, or cairns, over notorious crimi-

nals, may have been analogous to that which I have just mentioned,

and was, perhaps, the origin of the rite instituted by Muhammed of

casting stones at the places where Satan is said to have appeared to

Abraham in the Valley of Muna (more properly, Mina). The language

in which Scripture describes the execution of Achan is remarkable :

—

" And all Israel stoned him with stones, and burned him with fire after

they had stoned him with stones. And they raised over him a great heap

of stones unto this day." Joshua vii. 25, 26. I think it may fairly

be inferred from this account that the stoning on the occasion was not

only general on the part of the Israelites, but that the action or cere-

mony was, or was intended to be, perpetuated. See also Joshua viii. 29;

2 Sam. xviii. 17.

3 " A Christian version of an obscure Moslem legend about a white

dove alighting on the Prophet's shoulder, and appearing to whisper in

his ear whilst he was addressing a congregation."

—

Burton.

40 THE TRAVELS OF

are not at liberty to kill them or catch them. And if any-

one were to strike any of those doves, they would fear that

the country would be ruined. 1 And you must know that

they cause very great expense within the temple.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE UNICORNS 2 IN THETEMPLE OF MECCA, NOT VERY COMMON IN

OTHER PLACES.

In another part of the said temple is an enclosed place in

which there are two live unicorns, and these are shown as

1 " Meccah generally, hut the mosque in particular, abounds with

nocks of pigeons, which are considered the inviolable property of the

temple, and are called the Pigeons of the Beit- Allah. Nobody dares to

kill any of them when they enter private houses. In the square of the

mosque several small stone basins are regularly filled with water for their

use."

—

Burckhardt, Travels in Arabia, vol. i. p. 227.

When Muhammed, accompanied by Abubekr, fled from Meccah, he

took refuge in a cave of Mount Thor, situated about three miles to the

south of that city, to which spot he was traced by the emissaries of the

hostile chiefs of the Koraish ; but on noticing that a dove or pigeon had

laid its eggs in the narrow passage, and that a spider had spun its webacross it, they discontinued the search, remarking that if the refugees

had entered there, the eggs would have been broken, and the web de-

stroyed. The reverence for the pigeon which prevails among the Mos-

lems of the Hijaz is supposed to originate in this tradition ; neverthe-

less, Burton states that.at El-Medinah it is sometimes used as an article

of food. The same is true of many other parts of the East, but, as a

general rule, Moslems everywhere have a superstitious notion that ill-

luck is associated with the killing of pigeons.

2 Burton remarks that these animals " might possibly have been

African antelopes, which a lusus naturae had deprived of their second

horn," adding, "but the suspicion of fable remains." I was inclined, at

first sight, to coincide in this opinion, and to conclude that Varthemasaw merely two anomalous specimens of the Oryx, by no means an un-

common quadruped on the north-east coast of Africa, judging from the

quantity of its horns brought to Aden by the Somalis. On further re-

flection, however, I am induced to believe that the " unicorns" which

our traveller describes with so much exactness, and which were " shown

LUDOVICO 1)1 VARTHEMA. 47

very remarkable objects, which they certainly are. I will

tell you how they are made. The elder is formed like a

as very remarkable objects," were living representatives of a species of

the antelope family, the existence of which is very generally doubted.

The following extracts on this interesting subject are from the notes

of Dr. Edward Robinson, the learned American editor of Calmet's

Dictionary of the Holy Bible, under the head of " Unicorn," who, amongother authorities, quotes the above testimony of Varthema.

The figure of the unicorn is depicted, according to Niebuhr, on almost

all the staircases found among the ruins of Persepolis. Voyage en Arabie,

vol. ii. p. 109.

Pliny {Hist. Nat. viii. 21) in speaking of the wild beasts of India says :

" The unicorn (fera monoceros) is an exceedingly fierce animal, resem-

bling a horse as to the rest of its body, but having the head like a stag,

the feet like an elephant, and the tail like a wild boar ; its roaring is

loud ; and it has a black horn of about two cubits projecting from the

middle of its forehead." With the exception of the Sacred Scriptures,

these seem to be the chief ancient notices of the existence of the animal

in question.

Don Juan Gabriel, a Portuguese colonel who lived several years in

Abyssinia, assures us, that in the region of Agamos in the Abyssinian

province of Damota, he had seen an animal of the form and size of a

middle-sized horse, of a dark chesnut-browu colour, and with a whitish

horn about five spans long upon the forehead; the mane and tail were

black, and the legs short and slender. (Ludolph, Hist. JEthiop. lib. i.

c. 10.) This account is confirmed by father Lobo, who lived for a long

time as a missionary in Abyssinia. He adds, that the unicorn is ex-

tremely shy, and escapes from closer observation by a speedy flight into

the forests. {Voyage Hist. d'Abyssinie, Amst. 1728, vol. i. p. 83, 291.)

Dr. Sparrman, the Swedish naturalist, who visited the Cape of Good

Hope in 1772-6, gives an account of one Jacob Kock, who had travelled

over the greater part of South Africa, and who had found on the face of

a rock a drawing representing a quadruped with one horn. The Hot-

tentots told him, that the animal there depicted was very like a horse,

but had a straight horn on the forehead. They added that these ani-

mals were rare, that they ran with great rapidity, and were very fierce.

A more definite account of a similar animal is contained in the Trans-

actions of the Zealand Academy of Science at Flushing. (Pt. xv. Mid-

delb. 1792. Pra?f. p. lvi.) The account was transmitted from the Cape

of Good Hope by Mr. Henry Cloete. It states that a bastard Hottentot,

named Gerritt Sliuger, related that while engaged with a party in pur-

suit of the savage Bushmen, they got sight of nine strange animals,

and shot one of them. It resembled a horse, and was of a light-gray

48 THE TRAVELS OF

colt of thirty months old, and he has a horn in the forehead,

which horn is about three braccia in length. The other

unicorn is like a colt of one year old, and he has a horn of

about four palmi long. 1 The colour of the said animal re-

sembles that of a dark bay horse, and his head resembles

that of a stag ; his neck is not very long, and he has some

colour, with white stripes under the lower jaw. It had a single horn,

directly in front, as long as one's arm, and at the base about as thick.

The hoofs were round like those of a horse, but divided below like those

of oxen. Mr. Cloete mentions that several different natives and Hotten-

tots testify to the existence of a similar animal with one horn.

The Quarterly Review for October 1820 (vol. xxiv. p. 120) contains a

letter from Major Latter, commanding in the Rajah of Sikkim's terri-

tories, addressed to the Adjutant-General Nicol, wherein he explicitly

states that the unicorn, so long considered a fabulous animal, actually

exists at this moment in the interior of Thibet, where it is well known

to the inhabitants, and is called by them the one-horned tso'po. They

describe it as being as large as a middling-sized horse ; fierce and ex-

tremely wild ; seldom, if ever, caught alive, but frequently shot.

A paragraph in the Calcutta Government Gazette, August 1821, gives

the following sequel to the foregoing: " Major Latter has obtained the

horn of a young unicorn from the Sachia Lama, which is now before us.

He expects shortly to obtain the head of the animal, with the hoofs and

skin, which will afford positive proof of the form and character of the

tso'fo, or Thibet unicorn."

Whether Major Latter's expectation was ever realized, I am unable

to say; but Professor Owen, whom I had the pleasure of consulting on

the subject, regards the existence of the unicorn as mythical, to be classed

with the mermaid and sea serpent, and he consequently infers that Var-

thema, however trustworthy on other matters of fact, was led astray

in this instance, either through zoological ignorance, preconceived notions,

or defective examination, or, perhaps, by a combination of these draw-

backs. Not presuming, for a moment, to contest the learned professor's

opinion, which is unquestionably founded on pre-eminent knowledge of

this branch of science, I am still disposed, nevertheless, to rely on the

credibility of Varthema, and to believe that he saw at Meccah two ordi-

nary specimens of the famous unicorn, an animal which further research

in the unexplored parts of Central Africa, or among the mountains of

Thibet, may yet bring to light.

1 Varthema's scale of measurements was probably Venetian. Whatit was in his time I have not ascertained. The modern braccia at Venice

varies from 25.08 to 26.87 inches. The palmo is 3.937 inches.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 49

thin and short hair which hangs on one side ; his legs are

slender and lean like those of a goat ; the foot is a little

cloven in the fore part, and long and goat-like, and there are

some hairs on the hind part of the said legs. Truly this

monster must be a very fierce and solitary animal. These

two animals were presented to the Sultan of Mecca as the

finest things that could be found in the world at the present

day, and as the richest treasure ever sent by a king of

Ethiopia, that is, by a Moorish king. He made this present

in order to secure an alliance with the said Sultan of Mecca.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING SOME OCCURRENCES BE-

TWEEN MECCA AND ZIDA A PORT OF MECCA.

I must here show how the human intellect manifests itself

under certain circumstances, in so far as it became necessary

for me to exercise it in order to escape from the caravan of

Mecca. Having gone to make some purchases for mycaptain, I was recognized by a Moor who looked me in the

face and said to me :" In te menaine ?" that is, " Where are

you from ?" I answered :" I am a Moor." He replied :

" In te chedeab," that is, " You are not telling the truth."

I said to him : "Orazalnabi Aneymuz lemma," that is, "Bythe head of Mahomet, I am a Moor." He answered: "Thale

beithane," that is, " Come to my house ;" and I went with

him. 1 When I had arrived at his house, he spoke to me in

Italian, and told me where I had come from, and that he

knew that I was not a Moor, and he told me that he had

1 Anta min ain ? Where are you from ?

Anta kadh-dhdb. You are a liar.

Wa-rds en-Nabi ana Muslim. By the head of the Prophet, I am a

Moslem.

Tudl ila beitana. Come to our house.

E

50 THE TRAVELS OF

been in Genoa and in Venice, and gave me proofs of it.

When I heard this, I told him that I was a Roman, and that

I had become a Mameluke at Cairo. When he heard this

he was much pleased, and treated me with very great honour,

and as it was my intention to proceed further, I began to say

to him, if this was the city of Mecca which was so renowned

through all the world, where were the jewels and spices, and

where were all the various kinds of merchandize which it

was reported were brought there. I asked him this only

that he might tell me why they had not arrived as usual,

and in order not to ask him if the king of Portugal was the

cause, he being Lord of the Mare Occano [the Atlantic] and

of the Persian and Arabian Gulfs. Then he began to tell

me by degrees why the said articles had not come as they

were accustomed to do. And when he told me that the king

of Portugal was the cause, I pretended to be much grieved,

and spoke great ill of the said king, merely that he might

not think that I was pleased that the Christians should make

such a journey. 1 When he saw that I displayed hostility to

the Christians, he showed me yet greater honour, and told

me everything point by point. And when I was well in-

formed, I said to him :" 0, my friend, I beg you, Mena-

hamena lhabi,2 to tell me some mode or way by which I may

escape from the caravan, because my intention is to go to find

those beings who are hostile to the Christians ; for I assure

you that, if they knew what I am capable of, they would

send to find me even to Mecca." He answered me :" By

the faith of our prophet what can you do ?" I answered

him that I was the most skilful maker of large mortars in

the world. Hearing this he said : " Mahomet be ever

1 According to the Kurrat el-Ayun, a manuscript History of Yemenin my possession, the Portuguese had seized seven native ships be-

tween India and the Persian Gulf, and massacred their crews, prior to

Varthema's visit to Meccah. See note on p. 61.

2 Probably atmaannak min en-Nabi, I beseech you from (or, for the

sake of,) the Prophet.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 51

praised, who has sent us such a man to serve the Moors and

God." So he concealed me in his house with his wife.

And he begged me that I would induce our captain to drive

out from Mecca fifteen camels laden with spices, and this he

did in order not to pay thirty seraphim to the Sultan for the

toll. I replied that if he would save me in this house, I

would enable him to carry off a hundred camels if he had

so many, for the Mamelukes have this privilege. And when

he heard this he was much pleased. Afterwards, he in-

structed me in the manner in which I should conduct my-

self, and directed me to a king who is in the parts of India

Major, and who is called the king of Deccan. When the

time comes we will speak of that king. The day before

the caravan set out he concealed me in his house in a secret

place. In the morning, two hours before day, there went

through the city a great quantity of instruments and trumpets,

sounding according to their custom, and making proclama-

tion that all the Mamelukes, under pain of death, should

mount their horses and commence their journey towards

Syria. Whereupon, my heart was seized with a great per-

turbation when I heard this proclamation, and I earnestly

recommended myself with tears to the wife of the said mer-

chant, and besought God that he would save me from such

violence. On Tuesday morning the said caravan departed,

and the merchant left me in his house with his wife ; and

he went with the caravan, and told his wife, that on the

following Friday, she must send me away in company with

the caravan of India which was going to Zida, which is a

port of Mecca, forty miles distant. I cannot express the

kindness I received from this lady, and especially from her

niece of fifteen years old, they promising me that, if I would

remain there, they would make me rich. But I declined all

their offers on account of the present danger. WhenFriday came, I set out with the caravan at noon, to the no

small regret of the said ladies, who made great lamentations,

e2

52 THK TRAVELS OF

and at midnight we arrived at a certain city of Arabia, and

remained there all night and until noon of the following

day. On Saturday we departed and travelled until mid-

night, when we entered into the said port ' of the city of

Zida.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING ZIDA, 1 THE PORT OF MECCA,AND OF THE RED SEA.

This city is not surrounded by walls, but by very beautiful

houses, as is the custom in Italy ; we will, therefore, not

dwell long on a description of it.2 It is a city of very ex-

tensive traffic, because a great number of the pagan people

come here ; the reason being that neither Christians nor Jews

are admitted. 3 When I had arrived at the said city I imme-

diately entered into a mosque, that is, a temple, where there

were at least 25,000 poor people, and I hid myself in a corner

of the said temple, and remained there for fourteen days.

All day long I remained stretched upon the ground covered

up with my garments, and keeping up a constant groaning

1 Jiddah, or, more correctly, Juddah,2 The present wall which surrounds Juddah on the land side was built

by El-Ashraf Kansooh El-Ghoree, the Mameluke Sultan of Egypt, a.h.

917, or thirteen years after the date of Varthema's visit. The town is

superior to any in the Hijaz : the houses are well built of stone and

madrepore, and consist generally of two stories.

3 The rule which excluded all but Muhammedans from Juddah has

been practically rescinded within the last half century, and there are

now several Christian merchants, chiefly Greeks, resident in the town.

Niebuhr experienced greater civility there than in Egypt, but he was

warned against approaching the gate leading to Meccah. At the period

of Burckhardt's visit there were no Christians settled in Juddah, but a

few Greeks from the islands of the Archipelago brought merchandize to

the market from Egypt. He says :" In the time of the Sherifs they

were much restricted, compelled to wear a particular dress, and prohi-

bited from approaching the Meccah gate ; but the Turks, having become

masters of the Hijaz, abolished these restrictions, and a Christian nowenjoys complete liberty there."

LUD0V1C0 DI VARTHEMA. 53

as though I were suffering intense pain in my stomach aiftl

body. The merchants said: "Who is that who is lament-

ing so ?" The poor people who were near me said :" It is

a poor Moor, who is dying." Every evening when night

came I quitted the mosque and went to buy food. I leave

you to judge whether or no I had an appetite, eating

only once a day, and that very badly. This city is governed

by the lord of Cairo. The lord of it is one who is a brother

of Barachet, that is, of the Saltan of Mecca. 1 They are sub-

ject to the Grand Sultan of Cairo. There does not occur

to me much to say here, for they are Moors. The land does

not produce one single thing, and there is a great scarcity

of water, that is to say, of fresh water.- The sea beats

against the walls of the houses. 3 All sorts of necessaries are

found here, but they come from Cairo, from Arabia Felix,

and from other places. In this city there are always a great

number of sick people, and they say that this is in consequence

of the bad air of the place. It contains about five hundred

families. 4 At the end of fourteen days I made an agreement

1 This is another striking proof of Varthema's general correctness.

The patronymic of the ruling Sherif of Meccah at the time was Barakat,

of which family several notices, collected from Arabian historians, have

already been given in the Introduction.2 With the exception of a few palm-trees near one of the mosques

there is no vegetation of any kind in Juddah, and the country beyond is

a barren desert. Rain water is carefully preserved in cisterns, with

which many of the houses are provided ; but most of that used for drink-

iug is drawn from wells about one mile and a half distant on the south-

ern side. Water, indeed, may be found everywhere in the vicinity at

a depth of a few feet from the surface, but it is so brackish as scarcely

to be drinkable.

3 Only to a very small extent now, and that at high water, or, more cor-

rectly, according to the winds, by which the tides in the harbour are greatly

influenced. This circumstance seems to corroborate Niebuhr's opinion

that the sea had gradually receded from the town: the combined result,

perhaps, of growing coral-reefs and silt. Voyage en Arable, vol. i. p. 222.

4 The population is much larger now. Ali Bey estimated it at 5,000,

which was probably an exaggeration. Burton, on the authority of Mr.

Cole, H.M. late vice-consul at Jiddah, states ic to be 2,500, but thinks

that figure too low.

54 THE TRAVELS OF

with the master of a vessel which was going towards Persia,

for in the said port there were about one hundred ships

great and small. Three days afterwards we set sail, and

began to navigate the Red Sea.

THE CHAPTER SHOWING WHY THE RED SEA IS NOTNAVIGABLE.

It will be understood that this sea is not red, but that the

water is like that of any other sea. In this sea we sailed

one day until the setting of the sun, because it is not pos-

sible to navigate it during the night time. And every day

they proceeded in this manner until they arrived at an

island called Chameram. 1 After this island you can proceed

in safety. The reason why it is not possible to sail during

night is, that there are many islands and many rocks, and

it is necessary that a man should always be stationed on the

top of the mast of the ship in order to see the route, which

cannot be done during the night-time, and therefore they

can only navigate during the day. 2

3 Camran, generally written Camaran.3 The same precautions are still taken to avoid the numerous coral-

reefs, sunken rocks, and dangerovis patches, which exist between Leet,

about ninety miles to the south of Juddah, and the island of Cainrau.

The navigation below the latter place is much more easy.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 55

THE SECOND BOOKOF ARABIA FELIX.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE CITY OF GEZAN, 1 AND OP

ITS FERTILITY.

Having discoursed of the places, cities, and customs of the

people of Arabia Deserta, as far as it was permitted me to

see them, it appears to me that it will be proper, with brevity

and more happily, to enter upon Arabia Felix. At the end

of six days we arrived at a city which is called Gezan,

which city has a very fine port ; and we found there forty-

five vessels belonging to different countries. This city is

situated on the sea shore, and is subject to a Moorish lord,

and is a district very fruitful and good, like Christian coun-

tries. Here there are very good grapes and peaches,

1 Jeezan, or Gheeziin, is situated in a fertile district, but the town Las

fallen into decay. It has a few stone buildings, but the principal part

consists of grass huts, with pyramidal tops. It possesses a large fort,

in a ruinous condition, and the small bazaar is now scantily supplied

with such provisions as the natives use, the principal of which is the

dhurah (Varthema's " dora"), a species of millet, extensively culti-

vated throughout Yemen, where it is called tadm. There is a good

inner anchorage for small boats off the town. The dress of the male

portion of the population, like that of the common Arabs of the country

generally, consists of a cotton cloth, called a footah, worn round the

loins. El-Edrisi states that the district of Jeezan was occupied by a

family of the famous tribe of Ghassan (the Ghassanides,) which proba-

bly became extinct, or was made subject by the Imams of Yemen, during

the thirteenth century of our era. Niebuhr, Voyage en Arable, vol. iii. p.

232. See also Moresby's Sailing Directionsfor the Red Sea, pp. 27, 28.

56 THE TRAVELS OF

quinces, pomegranates, very strong garlic, tolerable onions,

excellent nuts, melons, roses, flowers, nectarines, figs, gourds,

citrons, lemons, and sour oranges, so that it is a paradise.

The inhabitants of this city go almost naked, and live after

the manner of the Moors. There is here abundance of flesh,

grain, barley, and white millet, which they call clora, and

which makes good bread. We remained here three days

in order to lay in provisions.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING SOME PEOPLE CALLEDBADUIN.'

Departing from the said city Gezan, we went for five days

always in sight of land, that is to say, the land was on our

left hand ; and seeing some habitations on the sea shore, we

disembarked fourteen of our people to ask for some provi-

sions in exchange for our money. They answered our request

by beginning to throw stones at us with slings, and these were

certain people who are called Baduin : they were in number

more than one hundred, and we were only fourteen. Wefought with them for about an hour, so that twenty-four of

them remained dead on the field, and all the others took to

flight; for they were naked, and had no other arms than these

slings. We took all that we could, namely, fowls, calves,

oxen, and other things fit to eat. In the course of two or three

hours the disturbance began to increase, as did also the inha-

1 Bedouin, or more correctly Bedawin, sing. Bedawy. From the col-

lective Bedu, properly ' a desert.' Hence the literal rendering is

' desert-men ;' but the designation is frequently applied to Arabs whoinhabit the open country in contradistinction to those who dwell in towns.

In this instance, however, Varthema may have taken the term from the

village El-Bedawi, there being one of that name midway between Jeezau

and Camran. Another locality in the neighbourhood, called Khabt el-

Bakkar, Niebuhr describes as being inhabited by some wandering fami-

lies who were accused of plundering all travellers who came in their

way. Voyage en Arable, vol. iii. p. 233.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 57

bitants of the said land, so that they were more than six

hundred, and we were obliged to withdraw to our ship.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ISLAND OF THE REDSEA CALLED CHAMARAM. 1

On that same day we took our course towards an island

called Chamaram, which island appears to be ten or twelve

miles in circumference, where there is a place containing

about two hundred families, which is inhabited by Moors.

In this said island there is sweet fresh water and flesh, and the

best salt I ever saw is made there. It has a port towards

the mainland, from which it is distant about eight miles.

This island is subject to the Sultan of the Amanni,2 that is,

the Sultan of Arabia Felix, and we remained there two

days. We then steered towards the mouth of the Red Sea,

and for two days you can navigate in safety night and day,

but from the island to Zida you cannot navigate by night.

And when we had arrived at the said mouth, it really ap-

1 Camran is eleven miles long and from two to four broad. There are

seven villages on the island, consisting mostly of huts belonging to the

fishermen employed on the neighbouring pearl banks and turtle islands.

Several spots are under cultivation, good water is plentiful, and other

supplies, such as oxen and sheep, are tolerably abundant ; for which

reasons, as well as on account of its secure harbour, the island is muchfrecpiented by native vessels trading between the coasts of India and

Persia and the Red Sea.

" " Soldano delli Amanni." This was either the reigning Imam of

Sanaa, or Sultan 'Amir ibn Abd el-Wahhab. The latter, about this

period, was contesting the sovereignty of Yemen with the former, and

had already succeeded in wresting from him a large portion of the

southern districts, including the sea-board. As Varthema does not men-

tion the term " Imam," the ordinary designation of the rulers at Sanaa,

and which he must frequently have heard used, I apprehend that he

misconstrued the title into the name of a country or people, and then

Italianized it, distorting " Imam" into " Amanni." Or, it may be a

contraction and corruption of [Amir el-Mu~\amanin, (Lord of the Faith-

ful,) another title common to all the Imams of Sanaa.

58 THE TRAVELS OF

pcarcd as though we were within a hemmed-in house ; for that

embouchure is about two or three miles wide, and on the right

hand thereof there is land about ten paces high and unin-

habited, so far as we could perceive from a distance. Onthe left hand of the said embouchure there is a very high

mountain, and it is of stone ; and in the middle of the said

embouchure there is a certain little uninhabited island which

is called Bebmendo. 1 Those who wish to go to Zeilla take

the route on the right hand, and those who want to go to

Aden take that on the left hand ; and this we did in order

to go to Aden, and we always sailed in sight of land. From

the said Bebmendo we arrived at the city of Aden in a little

less than two days and a half.

1 The narrowest part of the " Little Strait" is one and a half mile wide.

Varthema's description of the low land on the African side, and the

" very high mountain" on the Arabian side, (Bab el-Mandeb Cape,) is

remarkably correct. Native craft going from the Red Sea to Zeila, or

any other ports on the former coast, still take the right or wider chan-

nel ; those bound for Aden the left. By a pardonable misconception,

however, he gives the name of the two Straits, "Babmendo," (Bab el-

Mendeb) to the small island which forms them, and which will be re-

cognized at once as Perim, called by the natives, Mayun.

The Arabs have a tradition respecting the formation of the Straits of

Bab el-Mandeb which, for its absurdity, surpasses very many of their ex-

travagant legends. I quote the following from a manuscript in my pos-

session, entitled Tdrikh Thaghr 'Aden (a History of the Valley of

Aden), written by the learned and devout Kadhi, Aboo-Abdallah bin

Ahmed Muhrirn. He says :" Formerly from Kalzam [the Gulf of

Suez?] to Aden, and beyond the mountains of Socotra, all was dry

land : there was no sea, and no outlet ; but when Alexander the Great,

in his voyage round the world, came here, he opened a gulf wherein the

sea flowed until it was arrested near the mountains of Bab el-Mandeb,

whereby Aden was surrounded by water, and nothing was visible there

but the tops of the mountains jutting up into peaks Then Alex-

ander, (but others say, some other person,) cut a passage through Bab

el-Mandeb, whereby the water rushed in and filled the whole of El-Kal-

zam. When the rush was over, Aden rose up, and the waters about it

were drained in the direction of Esh-Sham."

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 59

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE CITY OF ADEN, AND OFSOME CUSTOMS RESPECTING THE MERCHANTS.

Aden is the strongest city that was ever seen on level

ground. It has walls on two sides, and on the other sides

there are very large mountains. On these mountains there

are five castles, and the land is level, and contains about

five thousand or six thousand families. 1 The market is held

at two o'clock in the night, on account of the intense heat

in the city during the day.- At a stone's cast from this

city there is a mountain, upon which stands a castle, and at

the foot of this mountain the ships cast anchor. 3 This city

1 The ruins of these towers still exist, also of the two walls, one of

which extended along the shore of " Front Bay" (which appears to have

been the principal harbour at that period), and the other over the heights

commanding Bandar Hokkat, now called Holket Bay. These walls, con-

necting as they did the Mansuri heights on the north-east with the

offshoots of the lofty Shamsan range on the south-west, completely en-

closed the area where the town of Aden is situated, and which seems at

one time to have been the crater of a volcano, forming a tolerably per-

fect circle from one to one mile and a half in diameter. According to

the Arabian author last quoted, most of these fortifications were built by

'Othman ez-Zenjily, who was appointed governor of that district by

Tooran Shah bin Ayyub, brother of the famous Salah ed-Din (Saladin),

Sultan of Egypt, on his departure from Yemen in the year of the Hijrah

571, a.d. 1175. Ez-Zenjily erected many other public buildings at

Aden, some of which were standing when the British captured the

place in 1839 ; but his rapacity rendered him odious to the in-

habitants, and on hearing of the approach of Taghtakin, another

brother of Salah ed-Din, who was sent with an army against Yemen,

a. h. 579, he fled from Aden, and died at Damascus four years

after.

2 An incidental proof that Varthema was at Aden during the hot

season, which lasts from May to October. By " two o'clock in the night,"

I understand two hours after sunset.

3 The mountain here mentioned is the small island of Seerah, which

has lately been joined to Aden by a causeway. The following absurd

tradition respecting this spot is recorded by the author above quoted :

" Cain, having killed his brother Abel, and being afraid of his father

Adam, fled from India to Aden, and took up his abode on Seerah. Be-

coming sad at the separation from his home and relatives, Satan appeared

GO THE TRAVELS OF

is extremely beautiful, and the capital of Arabia Felix. It

is the rendezvous for all the ships which come from

India Major and Minor, from Ethiopia and from Persia.

All the ships which are bound for Mecca put in here. As

soon as a ship comes into port, the officers of the Sultan of

the said city board it, and desire to know whence it comes,

the nature of its cargo, and when it left its own country, and

how many persons there arc on board. And when they

have obtained all this information, they remove from the

said ship the masts, sails, rudder, and anchors, and carry

them all into the said city ; and this they do in order that

the said persons may not depart without paying the dues to

the Sultan. 1 The second day after my arrival in the said

city I was taken and put in irons, and this occurred through

one of my companions, who said to me :" Christian dog, son

of a dog." Some Moors heard this speech, and through

this I was taken with great violence to the palace of the

Vice-Sultan, and they immediately consulted whether they

should at once put me to death, because the Sultan was not

in the city. They said that I was a spy of the Christians.

But as the Sultan of this country never puts any one to

to him, and presented him with sundry musical instruments, such as the

lute, with which he managed to amuse himself." According to another

tradition, the fire of the day of judgment is to spring from this rock;

and the same author states that a well existed there up to a compara-

tively recent period, from the bottom of which flames used to issue, and

that the end of a rope, let down by way of experiment in the presence

of many witnesses, was found to be burnt on being drawn up. There is

nothing improbable in this story, for the peninsula of Aden is undoubt-

edly of volcanic origin, and the same igneous agency still occasionally

manifests itself among the Zebair islands in the Red Sea, and on the

opposite coast of Africa.

The Portuguese, under Lopez Soarez de Albergaria, occupied the

island of Seerah in 1516, and during their short stay repaired the old

fort which stood on its summit, and further strengthened the position

by enclosing it with a strong wall, the remains of which are still extant.

1 This is a common custom with the native chiefs on the Arabian

shores when they wish to detain a vessel.

LUDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA. 61

death, these people respected my life, and kept me sixty-five

days with eighteen pounds' weight of iron on my feet. On

the third day after we had been taken, there ran to the

palace forty or sixty Moors, belonging to two or three ships

which had been captured by the Portuguese, 1 and who had

escaped by swimming, and they said that we belonged to

these Portuguese ships, and that we had come there as spies.

For this fancy of theirs they ran to the palace in the greatest

fury, with arms in their hands to slay us ; but through the

merciful intervention of God, those who guarded us fastened

the door on the inner side. At this report the district rose

in arms, and some desired that we should die and some not.

At last the Vice-Sultan obtained that we should be spared.

At the end of sixty-five days the Sultan sent for us, and we

were both taken on a camel, still, however, with the said

irons on our feet. We were eight days on the road, and

were then presented to the Sultan at a city called Rhada.

At the time when we arrived at the city the Sultan was

reviewing eighty thousand men, because he was about to go

to war with another Sultan of a city called Sana, which is

distant from Rhada three days' journey. 2 This city lies

1 The following passage, which I translate from the Kurrat el-Ay&n,

confirms this statement: "In this year [a.h. 908=a.d. 1502, about one

year before Varthema's arrival at Aden], the ships of the Sultan of the

Franks made their appearance in the sea between India and the island

of Hormuz. They seized seven vessels and murdered most of the

crews."2 Radaa is situated about one hundred and sixty miles north of Aden,

and sixty to the south of Sanaa. The town possesses a strong citadel

and several detached forts, now in a very ruinous condition. The name

in full is Radaii el-'Arsh.

The preparations for an expedition against Sanaa, incidentally mentioned

by Varthema, are strikingly corroborated by the following extract from

the Kurrat el-Ayun : " In the month of Safar of this year [a.h. 910 =a.d. 1503-4] El-Meleh Edh-Dhafir, [The Victorious King, the surname

given to 'Amir ibn Abd el-Wahhab, the then reigning Sultan of Adenand southern Yemen], projected an attack on Sanaa, and made pre-

parations accordingly. To that end he despatched several of his

62 THE TRAVELS OF

partly on an acclivity and partly on the plain, 1 and it is very

beautiful and ancient, populous and rich. "When we were

presented before the Sultan he asked me whence I came. I

answered : "Anabletrom iasidi anaigi assalem menel Cayro

anegi Medinathalnaby & Mecca & badanigi bledech cul ragel

calem inte sidi seich hiasidi ane abdech Inte maarf sidi ane

musolimim." That is, the Sultan said :' Whence are you

and what do you purpose doing ?" I answered :" that I was

a Roman, that I had become a Mameluke at Cairo, that I

had been to Medina, to Naby, where Mahomet is buried,

and to Mecca, and that then I had come to see his High-

ness ; because through all Syria, and at Mecca, and at

Medina, it was said that he was a saint, and if he was a saint,

(as I believed), he must know that I was not a spy of the

Christians, and that I was a good Moor and his slave."2

officers to the Tihama to levy a force from among the Arabs, and in the

month of Rabiii el-Akhir, a body of Arab horsemen, consisting of the

Ziialiyyin, the Samiyyin, the Kahra, the Munasika, the Warnah, the

Lamiyyin, the Kaabiyyin, the Miiazibah, and the 'Arshiyyin, proceeded

to the seat of government. And in the same month our lord [the Sultan]

marched towards Sanaa, stopping for some days at Radaa el-'Arsh, from

whence he went to Dhamar, and on the twenty-second of the same month

to Sanaa, before which city he halted with a very large army and manyterrible engines of war, and he pressed the siege until the date herein-

after mentioned." It seems highly probably that Varthema's interview

with the Sultan at Radaa, occurred during the short stay made by the

latter at that place while on his march towards Sanaa.1 The passage in the original is :

" Et e questa Citta parte in costa,

parte in piano." As the town of Radaii is nearly two hundred miles

from the sea, Varthema undoubtedly uses the word "costa" in the sense

given above, which is, moreover, locally correct. Dante affixes the same

signification to it :

—

" Lo sommo er' alto, che vincea la vista,

E la costa superba piu assai

Che da mezzo cpuadrante al centro lista."

Del Puroatorio, Canto iv.

which Boccacio paraphrases thus :" L' acclivita di essa costa rispetto al

piano orizontale era assai maggiore di 45 gradi."2 Ana \_min~\baldd er-Rilm, ya sidi. Ana&ji asallim min el-Kdhirah.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 63

Then said the Sultan: "Say, Leila ilala Mahometh resul-

lala." 1 But I could not pronounce the words at all, whether

such were the will of God, or through the fear which had

seized me. The Sultan, seeing that I could not pronounce

these words, commanded that I should be thrown into prison

and kept with the greatest strictness by the men of eighteen

castles, that is, four for each castle. They remained four

days, and then were changed for four others from four other

castles. And in this order they guarded me for three

months, with a loaf of millet in the morning and one in the

evening, although six of these loaves would not have suf-

ficed me for one day, and sometimes I should have been

well pleased if I could have had enough water.

Two days afterwards, the Sultan took the field, and

marched to the said city Sana with his army, in which there

were three thousand horsemen, sons of Christians, as black

as Moors. They were of those of Prester John,2 whom they

Ana aji Medinut-en-Nabi, u-a-Meccah, wa-hiiad ana aji baladak. Kidrajid kallam ; Anta, sidi, sheikh. Ya sidi, ana abdak. Anta ma tuaraf,

sidi, ana Muslim ? " I am of the country of Rum, my lord. I became

a Muhammedan at Cairo. I came to El-Medinah of the Prophet, to

Meccah, and then I came to your country. Every one says, sir, you are

a sheikh. Sir, I am your slave. Do you not know, sir, that I am a

Mussulman ?"

1 La Huh ilia Allah ; Muhammed Rasdl Allah. " There is no god

but the God ; Muhammed is the Prophet of God."2 That is, Abyssinians, " Prester John " being the fanciful name which

the Portuguese had given to the Emperor of that people during the

preceding century. The late Professor Lee, in a note on the^ title of

" Rasul" {sent or commissioned), which Ibn Batuta, in his Travels, says

had been maintained by some of the Sultans of Yemen up to his time be-

cause their grandfather was so called when commissioned as the Emir of

Yemen by one of the Khalifs of the house of 'Abbas, remarks as fol-

lows :—" A title of this sort seems to have originated the Prester John of

Abyssinia, of which the missionary accounts said so much. A Tartar king

seems also to have assumed this title, which in Persian was translated

Ferishta Jan, John the Angel, probably because he had received Christ-

ianity. Hence the European ' Prester John ;' but how this became

ascribed to the King of Abyssinia, it is not easy to say, unless he had

*

64 THE TRAVELS OF

purchased at the age of eight or nine years, and had them

trained to arms. These constituted his own guard, because

they were worth more than all the rest of the eighty thou-

sand. The others were all naked, with the exception of a

piece of linen worn like a mantle. When they enter into

battle they use a kind of round shield, made of two pieces of

cow hide or ox hide fastened together. In the centre of the

said round shields there are four rods, which keep them

straight. These shields are painted, so that they appear to

those who see them to be the handsomest and best that could

be made. They are about as large as the bottom of a tub,

and the handle consists of a piece of wood of a size that can

be grasped by the hand, fastened by two nails. They also

carry in their hand a dart and a short and broad sword, and

wear a cloth vest of red or some other colour stuffed with

cotton, which protects them from the cold and also from their

enemies. They make use of this when they go out to fight.

They all also generally carry a sling for the purpose of

throwing stones wound round their heads, and under this

sling they carry a piece of wood, a span in length, which is

called mesuech, with which they clean their teeth,1 and gene-

rally from forty or fifty years downwards they wear two

horns made of their own hair, so that they look like young

kids. 2 The said Sultan also takes with his army five thou-

assurned the title mentioned here by our traveller which belonged to the

King of Yemen." Travels of Ibn BatMa, p. 54, n.

1 This custom still prevails throughout Yemen. The Misivdk, which

is generally carried about the head-dress, is made from the branch of an

indigenous shrub, the wood of which is very fibrous, and is covered with

a tough spongy bark, about an inch of which is cut off in order to allow

the enclosed fibres to expand, thereby forming the tooth-brush. TheIndigo/era pancifiora is applied to a similar purpose in Scinde and bythe Hindus of India.

2 This style of wearing the hair is peculiar, I believe, to some of the

tribes of central Yemen ; but I have seen a similar coiffure among the

African female slaves at Zanzibar. The Arabs nearer the coast, generally

bind their long shaggy hair lightly on the top of the head, leaving the

ends to form a large waving tuft.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 65

sand camels laden with tents, all of cotton, and also ropes of

cotton. 1

CHAPTER CONCERNING THE PARTIALITY OF THE WOMENOF ARABIA FELIX FOR WHITE MEN.

Having seen this army depart, let us return to my prison.

In the said palace of the city there was one of the three

wives of the Sultan, who remained there with twelve or

thirteen very beautiful damsels, whose colour was more near

to black than otherwise. This queen was very kind to me.

I and my companion and a Moor, being all three in prison

here, we arranged that one of us should pretend to be mad,

in order the better to assist one another. Finally, the lot fell

1 It is remarkable that in the foregoing account of the weapons borne

by the Arabs no mention is made of fire-arms, and I find from the

Chronicles of the Kurrat el-Ayihi, and likewise from the Ruiih er-Ruah,

another MS. in my possession, that they were not generally known in

Yemen before a.h. 921 = a.d. 1515, when they were introduced by

the Egyptian expedition, and used with murderous effect on the inha-

bitants of the coast opposite Camran, which island they had previously

seized and fortified. A year later, the Egyptian forces were joined by a

Turkish fleet and army under Suleiman Pasha, who had been sent by

Sultan Selim to cooperate with them against the Portuguese ; for the

attack made on Yemen by the former does not appear to have been

authorized by Kansooh el-Ghoree, the then reigning sovereign of Egypt.

The following is a description given by the author of the Kurrat el-

Ay An of the Turkish matchlock :—" The soldiers of the Lord of the Room

were armed with musket-bows with which they took aim. It is a most

wonderful weapon, and whoever confronts it must be overcome. It is

something like a gun, only it is longer and thinner. It is hollow, and in

this hollow is inserted a piece of lead as large as a lote berry, and it is

filled with powder, and then discharged by means of a match at the

bottom of the musket, and if it strikes any one he must perish, for it

goes in at one side of him and comes out at the other."

Slings as well as bows and arrows had ceased to be used by the Arabs

of Yemen as far back as Niebuhr's time. {Voyage en Arable, vol. iii. p.

187, n.) They are now generally armed with matchlocks ; those who

do not possess that weapon carry a sword or spear ; but all are provided

with thejanbeah, or curved dirk, worn in a girdle round tie waist.

F

(;() THE TRAVELS OF

upon me to be mad. Having then taken this enterprise

upon myself, it behoved me to do such things as were natu-

ral to madmen. Truly, I never found myself so wearied or

so exhausted as during the first three days that I feigned

madness. The reason was that I had constantly behind me

fifty or sixty little children, who threw stones at me, and I

threw stones at them. They cried out: " Iami iasion Iami

ianun ;" that is to say :" Madman." 1 And I had my shirt

constantly full of stones, and acted like a madman. The

queen was always at her window with her damsels, and re-

mained there from morning till evening to see me and talk

with me ; and I, being mocked by many men and merchants,

taking off my shirt, went, quite naked as I was, before the

queen, who took the greatest delight in seeing me, and would

not let me leave her, and gave me good and sound food to

eat, so that I gained my point. She also said to me :" Give

it to those beasts, for if you kill them it will be their own

fault." A sheep was passing through the king's court, the

tail of which weighed forty pounds. I seized it and de-

manded of it if it was a Moor, or a Christian, or, in truth, a

Jew ; and repeating these words to it and many others I

said :" Prove yourself a Moor and say : Leila illala Ma-

hometh resullala ;" and he, standing like a patient animal

which could not speak, I took a stick and broke all its four

legs. The queen stood there laughing, and afterwards fed

me for three days on the flesh of it, than which I do not

know that I ever ate better. Three days afterwards I killed,

in the same manner as I had killed the sheep, an ass which

was carrying water to the palace, because he would not

become a Moor. Acting in the same manner by a Jew, I

cudgelled him to such an extent that I left him for dead.

But one day, being about to act in my usual manner, I came

across one of those who had me in custody, and who was

more mad than I was, who said to me :" Christian dog, son

1 Yamajrv&n! Va majw&n ! Madman! Madman !

LUD0V1C0 DI VAKTHEMA. 67

of a dog." I threw a good many stones at him, and he

began to turn towards me with all the children, and struck

me with a stone in the breast which did me an ill service.

I, not being able to follow him on account of the irons on

my feet, took the way to my prison ; but before I reached

it he struck me with another stone in the side, which gave me

much more pain than the first. I could easily have avoided

both if I had chosen to do so, but I chose to receive them to

give colour to my madness. And therefore I immediately

entered my prison and blocked myself in with very large

stones, and remained there two days and two nights without

eating or drinking. The queen and the others feared that I

might be dead, and caused the door to be broken open, and

these dogs brought me some pieces of marble, saying: "Eat,

this is sugar ;" and some others gave me grapes 1 filled with

earth, and said that it was salt, and I eat the marble and the

grapes and everything, all together. On that same day,

some merchants belonging to the city brought two men who

were esteemed amongst them as two hermits would be

amongst us, and who dwelt in certain mountains. I was

shown to them, and the merchants asked these men-: " Whe-ther did it appear to them that I was holy or mad ?" One

of them said :" It appears to me that he is holy ;" the other

said it appeared to him that I was mad. In this way they

kept disputing for more than an hour, and I, in order to get

rid of them, raised my shirt and p—d over them both

;

whereupon they began to run away crying out :" Migenon

migenon suffi maffis," that is, " He is mad, he is mad, he

is not holy." The queen was at her window with her

maidens, and seeing this they all began to laugh, saying :

" O achala o raza al Naby ade ragel maphe donia metha-

lon ;" that is, " By the good God, by the head of Mahomet,

1 Radaa is famous for its grapes. Most of those which are sent to

the Aden market come from that district.

F 2

68 THE TRAVELS OF

this is the most capital fellow in the world." 1 The next

morning I found asleep him who had given me the two

blows with the stones. I seized him by the horns, 2 and put-

ting my knees upon the pit of his stomach, gave him so

many blows upon the face that he was covered with blood,

and I left him for dead. The queen remained standing at

her window, exclaiming :" Kill those beasts." The govern

nor of that city, discovering through many circumstances

that my companions treacherously wished to escape, and had

made a hole in their prison and removed their irons, and

that I had not done so, and as he knew that the queen took

great pleasure in me, he would not do me any injury until

he had spoken with her ; who, when she had heard every-

thing, considered me in her own mind to be rational, and

sent for me, and had me placed in a lower chamber in the

palace without any door, but still with the irons on my feet.

CHAPTER CONCERNING TIIE LIBERALITY OF THE QUEEN.

The first night ensuing, the queen came to visit me with

five or six of her damsels, and began to examine me, and I

began to give her to understand by degrees that I was not

mad. She, being a clever woman, saw that I was not at all

mad, and began to make much of me ; ordered a good bed

after their fashion to be given me, and sent me plenty of

good food. The following day she had prepared for me a

bath according to their custom, with many perfumes, and

continued these caresses for twelve days. Afterwards, she

began to come down to visit me every night at three or four

o'clock, and always brought me good things to eat. Enter-

1 Majnfin, majniln ; sUfi mafish. He is a niadinan ; he is not intel-

gent (or pious).

WAttah, xoa-ras en-Nabi\haclha er-rajul ma fid-il&nya mithlu. J'>y God,

by the head of the Prophet, there is not one in the world like this man.2 That is, l.y the tufts of his hair.

LUDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA. 69

ing where I was, she called me " Iunus tale inte iohan,"

that is, " Lodovico, come here, are you hungry ?'n And I

replied :" E vualla," that is, " Yes," 2 for the hunger which

was to come ; and I rose on my feet and went to her in myshirt. And she said :

" Leis leis camis foch," that is, " Not

in that manner, take off your shirt." 3 I replied :" Iaseti

ane maomigenon de lain," which is, " O, madam, I am not

mad now."4 She answered me :" Vualla ane arfin te habe-

denin te migenon inte mafdunia metalon," that is, "ByGod,I know well that thou never wast mad, on the contrary, that

thou art the best witted man that ever was seen." 5 In order

to please her I took off my shirt, and held it before me for

modesty's sake, and thus she kept me before her for two

hours, contemplating me as though I had been a nymph,

and uttering a lamentation to God in this manner :" Ialla

in te sta cal ade abiat me telsamps Inte stacal ane auset ;

Ialla Ianaby iosane assiet : Villet ane asuet ade ragel abiath

Insalla ade ragel Iosane Insalla oel binth mit lade," that is,

" O God, thou hast created this man white like the sun,

thou hast created my husband black, my son also is black,

and I am black. Would to God that this man were myhusband. Would to God that I might have a son like this

man." And saying these words she wept continually and

1 Yihias, tiidl ; anta ju\ln ? Jonah, come ; are you hungry ?

2 Ay vfAllah, a common expletive affirmation.

3 Leis leis kamisfok. No, no, not with your shirt on.

4 Ya sitti, ana ma majmln Hun. Madam, I am not mad now.6 WAllah, ana ''aiiraf anta abadan anta majmfoi. Anta ma fid-

dunya mithlak. By God, I know that you were never mad. There is

not another in the world like you.6 Ya Allah! Anta khalakt hddha abyad mithl esh-sliams. Anta

khalaktani ana asivad. Ya, Allah ! Ya Nabi ! zanji aswad : waladi

ana aswad : hddha er-rajul abyad. In-shda-Allah hddha er-rajid zanji !

In shda-Allah awallad ibn mithl hddha. God ! Thou hast created

this [man] white like the sun. Thou hast created me black. God !

Prophet ! my husband is black ; my son is black ; this man is white.

Would that this man may become my husband ! Would that I may

bear a son like this [man] !

TO THE TRAVELS OF

sighed, passing her hands over mc all the while, and pro-

mising me that, as soon as the Sultan returned, she would

make him take off my irons. On the next night the queen

came to me with two of her damsels and brought me some

good food to eat, and said to me :" Tale Iunus," that is,

" Come here, Lodovico ;" " Ane igi andech," I replied.

" Leis setti ane mochaet ich no," that is, said the queen,

" Lodovico, would you like that I should come and stay a

little while with you." I answered :" No ; that it was

quite enough that I was in chains, without her causing meto have my head cut off." Then said she :

" Let caffane

darchi alarazane," that is, " Do not be afraid, for I will

stake my own head for your safety." " In cane in te may-

rith ane Gazella in sich : olla Tegia in sich olle Galzerana

insich," that is, " If you do not wish me to come, shall Ga-

zella, or Tegia, or Galzerana come Vn She only said this

because she wished to come herself and remain with me in

the place of one of these three. But I never would consent,

because I thought of this from the time when she began to

show me so many kindnesses. Considering also, that as soon

as she had had her wish she would have given me gold and

silver, horses and slaves, and whatever I had desired. Andthen she would have given me ten black slaves, who would

have been a guard upon me, so that I should never have

been able to escape from the country, for all Arabia Felix

was informed of me, that is to say, at the passes. And if I

had once ran away, I could not have escaped death, or

1 Tiidl Yilnas. Come hither, Jonah. Ana aji andah. I will cometo you.

Leis \y(t~\ sitti ; ana mukayyad, jaJcfi. No, madam, I am in chains,

and that is enough.

La takhuf, ana taralii \tla rdsana. Do not be afraid ; I take all the

responsibility on my head.

In-knn anta ma tarid ana, Gazelle ansieh ; wa-illa Tujiah ansieh ;

wa-illa (iuherdna ansieh. If you do not want me, I will call Gazelle;

or I will call Tajiah ; or I will call Gulzenma [for you].

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 71

chains for life. For this reason, therefore, I never would

yield to her, and also because I did not wish to lose both

my soul and body. 1 wept all night, recommending- myself

to God. Three days from that time the Sultan returned,

and the queen immediately sent to inform me that if I would

remain with her she would make me rich. 1 replied : "That

if she would cause my chains to be taken off, and perform

the promise she made to God and Mahomet I would then

do whatever her highness wished. She immediately had metaken before the Sultan, who asked me where I wished to

go when he had taken off my chains. I answered him :

" Iasidi habu maris una mafis, meret maris uuellet mans,

ochu mafis octa mafis alia al naby Intebes sidi in te iati iacul-

ane abdech," that is, " O lord, I have no father, no mother,

no wife. I have no children, I have neither brothers nor

sisters, I have only God, and the Prophet, and you, O lord :

will it please you to give me food, for I wish to be your

slave all my life Vn And I wept constantly. The queen

was present all the time, and said to the Sultan :" Thou

wilt have to render an account to God of this poor man,

whom without any cause thou hast kept so long in chains.

Beware of the anger of God." Said the Sultan :" Well, go

wrhere thou wilt, I give thee thy liberty." And immediately

he had my chains taken off, and T knelt before him and

kissed his feet, and then I kissed the queen's hand, who

took me also by the hand saying :" Come with me, poor

fellow, for I know that thou art dying of hunger." WhenI was in her chamber she kissed me more than a hundred

times, and then she gave me many good things to eat. But

I did not feel any inclination to eat, for I had seen the

queen speak privately to the Sultan, and I thought that she

1 Ya sidi, abb ma fish ; umm ma fish ; marat mafish ; waladma/ish;

akh ma fish; okht ma fish. Allah, en-JS/abi, anta, bas, sidi. Anta

taatini akul, ana abdak. lord, I have no father, no mother, no wife,

no child, no brother, no sister. God, the Prophet, [and] you only. You

give me food to eat, and I am your slave.

72 THE TRAVELS OF

had asked me of the Sultan for a slave. Wherefore I said to

the queen: "I will not eat unless you promise to give me myliberty." She replied :

" Scut mi Ianu inte maarfesiati alia,"

that is, " Hold thy peace, madman, thou dostnot know what

God has ordained for thee." "Incane inte milie inte amirra,"

that is, " If thou wilt be good thou shalt be a lord." 1 Now,I knew the kind of lordship she wished to confer upon me ;

but I answered her that she should let me get a little fatter,

and get back my blood, for the great fear I was in filled mybreast with other thoughts than those of love. She answered:

" Vuulla inte calem milie ane iaticullion beit e digege e amani

c filfil e cherfa e gronfili e iosindi," that is, " By God, thou

art right, but T will give thee every day eggs, hens, pigeons,

pepper, cinnamon, cloves, and nutmegs."2 Then I recovered

my spirits somewhat at the good words and promises she

gave me. In order the better to restore me, I remained

fifteen or twenty days in her palace. One day she sent for

me and asked me if I would go hunting with her. I replied

in the affirmative and went with her. On our return I pre-

tended to fall sick from weakness, and remained in this

feigned state eight days, while she continually sent persons

1 Ashut, majnftn ; anta ma tiiaraf aish jd'ati Allah. Silence, rnadman

;

you do not know what God will give.

In-hdn anta malieh, anta amir. If you are good, you [shall be] an

ameer.2 WAllah, anta titkdllam malieh : ana ''aiitilc kuljom baidh, wa-dujdj,

wa-hamdm,"wa-filjil, wa-kirfah, wa-karanful, wa-juz-Hindi. By God,

you say well : I will give you every day eggs, fowls, pigeons, pepper,

cinnamon, cloves, and cocoa-nuts. The spices named are in common use

among the Arabs. It is not surprising that Varthema should have mis-

taken Joz-Ilindi for nutmeg ; the word is so misapplied still by the

common Maltese and other Franks in Syria and Egypt. Ibn Batiita's

description of the cocoa-nut is quaint. He says :" It is like a man's

head ; for it has something like two eyes and a mouth, and when green

is like brains, and its properties are, to nourish and quickly to fatten the

body, to make the face red, and greatly to stimulate to venery." Andin a subsequent chapter he more broadly than modestly describes the

effect of the incentive on himself. Lee's Translation, pp. G0,17G.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 73

to visit me. One day I sent to inform her that I had made

a promise to God and to Mahomet that I would visit a holy

man who was in Aden, and who, they said, performed

miracles ; and I maintained that it was true in order to

accomplish my object. She sent to tell me that she was well

pleased, and ordered a camel and twenty-five seraphim of

gold to be given to me, whereat I was much rejoiced. The

following day I mounted and went to Aden in eight days,

and immediately visited the holy man, who was worshiped

because he always lived in poverty and chastity, and spent

his life like a hermit. And, truly, there are many in that

country who pass this kind of life, but they are deceived

from not having been baptised. 1 When I had performed

my devotions on the second day, I pretended to be cured by

virtue of that holy man. Afterwards I wrote to the queen,

that by the virtue of God and of that holy man I was cured,

and since God had been so merciful to me I wished to go

and see the whole of her kingdom. This I did because the

fleet was in that place, and could not depart for a month. I

spoke secretly with the captain of a ship, and told him that

I wished to go to India, and if he would take me I would

give him a handsome present. He replied :" That before

he went to India he wished to touch at Persia." With that

I was satisfied, and so we agreed.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING LAGI, A CITY OF ARABIAFELIX, AND CONCERNING AIAZ, AND THE MARKET

IN AIAZ, AND THE CASTLE DANTE.

The following day I rode for fifteen miles, and found a

city which is called Lagi ;a the place is level and very popu-

1 According to contemporaneous Arabian historians, Yemen teemed

with such devotees at the period referred to. The fashion, or piety, has

considerably decreased within the last two centuries.2 Lahej, the place indicated, is about thirty miles to the north-west

7 t THE TRAVELS OF

lous. A vast number of date-trees grow here, there is also

plenty of animal food and grain as with us. But there are

no grapes here, and a great scarcity of firewood. This city

is uncivilized, and the inhabitants are Arab's, who are not

very rich. I departed thence and went to another city,

which is one day's journey from the first mentioned, and is

called Aiaz.1 It stands upon two mountains, between which

there is a very beautiful valley and a beautiful fountain, in

which valley the market is held to which the men come

from both the mountains. And very few of those markets

are held without quarrels taking place. The reason is this :

those who inhabit the mountain towards the north wish that

those who inhabit the mountain towards the south should

believe with them in Mahomet with all his companions

;

while these will only believe in Mahomet and Ali, and say

that the other captains are false. For this reason they kill

of Aden. The name, though frequently applied to the town, designates

more correctly the surrounding district, the former being generally

called El-Hawtah by the Arabs, signifying a level spot. It is situated

in a fertile plain, and is watered by the torrents which periodically

descend from the mountains in its rear. The country is well cultivated

and produces abundance of dhurah, sesamum, several kinds of pulse,

and a small quantity of cotton, besides various culinary vegetables. It

also affords good pasturage, and supplies the Aden market with excel-

lent cows, sheep, and goats. It raises very little fruit, and, as Varthema

remarks, no grapes grow there. At the period of his visit, Lahej was

under the government of Sultan 'Amir ibn Abd el-Wahhab, who ruled

over the greater part of southern Yemen. On his death, a.d. 1517, it

reverted to the Imam of Sanaa, and continued under that jurisdiction,

though not without frequent intervals of independence, till the year

1728, when the chief of the Abdali tribe inhabiting the district threw off

his allegiance to the Imam, and subsequently succeeded in capturing

Aden. His successors in the same family retained the government of

both places until dispossessed of the latter by the British in 1839.

1 I presume this to be the "Asas," or, according to his Arabic ortho-

graphy, the " 'Az'az," of Niebuhr, which he describes as a village on the

confines of the domain belonging to Aden. As I have not met with the

name in any of the Arabian authors within reach, I conclude it is a place

of little note.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. i 1)

each other like dogs. 1 Let us return to the market, to which

are brought many kinds of small spices, and a great quantity

of stuffs, of wool, and of silk, and very excellent fruits, such

as peaches, pomegranates, and quinces, figs, nuts, and good

grapes. You must know that on each of these mountains

there is a very strong fortress. Having beheld these things I

departed thence and went to another city, which is distant

from this two days' journey and is called Dante, 2 and is an

extremely strong city, situated on the top of a very great

mountain, and is inhabited by Arabs, who are poor, because

the country is very barren.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING ALMACARANA, A CITY OFARABIA FELIX, AND OF ITS ABUNDANCE.

In order to follow out the desires after novel things already

conceived in our minds we departed from that place, taking

our way towards another city, distant two days' journey,

which is called Almacarana,3 and is situated on the top of a

1 That is, the northerners were Sunnis, and the southerners Skids, or

more probably Zaidis, the followers of Zaid, son of Ali, surnarned Zain

el-'Abidin, which sect was very numerous in Yemen, and comprised the

person and family of the Imam. They held with the Shiiis that Ali was

unjustly superseded in the Khalifate by Abubekr, 'Omar, and 'Othman,

and are represented as having no respect for the Twelve Imams, and for

omitting all mention of the saints in their devotions. These were the

more salient points of antagonism between them and the Sunnis, which

frequently led to bloody feuds. There were other differences of a more

abstruse character respecting the Divine decrees, free will, and humanresponsibility. (See Sale's Preliminary Discourse to the Koran, p. 233,

Niebchr, Voy. en Arable, vol. iii. pp. 17, 18, and D'IIerbelot, sub

voce Zeidiah, vol. iii. p. 734.)

a More correctly Damt. Niebuhr's orthography is worse than Var-

thema's : he writes it " Dimne," and describes it as a " bourg a foire au

sud de mont Maharras," which mountain he says is very high and steep.

It appears to have been an important stronghold, and will be found

mentioned in the succeeding note.

3 El-Makranah. It is surprising that Niebuhr has not enumerated

76 TI1K TRAVELS OF

mountain, the ascent to which is seven miles, and to which

only two persons can go abreast on account of the narrow-

ness of the path. The city is level on the top of the moun-

tain, and is very beautiful and good. Food enough for the

whole city is collected here, and for this reason it appears

to me to be the strongest city in the world. There is no

want of water there nor of any other necessary of life, and,

above all, there is a cistern there which would supply water

this place in his list of the towns and villages of Yemen. Arabs who

have come to Aden from that and the adjoining districts have frequently

dilated on the by-gone impregnability of its castle, and the extent of its

great reservoir. The following extract, also, from the Ruuh er-Ruah,

recording the capture of the place from Sultan 'Amir ibn Abd el-Wahhab

by the Egyptian army, strikingly corroborates several details contained

in this chapter :—" Then the Ameer Bar-Sabbai [the Egyptian com-

mander] deputed the Ameer Akbai over the affairs of Ta'ez, and went

himself with his army towards El-Makranah. On hearing this, Sultan

Amir hastened to the place, and took from thence his women [or wives],

and as much treasure as he could conveniently remove, and departed

towards El-Halkah, where he remained. Immediately after, the Egyp-

tian army entered El-Makranah and plundered it, taking therefrom the

immense stores of wealth and provisions which it contained, and forcing

some of the people to surrender the valuables which 'Amir had deposited

with them." Subsequently, a Fakih named 'Amr el-Jabraty, who had

acted as jester to the Sultan, disclosed to the Egyptian commander some

treasures which were hidden in the castle, consisting of a vast amount

of specie, jewels, and other valuables belonging to the royal family, all

of which the captor seized and distributed among his soldiers.

Notwithstanding this spoliation, however, El-Makranah was not plun-

dered of all its wealth. Twelve years later, after the Imam had suc-

ceeded in expelling the Egyptians from Saniia, his son Mutahhir attacked

them at El-Makranah and Damt, and carried away considerable booty.

The following narration of that event is from the author above quoted :

—" Then Mutahhir proceeded to take Malikiah and all the intervening

strongholds as far as Damt, which castle he captured, and proclaimed an

amnesty to the inhabitants. Next he entered El-Makranah, granting an

amnesty to the Circassian [MamlOk] garrison, and receiving the sub-

mission of the tribes. He then took all the arms and guns which he

found there ; also many copper utensils of (Jhassdni manufacture inlaid

with silver, and costly China ware, which had belonged to the Beni

Dhahir" [the Sultan's family].

LTJD0V1C0 DI VARTHEMA. 77

for 100,000 persons. The Sultan keeps all his treasure in

this city, because he derives his origin and descent from it.

For this reason the Sultan always keeps one of his wives

here. You must know that articles of every possible kind

are brought here, and it has the best air of any place in the

world. The inhabitants are more white than any other

colour. In this city the Sultan keeps more gold than a

hundred camels could carry, and I say this because I have

seen it.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING REAME, A CITY OF ARABIAFELIX, OF ITS AIR, AND OF THE CUSTOMS OF

ITS INHABITANTS.

When I had rambled about the above-mentioned city, on

parting thence I went to another place, distant from this one

day's journey, which is called Keame,1 and is for the most

part inhabited by black people, who are very great mer-

chants. This country is extremely fertile, excepting in fire-

wood, and the city contains about two thousand families.

On one side of this city there is a mountain, upon which

stands a very strong castle. And here there is a kind of

sheep, some of which 1 have seen, whose tails alone weigh

forty-four pounds. They have no horns, and cannot walk

on account of their size. 2 Here also is found a kind of white

1 This is undoubtedly Yerim, which Niebuhr describes as " une petite

ville mal biitie, munie d'une forteresse sur un rocher escarpe ; et situee

dans une plaine assez vaste, et a 4 lieues d'Allemagne de Damar ;"

nevertheless it was the residence of a Dowla, or governor, of the Imam.

He adds, that as the name of this town resembles that of the famous

garden of Irem mentioned in the 89th chapter of the Koran, it is inferred

by some that the terrestrial paradise stood in this region ; but having

himself travelled through the district, he considers that it is less fertile

than many others in Yemen. It was at Yerim that one of his com-

panions, the lamented Forskal, died on the 11th of July 1763, just a

century ago. Niebuhr gives a view of the town in vol. i. of his Voyage

en Arable.a This is generally a correct description, though I cannot vouch for

the weight ascribed to the sheep's tails.

78 THE TRAVELS OF

grape, which has no seeds within, than which I never tasted

better. 1 Here also I found all kinds of fruit as I said above.

The climate here is most perfect and singular. In this place

I conversed with many persons who were more than one

hundred and twenty-five years old, and were still very

healthy. The people here go more naked than otherwise,

but the men of good condition wear a shirt. The lower

orders wear half a sheet crosswise, after the fashion of

prelates. 2 Through the whole of this Arabia Felix the men

wear horns made of their own hair, and the women wear

loose trowsers, after the fashion of seamen.

TEE CHAPTER CONCERNING SANA, A CITY OF ARABIA

FELIX, AND OF THE STRENGTH AND CRUELTY OF

THE KING'S SON.

Then I departed and took to a city named Sana,3 which is

distant from the said city Reame three days' journey. It is

1 These grapes are brought to Aden during the season in small baskets

covered with wild sage. They resemble the sultanas which are imported

from Smyrna.2 The original is : Li altri di bassa conditione portano mezo un linzolo

ad armacolla a la apostolicha, the sense of which is very obscure. Per-

haps it means that the cloth in question, which is oblong in shape, is

worn like a pallium or a stole, sometimes thrown loosely round the neck,

and sometimes over one shoulder, which is precisely the case. In addi-

tion to this, however, they generally wear a similar cloth round the loins.

The uses of these simple garments are thus correctly described by

Niebuhr :—" En deployant sa large ceinture il a vin matelas, avec le

lingo d'epaule il couvre le corps et la tete, et e'est entre ces draps qu'il

dort nud et content." Voyage en Arable, vol. iii. p. 56.

3 Sanaa, the capital of Yemen and the residence of the Imam, is situ-

ated at the foot of a high range of mountains called Jebal Nikam. With

this exception, Varthema's notes, which are unusually brief on the sub-

ject, are generally correct. Edrisi describes it as " abounding in good

things, and full of buildings. It is the oldest, the largest, and most

populous city of Yemen. It is in the centre of the first climate, has an

even atmosphere, a fertile soil, and the heat and cold there are always

LUDOVICO DI VAUTHEMA. 79

situated on the top of a very large mountain, and is ex-

tremely strong. The Sultan encamped before with 80,000

men for eight months in order to capture it, but could

only gain it by capitulation. 1 The walls of this city are

of earth, of the height of ten braza, and twenty braza

temperate." Ibn Batuta merely says " it is a large and well-built city."

The Rev. Mr. Stern, who visited Sanaa in 1856, estimates the population

at about 40,000 inhabitants, of whom 20,000 are Muhammedans, and

18,000 Jews. Niebuhr gives a plan and a detailed description of the

city in his Voyage en Arable, vol. i. pp. 326-329.

' He should have said that the Sultan had utterly failed in capturing

the place. The circumstances of the attempt referred to, which occurred

two years before Varthema's visit, are thus narrated by the author of the

Kurrat el-AyAn :—"During this year [a.h. 907:= a. d. 1501] Sultan

'Amir besieged Sanaa, and when the inhabitants were reduced to great

straits, they wrote to Bahal, offering him certain presents, together

with the fortress of Dhamarmar, if he would come to their assistance.

(Before their arrival, the Zaidieh [Zaidis] abandoned the side of the

Sultan.) They accordingly came in vast numbers, and a severe battle

was fought between them and the Amir 'Ali el-Blladaui, [one of the Sul-

tan's generals,] in which neither party gained the advantage. Eventually,

however, the Ameer's soldiers were overpowered ; whereupon the Sultan

collected all his forces, which were dispersed around Sanaa, and formed

them into one camp, in consequence of which movement the enemy were

able to stop the road, and to cut off all his supplies. The Sultan then

decided to return homewards, and to fall on the Zaidis who had gathered

in strength to circumvent him ; but God came to his relief. [Here, a

different hand, probably a Zaidi, has added these words to the MS., ' had

he remained he would have been caught.'] The Sultan, having collected

his troops and equipage, retired from before Sanai on the 7th of Muhar-

ram, a.h. 90S, followed by the Zaidis who harassed his rear ; but his

soldiers charged them like 'Antar aud attacked them like 'Omar, and put

them to an ignominious flight. Finally, he reached Dhamarmar in

safety, [' and a fugitive,' adds the interpolator], losing nothing of any

consequence, so that his safety was in effect a great victory to him and

to those who were with him over the enemy, who were in such large

numbers, and had succeeded in stopping all his supplies. This first

siege lasted five months."

'Amir's second attack on Sanaa was more successful. On that occa-

sion, according to the author of the Runh er-Ruah, his army consisted

of 180,000 men, of which 3,000 were cavalry. When Varthema met him

at Radaii, on his march towards Sanaa, he witnessed a review of 80,000

(See p. 61 ante and note 2.)

80 THE TRAVELS OF

wide. Think, that eight horses can go abreast on the top of

it.1 In this place many fruits grow the same as in our coun-

try, and there are many fountains. In this Sana there is a

Sultan who has twelve sons, one of whom is called Mahometh.

lie is like a madman: he bites people and kills them, and

then eats their flesh until his appetite is satisfied. He is four

braza high, well proportioned, and of a dark brown colour.2

In this city there are found some kinds of small spices

which grow in the neighbourhood. This place contains

about 4,000 hearths. The houses are very handsome and

resemble ours. Within the city there are many vines and

gardens as with us.

TEE CEAPTER CONCERNING TAESA AND ZIBIT ANDDAMAR, VERY LARGE CITIES OF ARABIA FELIX.

After seeing Sana I resumed my journey and went to

another city called Taesa,3 which is distant three days' jour-

1 Niebuhr says that the walls are of earth, faced with unburnt brick

and surmounted by a great many small turrets. According to the nar-

rative of the French travellers who visited Sanaa in 1712, as given by

De la Roque in his Voyage de VArable Heureuse, the breadth of the walls

is sufficient to admit of driving eight horses abreast.

2 The then ruling Imam was Ahmed ibn el-Imam en-Nasir, surnamed

El-Mansur, who was taken prisoner by Sultan 'Amir when he captured

Sanaa, and died at Ta'ez under suspicion of having been poisoned. I have

not succeeded in discovering any notices corroborative of Varthema's

statement respecting the cannibal propensities of one of his sons. Bur-

ton remarks on the passage :" This is a tale not unfamiliar to the

western world. Louis XL of France was supposed to drink the blood of

babies,

—

'pour rajeunir sa veine ejmisee.' The reasons in favour of such

unnatural diet have been fully explained by the infamous M. de Sade."

Pilgrimage to El-Medinah and Mecca/t, vol. ii. p. 352, n.

:i Ta'ez is about one hundred and ten miles to the south of Sanaa.

Abulfeda says that in his time (fourteenth century) it was the residence

of the princes of Yemen, and describes it as " a fortress situated in the

midst of the mountains which overlook the Tihama [the sea coast],

and the plain of Zebid. Above Ta'ez there is a pleasure-ground

called Sahlah, to which spot the prince of Yemen has conducted a stream

LTJDOVICO Dl VARTIIEMA, 81

ncy from Sana aforesaid, and is situated in a mountain.

This city is very beautiful, and abounds in all kinds of

elegancies, and, above all, in a vast quantity of rose water,

which is distilled here. It is reported of this city that it is

extremely ancient : there is a temple there built like the

Santa Maria Rotonda of Rome, and many other very ancient

palaces. There are very great merchants here. These people

dress like those above mentioned. They are olive coloured.

Departing thence I went to another city, distant from this

three days' journey, which is called Zibit ;l a large and very

of water from the neighbouring heights. He has also erected several

large buildings in a garden, and, altogether, it is a most agreeable

place." Niebuhr, who gives a detailed account of the town together

with a view and plan, says it is situated at the foot of a fertile moun-

tain called Jebel Sabir, and is surrounded by a wall of crude bricks with

a slight revkement of burnt bricks. Within the enceinte of the walls is

a steep rock four hundred feet high, on which the citadel El-Kahirah

stands. Varthema's " temple" was probably the mosque of the re-

nowned Mohammedan saint Isma'il Mulk, which Niebuhr styles the

" Cathedral of Ta'ez." There are many mosques and other public build-

ings both within and without the city, but most of them are in a very

dilapidated condition. Baskets of rosebuds are brought from Ta'ez to

Aden during the season. The place was occupied by the Egyptian forces

on its evacuation by Sultan 'Amir ibn Abd el-Wahhab, a few days

before his capture and death. At present, though nominally subject

to the Imam of Sanaa, it is governed by the chief of the Sherjebi tribe

who inhabit the district.

1 Zebid, situated in one of the most fertile valleys of Yemen, was for-

merly the capital of the Tihama, and a place of considerable importance

;

but owing to the gradual filling-up of the old port of Ghalitkah, muchof its trade was diverted to Mokha, Hodeidah, and Loheia, and it is now

reduced to a second-rate town. El-Edrisi describes it in bis time as

" a large city, its inhabitants are prosperous, being men of wealth and

substance, and the voyagers thereto are many. There assemble mer-

chants from the Hijaz, and Abyssinia, and Egypt, who go up in Juddah

vessels. The Abyssinians bring their (raMk) slaves thereto, and from

thence are exported different kinds of Indian aromatics, Chinese and other

commodities." (I was surprised to find that Gabriele Sionita, in his Latin

translation of El-Edrisi, makes merces of the Arabic raMk, which occurs

in this and in another extract which I have quoted in note 1, page 86.

Raktk is a common word for slave in Yemen and in Egypt.) Abul-

G

82 THE TRAVELS OF

excellent city, situated near the Red Sea, at half a day's

journey. It is a place of very considerable extent by the

Red Sea, and is supplied with an immense quantity of sugar,

and has most excellent fruits ; is situated on a plain between

two mountains, and has no walls around it. A very great

traffic is carried on here in spices of all kinds, which are

brought from other countries. The dress and colour of

these people is the same as of those before mentioned. Then

I departed from this place and went to another city, distant

one day's journey, called Damar, 1 inhabited by Moors, who

are very great merchants. The said city is very fertile, and

the manner of living and customs of the inhabitants are the

same as of those before mentioned.

feda says Zebid is " situated in a plain, somewhat less than a day's

journey from the sea. Its water is derived from wells, and it abounds

in palm-trees. It is surrounded by a wall, and has eight gates." As

this latter observation contradicts the statement of Varthema, it must

be borne in mind that Abulfeda wrote two centuries before his time,

and the more recent account of Niebuhr is sufficient to establish our

traveller's general veracity. Niebuhr states that " the wall of the town

is almost entirely demolished to a level with the ground, and the poor

people dig into the foundations to obtain stones wherewith to build

their houses." Notwithstanding the existence of a river, which during

the rainy season flows in a copious stream through the valley, the same

author says that the inhabitants draw water from sunken wells, and that

it is of an excellent quality. Voy. en Arabie, vol. i. pp. 261-264.

Zebid was taken from 'Amir ibn Abd el-Wahhab by the combined

Egyptian and Turkish armies on the 17th of Jumad el-Awwal, 922 =17th June, 1516. The excesses which they committed on the occasion,

as recorded by the author of the Kurrat el Ay an, were atrocious in the

extreme. It was wrested from the conquerors not long after by the

Imam of Sanaa, and continued, nominally, a dependency of that princi-

pality until it finally fell into the hands of the Turks, together with

several towns on the coast, about A.D. 1832.

1 More correctly, Dhamar, situated about sixty miles to the east of

Zebid,—a hard day's journey, but by no means an uncommon one with

the Arabs, mounted on their fleet dromedaries. Abulfeda remarks that

it is a well known city, and the birthplace of many authors on the

Traditions. Niebuhr, who visited it, says that it is situated in a fertile

territory, and is renowned for its breed of horses. The town, which is

large and well built, has no wall, but is defended by a strong fortress

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 83

THE CHAFTER CONCERNING THE SULTAN OF ALL THEABOVE-MENTIONED CITIES, AND WHEREFORE HE

IS CALLED BY THE NAME SECHAMIR.

All these above-named cities are subject to the Sultan of

the Amanni, 1 that is, the Sultan of Arabia Felix, who is

called Sechamir. 2 Secho is the same as saint, amir, lord, and

adjoining. It contains a famous Medresseh, or College, belonging to the

sect of the Zaidieh, which was frequented by five hundred students.

Voyage en Arable, vol. i. pp. 324-5.

1 It now strikes me as most probable that Varthema's " Amanni" is

merely his Italian way of writing " Yemen," which Gabriele Sionita, in

his Latin version of El-Edrisi, renders " Iaman." (For a different

solution see note 2 on p. 57.)2 We have here another remarkable coincidence strikingly confirma-

tive of Varthema's general correctness. The reigning prince at the time

was 'Amir ibn Abd el-Wahhab ibn Daood ibn Dhahir, etc., surnamed

Edh-Dhafir Salah ed-Din, who succeeded his father Abd el-Wahhab,

generally styled El-Melek el-Mansur, a.h. 894 = a.d. 1488. In the

course of a few years he wrested the greater part of Yemen from the

Imam, and eventually occupied Sanaa. His career, indeed, was an

unbroken series of victories until arrested, first by the Egyptian expedi-

tion in 1515, and then by the Turks, who invaded Yemen the year fol-

lowing. He was overtaken as a fugitive, on his way to seek shelter in

the castle of Dhamarmar, by a detachment of the Egyptian army with

which he had had a fierce engagement on the preceding day, and was

murdered by them in cold blood on the 24th of Rabiaa el-Akhir, 923 =12th May, 1017. His head they carried to Sanaa, and exhibited it

before the walls ; whereupon the people surrendered at discretion, and

opened the gates to the Egyptian commander.

The following account of the various public monuments erected by

'Amir ibn Abd el-Wahhab is from the Kin-rat el-Aydn :—" He built the

Great Mosque in the city of Zebid, which excels all others, and expended

thereon enormous wealth. Also the Medresseh [College] called Edh-

Dhafirieh, opposite the Dar el-Kebir, in the same city. Also the Me-

dresseh of Sheikh Isma'il ibn Ibrahim el-Jabraty, and the tomb of

the Fakih Abi-bekr ibn 'Ali el-Haddad, outside the town, near the Bab

el-Kartab. Also two Medressehs at Ta'ez, to which place he also brought

a stream of water. Also the Great Mosque and a Masjid at El-Makra-

nah. Also a Medresseh at Radaa el-'Arsh. Also a Masjid at Aden, to

which place he also conducted the water [from the country beyond] as

far as the outer gate, and built a large reservoir iu the town itself, and

r '>

84 THE TRAVELS OF

the reason why they call him holy is this, that he never put

any one to death excepting in war. You must know that in

my time he had 15,000 or 16,000 men in chains, and to all

he gave two quattrini per man for their expenses daily, and

thus he left them to die in prison when they deserved death.

He also has 16,000 slaves whom he maintains, and they are

all black.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING APES, AND SOME ANIMALSLIKE LIONS, VERY HOSTILE TO MAN.

Departing from this place I went to the above-mentioned

city of Aden for five days. In the middle of the route I

found a most terrible mountain, in which we saw more than

another at the village of 'Aik ; besides innumerable other mosques, re-

servoirs, wells, and dams, wherever they were needed, and in detached

hamlets. He it was who laid down the aqueduct to Aden from a distant

place, which cost him immense treasures. Other pious acts without

number are attributed to him,...and no passage of his life is censurable

except his interference with the Fakihs and their endowments. And I

think this was the cause of his downfal, and therefore counsel all

sovereigns who may rule over the affairs of the Mussulmans, and all

others who may have anything to do with them, not to meddle with the

pious endowments, or with the Ulema, for I have never heard of any

doing so who was not punished, either in his person, his property, or his

family."

I find that 'Amir ibn Abd el-Wahhab was styled " Sheikh" prior to

his succession to the principality, and although Arabian historians

denominate him subsequently as " Sultan," it is highly probable that

he continued to be styled, generally, " Sheikh 'Amir." The word Sheikh

means primarily an aged man, an elder ; thence, a chief or ruler, a learned

man, or one renowned for piety.

Varthema's statement that 'Amir never put any one to death except

in war, is contradicted by the narrative of his life contained in the

Ktirrat el-Ay An ; though, as compared with his predecessors, and espe-

cially with the Egyptian and Turkish pashas who succeeded him, he

was a remarkably lenient ruler. The " slaves" mentioned above were

chiefly Abyssinians, and formed the principal part of the standing

army.

LUDOVTCO DI VARTHEMA. 85

10,000 apes,1 amongst which were certain animals like lions,

which do great injury to man when in their power to do so.

On their account it is not possible to pass by that route ex-

cepting in companies of at least one hundred persons. Wepassed in very great danger, and with no little hunting of

the said animals. However, we killed a great number of

them with bows and slings and dogs, so that we passed in

safety. As soon as I had arrived in Aden, I placed myself

in the mosque pretending to be ill, and remained there all

day. In the evening I went to find the captain of the ship,

so that he put me on board secretly.

DISCOURSE TOUCHING SOME PLACES OF ETHIOPIA.

Having determined to see other countries we put to sea

according to our intention; but as fortune is accustomed to

exercise her unstable will on the water, equally unstable,

we were turned somewhat from our design ; for, six days

from that time we took the route to Persia, sailing for seven

days, and then an accident occurred which made us run as

far as Ethiopia, together with twenty-five ships laden with

madder to dye clothes ; for every year they lade as many as

twenty-five ships in Aden with it. This madder grows in

Arabia Felix.- With extreme labour we entered into the

port of a city named Zeila, and remained there five days, in

order to see it and wait for favourable weather.

1 In the original " gatti maimoni." Niebuhr states that he frequently

saw hundreds of apes at a time in the woods of Yemen. Voy. en Arable,

vol. iii. p. 147.

Varthema's animal " something like a lion" was probably the hyena,

which is not uncommon in the country. Some large apes still exist in

the hills at Aden, and a hyena was killed there a few years ago.2 Arabice, Foowivah. This root is still extensively exported from

Aden and other ports of Yemen.

83 THE TRAVELS OF

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING ZEILA, A CITY OF ETHIOPIA,

AND OF THE ABUNDANCE OF IT, AND CONCERNINGSOME ANIMALS OF THE SAID CITY, SUCH AS

SHEEP AND COWS.

The beforenamed city of Zeila1is a place of immense

traffic, especially in gold and elephants' teeth. Here also

are sold a very great number of slaves, which are those

people of Prcster John whom the Moors take in battle, and

from this place they are carried into Persia, Arabia Felix,

and to Mecca, Cairo, and into India. In this city people

live extremely well, and justice is excellently administered.

Much grain grows here and much animal food, oil in great

quantity, made not from olives but from zerzalino,2 honey and

1 Zaila, which Vincent identifies as the ancient Moonclus, is situated

on the north-east coast of Africa, opposite to Aden, and about sixty

miles from the Straits of Bab el-Mandeb. El-Edrisi, who calls it

" Zalegh," says " it is a town small in size, but with many inhabitants;

voyagers thereto also are numerous. Most of the ships of Kalzam come

as far as this town, bringing various merchandise which is traded with

in Abyssinia. Slaves and silver are taken from thence." (As silver does

not appear among the exports from Abyssinia either in ancient or modern

times, except in the shape of foreign coin which had previously been

imported into the country, the Nubian geographer must have been mis-

informed in that particular.) Abulfeda correctly describes Zaila as

" situated at the bottom of a bay, in a plain, and the heat of the place

is excessive. The water is derived from wells, but is brackish. There

are no gardens or fruits." Ibn Batuta says :" the stench of the coun-

try is extreme, as is also its filth, from the stink of the fish, and the

blood of camels which are slaughtered in the streets." I may add, from

personal experience, that it is a most wretched place in every respect;

with a population of nearly a thousand souls, it can only boast of about

a dozen houses built of madrepore, the remaining dwellings consisting

of mats and reeds. Nevertheless, Zaila, as the principal seaport of

Hurrur and southern Abyssinia, has still a considerable trade, of which

gold dust and elephants' teeth form a part. Until within the last few

years, also, it carried on a brisk traffic in slaves, who were exported to

the places mentioned above by Varthema. It is now under the Ottoman

Porte, but its customs are farmed by the Pasha of Hodeidah to a native.

51 Eden, following the Latin version, has translated the passage thus

:

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 87

wax in great abundance. Here is found a kind of sheep,

the tail of which weighs fifteen or sixteen pounds, and with

the head and neck quite black, but the whole of the rest of

the body white. 1 There are also some other sheep, which

have tails a brazzo long and twisted like vines, and

they have the dewlap like that of a bull, which almost

touches the ground. Also in this place I found a certain

kind of cows, which had horns like a stag and were wild,

which had been presented to the Sultan of the said city. 2 I

also saw here other cows, which had a single horn in the

forehead, which horn is a palmo and a half in length, and

turns more towards the back of the cow than forwards. 3 The

colour of these is red, that of the former is black. There is

an abundance of provisions in this city, and there are many

merchants here. The place has poor walls and a bad port,

" It hath also oyle, not of olyues, but of some other thyng, I knowe not

what." The word " zerzalino" puzzled me till I remembered how fre-

quently our author uses the letter z to express the sound of j, when I

perceived at once that he me&ntjzdjultin, (Forskjil writes if'dsjildjylari;"

in India and farther east it is pronounced "jinjli" or ". jirjili ;" and

Baretti gives " giuggiolana" as an Italian equivalent for sesame,) one of

the Arabic names for the Sesamum Indicum, the oil of which is largely

exported from Zaila. Honey and wax, also, are among its exports still.

1 A correct description of the Berbera sheep generally. It is rare to

see an entirely white one, or one marked otherwise than above stated;

they have also a long dewlap. The other species mentioned is less com-

mon. The caudal extremity of the latter may be likened to an exagge-

rated pig's tail.

3 Most probably the oryx, though Varthema would have been more

correct had he represented the horns as similar to those of an antelope.

The oryx abounds inland from Zaila, is often shot, but very rarely taken

alive.

3 We have here another monoceros, but it is quite clear that the ani-

mals described differed from the unicorns which Varthema saw at Meccah

(see p. 47 ante.) He may have met with some specimens of the African

rhinoceros at Zaila ; but if so, they must have been brought thither

from the distant interior, as the animal is not found in the neighbour-

hood ; indeed, though the horns are frequently imported from thence to

the Aden market, I have never heard of a live rhinoceros existing on

that coast.

88 THE TRAVELS OF

nevertheless it is situated on level ground and the main-

land. The king of this Zeila is a Moor, and has many-

soldiers, both foot and horse. v The people are warlike. Their

dress consists of a shirt. They are olive-coloured. They

go badly armed, and are all Mahomraedans. 1

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING BARBARA, AN ISLAND OFETHIOPIA, AND OF ITS PEOPLE.

As soon as the weather became favourable, we set sail and

arrived at an island which is called Barbara,2 the lord of

1 A tolerably accurate description of the SomCdis, so called from

Barr es-Sumdl, by which name the country from Ras Hafun on the

eastern coast of Africa as far as Zaila westward is designated. The in-

habitants, according to Cruttenden, " are divided into two great nations,

who, both tracing their origin from the Arab province of Hadhramaut,

are yet at bitter and endless feud with each other. The principal of

these two great families is that to the eastward, or windward, of Burnt

Island. It is divided into four large and three smaller tribes....They

claim as their common father Darrood, the son of Ishmail, the son of

Okeil, the son of Arab, who came from Hadhramaut, and, marrying a

daughter of the Ilaweea tribe residing on the north-east coast of Africa,

became the first Muhammedan founder of the Somali nation to the east-

ward...

" The second of these two nations extends from Burnt Island, or

Bunder Jedid, to Zaila, and is divided into three great tri!>es, namely,

the Haber-Gehajjis, the Haber-Awwal, and the Habert el-Jahlah, {Haber

meaning the sons of), who were the children of Isaakh by three wives,

the said Isaak having crossed over from Hadhramaut some time after his

countrymen had founded the nation to the eastward, and settled at the

town of Meyt, near Burnt Island, where his tomb exists to this day.

Isaakh, finding his influence on the increase, owing to his intermarriage

with a Galla tribe, made a sudden descent upon the neighbourhood of

Berbera, then in the hands of a celebrated Galla chieftain, Sultan

Ilarireh, and succeeded in obtaining possession of the country as far as

Zaila...The patriarch Isaakh was gathered to his fathers at a very ad-

vanced age, and was buried at the town of Meyt, leaving behind him a

name which is respected to this day." Transactions of the Bombay

Geographical Society, vol. viii.

a This was undoubtedly Berbera, but it is not an island as Varthcma

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 89

which with all the inhabitants are Moors. This island is

small but good and very well peopled, and contains many-

supposed. The name is generally applied to a deep and narrow inlet,

forming a safe harbour during the north-east monsoon, and to the

country in its neighbourhood. It is situated about one hundred and

twenty miles to the south-east of Zaila.

Dr. Vincent identifies Berbera with the Mosullon of the author of the

Periplus, and that it " has existed as a port of great trade for several

centuries," writes Cruttenden, " I conceive to be almost sufficiently

proved by the fact of its being an annual rendezvous for so many nations

to the present day, and from the time for this great meeting having

been chosen so as to suit the set of the Red Sea and Indian Monsoons...

The annual fair is one of the most interesting sights on the coast, if

only from the fact of so many different and distant tribes being drawn

together for a short time, to be again scattered in all directions. From

April to the early part of October the place is utterly deserted, not even

a fisherman being found there; but no sooner does the season change,

than the inland tribes commence moving down towards the coast, and

preparing their huts for their expected visitors." It is estimated that

as many as 20,000 natives assemble annually at this fair to barter their

gums, resins, ostrich feathers, coffee, ghee, oil, cattle, and sheep, with

merchants from the Red Sea, Muscat, Baharain, Basra, Porebunder,

Mandavie, Bombay, and other Indian ports. A considerable quantity

of these commodities is also brought over to the Aden market by the

Somalis, and the town and garrison there are almost entirely supplied

with butcher's meat from Berbera. Speaking of that country Crutten-

den further says :" The number of sheep, goats, she-camels, etc., found

on these plains is perfectly incredible, fully realizing the account given

of the flocks and herds of the patriarchs of old ; for many of the elders

of these tribes own each more than 1,500 she-camels, and their flocks of

sheep are literally uncounted." The territory is governed by the elders

of the different tribes, but during the fair at Berbera no chief is acknow-

ledged, the customs of by-gone years being the only recognized laws of

the place.

As Berbera was inhabited when our traveller arrived there, it is obvi-

ous that his visit took place during the north-east monsoon, and that

fact explains the circumstance of his having been driven back towards

the African coast after sailing from Aden. The vessel probably encoun-

tered one of those strong north-westerly gales, called Balat by the Arabs,

which occasionally occur during that season along the north-east coast

of Arabia.

Although Varthema supplies us with few dates, we are enabled to

verify this inference by several incidental remarks in the preceding nar-

90 THE TRAVELS OF

animals of every kind. The people are for the most part

black, and their wealth consists more in animals than in

other things. We remained here one day, and then set sail

and took the route towards Persia.

rativc. lie left Damascus on the 8th of April, reached Meccah in six

weeks, and remained there several days at least. Was twelve days tra-

velling to El-Medinah, where he also sojourned some time before starting

for Juddah. He was detained a fortnight at the latter place, and was

seventeen days more making the voyage to Aden. At Aden he was impri-

soned for two months before being sent to Radaa,, where he arrived

during the hot weather, for grapes were in season, and on his release he

travelled through a great part of Yemen, which occupied him not less

than six weeks more. These periods combined make between seven and

eight months, so that he probably left Aden about the middle of Decem-

ber, when the north-easterly monsoon was fully set in, and the fair at

Berbera was at its height.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 91

THE BOOK CONCERNING PERSIA.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING DIUOBANDIERRUMI, ANDGOA, AND GIULFAR, LANDS OF MESCHET,

A PORT OF PERSIA.

When we had sailed about twelve days we arrived at a city

which is called Diuobandierrumi, 1 that is, " Diu, the port of

1 Though Vartherna heads this chapter as relating to Persia, the two

places first named obviously belong to the Indian province of Guzerat,

and the change in the course of the vessel in which he sailed, originally

bound for the former country, may have been caused by the shipment of

cargo for those places at Zaila and Berbera, between which and the

Somali coast there is still considerable traffic.

Diu Bander er-Rdm, which our traveller correctly renders " Diu the

Port of the Turks" (or Greeks,) but which Eden, following the doubtful

Latin version, mistranslates " The holy porte of Turkes," is undoubtedly

the small island of Diu, situated in the Gulf of Cambay, at that period

subject to Mahmud Bigarrah, the reigning Sultan of Guzerat. I have

sought in vain for the distinctive title which Vartherna gives it, and

which is Arabic in its form, in any other writer either before or after hi3

time. The author of the Kurrat el-WyAn mentions a severe hurricane

"at Bander Diu in the Indian Sea," in the month of January 1495,

wherein many vessels were lost ; and the Ruah er-Ruah records the death,

five years later, of one 'Abdallah ibn Muhammed ibu 'Alowi, a famous

Seyyed of Yemen, " at Bander Diu in India ;" but the suffix " Er-Riimi"

never occurs in their works in connexion with the place. The following

extract from the Histoire des Voyages, relating the events of 1530, though

it fails to solve the difficulty, goes to prove that the name was familiar

in those parts, and that foreigners styled " Rutni" or " Rum" resided at

Diu about that period :—" Badur [Bahadur], qui avait succecle au tron

de Cambaye, se crut redevable de son salut a Mustapha. II lui accorda

pour recompense le gouvernement de Baroche, avec le titre de Rami,

92 THE TRAVELS OF

the Turks," which city is situated a short distance from the

mainland. When the tide rises it is an island, and when

it falls you can pass over on foot. This city is subject to the

Sultan of Combeia, and the captain of this Diuo is one

named Menacheaz. We remained here two days. There is

an immense trade in this city. Four hundred Turkish mer-

chants reside here constantly. This city is surrounded by

walls and contains much artillery within it. They have

certain vessels which are called Thalac, which are somewhat

less than galleys. We departed thence and went to a city

which is called Goa, 1 distant from the above about three

parce qu'il ctait Grec, et celui de Kan. Ainsi nous le verrons paroitre

desormais sous le nom de Rumi-Kan." Vol. i. p. 118.

The town of Diu is situated at the eastern extremity of the island, and

is well fortified, being surrounded by a wall strengthened with towers at

regular intervals. The channel between the island and the mainland is

navigable only for fishing-boats and other small craft. Notwithstanding

the excellence of the harbour for ships of moderate draught, there is but

little traffic. (See Thornton's Gazetteer of India.) In this latter respect

the place must have fallen off considerably since Varthema's time.

M. Csesar Fredericks, who visited it a.d. 1563, describes it as "a small

city, but of great trade, because there they lade very many great ships

for the straights of Mecca and Ormus with merchandise." (Uakloyt's

Voyages, vol. ii.) Diu was captured by the Portuguese in 1515, and

remains in their possession still. In 1539 they repelled an attack on

the place by the Turkish fleet under Suleiman Pasha, who was obliged

to return to Suez. On his way thither he remained some time at Zebid,

exciting the people to revolt, with a view to extort money from the

Imam. Such is the opinion of the author of the Rudh er-Ruuh, whoadds :

—"I have, moreover, heard from credible witnesses, that he accepted

rich gifts from the powers in India to induce him not to prosecute the war

in that quarter."

1 This was unquestionably Gogha, or, as it is now usually called, Gogo,

a town situate in the peninsula of Katty war, on the western shore of the

Gulf of Cambay, about one hundred miles to the north east of Diu.

Forbes describes it at present as " a neat and thriving seaport town,

containing upwards of eight thousand inhabitants, and possessing the

best roadstead in the Gulf of Cambay. Its seamen, called Goghilrees,

partly of the Mohammedan faith, and partly Koolee or Hindoo, the

descendants of the navigators fostered by the kings of Unhilwara, still

maintain their ancient reputation, and form the best and most trusted

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 93

days' journey. This Goa is a district of large extent and

great traffic, and is fat and wealthy. The inhabitants, how-

ever, are all Muhammedans. We quitted Goa and went to

another district called Guilfar, which is most excellent and

abounding in everything 1 There is a good seaport there,

from which port setting sail with propitious winds we arrived

at another port which is called Meschet. 3

portion of every Indian crew that sails the sea under the flag of Eng-

land. On the south-west corner of the town, and outside the circuit of

the present wall, may, however, be observed the site of the ancient

citadel...The situation was admirably selected for defensive purposes,

being the highest in the neighbourhood, and commanding an extensive

view of the gulf and the island of Perumbh, or Peerum, on the one side,

and on the other of the whole country as far as the foot of the Khokura

hills." (Ms Mala, vol. i. p. 318.) In Hamilton's time (1688-1723) Gogo

was " governed by an officer from the Great Mogul." It was taken from

the Mahrattas by the British in 1S05, and now forms part of the district

of Ahmedabad.1 From Gogo, Varthema must have crossed the Indian Sea and

entered the Persian Gulf, for Julfar is situated within the Gulf, on the

western side of Mussendora, about twenty miles to the south of that

cape. It is one of five towns belonging to the Shihiyyin Arabs, and its

inhabitants form the more stationary and civilized portion of that tribe,

beiug engaged chiefly in pearl-fishing, trade, and agriculture. Their

food consists of dates, wheat, barley, meat, and fish in abundance. The

remainder of the tribe is occupied in gaining a precarious livelihood by

fishing in the small bays on the coast, or in wandering over the arid rocks

of the interior, which supply a scanty vegetation for their flocks. The

male adults of the tribe are said to amount to 14,000.

Julfar was captured by the Portuguese in the early part of the six-

teenth century. They maintained an establishment there, protected by

a fort, for the purpose of pearl-fishing, until their expulsion from the

gulf, when it reverted to the Arabs. In 1819 the town and fort were

destroyed by a combined British and Maskat expedition, in retaliation

for several acts of piracy committed by vessels belonging to the tribe.

2 Maskat (Muscat), the principal seaport town of the province of

Oman, or, more correctly, 'Amman. As that place is situated on the

north-east coast of Arabia, bordering the Indian Sea, in lat. 23° 28' N.,

long. 59° 19' E., a retrograde voyage was made of two hundred miles.

The native vessel, however, does not appear to have had a fixed

course, although her destination on leaving Aden was the Persian Gulf;

but the Arab skipper was probably guided in his movements by the

94 THE TRAVELS OF

TIIE CHAPTER CONCERNING ORMUS, A CITY AND ISLANDOF PERSIA, AND HOW THEY GET VERY LARGE

PEARLS AT IT BY FISHING..

Pursuing our journey, we departed from Meschet and went

to the noble city of Orraus,1 which is extremely beautiful.

freights which he picked up here and there on the coast, and our

traveller availed himself of the opportunities thus afforded to satisfy his

desire for seeing new countries.

Maskat, at the period of Varthema's visit, was governed by a native

sovereign who resided at Nezwa, two days' journey inland. It was

captured by the Portuguese, together with several other places on the

Bfitinah coast, in the early part of the sixteenth century. They re-

tained possession till 1640, when they were expelled from the country

by Sultan Bin Seif, in whose family the sovereignty of Amman remains

to the present day.1 'Abd er-Razzak, who visited the island of Hormuz sixty years before

Varthema, speaks in similar terms of its commercial prosperity. (See

India in the Fifteenth Century, Hakluyt Society's Publications, pp.

5, 6.) Ralph Fitch, in 1583, describes it as " an island in circuit about

five and twenty or thirty miles, and the driest island in the world ; for

there is nothing growing in it but only salt ; for the water, wood, or

victuals, and all things necessary, come out of Persia, which is about

twelve miles from thence. The Portuguese have a castle there, wherein

there is a captain for the king of Portugal, having under him a con-

venient number of soldiers, whereof some part remain in the castle and

some in the town. In this town are merchants of all nations, and manyMoors and Gentiles. Here is a very great trade of all sorts of spices,

drugs, silk, cloth of silk, fine tapestry of Persia, great store of pearls,

which come from the isle of Baharim [Baharein], and are the best pearls

of all others, and many horses of Persia, which serve all India. They

have a Moor to their king, who is chosen and governed by the Portu-

guese." Pinkeiiton's Voyages, vol. ix. p. 407.

Hormuz was captured by the Portuguese under Alberquerque in 1508,

who were expelled in turn by Shah Abbas, assisted by the British, in

1G22, since which time it has been a dependency of Persia. Shah Abbas

transferred its commerce to Gombrun, or Gamrun, situate on the conti-

nent, and styled after him Bander Abbas. The island was a dependency

of Persia when Marco Polo visited it towards the middle of the 13th

century, and, although governed by an Arab ruler, it was tributary to

that power when taken by the Portuguese, who allowed him to retain

his dignity on payment of an annual tribute of 15,000 ashrafi, about

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 95

It is an island, and is the chief, that is, as a maritime place,

and for merchandise. It is distant from the mainland ten

or twelve miles. In this said island there is not sufficient

water or food, but all comes from the mainland. Near this

island, at a distance of three days' journey, they fish up the

largest pearls which are found in the world, and the manner

of fishing for them is as you shall hear. There are certain

fishers with some little boats, who throw out a large stone

attached to a thick rope, one from the stern and one from

the prow, in order that the said boats may remain firm : they

throw down another rope, also with a stone, to the bottom.

In the middle of the boat is one of these fishers, who hangs

a couple of bags round his neck, and ties a large stone to his

feet, and goes fifteen paces under water, and remains there

as long as he is able, in order to find the oysters in which

are pearls. As he finds them he puts them into the bags, and

then leaves the stone which he had at his feet, and comes up

by one of the said ropes. 1 Sometimes, as many as three hun-

dred vessels belonging to different countries are assembled

at the said city, the Sultan of which is a Mahommedan.

.£1,250 of our money. {Ilistoire des Voyages, vol. i. p. 110.) It is nowfarmed of the Persian Shah by the Sultan of Maskat, together with

Bunder Abbas, Minau, and several other places on the mainland, for a

yearly payment of 16,000 Toonians=.£7,G00 ; but it has lost all its

former trade and prosperity, and its population consists of about four

hundred inhabitants, mostly employed in the salt trade and as fishermen.

The island has no water except what is saved in reservoirs during the

rains. There are a number of these reservoirs in good repair, and the

ruins of some hundreds, showing what the place was in former times.

The old Portuguese lighthouse is still standing, though fast falling to

decay. Large quantities of salt are exported from the island to all

parts of the Persian Gulf and the coasts of Arabia. The fort is garri-

soned by a hundred men belonging to the Sultan of Maskat. The chan-

nel between Hormuz and the mainland directly opposite is only four

miles broad. Between the island and Bunder Abbas it averages between

eleven and twelve.

1 This is a correct description of the pearl fishery as it exists at the

present day.

96 THE TRAVELS OF

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE SULTAN OF ORMUS, ANDOF THE CRUELTY OF THE SON AGAINST THE SULTAN

HIS FATHER, HIS MOTHER, AND HIS BROTHERS.

At the time when I visited this country there happened

that which you shall hear. The Sultan of Ormus had eleven

male children. The youngest was considered to be simple,

that is, half a fool : the eldest was looked upon as a devil

unchained. Also the said Sultan had brought up two slaves,

the sons of Christians, that is, of those of Prester John,

whom he had purchased when quite young, and he loved

them like his own children. 1 They were gallant cavaliers

and lords of castles. One night, the eldest son of the Sultan

put out the eyes of his father, mother, and all his brothers,

excepting the half-witted one ; then he carried them into

the chamber of his father and mother, and put fire in the

midst, and burnt the chamber with the bodies and all that

was therein. Early in the morning what had taken place

became known, and the city arose at the rumour, and he

fortified himself in the palace, and proclaimed himself Sultan.

The younger brother, who was considered a fool, did not,

however, show himself to be such a fool as he was supposed

to be ; for, hearing what had taken place, he took refuge

in a Moorish mosque, saying :" Vualla occuane saithan

uchatelabu eculo cuane," that is, " O God, my brother is a

devil ; he has killed my father, my mother, and all mybrothers, and after having killed them he has burnt them." 2

At the expiration of fifteen days the city became tranquil.

1 Ilabeshi, or Abyssinian slaves, mostly of Christian parentage, were

the roost trusted and favourite soldiers of the sultans and other chiefs of

Arabia at this period. They were also imported largely into India, and

frequently acquired considerable influence in the courts of the native

princes.

- WAllah, akh&na shaitdn : hua kdtel abdh, wa-hul a&hwdnana. ByGod ! our brother is a devil : he has killed his father, and all mybrothers.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 97

The Sultan sent for one of the slaves above mentioned and

said to him :" Thale inte Mahometh." The slave, who

was named Mahometh, answered :" Escult iasidi," that is,

" What dost thou say, lord ? Said the Sultan :" An ne

Soldan ?" that is, " Am I Sultan ?" Mahometh replied

:

" Heu valla siti inte Soldan," that is, "Yes, by God, thou

art Sultan." 1 Then the Sultan took him by the hand and

made much of him, and said to him :" Roa chatel zaibei

anneiati arba ochan sechala," that is, " Go and kill thy com-

panion, and I will give thee five castles."2 Mahometh re-

plied :" Iasidi anue iacul menau men saibi theletin sane

vualla sidi ancasent," that is, " O lord, I have eaten with

my companion thirty years and acted with him, I cannot

bring my mind to do such a thing."3 Then said the Sultan :

" Well, let it alone." Four days afterwards, the said Sultan

sent for the other slave, who was named Cairn, and made

the same speech to him that he had made to his companion,

that is, that he should go and kill. " Bizemele," Cairn said

at once, (s erechman erachin Iasidi," that is, " So be it,

lord, in the name of God ;"4 and then he armed himself

secretly and went immediately to find Mahometh his com-

panion. When Mahometh saw him, he looked him fixedly

in the face, and said to him :" O traitor, thou canst not

deny it, for I detect thee by thy countenance ; but look now,

for I will slay thee sooner than that thou slay me." Cairn,

who saw himself discovered and known, drew forth his

dagger, and threw it at the feet of Mahometh, and falling

1 Tadl anta, Muhammed. Come hither, Muhammed. Aish kult, ya

sidi ? What do you say, sir 1 Ana sultan 1 Am I sultan 1 Ay w"1

Al-

lah, sidi, anta sultan. Yes, sir, you are sultan.

2 Ruh aktal sdhibek, iva-ana 'aattk arbda aw khams kalda. Go kill

your comrade, and I will give you four or five castles.

3 Ya sidi, ana akalt mda ,u rain sabi,—thldthin sana . W'Allah, sidi,

anlcdssir. Oh, sir, I have eaten with him from childhood,—thirty years.

By God, sir, I shall fail.

4 B'ism-Illah, er-Rahm&n, er-Rahim. In the name of God, the Piti-

ful, the Compassionate. A formula frequently used to express assent.

H

98 THE TRAVELS OF

on his knees before him said :" O, my lord, pardon me

although I deserve death, and if it seem good to thee take

these arms and kill me, for I came to kill thee." Mahometh

replied : " It may be well said that thou art a traitor, having

been with me, and acted with me, and eaten together with

me for thirty years, and then at last to wish to put me to

death in so vile a manner. Thou poor creature, dost thou

not see that this man is a devil. Rise, however, for I par-

don thee. But in order that thou mayest understand, know

that this man urged me, three days ago, to kill thee, but

I would not in any way consent. Now, leave all to God,

but go and do as I shall tell thee. Go to the Sultan, and

tell him that thou hast slain me." Cairn replied :" I am

content," and immediately went to the Sultan. When the

Sultan saw him he said to him :" Well, hast thou slain thy

friend ?" Cairn answered :" Yes, sir, by God." Said the

Sultan :" Come here," and he went close to the Sultan,

who seized him by the breast and killed him by blows of

his dagger. Three days afterwards Mahometh armed him-

self secretly and went to the Sultan's chamber, who, when

he saw him, was disturbed and exclaimed :" O dog, son of

a dog, art thou still alive ?" Said Mahometh :" I am alive,

in spite of thee, and I will kill thee, for thou art worse than

a dog or a devil ;" and in this way, with their arms in their

hands, they fought awhile. At length Mahometh killed the

Sultan, and then fortified himself in the palace. And be-

cause he was so much beloved in the city, the people all ran

to the palace crying out :" Long live Mahometh the Sul-

tan !" and he continued Sultan about twenty days. Whenthese twenty days were passed, he sent for all the lords and

merchants of the city, and spoke to them in this wise :

" That that which he had done he had been obliged to do ;

that he well knew that he had no right to the supreme

power, and he entreated all the people that they would

allow him to make king that son who was considered crazy ;"

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 99

and thus he was made king. It is true, however, that Ma-

hometh governs everything. All the city said :" Surely this

man must be the friend of God." Wherefore he was made

governor of the city and of the Sultan, the Sultan being of

the condition above mentioned. 1 You must know that there

are generally in this city four hundred foreign merchants,

who traffic in silks, pearls, jewels, and spices. The common

food of this city consists more of rice than of bread, because

corn does not grow in this place.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING ERI IN CORAZANI OF PERSIA,

AND OF ITS RICHES, AND OF THE ABUNDANCE OFMANY THINGS, AND ESPECIALLY OF RHUBARB.

Having heard this lamentable event, and seen the customs

of the abovenamed city and island of Ormus, departing

thence I passed into Persia, and travelling for twelve days

I found a city called Eri,3 and the country is called Cora-

1 I have not succeeded in finding any historical notices corroborative

of the events recorded in this chapter ; but the following extract from

the Histoire des Voyages, referring to the capture of the island by Albu-

querque in 1508, four years subsequent to Varthema's visit, tends to

confirm several of the principal facts narrated :—" Albuquerque trouva

sur le trone Sayf Addin, jeune prince d'environ douze ans, dont les

affaires etoient gouvernees par un esclave adroit et courageux." Vol. i.

p. 109.

2 Eri or Heri is the ancient name of Herat, and the question is,

whether Varthema means that city, and, if so, whether he personally

visited it. His description is sufficiently accurate to warrant an in-

ference in the affirmative. Herat at the time was the capital of Khoras-

san, and the residence of Sultan Husein Mirza, a descendant of Timour.

Its commercial and general prosperity under that enlightened ruler has

been perpetuated by the celebrated historian Khondemir, and the natural

resources of the country correspond with our traveller's account of

them. Moreover, Varthema speaks as an eye-witness, and thus far I

have not discovered a single instance inclining me to doubt his testimony

as such. Besides, there appears no sufficient reason why, if he had not

personally visited Herat, he should not have described it as he does

100 THE TRAVELS OF

zani, which would be the same as to say " The Ilomagna."

The king of Corazani dwells in this city, where there is

great plenty, and an abundance of stuffs, and especially

of silk, so that in one day you can purchase here three thou-

sand or four thousand camel loads of silk. The district is

most abundant in articles of food, 1 and there is also a great

market for rhubarb. 2 I have seen it purchased at six pounds

Sarnarcand in a subsequent chapter, wherein he repeatedly states that

his information is based on hearsay and the authority of others.

The only difficulty is the time occupied by our traveller in performing

the journey. The distance between the coast opposite Hormuz and

Herat is about six hundred miles, and, according to Abd-er-Razzak's

itinerary, he was twenty-two days on the road. True, Varthema says

distinctly, that, after travelling twelve days, he reached Eri ; but it is by

no means clear that Hormuz or Bunder Abbas was his starting-point, for

he first " passed into Persia," from which we may infer that he had pene-

trated some way into the country before setting out for Herat.

In the following chapter Varthema gives an account of his route from

Herat to Shiraz, which he accomplished in twenty or twenty-three days,

the usual length of the caravan journey between the two places. That

coincidence may be fairly considered as a corroborative proof of our

traveller's personal visit to Herat.1 " Herat is the most fertile country in the whole of Khorassan. The

suburbs are covered with rich and green orchards, producing consider-

able quantities of fruits. Silk is a native production of Herat. It is

produced in great quantities, and is exported to many countries. The

wheat is of many kinds Cotton is abundantly cultivated in Herat, and

sometimes is sent to Mashad. Mash, adas, nakhud, lemghash or niuth,

shamled or halbah, jawari and lobia, are also among its productions.

Sebist andshaftal grow exuberantly, and are given to horses. Opium is

much grown here, and is transported to Bokhara and other places."

Mohun Lall's Travels, pp. 272-275.2 Herat is styled by the natives the key of the commerce between

Turkestan, Afghanistan, Persia, and India. It is much less so nowthan it was formerly. At the time of Varthema's visit it is highly

probable that it was the principal highway between Mongolia and

Thibet, the chief rhubarb-growing countries, and the West. That fact

would account for the abundance of the drug found in the market of

Herat. Tavernier mentions a northern road between Bhutan or Lassa

and Cabul ; and Bernier, writing in 1655, says :" It is not yet twenty

years that there went caravans every year from Cashmere, which crossed

all those mountains of the great Tibet, and arrived in about three

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 101

for the ducat, according to our use, that is, twelve ounces to

the pound. This city contains about 6,000 or 7,000 hearths. 1

The inhabitants are all Mohammedans. I quitted this place

and travelled twenty days on the mainland, finding cities

and castles very well peopled.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE RIVER EUFRA, WHICHI BELIEVE TO BE THE EUPHRATES.

I arrived at a large and fine river, which is called by the

people there Eufra,2 but, so far as 1 can judge, I believe

that it is the Euphrates, on account of its great size. Travel-

ling onwards for three days to the left hand, but following

the river, I found a city which is named Schirazo, and this

city receives its lord, who is a Persian and a Mahommedan,

from the Persians. In this city there is a great abundance

of jewels, that is, of turquoises,3 and an infinite quantity of

Balass rubies. It is true that they are not produced here,

months at Cataja... bringing back musk, cinnamon, rhubarb, and naa-

rniron." (Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. viii. p. 221.) I notice in the

Description of Persia, contained in the same Collection, that " a kind

of rhubarb, with which they purge their cattle," grows in that country ;

but the writer adds, " the best rhubarb comes from China, or rather

from Eastern Tartary." Ibid. vol. ix. p. 181.

1 Ferrier estimated the population of Herat in 1845 at from 20,000

to 22,000 souls. Caravan Journeys, p. 166.

3 As there is no river between Herat and Shiraz bearing any resem-

blance in name to that above mentioned, I am inclined to think that if,

as is very probable, his route was by Yezd, Varthema must have struck

upon the Pulwan, near Merghab, about eighty miles to the north-east of

Shiraz, from which point there appears to be a highroad on the " left

hand," or east, of that river, leading to the latter city by Istakar. The

Pulwan flows into the Bendemir, which is a rapid stream crossed by a

bridge three hundred feet wide, and Varthema must have passed that

also before reaching Shiraz.

3 Shiraz is a great mart for turquoises. The best stones are found in

the mountains near Nishapore in Khorassan. Malcolm's History of

Persia, vol. ii. p. 515.

102 THE TRAVELS OF

but come (as is reported) from a city which is called Balach-

sam. And in the said city there is a very large quantity

of ultra marine, and much tucia and musk. 1 You must

know that musk is rarely met with in our parts, which is not

adulterated. The fact is this, for I have seen some experi-

ments on this wise. Take a bladder of musk in the morn-

ing, fasting, and break it, and let three or four men in file

smell it, and it will immediately make blood flow from the

nose, and this happens because it is real musk and not

adulterated. I asked how long its goodness continued.

Some merchants answered me: " That if it were not adul-

terated it lasted ten years." Upon this it occurred to me

that that which comes to our part is adulterated by the

hands of these Persians, who are the most cunning men in

intellect, and at falsifying things, of any nation in the world.

And I likewise will say of them, that they are the best com-

panions and the most liberal of any men who inhabit the earth.

I say this because I have experienced it with a Persian mer-

chant whom I met in this city of Schirazo. However, he was

of the city of Eri above mentioned, in Corazani. This same

merchant knew me two years previously in Mecca, and he

said to me :" Iunus, what are you doing here ? Are you

not he who some time ago went to Mecca?" I answered

1 Badakhshan, in the Khanat of Kunduz, is still famous for its lapis

lazuli quarries and ruby mines. Tucia, spodium ; or, more probably,

ti'it/ja, the Persian and Arabic name for antimony, which is used exten-

sively in the preparation of the kohl, a collyrium. Antimony is said to

abound in Persia. (Pinkekton's Voyages, vol. ix. p. 181.) Musk probably

reached Badakhshan from Thibet and Tartary, where the best quality

is found. Pigafetta writing in 1522 says :" The grains of musk brought

to Europe are no other than small pieces of goat's flesh steeped in real

musk." (Pinkekton, vol. xi. p. 378.) I am not able to vouch for the

truth of Varthema's experiment, but it is well known that " some per-

sons, from idiosyncrasy, cannot endure the remote odour of musk : it

produces headache, giddiness, nausea, and fainting. Drowsiness and

stupor have occasionally been induced by it when given in small medici-

nal doses." Brande, Dictionary of Materia Medica.

LUDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA. 103

that I was, and that I was going about exploring the world.

He answered me :" God be praised ! for I shall have a com-

panion who will explore the world with me." We remained

fifteen days in the same city of Schirazo. And this merchant,

who was called Cazazionor,1 said :" Do not leave me, for we

will explore a good part of the world." And thus we set

ourselves together en route to go towards Sambragante.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING SAMBRAGANTE, (AS IT IS

CALLED), A VERY LARGE CITY, LIKE CAIRO, AND OFTHE PERSECUTION BY THE SOFFI.

The merchants say that the present Sambragante2 is a city

as large as Cairo. The king of the said city is a Mohamme-

dan. Some merchants say that he has sixty thousand horse-

men, and they are all white people and warlike. We did

not proceed farther ; and the reason was, that the SofH

was going through this country putting everything to fire

and flame ; and especially he put to the sword all those who

believed in Bubachar and Othman and Aumar, who are all

companions of Mahomet ; but he leaves unmolested those

who believe in Mahomet and Ali, and protects them. 3 Then

1 The first part of this word is undoubtedly Khawaja, generally ab-

breviated into K/wja, equivalent to our English " Mister."

2 Samarcand.3 The occurrence of these fierce religious dissensions between the two

principal sects of Islam at this period is corroborated by contempo-

raneous history. Shah Isma'il es-Sufi, the founder of the Sufawian

dynasty, attained sovereign power over Persia and Khorassan about a.d.

1500. Deeply imbued with the Shiah doctrines of his austere father,

Haidar, who had endeavoured to revive the opinions of a famous Silfi

derwish, he put himself at the head of his adherents when only fourteen

years old, and, taking advantage of the religious enthusiasm of his dis-

ciples,eventually succeeded in subjugating the whole country, and in con-

verting the great mass of the people to the Shiah creed. This was not

effected without great strife and bloodshed, and Varthema's visit must

have occurred when the contention between the rival factions was at its

height. " The Persians dwell with rapture on the character of Isma'il,

104 THE TRAVELS OF

my companion said to me :" Come here, Iunus : in order

that you may be certain that I wish you well, and that you

may have reason to know that I mean to exercise good fellow-

ship towards you, I will give you a niece of mine who is

called Samis, 1 that is, the Sun. And truly she had a name

which suited her, for she was extremely beautiful. And he

said to me further :" You must know now that I do not travel

about the world because I am in want of wealth ; but I go

for my pleasure, and in order to see and to know many

things." And with this we set ourselves on our way, and

returned towards Eri. When we had arrived at his house,

he immediately shewed me his said niece, with whom I pre-

tended to be greatly pleased, although my mind was intent

on other things. We returned to the city of Ormus at the

end of eight days, and embarked on board ship, and steered

towards India, and arrived at a port which is called Cheo.2

whom they deem not only the founder of a great dynasty, but the per-

son to whom that faith, in which they glory, owes its establishment as a

national religion. He is styled in their histories Shah Shian, or ' the

King of the Sheahs.' " Malcolm's History of Persia, vol. i. p. 505.1 Shams, the sun.

2 As it is evident from the succeeding chapter that this place was in

Scind, I find no difficulty in identifying it with Jooa (sometimes written

Joah, Joaah, and Kow), one of the estuaries or creeks of the Indus.

Dr. Ileddle, in his memoirs of that river, describes the raj or village of

Joah as four miles and a half from the sea by the winding of the stream.

The largest sized native boats, which frequent this branch of the river

for grain, are obliged to remain there, and their cargoes are brought

down in flat-bottomed boats, called doondies." Bombay Government

Selections, No. xvii. pp. 434-5.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 105

THE FIRST BOOK CONCERNING INDIA.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING COMBEIA, A CITY OF INDIA.

ABOUNDING IN ALL THINGS.

Having promised at the commencement, if I remember

rightly, to treat all subjects with brevity, in order that mynarrative might not be wearisome, I will continue to relate

concisely those things which appeared to me the most worthy

to be known, and the most interesting.

We entered India where, near to the said port [Cheo], there

is a very large river called the Indus, which Indus is near to a

city called Combeia. This city is situated three miles inland,

and to the south of the said Indus. You must know that

you cannot go to the said city either with large or middling-

sized ships, excepting at high water. There is a river which

goes to the said city, and the tide flows up three or four

miles. 1 You must know that the waters rise in the reverse

1 Varthema appears to have had very confused notions respecting the

relative positions of Cambay (more correctly, Khumbdyut) and the

Indus. This is not surprising, since Philip Baldseus, writing a century

and a half later, describes it as " situated at the entrance of one of the

largest channels of that river." (Collection of Voyages, vol. iii. p.

566.) Nicold de' Conti, who preceded our traveller by fifty years, places it

more accurately " in the second gulf after having passed the mouth of

the Indus." {India in the Fifteenth Century, iii. p. 19.) However, he

correctly locates it to the south of the Indus, and near another river,

which was undoubtedly the Myhee, and his description of that estuary is

confirmed by the following extract from Horsburgh :—" Opposite the

Tr

106 THE TRAVELS OF

way to ours ; for with us they rise when the moon is at the

full, but they increase here when the moon is on the wane. 1

This city of Combeia is walled, after our fashion ; and truly

it is a most excellent city, abounding in grain and very good

fruits. In this district there are eight or nine kinds of small

spices, that is to sa}r, turbidi, gallanga, spiconardo, saphetica,

city of Cambay, seven or eight miles from the sea, the width is probably

about three miles, and the water is so shallow from side to side, at low

water spring tides, that the ground is left almost dry, and navigation

is impracticable even for the smallest boats." India Directory, vol.

i. p. 475.1 This is an error iuto which Varthema may have been led by the

accounts which he heard, or by his own limited observation, of the pecu-

liar and extraordinary tides in the Gulf of Cambay, called the Bore,

which is thus described by the late Captain Ethersey of the Indian navy :

" The eastern or principal Bore rises five miles to the W.S.W. of Cambay

Creek, and is not perceptible on the neaps without the previous springs

have been very high, when it may be observed slightly through the

quarter. It generally commences when the springs begin to lift, the

wave increasing daily in height as the tides gain strength, and is at its

greatest height about two days after the new and full moon. Its height

depends upon the position of the moon with respect to the earth, and

consequently on the rise and strength of the tide; for at new moon,

when she is in perigee, at which time the highest tides occur, the wave

of the Bore will be the greatest ; and at full moon, when she is in apo-

gee, and the low tides lower than any other springs, it will be least. It

also varies with the night and day tide, because the higher the tide the

greater is its velocity; and as the two tides differ from six to eight feet,

and still the flood of both runs the same length of time, the highest tide

must have the greatest velocity; and hence the wave of the Bore will be

highest with the greatest tide." {Bombay Government Selections, No.

xvii. p. 87.) Dr. Vincent recognizes the Bore in the account which the

author of the Periplus gives of the navigation of the Gulf of Cambay

{Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients, etc., vol. ii. p. 396); and so

imposing is its appearance, and so striking its effects, that we cannot be

surprised at the notice which it attracted from the early travellers to

India. Forbes says :" The first rush of the spring tide is irresistible in

its force, and affords a scene which only an eyewitness can fully realize.

A perpendicular wall of water, three or four feet in height, and extend-

ing across the Gulf as far as the eye can reach, approaches at the rate

of twelve miles an hour in speed, and with an alarming noise, carrying

certain destruction to the mariner whose ignorance or foolhardiness leads

him to neglect its warning voice." Ras Mala, vol. i. p. 319.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 107

and lacra,1 with other spices, the names of which I do not

remember. An immense quantity of cotton is produced here,

so that every year forty or fifty vessels are laden with cotton

and silk stuffs, which stuffs are carried into different countries.

In this kingdom of Combeia also, about six days' journey,

there is the mountain whence cornelians are extracted, and

the mountain of chalcedonies. Nine days' journey from

Combeia there is another mountain in which diamonds are

found.2

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ESTATE OF THE SULTANOF THE VERY NOBLE CITY OF COMBEIA.

We will now declare the estate and condition of the sultan

of this Combeia,who is called the Sultan Machamuth. About

1 The Latin version of Varthema omits all these names. The Italian

edition in Ramuslo has " turbitti, galanga, spico nardo, assa fetida, e

lacca." The first is the well known drug turbith, the root of a species

of convolvulus (C. Turpethum, L.) which is found throughout India,

and also in the islands of the South Sea. I find it enumerated under

that name in a list of drugs purchased by Captain John Saris in 1612

from the captain of a native vessel which had arrived at Mokha from

Surat. Galanga, according to Baretti, is a kind of arrow-root used

medicinally. Spikenard and assafostida are well known Indian drugs.

Lacca is, doubtless, the dye produced by the lac insect, of which Dr.

Buchanan gives a full account in his Journey through Mysore, Canara,

and Malabar. (See Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. viii. pp. 760-1.) Nicolo

de' Conti, writing of Cambay, says :" it abounds in spikenard, lac,

indigo, myrobalans, and silk ;" and Nikitin mentions "lek daakyk dalon"

as among its produce. These latter I take to be, lac ; 'akeeh, the Arabic

for agates ; and ddl, the Hindostani for lentils, phaseolus aconitifolius.

(See India in the Fifteenth Century, ii. p. 20 ; iii. p. 19.)

2 Cambay is still famous for agates, cornelians, and onyxes, which are

wrought into a great variety of ornaments. The best agates and corne-

lians are found in a peculiar stratum, about thirty feet below the sur-

face, in a small tract among the Rajpeepla Hills, on the banks of the

Nerbudda, about seventy miles to the south-east of Cambay. I am not

aware of any diamond mines existing in or about Guzerat. Probably

those at Golconda are indicated.

108 THE TRAVELS OF

forty years ago he captured this kingdom from a king of the

Guzerati, which Guzerati are a certain race which eats

nothing that has blood, and never kills any living thing. And

these same people are neither Moors nor heathens. 1 It is my

' The Sultan at the time was Fath Khan, entitled Mahmud Bigarrah,

who began to reign a.d. 1459 and died in 1511 ; but our author is not

so correct in his history of the succession. Guzerat became independent

of Delhi under Dhafir Khan, who assumed the sovereignty of the pro-

vince in 1408. For obvious reasons that event does not tally with the

occurrence referred to by Varthema. The mention of " a king of the

Guzerattis", who was neither a Moor nor a Heathen, inclines me to

think that he distorted the accounts which he had heard of Mahmud

Khan's successful wars with some of the native princes into the apocry-

phal statement respecting the time and manner of his accession to

supreme power. The most probable event in the history of that sove-

reign which may have led to this misapprehension, was his final capture

of the strong forts of Girnar and Janagarh from Rao Mandalik in 1472.

Those fortresses are in Kattywar, a province of Guzerat, and appear to

have been inhabited at the time chiefly by Jains. Writing of Girnar,

Postans says :" The whole of this extraordinary mount is invested with

peculiar sanctity, the origin of which would seem to be of high antiquity.

That the present system of worship would seem to be a graft of the

ancient Buddhist faith which obtained here, there can be no doubt.

The edicts of Pyadasi testify abundantly that the hill of Girinagar and

its neighbourhood was originally a stronghold of the Monotheists, whose

form of worship has now degenerated into the modern system of Jain-

ism." {Notes on a Journey to Girnar, p. 882.) I am the more inclined

to draw the foregoing inference from Varthema's description of the

creed and habits of the people to whom he refers ; for the Jains generally,

who are numerous in and about Cambay, are very careful of animal life.

The Shravakas, one of the Jain castes, have many Pinjreepols, or hos-

pitals for animals and reptiles, however vile. They have also another

peculiar establishment called a Jevkotee. This is a dome, with a door

large enough at the top for a man to creep in. In these repositories

wevils, and other insects which the Shravakas may find in their grain,

are provided with food by their charity and extraordinary protection

to everything containing life. Moreover, they profess to worship the

Supreme being alone, and wholly reject the agency of Devtas and the

Aryhuntas, or Gooroos. (See Bombay Government Selections, No. xxxix.

p. 342-5.) Fitch notices the Pinjreepoles. He says :" In Cambaia they

will kill nothing, nor have anything killed. In the town they have

hospitals to keep lame dogs and cats, and for birds. They will give

meat to the ants." Pinkehton's Voyaaes, vol. ix. p. 409.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 109

opinion that if they were baptized, they would all be saved

by virtue of their works, for they never do to others what

they would not that others should do unto them. Their

dress is this : some wear a shirt, and some go naked, with

the exception of a piece of cloth about their middle, having

nothing on their feet or on their legs. On their heads they

wear a large red cloth ; and they are of a tawny colour. Andfor this, their goodness, the aforesaid sultan took from them

their kingdom.

You shall now hear the manner of living of this Sultan

Machamuth. In the first place he is a Mohammedan, toge-

ther with all his people. He has constantly twenty thousand

horsemen. In the morning, when he rises, there come to

his palace fifty elephants, on each of which a man sits astride ;

and the said elephants do reverence to the sultan, and they

have nothing else to do. So in like manner when he has

risen from his bed. And when he eats, there are fifty or

sixty kinds of instruments, namely, trumpets, drums of several

sorts, and flageolets, and fifes, with many others, which for

the sake of brevity I forbear mentioning. When the sultan

eats, the said elephants again do reverence to him. Whenthe proper time shall come, I will tell you of the intelligence

and understanding which these animals possess. The said

sultan has mustachios under his nose so long that he ties

them over his head as a woman would tie her tresses, and

he has a white beard which reaches to his girdle. 1 Every

day he eats poison. Do not, however, imagine that he fills

his stomach with it ; but he eats a certain quantity, so that

when he wishes to destroy any great personage he makes

him come before him stripped and naked, and then eats

1 'Ali Muhammed Khan, in his History of Guzerat, gives the follow-

ing account of Sultan Mahmud :—" Regarding his surname of Bigarrah,

the people of Guzerat say, that each of his mustachios being large and

twisted like a cow's horn, and such a cow being called Bigarrah, they

thus obtained for him the name." Bird's Translation, pp. 202-3.

110 THE TRAVELS OF

certain fruits which are called chofole, which resemble a

muscatel nut. He also eats certain leaves of herbs, which

are like the leaves of the sour orange, called by some tam-

boli; and then he eats some lime of oyster shells, together

with the above mentioned things. When he has masticated

them well, and has his mouth full, he spurts it out upon that

person whom he wishes to kill, so that in the space of half

an hour he falls to the ground dead. This sultan has also

three or four thousand women, and every night that he sleeps

with one she is found dead in the morning. 1 Every time

that he takes off his shirt, that shirt is never again touched

by any one ; and so of his other garments ; and every day

he chooses new garments. My companion asked how it was

that this sultan eats poison in this manner. Certain mer-

chants, who were older than the sultan, answered that his

father had fed him upon poison from his childhood.

Let us leave the sultan, and return to our journey, that

1 A similar account is repeated by Odoardo Barbosa, who appears to

have visited Carabay shortly after Mahroud Khan's death. He says :

" I have heard that he was brought up from childhood to take poison;

for his father fearing that, in accordance with the usage of the country,

he migbt be killed by that means, took this precaution against such a

catastrophe. He began to make him eat of it in small doses, gradually

increasing them, until he could take a large quantity, whereby he be-

came so poisonous, that if a fly lighted on his hand, it swelled and died

incontinently, and many of the women with whom he slept died from

the same cause." (Rajmusio, vol. i. pp. 204-5.) Varthema seems to have

believed further, that Mahinud's spittle, after masticating the Betel leaf,

in conjunction with the fruit of the Areca palm and fine lime, was fatal

to any upon whom his Majesty might choose to eject it. Beyond the

fact that he was an enormous eater, I can find nothing to substantiate

these fabulous statements, which remind us of Mithridates, and of the

Arabian Nights. The author of the Miraiit Sikandari, quoted by 'Ali

Muhammed Khan, says :" Sultan Mahmud was the best of all the Guze-

rat kings, on account of his great justice and beneficence, his honouring

and observing all the Muhammedan laws, and for the solidity of his

judgment, whether in great or small matters. He attained a great

age, and was distinguished for strength, bravery, and liberality." Bum'sTranslation, p. 203.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. Ill

is, to the men of the said city, the greater part of whom go

about in a shirt, and are very warlike and great merchants.

It is impossible to describe the excellence of the country.

About three hundred ships of different countries come and

go here. This city, and another of which I will speak at the

proper season, supply all Persia, Tartary, Turkey, Syria,

Barbary, that is Africa, Arabia Felix, Ethiopia, India, and a

multitude of inhabited islands, with silk and cotton stuffs.

So that this sultan lives with vast riches, and fights with a

neighbouring king, who is called king of the Ioghe, distant

from this city fifteen days' journey.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE MANNER OF LIVINGAND CUSTOMS OF THE KING OF THE JOGHE.

This king of the Ioghe 1is a man of great dignity, and has

about thirty thousand people, and is a pagan, he and all his

subjects ; and by the pagan kings he and his people are con-

sidered to be saints, on account of their lives, which you

shall hear. It is the custom of this king to go on a pilgrim-

age once in every three or four years, like a pilgrim, that

is, at the expense of others, with three or four thousand of

his people, and with his wife and children. And he takes

1 I am unable to identify this " king of the Ioghe" (Joghees), with

whom Sultan Mahmud is said to have been at war. No dependance can

be placed on Varthema's names and distances when given on the report

of others. In this instance he probably indicates the Rajah of Eedur

in the Myhee Kanta, against whom Mahmud marched with a large

force in 1494, and between the Koolee Rajahs of which place and the

sovereigns of Guzerat there was a succession of fierce contests from a.d.

1400 till the latter country became a province of Akbar's empire in 1583.

(See Bird's Translation of the Mirdt Ahmadi, pp. 121, 137, 222, 266,

325. Also Forbes's Ras Mala, vol. i. pp. 378, 381, 385, et seq.)

Perhaps the place of pilgrimage referred to by Varthema was the

famous Buddhist shrine (Boodkhana) at Perwuttum, which Nikitin

describes as " the 'Jerusalem of the Hindoos, where people from all parts

of India congregate." India in the Fifteenth Century, iii. p. 16.

112 THE TRAVELS OF

four or five coursers, and civet-cats, apes, parrots, leopards,

and falcons ; and in this way he goes through the whole of

India. His dress is a goat skin, that is, one before and one

behind, with the hair outwards. His colour is dark tawny,

for the people here begin to be more dark than white. They

all wear a great quantity of jewels, and pearls, and other pre-

cious stones, in their ears, and they go dressed a Vapostolica}

and some wear shirts. The king and some of the more noble

have the face and arms and the whole body powdered over

with ground sandal-wood and other most excellent scents.

Some of these people adopt as an act of devotion the custom

of never sitting on any high seat ; others, as an act of devo-

tion, never sit on the ground ; others adopt the custom of

never lying at full length on the ground ; others, again, that

of never speaking. These always go about with three or

four companions, who wait upon them. All generally carry

a little horn at their neck ; and when they go into a city

they all in company sound the said little horns, and this they

do when they wish alms to be given to them. When the

king does not go, they go at least three or four hundred at a

time, and remain in a city three days, in the manner of the

Singani. 2 Some of them carry a stick with a ring of iron at

the base. Others carry certain iron dishes which cut all

round like razors, and they throw these with a sling when they

wish to injure any person ; and, therefore, when these people

arrive at any city in India, every one tries to please them ;

for should they even kill the first nobleman of the land, they

would not suffer any punishment because they say that they

are saints. 3 The country of these people is not very fertile ;

1 We have here the same expression as in page 78. On second

thoughts, I am inclined to think that Varthema borrows his figure from

the Roman toga, in which the old Italian artists generally represent the

Apostles. Not an inapt comparison with the manner in which the com-

mon people of India frequently wear the langhHti.

~ Zingani, gipsies (?).

8 By no means an exaggerated account of the austerities practised by

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 113

they even suffer from dearth of provisions. There are more

mountains than plains. Their habitations are very poor, and

they have no walled places. 1 Many jewels come into our

parts by the hands of these people, because through the

liberty they enjoy, and their sanctity, they go where jewels

are produced, and carry them into other countries without

any expense. Thus, having a strong country, they keep the

Sultan Machamuth at war.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE CITY OF CEVUL, ANDITS CUSTOMS, AND THE BRAVERY OF ITS PEOPLE.

Departing from the said city of Combeia, I travelled on

until I arrived at another city named Cevul,2 which is distant

some of the Joghee Fakirs, and of the estimation in which they were

held by their co-religionists. On this occasion, Varthemais more modest

in his description than either Bernier or Hamilton, who descend to the

most disgusting particulars in the habits of these filthy ascetics. See

Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. viii. pp. 180, 317-8.

1 This description of the country inhabited by Varthema's " Ioghe"

confirms me in the impression that the Myhee Canta is indicated.

2 Chaul, Choul, or Chowul, a town and seaport of the Northern Concan,

in the British district of Tanuah, twenty-three miles south of Bombay.

It appears to have been a place of considerable trade in former times.

Nikitin, the Russian traveller, who calls it Chivil, visited it about thirty-

five years before Varthema, and describes the manners of the inhabitants

much as he does :" People go about naked, with their heads uncovered,

and bare breasts. ..Their fcniaz [prince] wears a, fata [a large silken gar-

ment] on the head, and another on the loins; the boyars wear it on the

shoulders and on the loins, [Varthema's alia apostolicha.] The servants

of the hniaz and of the boyars attach the fata round the loins, carrying

in the hand a shield and a sword, or a scimitar, or knives, or a sabre, or

a bow and arrows; but all naked and barefooted." {India in the XVth.

Century, iii. 8, 9.) Ralph Fitch, who was at Chaul in 1583, after its

capture by the Portuguese, says :" Here is great traffic for all sorts of

spices and drugs, silk and cloth of silk, sandals, and elephants' teeth."

The trade had fallen off considerably in Hamilton's time, for he says

:

"the place is now miserably poor." Pinkerton's Voyages, ix. p. 408;

viii. p. 351.

114 THE TRAVELS OF

from the above-mentioned city twelve days' journey, and

the country between the one and the other of these cities is

called Guzerati. The king of this Cevul is a pagan. The

people are of a dark tawny colour. As to their dress, with

the exception of some Moorish merchants, some wear a

shirt, and some go naked, with a cloth round their middle,

Avith nothing on their feet or head. The people are war-

like : their arms are swords, bucklers, bows and spears made

of reeds and wood, and they possess artillery. This city is

extremely well walled, and is distant from the sea two miles.

It possesses an extremely beautiful river, by which a very

great number of foreign vessels go and return, because the

country abounds in everything excepting grapes, nuts, and

chestnuts. They collect here an immense quantity of grain,

of barley, and of vegetables of every description ; and

cotton stuffs are manufactured here in great abundance. I

do not describe their faith here, because their creed is the

same as that of the king of Calicut, of which I will give

you an account when the proper time shall come. There

are in this city a very great number of Moorish merchants.

The atmosphere begins here to be more warm than cold.

Justice is extremely well administered here. This king has

not many fighting men. The inhabitants here have horses,

oxen, and cows, in great abundance.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING DABULI, A CITY OP INDIA.

Having seen Cevul and its customs, departing thence, I

went to another city, distant from it two days' journey,

which is called Dabuli, 1 which city is situated on the bank of

1 Situated in the British district of Rutnagherry, in lat. 17° 34' N.,

long. 73° 16' E., on the northern bank of the river Washishtee, (called

llalewacko and Kaleivacko by the earlier navigators), and about two miles

from its mouth : apparently a place of little consequence now, as it is

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 115

a very great river. This city is surrounded by walls in our

manner, and is extremely good. The country resembles

that above described. There are Moorish merchants here

in very great numbers. The king of this place [Dabuli] is a

pagan, and possesses about thirty thousand fighting men,

but according to the manner of Cevul before mentioned.

This king is also a very great observer of justice. The

country, the mode of living, the dress, and the customs, re-

semble those of the aforesaid city of Cevul.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING GOGA, AN ISLAND OF INDIA,

AND THE KING OF THE SAME.

I departed from the city of Dabuli aforesaid, and went to

another island, which is about a mile distant from the main-

land, and is called Goga,1 and which pays annually to the

king of Decan ten thousand golden ducats, called by them

pardai. These pardai are smaller than the seraphim of

Cairo, but thicker, and have two devils stamped upon one

not mentioned by Thornton, but formerly one of the principal seaports

of Bijapur. There 'Adil Shah landed from the island of Hormuz in 1458,

and thither an ambassador from Persia was escorted from the capital,

on his return homeward, in 1519. (Scott's Ferishta, vol. i. pp. 209, 258.)

Nikitin describes it as a very large town and an extensive seaport, " the

meeting-place for all nations navigating the coasts of India and Ethi-

opia." It was captured by the Portuguese under General Almeida in

1508. When Mandeslo visited it in 1639, its fortifications had been

mostly demolished (lib. ii. p. 243) ; and fifty years later its importance

as a seaport appears to have been a thing of the past ; for Hamilton,

after indicating its situation at the mouth of a large river, merely adds :

" it was of old a place of trade, and where the English once had a fac-

tory." Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. viii. p. 350.1 The island of Goa, (Ibn Batuta writes it " Kawah"), now belonging

to the Portuguese, but at that time a dependency of the Muhammedankingdom of the Deccan. The place was surprised and captured by the

Portuguese under Albuquerque in 1510 ; but they were expelled shortly

after by 'Adil Shah, the reigning sovereign. It was retaken by them, the

116 THE TRAVELS OF

side of them, and certain letters on the other. 1 In this island

there is a fortress near the sea, walled round after our man-

ner, in which there is sometimes a captain, who is called.

Savain, who has four hundred Mamelukes, he himself being

also a Mameluke. When the said captain can procure any-

white man, he gives him very great pay, allotting him at

least fifteen or twenty pardai per month. Before he in-

scribes him in the list of able men, he sends for two tunics

made of leather, one for himself and the other for him who

wishes to enlist ; each puts on his tunic, and they fall to

blows. If he finds him to be strong, he puts him in the list

of able men ; if not, he sets him to some other work than

that of fighting. This captain, with four hundred Mame-lukes, wages a great war with the king of Narsinga,2 of

whom we will speak at the proper season. I departed

thence, and, travelling for seven days on the mainland, I

arrived at a city which is called Decan.

year following, from 'Adil Shah's successor, and has remained in their

possession ever since. It does not appear to have been a great mart of

trade prior to the Portuguese conquest, but its commerce increased con-

siderably during the early period of their domination. Ralph Fitch,

who visited Goain 1583, says: "there are many merchants of all nations."

It has now fallen into a hopeless state of decay.1 Pardao or pertab. The same coin appears to have been called also

a hun. According to Prinsep, it generally bore the figures of Siva and

Parbati on one side, and a pyramidal temple on the others : hence its

name of pagoda among Europeans ; but among Marsden's Coins of

Southern India, there is one on plate xlviii. No. mlxxii., which in size

and superscription agrees with that mentioned by Varthema, having on

the one side the double figure of Siva and Parbati, and on the obverse a

legend shewing it to have been struck by a female sovereign whose title

was "Sri Sada-Siva." See Marsden's Numismata Orientalia, vol. ii.

p. 738.

2 The Rajah of Bijayanagar, then the metropolis of the famous Brah-

minical kingdom of the Carnatic, between which and the 'Adil Shahi

realm of the Deccan there was constant war at this period. See Scott's

Ft riskta, vol. i. pp. 207-225 et sea.

LUDOVICO DI VAKTHEMA. 117

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING DECAN, A VERY BEAUTIFULCITY OF INDIA, AND OF ITS MANY AND VARIOUS

RICHES AND JEWELS.

In the said city of Decan there reigns a king who is a

Mohammedan. The above-mentioned captain is in his pay,

together with the said Mamelukes. This city is extremely

beautiful, and very fertile. The king of it, between the

Mamelukes and others of his kingdom, has twenty-five thou-

sand men horse and foot. There is a beautiful palace in this

city, in which there are forty-four chambers before you

arrive at that of the king. This city is walled after the

manner of the Christians, and the houses are very beautiful. 1

1 This was unquestionably Bijapur, now a ruined town in the Sattara

district, near the eastern frontier, towards Hydrabad, but formerly the

metropolis of the Muhammedan kingdom of the Deccan. Fitch, describ-

ing Goa in 1583, says : "It standeth in the country of Hidalcan [Ed-

Deccan], which lieth in the country six or seven days' journey. Its chief

city is called Bisapor" [Bijapur]. The reigning prince in Varthema's

time was Yusuf Khan, the reputed son of Murad II. of Anatolia, who had

been purchased as a slave for the body-guard of the King of Bidar

(Ahmedabad), but who subsequently raised himself to the highest offices

of the state, and finally assumed independent sovereignty as 'Adil Shah

in 1501. His resources must have been great, for he built the vast

citadel of Bijapur, which he made his capital. Our traveller's account

of the magnificence and prosperity of the city, and of the gorgeous

retinue of the king, as well as his military prowess, is attested by the

noble remains which mark the site of the once famous Bijapur, and by

the full account given by Ferishta of the reign of 'Adil Shah. A traveller

who visited the place in 1852, thus describes the ruins of the Padishah's

palace :" It was magnificence, indeed ; far surpassing, I could almost

say, that of any ancient or modern European palace I ever beheld,—

I

mean as regards space and style of architecture. The bastioned walls

which enclose the palace and its precincts are about a mile and a half

in circumference, enclosing a space of about sixty-two acres. The broad

moat without is shaded by large tamarind trees, and the courts within

the citadel are also full of trees As for Raglan Castle, it could be

put away in one corner of the Beejapore palace, and Kenilworth in

another." He estimates the present population at about eleven thousand

souls. See Bombay Quarterly Magazine, July 1853; also Sydenham's

Account of Btjap4r.

118 THE TRAVELS OF

The king of the said city lives in great pride and pomp. Agreat number of his servants wear on the insteps of their

shoes rubies and diamonds, and other jewels ; so you may

imagine how many are worn on the fingers of the hand and in

the ears. There is a mountain in his kingdom where they dig

out diamonds, which mountain is a league distant from the

city, and is surrounded by a wall, and is kept by a great

guard. 1 This realm is most abundant in everything, like the

above-mentione'd cities. They are all Mohammedans. Their

dress consists of robes, or very beautiful shirts of silk, and

they wear on their feet shoes or boots, with breeches after

the fashion of sailors. The ladies go with their faces quite

covered, according to the custom of Damascus.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ACTIVITY OF THE KINGIN MILITARY AFFAIRS.

The above-mentioned king of Decan is always at war

with the king of Narsinga, and all his country is Moham-

medan. The greater part of his soldiers are foreigners and

white men.2 The natives of the kingdom are of a tawny

colour. This king is extremely powerful, and very rich,

and most liberal. He also possesses many naval vessels,

and is a very great enemy of the Christians.3 Departing

thence, we went to another city, called Bathacala.

1 Probably the locality mentioned by Tavernier, who says :" The first

of the mines I visited is situated in the territories of the King of Visa-

pour (BijapUr), in the province of Carnatica. The place is called Raol-

conda. It is five days' journey from Golconda, and eight or nine from

Visapour." Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. viii. p. 235.

2 According to Ferishta, 'Adil Shah entertained a large number of

foreign auxiliaries in his service, among whom were many Abyssinians.

He also mentions that his successor, Isma'il 'Adil Shah, " formed an

army of 10,000 cavalry, consisting of Arabians, Persians, Turks, Usbecks,

Koords, and other foreigners." Scott's Translation, vol. i. p. 245.

3 'Adil Shah expelled the Portuguese from Goa on their first capture

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 1 19

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING BATHACALA, A CITY OFINDIA, AND OF ITS FERTILITY IN MANY THINGS, AND

ESPECIALLY IN RICE AND SUGAR.

Bathacala,1 a very noble city of India, is distant from

Decan five days' journey. The king thereof is a pagan.

This city is walled, and very beautiful, and about a mile

distant from the sea. The king is subject to the king of

Narsinga. This city has no seaport, the only approach to it

being by a small river. There are many Moorish merchants

of that place in 1510. He appears to have been an enthusiast in matters

of faith chiefly on political grounds. After solemnly establishing the

Shiah creed as the national religion, he subsecpuently retracted his

opinions and restored the Sunni rites, in order to allay the serious oppo-

sition which his apostasy had excited among the zealous adherents of

'Omar, Abubekr, and 'Othman.1 I find no difficulty in identifying this place with the more modern

Sedasevaghur, which Thornton describes as " a town in the British dis-

trict of North Canara, on the north side of the Kala Nuddi, and a mile

east of its mouth." It is just within the Karwar Head, where, in

Hamilton's time, there was a British factory, and an adjacent cove was

used by our vessels as a harbour of refuge and to careen. Karwar, he

says, " has the advantage of a good harbour on the south side of a bay,

and a river capable of receiving ships of three hundred tuns. The Rajah

is tributary to the Mogul at present, but formerly it was a part of

Visapore's dominions before Aurungzeb conquered that country." Hestyles the town Batcoal and adds :

" the Portuguese have an island

called Anjediva, about two miles from Batcoal." (Pinkerton's Voyages,

vol. viii. pp. 361-2.) These indications are sufficiently explicit to pre-

vent our confounding Varthema's " Bathacala" with Batcull, (Bucha-

nan's "Batuculla" and Hamilton's " Batacola,") where the British had

also a factory. The latter is in lat. 13° 59', or fifteen miles south of

llonahwar, while Varthema, who is travelling southward, reaches Batha-

cala three days before arriving at Honahwar.

As an attempt is being made to restore and improve the old harbour,

it is to be hoped that the more ancient, simple, and euphonious title of

Bathcal or Bathcole will be given to the new settlement. That of

" Sedashevagur," or " Sudaseoghur," as it is more generally written,

appears to have originated with Sedashwa Rao, one of the Rajahs of

Soonda, who built a fort at Bathcal, and grew into importance on the

overthrow of the great kingdom of Bijayanagar in 1565.

120 THE TRAVELS OF

here, for it is a district of great traffic. The above-named

stream passes close to the walls of the city, in which there is

a great quantity of rice, and a great abundance of sugar,

and especially of sugar candied, according to our manner.

We begin here to find nuts and figs, after the manner of

Calicut. These people are idolaters, also after the man-

ner of Calicut, excepting the Moors, who live according

to the Mohammedan religion. Neither horses, nor mules,

nor asses, are customary here, but there are cows, buffaloes,

sheep, oxen, and goats. In this country no grain, barley, or

vegetables are produced, but other most excellent fruits, usual

in India. I quitted this place, and went to another island,

which is called Anzediva, 1 and which is inhabited by a certain

sort of people who are Moors and pagans. This island is

distant from the mainland half a mile, and is about twenty

miles in circumference. The air is not very good here,

neither is the place very fertile. There is an excellent port

between the island and the mainland, and very good water

is found in the said island.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING CENTACOLA, ONOR, ANDMANGOLOR, EXCELLENT DISTRICTS OP INDIA.

Travelling for one day from the aforesaid island, I arrived

at a place called Centacola, 2 the lord of which is not very

1 An island two miles distant from the coast of North Canara. " It is

about a mile in length, and possessed by the Portuguese. It appears on

the outside rocky, but of a pleasant aspect on the opposite side next the

main, where it is fortified by a wall and some towers." (Horsburgh's

Directory, vol. i. p. 507.) The island was captured by the Portuguese in

1505. Varthema greatly exaggerates its dimensions.2 Centacola I take to be Uncola, (the " Ankla" of Hamilton and

" Ancola" of Buchanan,) " the principal place in the subdivision of the

same name, in the British district of North Canara, a town two miles

from the Arabian Sea or North Indian Ocean." (Thornton's Gazetteer.)

Varthema was one day reaching Centacola from Angediva, and Uncola

LTJDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 121

rich. A great quantity of cow beef is met with here, and

much rice, and good fruits customary in India. In this city

there are many Moorish merchants. The lord of it is a

pagan. The people are of a tawny colour: they go naked

and bare-footed, and wear nothing on the head. This lord

is subject to the king of Bethacala. Travelling thence for

two days, we went to another place called Onor, 1 the king of

being in lat. 14° 40', is five geographical miles south of that island.

Buchanan makes the distance eight cosses from Ancola to Sedasiva-

ghur, and describes the former town as having a ruined fort and a

bazaar, but few inhabitants, " as in this part of the country the popu-

lation does not settle in numbers in any spot, but is dispersed in hamlets

and farms. Midway between Gaukarna and Ancola, which are three

cosses apart, is the Gangawali, an inlet of salt water... Its mouth toward

the sea is narrow, but inwards it forms a lake, which is from one mile to

half that extent in width. ..Boats of a considerable size (patemars) can

come over the bar, and ascend the river for three cosses. ..The river has

no trade, and the country on its banks, though very beautiful, seems

rather barren." Pinkerton, vol. viii. 362, 756-7.

1 Iionahwar, (the"Hinaur" of Ibn Batuta, "Honawera" of Buchanan,

" Ilonaver" of Wilks, and the " Onore" of the generality of British

writers,) is a seaport town in the British district of North Canara. " It

is situated on the north side of an extensive estuary, or rather inlet, of

the sea, which at its south-eastern extremity receives the Sheravutty, a

considerable river flowing from the western ghats. ..The lake abounds in

fish, great cpuantities of which are taken and made an article of com-

merce. This port was formerly a place of great commerce, and still has

a trade in pepper, cocoa-nuts, betel-nut, fish;and some other articles,

especially the fragrant sandal-wood, which grows in great abundance on

the rocky hills of the country." Thornton's Gazetteer.

Ibn Batuta, who visited Honahwar towards the middle of the four-

teenth century, describes its local features in similar terms. " The women

of this city," he adds, " and of all the Indian districts on the sea-shores,

never dress in clothes that have been stitched, but the contrary. One

of them, for example, will tie one part of a piece of cloth round her

waist, while the remaining part will be placed upon her head and breast.

...The present king is Jamal ed-Din Muhammed ibn Hasan. He is one

of the best of princes, but is himself subject to an infidel king whose

name is Horaib." (Lee's Translation, pp. 165-6.) The Portuguese

built a strong fort here in the sixteenth century, from which they were

subsequently expelled by the Rajah of Canara. Hamilton describes a

pagan temple at Honahwar, which was visited yearly by a great number

122 THE TRAVELS OF

which is a pagan, and is subject to the king of Navsinga.

This king is a good fellow, and has seven or eight ships,

which are always cruising about. He is a great friend of

the king of Portugal. As to his dress, he goes quite naked,

with the exception of a cloth about his middle. There is a

great deal of rice here, as is usual in India, and some kinds

of animals are found here, viz., wild hogs, stags, wolves,

lions, and a great number of birds, different from ours ; there

are also many peacocks and parrots there. They have beef

of cows, that is, red cows, and sheep in great abundance.

Roses, flowers, and fruits, are found here all through the

year. The air of this place is most perfect, and the people

here are longer lived than we are. Near the said district of

Onor there is another place, called Mangolor, 1 in which fifty

or sixty ships are laden with rice. The inhabitants are

pagans and Moors. Their mode of living, their customs,

and their dress, are like those above described. We de-

parted thence, and went to another city, which is called

Canonor.

of pilgrims. In Ibn Batuta's time the greater part of the inhabitants

were Muhammedans, and had committed the Koran to memory !

1 A town in the British district of South Canara, situate on the north

side of the estuary formed by the junction of a river flowing from the

north-east, and of the Naitravutty, a considerable river, but navigable

only by small vessels...The town is large,, and is washed on east and

west by the two streams whose confluence forms the estuary. The houses

are generally mean, and there are no public buildings worth notice.

Mangalore, though a bad haven, was the principal seaport of the territory

of Hyder Ali. (See Thornton's Gazetteer.) It appears to have been so

long before his time, for Ibn Batuta, who calls it Manjerun, says :" in

this place are some of the greatest merchants of Persia and Yemen...

The king of this place is the greatest of the kings of Malabar, and in it

are about four thousand Muhammedan merchants." (Lee's Transla-

tion, p. 169.) Hamilton also describes it as " the greatest mart for trade

iu all the Canary dominions."

LTJDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 123

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING CANONOR, A VERY GREATCITY IN INDIA.

Canonor1is a fine and large city, in which the king of

Portugal has a very strong castle. The king of this city is

a great friend of the king of Portugal,- although he is a

1 A seaport town in the British district of Malabar, situate on the

north shore of a small bay, open to the south, but sheltered towards the

Arabian Sea by a bluff headland, surrounded by a fort... It is a populous

place, but very irregularly built;yet has many good houses, chiefly

belonging to the Moplai or Mussulman family, proprietors of the town.

...It is a port of considerable trade, principally in pepper, grain, timber

and cocoa-nuts." (Thornton's Gazetteer.) Hamilton mentions the fort

built by the Portuguese in 1507, who, however, did not seize the town till

some time after. They were expelled by the Dutch about the year 1660,

and they in turn sold it to the Moplai family. It subsequently fell into

the hands of Tippoo Sultan, from whom it was finally captured by the

British under Abercrombie in 1791.

The mention of the Moplahs in the foregoing paragraph induces meto suggest a different derivation of the word to that generally received.

Duncan supposes it to be contracted from Mahapilla, or " child of

Mocha," in Arabia, from which country they originally came, as, in the

language of Malabar, Maha means Mocha, and pitta, child. (Thorn-

ton's Gazetteer, sub voce Malabar.) I am inclined to think that the

name is either a corruption of the Arabic Muflih, (from the root fdlaha,

to till the soil,) meaning prosperous or victorious,—in which sense it

would apply to the successful establishments of these foreign Mussul-

mans on the western coast of India ; or, that it is a similar corruption of

Mdfiih, (the active participial form of the same verb,) an agriculturist,

—a still more appropriate designation of the Moplahs, who, according

to Buchanan, are both traders and farmers. In the latter sense, the

term, though not usually so applied among the Arabs, would be iden-

tical with Fellah, which is also a derivative from the triliteral rootfdlaha.a The sequel will show that Varthema is here anticipating, in part,

what did not actually take place till two or three years after his first visit,

which must have occurred between 1504-5. The Portuguese under

Pedro Alvarez Cabral made their first appearance at Cannanore on the

15th of January 1501. The second expedition, which was commandedby Juan de Nueva, followed in November of the same year, and on both

occasions the foreigners were received and treated with the greatest con-

sideration by the inhabitants, the Rajah himself offering to become their

security for a large amount of produce rather than that their ships

124 THE TRAVELS OF

pagan. This Canonor is the port at which the horses which

come from Persia disembark. And you must know that

every horse pays twenty-five ducats for customs duty, and

then they proceed on the mainland towards Narsinga. There

arc many Moorish merchants in this city. No grain nor

grapes grow here, nor any productions like ours, excepting

cucumbers and melons. Bread is not eaten here, that, is to

say, by the natives of the country, but they eat rice, fish,

flesh, and the nuts of the country. At the proper time we

will speak of their religion and customs, for they live after

the manner of those of Calicut. Here we begin to find a

few spices, such as pepper, ginger, cardamums, mirabolans,

and a little cassia. This place is not surrounded by a wall.

The houses are very poor. Here also are found fruits dif-

ferent from ours, and which are also far superior to ours. I

will make the comparison when the proper time comes.

The country is well adapted for war, as it is full of hollow

places artificially made. The king of this place has 50,000

Naeri,1 that is, gentlemen who fight with swords, shields,

lances and bows, and with artillery. And yet they go

naked and unshod, with a cloth around them, without any-

thing on their heads, excepting when they go to war, when

they wear a turban of a red colour passed twice round the

head, and they all have them tied in the same manner.

They do not use here either horses, mules, camels, or asses.

Elephants are sometimes used, but not for battle. At the

proper time we will speak of the vigour exerted by the king

should return to Europe empty. In 1502 Vasco de Gama established a

factory there, and the year following the Rajah gave him a house for the

purpose, and entered into an offensive and defensive alliance with the

Portuguese ; but the fort does not appear to have existed till 1507, when

Don Francisco de Almeyda, the first Viceroy, obtained permission to

build it in the harbour, where he left Lorenzo de Britto with 150 men,

and two vessels to cruise on the coast. See Greene's Collection of Voy-

ages, vol. i. pp. 48-61 1.

1 Buchanan says :" the Nairs are the pure Sudras of Malayala, and

all pretend to be born soldiers...They form the militia of Malayala, and

their chief delight is in arms." Pinkerton's Voyages, viii. 735-6.

LUDOVICO DI VAItTHEMA. 125

of Canonor against the Portuguese. There is much traffic

in this place, to which two hundred ships come every year

from different countries. Having spent some days here we

took our way towards the kingdom of Narsinga, and tra-

velled on the mainland for fifteen1 days towards the east, and

came to a city called Bisinegar.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING BISINEGAR, A VERY FERTILECITY OF NARSINGA IN INDIA.

The said city of Bisinegar2 belongs to the king of Nar-

singa, and is very large and strongly walled. It is situated

1 Abel er-Razzak was eighteen days travelling between Bijayanagar

and Maganor (Mangalore).

- Narsinga or Bijayanagar, (I believe that to be the correct ortho-

graphy of the latter name, but it is spelt in a great variety of ways by

modern as well as by earlier writers,) now a ruined city, was formerly

the capital of the ancient Brahminical kingdom of the Carnatic, which

before the conquests of the Muhammedans extended over the greater

part of the peninsula between the Malabar and Coromandel coasts. It

is situated on the western bank of the river Toongabudra, in lat. 15° 19',

long. 76° 32'. It was visited by Abd er-Razzak and by Nicolo de' Conti

a.d. 1442-1445, and described about twenty-five years later by Nikitin,

and their several narratives, contained in the volume entitled India in

the Fifteenth Century of the Hakluyt Society's Publications, concur in

corroborating Varthema's brief sketch of the vastness and magnificence

of this once famdus metropolis, and the splendour of its court. The

number of elephants, their strength and sagacity, and the large army of

the Rajah, which Conti estimated at 90,000 men in the city alone, at-

tracted the special attention of these early travellers. At the period of

Varthema's visit, the administration of affairs was in the hands of

Heemraj, one of the principal ministers of state, who on the death of

See Rajah became regent on behalf of his son, a minor, who died shortly

after, and Heemraj so disposed of his successors that he retained almost

absolute sway for forty years, and was succeeded in office by his son

Ramraj, during whose reign the power of the Bijayanagar state was

broken by a confederacy of the M ussulman kings of the Deccan at the

battle of Talikote in 1565. "Since that time," writes Ferishta, " the

raj of Beejnugger has never recovered its ancient splendour ; and the

126 THE TRAVELS OF

on the side of a mountain, and is seven miles in circum-

ference. It has a triple circle of walls. It is a place of

great merchandise, is extremely fertile, and is endowed with

all possible kinds of delicacies. It occupies the most beau-

tiful site, and possesses the best air that were ever seen :

with certain very beautiful places for hunting and the same

for fowling, so that it appears to me to be a second paradise.

The king of this city is a pagan, with all his kingdom, that

is to say, idolaters. He is a very powerful king, and keeps

up constantly 40,000 horsemen. And you must know that

a horse is worth at least 300, 400, and 500 pardai, and some

are purchased for 800 pardai, because horses are not pro-

duced there, neither are many mares found there, because

those kings who hold the seaports do not allow them to be

brought there. The said king also possesses 400 elephants

and some dromedaries, which dromedaries run with great

swiftness. It occurs to me here to touch upon a subject

worthy of notice, viz., the discretion, the intelligence, and

the strength of the elephant. We will first say in what

manner he fights. When an elephant goes into battle he

carries a saddle, in the same manner as they are borne by

the mules of the kingdom of Naples, fastened underneath

by two iron chains. On each side of the said saddle he

carries a large and very strong wooden box, and in each box

there go three men. On the neck of the elephant, between

the boxes, they place a plank the size of half a span, and

between the boxes and the plank a man sits astride who

city itself has been so destroyed, that it is now totally in ruins and unin-

habited ; while the country has been seized by the zemindars, each of

whom hath assumed an independent power in his own district." After

this disaster, the court was removed to Pennaconda, about ninety miles

to the southward of Bellary, where the ruins of this once powerful

dynasty continued to cast a lingering look at its former greatness till

the country was subjected by Aurungzib in 1685. Bijayanagar, how-

ever, was still a large city when visited by Caesar Fredericke in 1567.

See Scott's Ferishta, vol. i. pp. 262, 295-298. Wilks's Historical

Sketches of the South of India, Calcutta, pp. 4-15.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 127

speaks to the elephant, for the said elephant possesses more

intelligence than any other animal in the world ; so that

there are in all seven persons who go upon the said ele-

phant ; and they go armed with shirts of mail, and with

bows and lances, swords and shields. And in like manner

they arm the elephant with mail, especially the head and

the trunk. They fasten to the trunk a sword two

braccia long, as thick and as wide as the hand of a man.

And in that way they fight. 1 And he who sits upon his neck

orders him :" Go forward," or " Turn back," " Strike this

one," " Strike that one," " Do not strike any more," and he

understands as though he were a human being. But if at

any time they are put to flight it is impossible to restrain

them ; for this race of people are great masters of the art of

making fireworks, and these animals have a great dread of

fire, and through this means they sometimes take to flight.

But in every way this animal is the most discreet in the

world and the most powerful. I have seen three elephants

bring a ship from the sea to the land, in the manner as I will

tell you, When I was in Canonor, some Moorish merchants

brought a ship on shore in this manner, after the custom of

Christians. They beach ships the prow foremost, but here

they put the side of the vessel foremost, and under the said

ship they put three pieces of wood, and on the side next the

sea I saw three elephants kneel down and with their heads

push the ship on to dry land. 2 Many say that the elephant

has no joints, and I say that it is true that they have not the

joints so high as other animals, but they have them low. I

1 Nikitin's description is very similar. He says :" Elephants are

greatly used in battle. Large scythes are attached to their trunks and

tusks, and the animals are clad in ornamental plates of steel. They

carry a citadel, and in the citadel twelve men in armour with guns and

arrows." India in the Fifteenth Century, iii. p. 12.

2 Turpin mentions that the Siamese make use of the elephant " to

shove vessels into the water, which he does with his back." Pinker-

ton's Voyages, vol. i. p. 615.

128 THE TRAVELS OF

tell you, moreover, that the female elephant is stronger and

more proud than the male, and some of the females are mad.

The said elephants arc as large as three buffaloes, and they

have a skin like that of the buffalo, and eyes like those of a

pig, and a trunk reaching to the ground, and with this they

put their food into their mouth as also their drink ; for their

mouth is situated beneath their throat, and almost like a pig

or a sturgeon. This trunk is hollow within, and I have

many times seen them fish up a quattrino from the ground

with it. And with this trunk I have seen them pull down

a branch from a tree which twenty-four of our men could

not pull to the ground with a rope, and the elephant tore it

down with three pulls. The two teeth which are seen are

in the upper jaw. The ears are two palmi every way, some

more, some less. Their legs are almost as large at the lower

extremity as at the upper. Their feet are round like a very

large trencher for cutting meat on, and around the foot there

are five nails as large as the shell of an oyster. The tail is

as long as that of a buffalo, about three palmi long, and has

a few scattered hairs. The female is smaller than the male.

With respect to the height of the said elephant, I have seen

a great many thirteen and fourteen palmi high, and I have

ridden on some of that height ; they say, moreover, that

some are found fifteen palmi high. Their walk is very slow,

and those who are not accustomed to it cannot ride them,

because it upsets their stomach, just as it does in travelling

by sea. The small elephants have a pace like that of a mule,

and it is a pleasure to ride them. When the said elephants

are to be ridden, the said elephant lowers one of the hind

legs, and by that leg it is mounted ; nevertheless, you must

help yourself or be helped to mount. You must also know

that the said elephants do not carry a bridle or halter, or

anything bound on the head.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 129

THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW ELEPHANTS GENERATE.

The said elephant, when he wishes to generate, goes into

a secret place, that is, into the water in certain marshes, 1 and

they unite and generate like human beings. In some coun-

tries, I have seen that the finest present which can be made

to a king is the parts of an elephant, which said king eats

the said parts ; for in some countries an elephant is worth

fifty ducats, in some other countries it is worth one thousand

and two thousand ducats. So that, in conclusion, I say

that I have seen some elephants which have more under-

standing, and more discretion and intelligence, than any

kind of people I have met with. This king of Narsinga is

the richest king I have ever heard spoken of. This city is

situated like Milan, but not in a plain. The residence of

the king is here, and his realms are placed as it might be

the realm of Naples and also Venice ; so that he has the sea

on both sides. His Brahmins, that is, his priests, say that

he possesses a revenue of 12,000 pardai per day. He is

constantly at war with several Moorish and pagan kings.

His faith is idolatrous, and they worship the devil, as do

those of Calicut. When the proper time comes we will

state in what manner they worship him. They live like

pagans. Their dress is this : the men of condition wear a

short shirt, and on their head a cloth of gold and silk in the

Moorish fashion, but nothing on the feet. The common

people go quite naked, with the exception of a piece of

cloth about their middle. The king wears a cap of gold

brocade two spans long, and when he goes to war he wears

a quilted dress of cotton, and over it he puts another gar-

ment full of golden piastres, and having all around it jewels

of various kinds. His horse is worth more than some of our

cities, on account of the ornaments which it wears. Whenhe rides for his pleasure he is always accompanied by three

1 This peculiarity is also noticed by Turpin. Id. p. 614.

K

130 THIS TRAVELS OF

or four kings, and many other lords, and five or six thou-

sand horse. Wherefore he may be considered to be a very

powerful lord. His money consists of a pardao, as I have

said. He also coins a silver money called tare, and others

of gold, twenty of which go to a pardao, and are called

fanom. And of these small ones of silver, there go sixteen

to afanom. They also have another coin called cas, sixteen

of which go to a tare of silver. 1 In this kingdom you can go

1 The subjoined is a comparison of the Hindu coins current at l>i,ja-

yanagar, and their relative value, as given by 'Abd er-Razzak and Var-

thema.

'Abd er-Razzak, a.p. 1443.

Gold Coins (with alloy).

Varaha =: 2 Dinars, Kopcki.

\ a Varaha.

l-10th of a Perfcab.

Pure Silver.

-^th of a Fanom.

Copper.

Djitel = ^rd of a Tar.

Pertab =Fanam =

Tar ==

Varthema, a.d. 1504-5.

Gold Coins.

Pardao

Fanom = l-20th of a Pardao.

Silver.

Tare = l-15th of a Fanom.

Copper.

Cas = 1-16th of a silver Tare,

(equal to a Venetian quattrino.)

The Varaha and the Half Varaha, called Pertab or Pardao, was the

Hun of subsequent Mussulman writers and the Pagoda of Europeans,

the latter a Portuguese appellation derived from the pyramidal temple

generally depicted on one side of it. In 'Abd er-Razzak's Varaha and

Pertab we have, consequently, the Single and Double Pagoda of after

times. Varthema omits all mention of the Varaha, but as he gives

twenty Fanams to the Pardao, while 'Abd er-Razzak allows only ten,

his Pardao was probably identical with the Varaha or Double Pagoda.

Hence, it appears that the gold coinage of the Bijayanagar state had

undergone no material change in the half century intervening between

the visits of the two travellers.

The silver coinage must have fluctuated considerably, for whereas

'Abd er-Razzak gives only six Tars to a Fanam, Varthema allows fif-

teen. Probably, the Tar of the latter was of a baser metal ; that of the

former is described particularly as being " cast in pure silver."

There is a still greater difference in the copper money of the two tra-

vellers, quite sufficient, indeed, to lead to the inference that the Djitel

and the Cas were different coins ; but as I am quite unlearned in Numis-

matics, I must leave these discrepancies to be solved by others. Prinsep

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 131

everywhere in safety. But it is necessary to be on your

guard against some lions which are on the road. I will not

speak of their food at the present time, because I wish to

describe it when we shall be in Calicut, where there are the

same customs and the same manner of living. This king is

a very great friend of the Christians, especially of the king

of Portugal, because he does not know much of any other

Christians. When the Portuguese arrive in his territories

they do them great honour. When we had seen this so

noble city for some days we turned towards Canonor And

when we had arrived there, at the end of three days we

took our way by land and went to a city called Torma-

patani.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING TORMAPATANI, A CITY OFINDIA; AND CONCERNING PANDARANI, A PLACE ONEDAY DISTANT; AND CONCERNING CAPOGATTO, A

SIMILAR DISTRICT.

Tormapatani1is distant from Canonor twelve miles, and

the lord of it is a Pagan. The land is not very rich, and is

affords but scanty assistance relative to the old Hindu coinage of the

Camatic.

It deserves to be noticed that neither 'Abd er-Razzak nor Varthema

mentions the Cowrie as forming part of the currency. Ibn Batiita speci-

fies it under the Arabic name of Wada\ remarks that it was collected in

the Maldive Islands where it passed for money, and was sent in large

quantities to Bengal, where it was also current instead of coin. Lee's

Translation, p. 178.

Nicold de' Conti's account of the Indian currency in his time is very

loose and unsatisfactory. He says: "In some parts of anterior India,

Venetian ducats are in circulation. Some have golden coins, weighing

more than double of our florin, and also less, and, moreover, silver and

brass money. In some places pieces of gold worked to a certain weight

are used as money." India in the Fifteenth Century, ii. p. 30.

1 This is, undoubtedly, the Dormapatam of Hamilton, a harbour near

the Tellicherry river, a little to the northward of that town, which latter

I presume to be the place which Varthema indicates. Barbosa calls it

K'2

132 THE TRAVELS OF

one mile from the sea, and it has a river not very large.

There are many vessels of Moorish merchants here. The

people of this country live miserably, and the greatest riches

here consist of Indian nuts, and these they eat there with a

little rice. They have plenty of timber here for building

ships. In this land there are about fifteen thousand Moors,

and they arc subject to the Sultan or pagan lord. I do not

speak of their manner of living at present, because it will

be described in Calicut, inasmuch as they are all of one and

the same faith. The houses in this city are not too good,

for a house is worth half a ducat, as I will explain to you

further on. Here we remained two days, and then departed

and went to a place which is called Pandarani, 1 distant from

" Terinapatani," and describes it as situated on a river with two outlets

to the sea, inhabited chiefly by Map\deres (Moplahs,) who are great

merchants, and as the limit of the kingdom of Cannanore in the direc-

tion of Calicut. (Ramusio, vol. i. p. 335.) " The neighbouring couutry

is highly productive, the low lands producing annually two, and in some

places three, crops of rice in the year. The cocoa-nut tree also grows

in great abundance and perfection....The population is estimated at

twenty thousand, the majority of whom are Mussulman Moplahs."

(Thornton's Gazetteer.) I am inclined to identify either Ibn Batiita's

" Jarafattan" or " Badafattan," both of which occur between his "ITili"

and " Kalikut," with this Dormepatam, or, as Baldasus writes it, " Terma-

patan." Hili I take to be the Ulala of Buchanan, "a large town on the

south side of the lake of Mangalore, and formerly the residence of a

petty prince." Pinkehton's Voyages, vol. viii. p. 747.

1 This name and that of Capogatto, the town next mentioned, have dis-

appeared from the modern maps ; but if not identical with Waddakarre and

Tikodi, they must be sought for in the vicinity of those places, which I

find spelt in a variety of ways by old travellers. Hamilton has " Bur-

gara" and " Cottica," and off Cottica he says is " the Sacrifice Rock,

about eight miles in the sea," which is, doubtless, Varthema's "insula

deshabitata." D'Anville has " Bergare" and " Cotta": Buchanan writes

the former " Barrygurry" or " Vadacurry," and Arrowsmith makes" Kotacull" of the latter ; but the diversity is as endless as it is per-

plexing. Both places, however, are distinctly mentioned by Baldajus in

his account of the early proceedings of the Portuguese on the Malabar

coast :—" Between Cananor and Calecut lies the town of Panane seated

upon the seashore. ...In this place the Sammoryn kept his residence

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 183

this one day's journey, and which is subject to the king of

Calicut. This place is a wretched affair, and has no port.

Opposite to the said city, in the sea three leagues or there-

about, there is an uninhabited island. The manner of living

of this Pandarini, and their customs, are the same as those

of Calicut. This city is not level, and the land is high. Wedeparted hence and went to another place called Capogatto,

which is also subject to the king of Calicut. This place has

when Vasco de Gama came into those parts...The Sammoryn sent cer-

tain pilots to conduct the Portuguese fleet into the harbour of Capogaie,

where there was much better and safer anchorage." (Churchill's Collec-

tion of Voyages, vol. iii. p. 625.) Another version of that visit, which

occurred in 1498, describes De Gama's landing at Padarane and his

progress towards Kapokats, where his attendants rested to refresh

themselves. (Greene's Collection, vol. i. pp. 30, 31.) This place, Pan-

darani or Panane, must not be confounded with Yarthema's Pannani

to the south of Calicut, which Thornton writes " Ponany."

Barbosa also mentions a Panderani between Cannanore and Calicut,

and describes it as inhabited by Moors, and as a great haven for ships;

but he places it to the south of Capogatto, whereas Varthema's Panda-

rani occurs to the north of his Capogatto. I am of opinion that the

seeming discrepancy arises from a similarity in the names of two different

places. Barbosa's Capogatto he describes as situated about twelve miles

up the river of Tarmapaiam, whereas Varthema's Capogatto was evi-

dently a seaport town, only four leagues distant from Calicut. Hence,

I find no difficulty in identifying it with Barbosa's Capucar, which he

locates six miles to the north of Calicut. He says :" Beyond this

[Panderani] there is another place with a river, called Capucar, where

there are many Moors, natives of the country, and many ships, and

they carry on a large trade with the merchandize of the country, which

is brought hither to be shipped. ..Six miles beyond this place is Calicut."

{Ramusio, vol. i. p. 311.) There are several lacunas in Barbosa's narra-

tive of this part of the coast as given by Ramusio, owing apparently to

a defect in the original MS. The following is his list of places as they

occur consecutively between Cannanore and Calicut : Cananor ; Crecate;

...Tarmapatam ; Capogatto ;...Padripatam, the frontier of the kingdom

of Calicut; Tircori ; Panderani ; Capucar; Calicut.

Though his description of the locality is widely different, I am never-

theless disposed to identify Yarthema's Pandarani with Ibn Batuta's

" Fandaraina," where he landed before reaching Calicut from the north-

wrard. See Lee's Translation, p. 171.

*

134 THE TRAVELS OF

a very beautiful palace, built in the ancient style, and there

is a small river towards the south, and it is four leagues dis-

tant from Calicut. There is nothing to be said here, because

they follow the manner and style of Calicut. We departed

hence and went to the very noble city of Calicut. I have

not written about the manner of living, the customs and

faith, the administration of justice, dress, and country of

Chiavul and of Dabul, of Bathacala, nor of the king of Onor,

nor of Mangalor, nor of Canonor, nor, indeed, of the king

of Cucin, nor of the king of Caicolone, nor of that of Colon,

neither have I spoken of the king of Narsinga. Now I will

speak of the king here in Calicut, because he is the most

important king of all those before mentioned, and is called

Samory, 1 which in the pagan language means God on earth.

1 The English " Zamorin." According to some, this is a corruption

of Tamuri, the name of the most exalted family of the Nair caste.

Buchanan says :" The Tamuri pretends to he of a higher rank than

the Brahmans, and to be inferior only to the invisible gods, a pretension

that was acknowledged by his subjects, but which is held as absurd and

abominable by the Brahmans, by whom he is only treated as a Sudra."

(Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. viii. p. 735.) Others derive the title from

Zamooclin, the sea ; and the Zamorin of Calicut is so called from his

beina; the Lord of the Sea.

LUDOV1CO 1H VARTHEMA. 135

THE SECOND BOOK CONCERNING INDIA,

Having nearly arrived at the head of India, that is to say,

at the place in which the greatest dignity of India is cen-

tered, it has appeared to me fitting to bring the First book to

an end and commence the Second ; as, moreover, I have to

lay before every kind reader matters of greater importance

and comfort to the intellect, and of courage, so far as our

favourite labour of travelling through the world may assist

us and our intelligence may serve us, submitting, however,

everything to the judgment of men who may, perhaps, have

visited more countries than I have.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING CALICUT, A VERY LARGECITY OF INDIA.

Calicut 1is on the mainland, the sea beats against the walls

of the houses. There is no port here, but about a mile from

1 Calicut, a seaport town in the British district of Malabar. " It is

situate on the open beach, there being neither river nor haven ; and

ships must anchor in the open sea. ..The haven, said to have been once

capacious, has been filled up with drifted sand... Forbes, who visited it

in 1772, speaks of it as offering very little to interest a traveller, being

chiefly composed of low huts shaded by cocoa-nut trees, on a sandy

shore." (Thornton's Gazetteer.) Ibn Batiita describes Calicut as "one

of the greatest ports in the district of Malabar;" Nicolo de' Conti as "a

maritime city, eight miles in circumference, a noble emporium for all

136 THE TRAVELS OF

the place towards the south there is a river, which is narrow

at its embouchure and has not more than five or six spans of

water. This stream flows through Calicut and has a great

number of branches. This city has no wall around it, but

the houses extend for about a mile, built close together, and

then the wide houses, that is, the houses separate one from

the other,1 cover a space of about six miles. The houses are

very poor. The walls are about as high as a man on horse-

back, and the greater part are covered with leaves, and with-

out any upper room. The reason is this, that when they

dig down four or five spans, water is found, and therefore

they cannot build large houses. 3 However, the house of a

merchant is worth fifteen or twenty ducats. Those of the

common people are worth half a ducat each, or one or two

ducats at the most.

TIIE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE KING OF CALICUT ANDTHE RELIGION OF TIIE PEOPLE.

The King of Calicut is a Pagan, and worships the devil

in the manner you shall hear. They acknowledge that there

is a God who has created the heaven and the earth and all

India ;" and 'Abd er-Razzak as " a perfectly secure harbour, which, like

that of Horinuz, brings together merchants from every city, and from

every country."1 That is, houses with compounds, as the open space around them is

called by Anglo-Indians.2 In a subsequent chapter, Varthema alleges the same reason for the

lowness and insignificance of the Zamorin's palace at Calicut. The

following extract from Hamilton seems to corroborate his statement :

—

" In anno 1703, about the middle of February, I called at Calecut on

my way to Surat, and, standing into the road, I chanced to strike on

some of the ruins of the sunken town built by the Portuguese in former

times. Whether that town was swallowed up by an earthquake, as

some affirm, or whether it was undermined by the sea, I will not deter-

mine." Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. viii. p. 378.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 137

the world; 1 and they say that if he wished to judge you and

me, a third and a fourth, he would have no pleasure in being

Lord ; but that he has sent this his spirit, that is the devil,

into this world to do justice: and to him who does good he does

good, and to him who does evil he does evil. Which devil

they call Deumo,2 and God they call Tamerani. 3 And the

King of Calicut keeps this Deumo in his chapel in his

palace, in this wise : his chapel is two paces wide in each of

the four sides, and three paces high, with a wooden door

covered with devils carved in relief. 4 In the midst of this

chapel there is a devil made of metal, placed in a seat also

made of metal. The said devil has a crown made like that

of the papal kingdom, with three crowns ; and it also has

four horns and four teeth, with a very large mouth, nose,

and most terrible eyes. The hands are made like those of a

flesh-hook, and the feet like those of a cock ; so that he

is a fearful object to behold. All the pictures around the

said chapel are those of devils, and on each side of it there

1 " They all believe in a great God, whose image they can neither

fancy nor make." Hamilton.- " The word Dev means, indefinitely, a dweller in the upper worlds,

and, more particularly, an inhabitant of Swerga, the paradise where

Indra rules. Three hundred and thirty millions of Devs are spoken of

in the Hindu scriptures ; but, in its sense of God, the term can only

apply to one being." (See Forbes's Has Maid, vol. ii. pp. 423-442, for

an able dissertation on this subject.) Varthema draws a distinction

between a " Diavolo " and a " Sathanas," evidently making the latter

the higher personage ; but it is surprising that he gives so tolerably

correct an account of the Hindu theogony and worship.3 Tambaran, lord or master, is a common title of honour, throughout

Malabar, among the higher classes of Nairs.4 " The great men of the clergy build temples, but they are neither

large nor beautiful. Their images are all black and deformed, accord-

ing as they fancy the infernal gods to be shaped, who, they believe, have

some hand in governing the world, particularly about the benign and

malignant seasons that happen in the productions or sterility of the

earth, for which reason they pay a lateral adoration to them." (Pinker-

ton's Voyages, vol. viii. p. 37C.) This quotation from Hamilton shows

that, like Varthema, he understood the Devs to be devils.

138 THE TRAVELS OF

is a Sathanas seated in a seat, which seat is placed In a flame

of fire, wherein are a great number of souls, of the length of

half a finger and a finger of the hand. And the said Satha-

nas holds a soul in his mouth with the right hand, and with

the other seizes a soul under the waist. Every morning the

Brahmins, that is the priests, go to wash the said idol all over

with scented water, and then they perfume it ;

l and when it

is perfumed they worship it ; and some time in the course of

the week they offer sacrifice to it in this manner : They have

a certain small table, made and ornamented like an altar,

three spans high from the ground, four spans wide, and five

long ; which table is extremely well adorned with roses,

flowers, and other ornaments. Upon this table they have

the blood of a cock and lighted coals in a vessel of silver,

with many perfumes upon them. They also have a thurible,

with which they scatter incense around the said altar. They

have a little bell of silver which rings very frequently, and

they have a silver knife with which they have killed the

cock, and which they tinge with the blood, and sometimes

place it upon the fire, and sometimes they take it and make

motions similar to those which one makes who is about to

fence ; and finally, all that blood is burnt, the waxen tapers

being kept lighted during the whole time. The priest who is

about to perform this sacrifice puts upon his arms, hands,

and feet some bracelets of silver, which make a very great

noise like bells, and he wears on his neck an amulet (what

it is I do not know) ; and when he has finished performing

the sacrifice, he takes both his hands full of grain and retires

from the said altar, walking backwards and always looking

at the altar until he arrives at a certain tree. And when he

has reached the tree, he throws the grain above his head as

1 Forbes says : "The ordinary Hindu religious service consists in per-

forming for the idol such acts as a menial servant performs for his

human master." Among these, which are given in detail, he describes

the anointing of the Dev with sandal-wood dust and water, and the

burning of incense before him.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 139

high as he can over the tree ; he then returns and removes

everything from the altar. 1

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE MANNER OF EATING OFTHE KING OF CALICUT.

When the King of Calicut wishes to eat he uses the fol-

lowing customs : you must know that four of the principal

Brahmins take the food which the king is to eat and carry

it to the devil, and first they worship him in this manner :

they raise their clasped hands over his head, and then draw

their hands towards them, still clasped together, and the

thumb raised upwards, and then they present to him the

food which is to be given to the king, and stand in this

manner as long as a person would require to eat it ; and then

the said Brahmins carry that food to the king. You must

know that this is done only for the purpose of paying honour

to that idol, in order that it may appear that the king will

not eat unless the food has been first presented to Deumo.2

1 I have not been able to verify this particular service ; but it is

generally known that animal sacrifices, propitiatory of the Bhuta, or

•wicked spirits, are offered by several sects of the Brahmins. Amongthe victims so offered by the Hindus of Mysore, the Abbe Dubois men-

tions buflalos, hogs, rams, cocks, and the like. The amulet (pentacola)

noticed by Varthema was probably the pwavvi , or Brahminical thread.

2 An apt illustration of what St. Paul says (1 Cor. viii.) respecting

meats offered to idols.

A Brahmin can only eat of what is prepared by one of his own caste.

Buchanan states that the Kuriim, the highest order of Nairs in Malabar,

act as cooks on all public occasions, which, among Hindus, is a sure

mark of transcendent rank ; for every person can eat the food prepared

by one of higher birth than himself. Marco Polo notices the custom

prevailing among the Brahmins of eating off leaves:—"Instead of dishes,

they lay their victuals on dry leaves of the apples of Paradise," meaning,

probably, the plantain. See Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. viii. pp. 735-6.

Gkeene's Collection, vol. iv. p. 610.

The elaborate ceremonial of a Brahmin's repast is thus described by

Forbes:—"The Brahmin, when his food is ready, before eating, performs

140 THE TRAVELS OF

This food is in a wooden vessel, in which there is a very-

large leaf of a tree, and upon this leaf is placed the said

food, which consists of rice and other things. The king eats

on the ground without any other thing. And when he eats,

the Brahmins stand around, three or four paces distant from

him, with great reverence, and remain bowed down with

their hands before their mouths, and their backs bent. Noone is allowed to speak while the king is speaking, and they

stand listening to his words with great reverence. Whenthe king has finished his meal, the said Brahmins take that

food which the king did not require and carry it into a court

yard and place it on the ground. And the said Brahmins

clap their hands three times, and at this clapping a very

great number of black crows come to this said food and eat

it.1 These crows are used for this purpose, and they are free

Turjmn, that is to say, he fills a copper with water, and puts therein a

few grains of barley, some sesamum, leaves of the sacred basil tree,

sandal, etc. ; then, holding some sacrificial grass, he fills his joined

hands with water, which he pours back again into the cup, saying :' I

offer this water to all the Devs.' He proceeds to make similar offerings

of water to men, animals, trees, rivers, seas, Bhuts, Frets, Reeshees, pro-

genitors, and others. Then he mentions the names, as many as he can

recollect, of his father's ancestors, his mother's ancestors, and his own

deceased friends. He now performs horn, or fire worship, by throwing a

portion of rice and clarihed butter into a little copper or earthen vessel

containing fire, repeating, while so employed, the names of the Devs.

The Brahmin sets aside five portions of food for cows, beggars, dogs, ants,

and crows. He then takes a little of each dish, and offers it to the

Dev, in a vessel containing five divisions. He now sits down to break-

fast." lids Maid, vol. ii. p. 257.1 In Western India these birds do not generally wait to be summoned:

the difficulty is to scare them away when food is being served. Their

cunning, moreover, equals their pertinacity. I once saw a proof of this,

which I could hardly have believed on the testimony of another. Aflock of crows covered the branches of a tree, waiting for any offal from

a dinner which had just terminated. A dog brought out a bone into

the garden, and was quietly enjoying it, when the whole bevy alighted

and commenced an attack upon him in front. As often as they charged

in that direction the dog kept them at bay, until at length, as if by

concert among themselves, one of the assailants moved to the rear and

LUDOVICO DI VAUTHEMA. 141

and go wherever they please, and no injury is done to

them.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE BRAHMINS, THAT IS THEPRIESTS OP CALICUT.

It is a proper, and at the same time a pleasant thing to

know who these Brahmins are. You must know that they

are the chief persons of the faith, as priests are among us.

And when the king takes a wife he selects the most worthy

and the most honoured of these Brahmins and makes him

sleep the first night with his wife, in order that he may de-

flower her. 1 Do not imagine that the Brahmin goes willingly

to perform this operation. The king is even obliged to pay

him four hundred or five hundred ducats. The king only

and no other person in Calicut adopts this practice. Wewill now describe what classes [or castes] of Pagans there are

in Calicut.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE PAGANS OF CALICUT,

AND OF WHAT CLASSES THEY ARE.

The first class of Pagans in Calicut are called Brahmins.

The second are Naeri, who are the same as the gentlefolks

quietly pecked at the clog's tail. While he savagely faced about to re-

pel this unexpected assault, one of the enemy in front pounced upon the

contested bone and carried it away in triumph.

1 Hamilton says :" When the Samorin marries, he must not cohabit

with his bride till the Nambourie, or chief priest, has enjoyed her, and,

if he pleases, he may have three nights of her company, because the

first-fruits of her nuptials must be an holy oblation to the god she wor-

ships." Buchanan confirms the statement: —"These ladies [of the Tamuri

family] are generally impregnated by Namburis ; although if they choose

they may employ the higher ranks of Nairs ; but the sacred character of

the Namburis always procures them a preference." Pinkeiiton's Voy-

ages, vol. viii. pp. 374, 734.

142 THE TRAVELS OF

amongst us ; and these are obliged to bear sword and shield

or bows or lances. When they go through the street, if

they did not carry arms they would no longer be gentlemen.

The third class of Pagans are called Tiva,who areartizans. The

fourth class are called Mechua, and these are fishermen.

The fifth class are called Poliar, who collect pepper, wine,

and nuts. The sixth class are called Hirava, and these

plant and gather in rice. These two last classes of people,

that is to say, the Poliar and Hirava, may not approach

cither the Naeri or the Brahmins within fifty paces, unless

they have been called by them, and they always go by

private ways through the marshes. And when they pass

through the said places, they always go crying out with a

loud voice, and this they do in order that they may not meet

the Naeri or the Brahmins ; for should they not be crying

out, and any of the Narei should be going that way and see

their fruits, or meet any of the said class, the above men-

tioned Naeri may kill them without incurring any punish-

ment : and for this reason they always cry out. So now

you have heard about these six classes of Pagans. 1

1 Hamilton's classification reads like a revised version of Vartherna's

:

—" There are many degrees or dignities in the church as well as in the

state. The Nambouris are first in both capacities. The Brahmins are

the second in the church only. The Buts, or magicians, are next to

them. The Nayers, or gentlemen, are next, and are very numerous.

The Teyvees are the farmers of cocoa-nut trees, and are next to the

gentry. The Poulias "produce the labourers and mechanics. The Muck-

was, or fishers, are I think a higher tribe than the Poulias, but the

PouUchees are the lowest order of human creatures, and are excluded

from the benefit of divine and human laws. If a Poulia or Teyvee meet

a Nair on the road, he must go aside to let his worship pass, lest the air

should be tainted, on pain of severe chastisement if not of death ; but

the Poulichees are in a much worse state... If accidentally they see any

one coming towards them, they will howl like dogs, and run away, lest

those of quality should take offence at their breathing in the same air

that they do." The Poulichees seem to be the same people that

Buchanan describes under the name of Niadis, and both bear a general

resemblance to Vartherna's " Hirava," though he describes them as culti-

vators of rice, whereas the former are not allowed to till the ground, but

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 148

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE DRESS OP THE KING

AND QUEEN AND OTHERS OF CALICUT, AND OPTHEIR FOOD.

The dress of the king and queen, and of all the others,

that is to say, of the natives of the country, is this : they go

naked and with bare feet, and wear a piece of cotton or of

silk around their middle, and with nothing on their heads. 1

Some Moorish merchants, on the other hand, wear a short

shirt extending to the waist ; but all the Pagans go without

a shirt. In like manner the women go naked like the men,

and wear their hair long. With respect to the food of the

king and the gentlemen, they do not eat flesh without the

permission of the Brahmins. But the other classes of the

people eat flesh of all kinds, with the exception of cow beef. 3

And these Hirava and foliar eat mice and fish dried in the

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE CEREMONIES WHICHTHEY PERFORM AFTER TnE DEATH OF THE KING.

The king being dead, and having male children, or

brothers, or nephews on his brother's side, neither his sons,

nor his brother, nor his nephews become king ; but the heir

of the king is the son of one of his sisters.3 And if there be

dwell in woods and marshes, and subsist chiefly on hunting and beg-

ging. See Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. viii. pp. 375, 738-9.

1 As Ralph Fitch quaintly says :" The king goeth incached, as they

do all."

2 "None of the southern Brahmins can, without losing caste, taste

animal food...The Nairs are permitted to eat venison, goats, fowls, and

fish." Buchanan.3 Buchanan confirms this. He says :

" The succession goes in the

female line ;" and adds, in speaking of a particular case wherein a

nephew was heir to the rajahship :" his son will have no claim to it,

and he will be succeeded by the son of his niece, who is the daughter of

144 THE TRAVELS OF

no son of a said sister, the nearest [collateral] relation of the

king succeeds him. And this custom prevails because the

Brahmins have the virginity of the queen ; and likewise

when the king travels, one of these Brahmins, although he

might be only twenty years of age, remains in the house

with the queen, and the king would consider it to be the

greatest favour that these Brahmins should be familiar with

the queen, and on this account they say that it is certain that

his sister and he were born of the same person, and that there

is more certainty about her than of his own children, and

therefore the inheritance falls to the sons of the sister. Also on

the death of the king all the people of the kingdom shave their

beards and their heads, with the exception of some part of

the head, and also of the beard, according to the pleasure of

each person. The fishermen also are not allowed to catch

any fish for eight days. The same customs are observed

when a near relative of the king dies. As an act of devotion,

the king does not sleep with a woman or eat betel for a

whole year. This betel resembles the leaves of the sour

orange, and they are constantly eating it. It is the same to

them that confections are to us, and they eat it more for

sensuality than for any other purpose. AVhen they eat the

said leaves, they eat with them a certain fruit which is called

coffolo, and the tree of the said coffolo is called Arecha, 1 and

is formed like the stem of the date tree, and produces its

fruit in the same manner. And they also cat with the said

leaves a certain lime made from oyster shells, which they

call Cionama?

his sister." (Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. viii. p. 745.) It was the same

in Ibn Batiita's time :—" Each of their kings succeeds to rule as being

sister's son, not the son to the last." Lee's Translation, p. 167.

1 The Areca palm.2 Chunam, the common Hindustani word for lime.

LTJDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 145

THE CHAPTER SHOWING nOW THE PAGANS SOMETIMESEXCHANGE THEIR WIVES.

The Pagan gentlemen and merchants have this custom

amongst them. There will sometimes be two merchants who

will be great friends, and each will have a wife ; and one

merchant will say to the other in this wise :" Langal per-

ganal monaton ondo ?" 1 that is, " So-and-so, have we been a

long time friends ? " The other will answer :" Hognan

perga manaton ondo ;" that is, " Yes, I have for a long time

been your friend." The other says: " Nipatanga ciolli?

"

that is, " Do you speak the truth that you are my friend ?

"

The other will answer, and say :" Ho ;

" that is, " Yes."

Says the other one :" Tamarani ? " that is, " By God ?

"

The other replies :" Tamarani !

" that is, " By God !" One

1 I had hoped to have been able, by the assistance of others, to reduce

this and the subsequent native words and phrases introduced by Var-

thema into readable Malayalim, in the same manner as I have treated

his Arabic sentences ; but the attempt has proved unsuccessful. TwoMalayalim scholars, to whom they were submitted, concur in forming a

very low estimate of our traveller's attainments in that language. One

of the gentlemen states that a the majority of the words are not

Malayalim, or, if they are, the writer has trusted to his ear, and made a

marvellous confusion, which I defy anybody to unravel." This is not

to be wondered at ; on the contrary, there would have been reasonable

ground for surprise if, under his peculiar circumstances, Varthema had

succeeded in mastering, even to a tolerable extent, any one of the

native languages. During his sojourn in the country, which was com-

paratively short, and seldom lasting more than a few days at each place,

he must have heard several different dialects spoken, without any

definite knowledge, perhaps, that they were such. Moreover, as his

most intimate associates appear to have been the Arab traders, who,

however long their intercourse with India, seldom speak any of the

native languages correctly, he most probably acquired most of his vocabu-

lary from them, jumbling that up with words and phrases which he had

picked up here and there along the coast. The specimens of his Arabic

are undoubtedly far superior to his essays in Malayalim, and, although

strongly Italianized, by no means inferior to the colloquial of the

majority of his countrymen at the present day after a much longer

residence in the East where that is the vernacular language.

146 THE TRAVELS OF

says :" In penna tonda gnan pcnna cortu; " that is, " Let us

exchange wives, give me your wife and I will give you

mine." The other answers: " Ni pantagocciolli? " that is,

" Do you speak from your heart ? " The other says :

"Tamarani!" that is, " Yes, by God!" His companion

answers, and says :" Biti banno ;

" that is, " Come to myhouse." And when he has arrived at his house he calls his

wife and says to her :" Penna, ingaba idocon dopoi ;

" that

is, " Wife, come here, go with this man, for he is your hus-

band." The wife answers: "E indi?" that is, "Wherefore?

Dost thou speak the truth, by God, Tamarani?" The hus-

band replies :" Ho gran patangociolli; " that is, " I speak

the truth." Says the wife :" Perga manno ;

" that is, " It

pleases me." " Gnan poi ;" that is, " I go." And so she

goes away with his companion to his house. The friend then

tells his wife to go with the other, and in this manner they

exchange their wives; but the sons of each remain with him.

And amongst the other classes of Pagans above-mentioned,

one woman has five, six, and seven husbands, and even

eight. 1 And one sleeps with her one night, and another

another night. And when the woman has children, she says

1 The polyandria which prevailed at Calicut is also described by

Nicolo de' Conti and 'Abd er-Razzak. The three accounts vary in detail,

and, as might be expected on a subject so intimately connected with the

domestic life of the natives, involve several misconceptions. Dr.

Buchanan's more accurate version of the custom is as follows:—"TheNail's marry before they are ten years of age ;...but the husband never

cohabits with his wife. Such a circumstance, indeed, would be con-

sidered very indecent. He allows her oil, clothing, ornaments, and food;

but she lives in her mother's house, or, after her parents' death, with

her brother, and cohabits with any person she chooses of an equal or

higher rank than her own. ..It is no kind of reflection on a woman's

character to say that she has formed the closest intimacy with manypersons ; on the contrary, the Nail women are proud of reckoning

among their favoured lovers many Brahmins, Rajahs, or other persons

of high birth. ..In consequence of this strange manner of propagating

1 1 10 species, no Nair knows his father, and every man looks on his sisters'

children as his heirs." Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. viii. p. 737.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 147

it is the child of this husband or of that husband, and thus

the children go according to the word of the woman.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE MANNER OF LIVING,

AND OP THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE,

AMONG THE PAGANS.

The said Pagans eat on the ground in a metal basin, and

for a spoon make use of the leaf of a tree, and they always

eat rice and fish, and spices and fruits. The two classes of

peasants eat with the hand from a pipkin ; and when they

take the rice from the pipkin, they hold the hand over the

said pipkin and make a ball of the rice, and then put it into

their mouths. With respect to the laws which are in use

among these people:—If one kills another, the king causes a

stake to be taken four paces long and well pointed at one

end, and has two sticks fixed across the said stake two spans

from the top, and then the said wood is fixed in the middle

of the back of the malefactor and passes through his body,

and in this way he dies. And this torture they call imcalvet.

And if there be any one who inflicts wounds or bastinadoes,

the king makes him pay money, and in this manner he is

absolved. And when any one ought to receive money from

another merchant, there appearing any writing of the scribes

of the king, (who has at least a hundred of them,) they observe

this practice :—Let us suppose the case that some one has to

pay me twenty-five ducats, and the debtor promises me to

pay them many times, and does not pay them ; I, not being

willing to wait any longer, nor to give him any indulgence,

shall take a green branch in my hand, shall go softly behind

the debtor, and with the said branch shall draw a circle on

the ground surrounding him, and if I can enclose him in the

circle, I shall say to him these words three times :" Bra-

mini raza pertha polle;" that is, " I command you by the

148 THE TRAVELS OF

head of the Brahmins and of the king, that you do not depart

hence until you have paid me and satisfied me as much as I

ought to have from thee." And he will satisfy me, or truly

he will die there without any other guard. And should he

quit the said circle and not pay me, the king would put him

to death. 1

1 It is remarkable that the administration of justice in India has been

the theme of general admiration from the earliest times. Greek and

Roman writers, from Diodorus Siculus downward, have eulogized it,

Marco Polo witnesses on the same side, and later Arabian authors con-

firm their favourable testimony. El-Edrisi says :" Justice is a natural

instinct among the inhabitants of India, and they hold nothing in equal

estimation. It is stated that their numbers and prosperity are due to

their integrity, their fidelity in fulfilling engagements, and to the general

uprightness of their conduct. It is, moreover, on this account that

visitors to their country have increased, that the country nourishes, and

that the people thrive in plenty and in peace. As a proof of their ad-

herence to what is right and their abhorrence of what is wrong may be

instanced the following usage : if one man owes another money, the

creditor finding him anywhere draws a line in the shape of a ring

around him. This the creditor enters, and also the debtor of his own

free will, and the latter cannot go beyond it until he has satisfied the

claimant ; but should the creditor decline to force him, or chooses to

forgive him, he, the creditor, steps out of the ring." 'Abd er-Razzak

also, speaking of Calicut, says :" Security and justice are so firmly

established in this city, that the most wealthy merchants bring thither

from maritime countries considerable cargoes, which they unload, and

unhesitatingly send into the market and bazaars, without thinking in

the meantime of any necessity of checking the account, or of keeping

watch over the goods." India in the Fifteenth Century, i. p. 14.

The mode of procedure against debtors, as described by El-Edrisi

and Varthema, and which Marco Polo, before them, states to have seen

carried out against the person of the king of Malabar, is confirmed by

Hamilton with slight variation :—" They have a good way of arresting

people for debt, viz. there is a proper person sent with a small stick from

the judge, who is generally a Brahmin, and when that person finds the

debtor, he draws a circle round him with that stick, aud charges him in

the king and judge's name not to stir out of it till the creditor is satis-

fied either by payment or surety ; and it is no less than death for the

debtor to break prison by going out of the circle." Pinkerton's Voy-

ages, vol. viii. p. 377.

Diodorus Siculus mentions the punishment by impaling as existing in

India. Lib. ii. 18.

LTJDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 149

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE MODE OF WORSHIPOF THE PAGANS.

Early in the morning these Pagans go to wash at a tank,

which tank is a pond of still water. And when they are

washed, they may not touch any person until they have said

their prayers, and this in their house. 1 And they say their

prayers in this manner :—They lie with their body extended

on the ground and very secret, and they perform certain dia-

bolical actions [or motions] with their eyes, and with their

mouths they perform certain fearful actions [or motions];

and this lasts for a quarter of an hour, and then comes the

hour for eating. And they cannot eat unless the cooking is

performed by the hands of a gentleman, for the ladies only

cook for themselves. And this is the custom among the

gentlemen. The ladies wait to wash and perfume them-

selves. And every time that a man wishes to associate with

his wife, she washes and perfumes herself very delicately ;

but, under any circumstances, they always go scented and

covered with jewels, that is to say, on their hands and in

their ears, on their feet and on their arms.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE FIGHTING OF THESEPEOPLE OF CALICUT.

In general they practise every day with swords, shields,

and lances. And when they go to war, the king of Calicut

maintains constantly one hundred thousand people on foot,

because they do not make use of horses, only of some ele-

1 Brahmins are obliged to wash the whole body before eating. Some

are under a vow to bathe before sun-rise, which they do either in warm

water at home, or in a tank or river. After dressing, the Brahmin sits

down to eat, but must preserve himself from numerous accidents which

would render him impure, and compel him to desist from his meal. See

Forbes's Rds Maid, vol. ii. pp. 255-8.

150 THE TRAVELS OF

phants for the person of the king. And all the people wear

a cloth bound round the head, made of silk and of a vermilion

colour, and they carry swords, shields, lances, and bows.

The king carries an umbrella1 instead of a standard, made

like the stem of a boot : it is formed of the leaves of a tree,

and is fixed on the end of a cane, and made to keep off the

sun from the king. And when they are in battle, and one

army is distant from the other two ranges of a crossbow,

the king says to the Brahmins :" Go into the camp of the

enemy, and tell the king to let one hundred of his Naeri

come, and I will go with a hundred of mine. And thus they

both go to the middle of the space, and begin to fight in this

manner. Although they should fight for three days, they

always give two direct blows at the head and one at the legs.

And when four or six on either side are killed, the Brahmins

enter into the midst of them, and make both parties return

to their camp. And the said Brahmins immediately go to

the armies on both sides, and say :" Nur manezar hanno."

The king answers :" Matile ?" that is, " Do you not wish for

any more ?" The Brahmin says :" No." And the adverse

party does the same. And in this manner they fight, one

1 The chattra, or black Chinese umbrella, commonly used in India,

when folded up, looks something like the leg of a boot. It is one

of the insignia of royalty throughout India, as it is with several other

eastern nations. Malcolm supposes the word " satrap" to be a cor-

ruption of chattrapa, lord of the umbrella of state, which, it is pro-

bable, those provincial rulers only were allowed to bear. He adds :

" The distinction of carrying an umbrella is common to many countries

of Asia ; and that it was known in Persia, there can be no better evi-

dence than the sculpture of Persepolis, where the umbrella often marks

the prince, or chief, of the group of figures. Chattra, which signifies

umbrella, is a term common to Persian and Sanscrit. Pa, a contraction

of pati, i.e. lord, is now lost in the former though preserved in the latter

language. The name, or rather title, of Chattra pati, or " lord of the

umbrella," distinguishes one of the highest officers of the federal govern-

ment of tbe Mahratta state." {History of Persia, vol. i. p. 271, n.)

Within my own recollection, no person was allowed to pass before the

Sultan's palace on the Bosphorus without lowering his umbrella.

LUDOVICO DI VAIITHEMA. 151

hundred against one hundred. And this is their mode of

fighting. Sometimes the king rides on an elephant, and

sometimes the Naeri carry him. And when they carry him

they always run. And many instruments sounding always

accompany the said king. To the said Naeri he gives as

pay to each four carlini the month, and in time of war he

gives half a ducat. And they live on this pay. The before-

mentioned race have black teeth, on account of the leaves

which I have already told you they eat. When the Naeri

die they are burnt with very great solemnity, and some pre-

serve their ashes. But with respect to the common people,

after death some bury them within the door of their house ;

others, again, in their garden. 1 The money of the said city

is struck here, as I have already told you in Narsinga. And

inasmuch as, at the time when I was in Calicut, there were

a very large number of merchants there from different coun-

tries and nations, I being desirous of knowing who these

persons were, so different one from the other, asked, and

was informed that there were here very many Moorish mer-

chants, many from Mecca, a part from Banghella, some from

Ternasseri, some from Pego, very many from Ciormandcl,

in great abundance from Zailani, a great quantity from

Sumatra, not a few from Colon and Caicolon, a very great

number from Bathacala, from Dabuli, from Chievuli, from

Combeia, from Guzerati, and from Ormus. There were also

some there, from Persia and from Arabia Felix, part from

Syria, from Turkey, and some from Ethiopia and Narsinga.

There were merchants from all these realms in my time. It

must be known that the Pagans do not navigate much, but it

is the Moors who carry the merchandize ; for in Calicut

there are at least fifteen thousand Moors, who are for the

greater part natives of the country. 2

1 This is confirmed by Buchanan, who says that the Nairs bum their

dead, but most of the inferior castes bury.

2 That the Hindoos have never been seamen may be inferred from the

152 THE TRAVELS OF

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE MANNER OF NAVI-

GATING IN CALICUT.

It appears to me very suitable and to the purpose, that I

should explain to you how these people navigate along the

coast of Calicut, and at what time, and how they build their

vessels. First, they make their vessels, such as are open,

each of three hundred or four hundred butts. And when

they build the said vessels they do not put any oakum be-

tween one plank and another in any way whatever, but they

join the planks so well that they keep out the water most

excellently. And then they lay on pitch outside, and put

in an immense quantity of iron nails. Do not imagine,

however, that they have not any oakum, for it comes there

in great abundance from other countries, but they are not

accustomed to use it for ships. 1 They also possess as good

almost universal silence of ancient writers on India regarding their

maritime affairs, whereas most of them describe the constitution of an

Indian army in detail. It seems highly probable, indeed, that the laws

of Manu, which mention bottomry, and which led Sir William Jones to

infer that the Hindoos must have been navigators in the age of that

work, referred primarily to river navigation, the superintendence of

which was committed to water-bailiffs, whose business, besides, it was to

keep the boundaries of the fields, to take care that each derived benefit

from the conduits and canals, etc. (See Manu, viii. 408-9.) Arrian

states expressly that sea-voyages were forbidden, and Pliny, that Indians

never emigrate (vi. 20) ; and although it may be conceded that their

navigation was not absolutely confined to rivers, nevertheless the weight

of testimony is decidedly against the idea that they were mariners in

the ordinary sense of the word.

It was undoubtedly the natural or religious antipathy of the Hindoos

for the sea, or a combination of both sentiments, which threw the navi-

gation of the Indian ocean, from the earliest ages, into the hands of the

more nautical Arabs, who thereby succeeded eventually in acquiring a

predominating influence on the western coast. The same aversion, pro-

ceeding from religious prejudice, is noticed by Marco Polo, who in de-

scribing the customs of the Malabariaus remarks, that the testimony of

one who sails by sea was not admissible, because such men were regarded

as desperate. See Pinkekton's Voyages, vol. vii. p. 163.

1 This description coincides generally with the existing mode of ship-

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 153

timber as ourselves, and in greater quantity than with us. 1

The sails of these ships of theirs are made of cotton, and at

the foot of the said sails they carry another sail, and they

spread this when they are sailing in order to catch more

wind ; so that they carry two sails where we carry only one.

They also carry anchors made of marble, that is to say, a

piece of marble eight palmi long and two palmi every other

way. The said marble has two large ropes attached to it

;

and these are their anchors. The time of their navigation

is this: from Persia to the Cape of Cumerin, which is dis-

tant from Calicut eight days' journey by sea towards the

south. You can navigate through eight months in the year,

that is to say, September to all April ; then, from the first

of May to the middle of August it is necessary to avoid this

coast because the sea is very stormy and tempestuous. And

you must know that during the months of May, June, July,

and August, it rains constantly night and day ; it does not

merely rain continually, but every night and every day it

rains, and but little sun is seen during this time. During

the other eight months it never rains. 2 At the end of April

they depart from the coast of Calicut, and pass the Cape of

Cumerin, and enter into another course of navigation, which

is safe during these four months, and go for small spices. 3 As

building on the Malabar coast. Marco Polo states, however, that the

vessels which were constructed there in his time were well caulked with

oakum. A mistake on his part, or, perhaps, of his English translator.

1 In a Report published by the Royal Asiatic Society, (No. iv. 350-

369,) one hundred and twenty valuable sorts of timber are enumerated

as produced in Malabar.2 A generally correct statement of the prevailing winds and weather

during the two monsoons.3 Many vessels quit the Malabar coast at that season of the year for

the Indian Archipelago, and return thither, or proceed to the Persian

Gulf or the Red Sea, at the opening of the north-east monsoon ; "for the

south-west monsoon, which prevails outside of Achin-head, from April to

October, seldom blows far into the strait, particularly near the Sumatra

side, for the force of the monsoon being repelled by the mountains and

154 THE TRAVELS OF

to the names of their ships, some are called SambucJii and

these are flat-bottomed. Some others which are made like

ours, that is in the bottom, they call Capel. Some other

small ships are called Parao, and they are boats of ten

paces each, and are all of one piece, and go with oars made

of cane, and the mast also is made of cane. There is another

kind of small bark called Almadia, which is all of one piece.

There is also another kind of vessel which goes with a sail

and oars. These are all made of one piece, of the length of

twelve or thirteen paces each. The opening is so narrow

that one man cannot sit by the side of the other, but one is

obliged to go before the other. They are sharp at both

ends. These ships are called Chaturi, and go either with a

sail or oars more swiftly than any galley,fasta, or brigantine. 1

There are corsairs of the sea, and these Chaturi are made

at an island which is near, called Porcai. 2

high land, stretching from Achin along the coast of Pedri, it is succeeded

hy light variable winds and calms, with sometimes land breezes or hard

squalls from the Sumatra coast at night." IIoksburg's Directory, Part ii.

1 These names of ships and boats furnish another indirect proof

against the notion that the early Hindoos were navigators ; for with one

exception, viz., that of Capel or Kapal, which Crawfurd says is of Telugu

or Telinga origin, the remainder are derived from foreign sources. Praubelongs equally to the Malay and Javanese languages. Sambuch is

from the Arabic Sanh&k. Almadia is the Arabic El-Maadtah, a ferry.

And Chaturi I take to be a corruption of Shakhtiir, the ordinary namefor a boat on the coast of Syria, and one not unknown in the Red Sea

and the Persian Gulf. Fusta is the Italian for a kind of light galley.

2 As there is no island so called in the vicinity of Calicut, I presume

Varthema refers to the town of that name, situated on the coast, about

two degrees farther south. " It has no haven or port of any kind, and

ships trading there anchor in the open sea off the town in two fathoms

water, one and a half or two miles from shore. It was formerly a place

of much greater importance than it is at present, and was the principal

place of a small raj or state, which was subverted in the year 1 74G by

the rajah of Travancore." (Thornton's Gazetteer.) Barbosa gives the

following description of the place :—" Porca has a lord of its own. Ilere

many Gentile fishermen reside who do nothing, and have no other occu-

pation than that of fishing during the winter, and of plundering on the

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 155

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE PALACE OF THE KINGOF CALICUT.

The palace of the king is about a mile in circumference.

The walls are low, as I have mentioned above, with very

beautiful divisions of wood, with devils carved in relief.

The floor of the house is all adorned with cow dung. 1 The

said house is worth two hundred ducats or thereabouts. I

sea during summer such as fall in their way. They possess certain small

boats, like brigantines, which they row skilfully, and collecting many of

these together, they themselves being armed with bows and arrows,

they surround any ship that is becalmed, and after forcing it to surrender

by means of their arrows, they proceed to plunder the crew and the ship,

casting the men naked on the ground. The booty they divide with the

lord of the country, who countenances them. This kind of boat they

call Caturi." (Ramusio, vol. i. p. 312.) These piracies appear to have

declined in Hamilton's time. He says :" Porcat or Porkah is of small

extent, reaching not above four leagues along the seacoast. The rjrince

is poor, having but little trade in his country, though it was a free port

for pirates when Evory and Kid robbed along the coast of India ; but

since then the pirates infest the northern coasts, finding the richest

prizes amongst the Mocha and Persia traders." (Pinkerton's Voyages,

vol. viii. p. 383.) Baldseus calls the place Percatti, and iu Keith John-

ston's superb new atlas it is written ParraJcad.

Query ? Is the whole or any part of the territory which formerly

constituted the small state of Porca ever insulated by the " Backwater

of Cochin V Horsburgh does not enable me to decide the question, but

judging from the maps it seems highly probable.1 A solutiou of cow dung (gobar) is in general use among the natives

throughout India for anointing the walls and floors of their mud huts,

on account of its binding and supposed purifying properties. Buchanan

says :" It is also much used as fuel, even where wood is abundant,

especially by men of rank, as, from the veneration paid to the cow, it is

considered as by far the most pure substance that can be employed.

Every herd. of cattle, when at pasture, is attended by women, and those

often of high caste, who with their hands gather the dung, and carry it

home in baskets. They then form it into cakes, about half an inch

thick, and nine in diameter, and stick them on the walls to dry. So

different, indeed, are Hindu notions of cleanliness from ours, that the

walls of their best houses are frequently bedaubed with these cakes."

Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. viii. p. 612.

15(5 THE TRAVELS OF

now saw the reason why they could not dig foundations, on

account of the water, which is close to them. 1 It would be

impossible to estimate the jewels which the king wears, al-

though in my time he was not in very good humour, in con-

sequence of his being at war with the king of Portugal, and

also because he had the French disease,2 and had it in the

throat. Nevertheless, he wore so many jewels in his ears,

on his hands, on his arms, on his feet, and on his legs, that

it MT as a wonder to behold.3 His treasure consists of two

magazines of ingots of gold, and stamped golden money,

which many Brahmins said that a hundred mules could not

carry. And they say, that this treasure has been left by

ten or twelve previous kings, who have left it for the wants

of the republic. This king of Calicut also possesses a casket

three spans long and one and a half span high, filled with

jewels of every description.

1 See note on p. 136 ante.

2 Framj or Frank is the common name among Arabs for the disease

referred to.

3 The following is a description of the Zamorin's dress when he gave

audience to Pedro Alvarez Cabral in 1500 :—" He had only a piece of

white cloth, embroidered with gold, about his middle : all the rest of his

body being naked. On his head was a cap of cloth of gold. At his ears

hung jewels, composed of diamonds, sapphires, and pearls, two of which

were larger than walnuts. His arms, from the elbow to the wrist, and

his legs, from the knees downwards, were loaded with bracelets, set with

infinite precious stones of great value. His fingers and toes were covered

with rings. In that of his great toe was a large ruby of surprising

lustre. Among the rest was a diamond bigger than a large bean. But

all this was as nothing compared with the richness of his girdle, made

with precious stones set in gold, which cast a lustre which dazzled

everybody's eyes. Near the Zamorin stood a chair of state and his litter,

all of gold and silver, curiously made, and adorned with precious stones.

There were three trumpets of gold and seventeen of silver, whose mouths

were set with stones also ; not to mention the silver lamps and censers

smoking with perfumes, and his golden spitting-basin." Greene's Col-

lection, vol. i. p. 43.

LUDOV1CO DI VARTHEMA. 15'

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE SPICES WHICH GROW IN

THAT COUNTRY OF CALICUT.

Many pepper trees are found in the territory of Calicut

:

there are also some within the city, but not in large quanti-

ties. Its stem is like that of a vine, that is to say, it is

planted near to some other tree, because, like the vine, it

cannot stand erect. This tree grows like the ivy, which

embraces and climbs as high as the wood or tree which it

can grasp. The said plant throws out a great number of

branches, which branches are from two to three pahni long.

The leaves of these branches resemble those of the sour

orange, but are more dry, and on the underneath part they

are full of minute veins. From each of these branches there

grow five, six, and eight clusters, a little longer than a man's

finger, and they are like small raisins, but more regularly

arranged, and are as green as unripe grapes. They gather

them in this green state in the month of October and even

in November, and then they lay them in the sun on certain

mats, and leave them in the sun for three or four days,

when they become as black as they are seen amongst us

without doing anything else to them. And you must know

that these people neither prune nor hoe this tree which pro-

duces the pepper. 1

1 " Pepper is proverbially styled the money of Malabar...The trailing

plant which produces pepper is propagated by planting a cutting at the

root of the jak, the mango, or other trees having rough bark, up which

the vine climbs. After it has been planted it requires no great trouble

or attentiou, the cultivator having little more to do than to collect the

produce in the proper season. When the fruit is intended for black

pepper, it is not allowed to ripen, but is collected green, and becomes

black on drying. That which is intended for white pepper is left to

ripen thoroughly, in which state the berries are covered with a red pulp,

which beiug washed off, leaves the peppercorn white, and requiring

merely to be dried to be fit for the market." (Thornton's Gazetteer.)

Fitch says :" The shrub is like unto our ivy tree, and if it did not run

about some tree or pole, it would fall down and rot. When first they

158 ill I : TRAVELS OF

In this place ginger also grows, which is a root, and of

these same roots some are found of four, eight, and twelve

ounces each. When they dig it, the stem of the said root is

about three or four spans long, and is formed like some reeds

[cannuze]. And when they gather the said ginger, in that

same place they take an eye of the said root, which is like

an eye of the cane, and plant it in the hole whence they have

dug that root, and cover it up with the same earth. At the

end of a year they return to gather it, and plant it in the

aforesaid manner. 1 This root grows in red soil, and on

the mountain, and in the plain, as the mirabolans grow,

every kind of which is found here. 2 Their stem is like that

of a middle-sized pear tree, and they bear like the pepper

tree.

gather it, it is green ; and then they lay it in the sun and it becometh

black." (Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. ix. p. 425.) Barbosa gives a de-

tailed account of the plant, and also of the pepper trade shortly after

the arrival of the Portuguese in India. Ramusio, vol. i. p. 322.1 Ilieronimo di Santo Stefano, who visited Calicut some years prior to

Varthenia, describes the pepper-vine and ginger-shrub in similar terms.

Of the latter, he says :" For the propagation of ginger, they plant the

piece of a small fresh root, about the size of a small nut, which at the

end of a month grows large. The leaf resembles that of a wild lilly."

{India in the Fifteenth Century, iv. p. 4, 5.) Fitch likens the plant to

" our garlic, and the root is the ginger." Dr. Buchanan states that the

cuttings of ginger are planted between the months of April and May,and that between December and January the roots are fit for pulling.

Those intended for replanting are mixed with a little mud, and immedi-ately buried in a pit. See A Journeyfrom Madras through Mysore, &c,vol. ii. p. 469.

- " Of Terminalia, the genus to which the Myrobalans belong, Wrightand Arnott, in their Prodromus Flora Peninsulce Indue Orientalis,

vol. i, p. 312 et seq., enumerate eleven species ; but probably only five of

them have edible fruits, viz. :

1. Terminalia Angustifolia, Jacq.

2. „ Catappe, L.

3. „ Bellerica, Roxb.

4. „ Chebula, Roxb.

5. „ Travancorensis, W. & A." J. J. Bennett.

l.UDOVICO 1)1 VARTHEMA. 159

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING SOME FRUITS OF CALICUT.

I found in Calicut a kind of fruit which is called Ciccara.

Its stem is like that of a large pear tree. The fruit is two

or two and a halfpalmi long, and is as thick as a man's thigh.

This fruit grows on the trunk of the tree, that is to say,

under the boughs, and partly on the middle of the stem.

The colour of the said fruit is green, and it is formed like

the pine, but the work is more minute. When it begins to

ripen, the skin becomes black and appears rotten. This

fruit is gathered in the month of December, and when it is

eaten it seems as though you were eating musk melons,

and it appears to resemble a very ripe Persian quince. It

appears also, as though you were eating a preparation of

honey, and it also has the taste of a sweet orange. "Within

the said fruit there are some pellicles like the pomegranate.

And within the said pellicles there is another fruit which, if

placed on the embers of the fire and then eaten, you would

say that they were most excellent chestnuts. So that this ap-

pears to me to be the best and the most excellent fruit I ever

ate. 1 Another fruit is also found here, which is called Amha,

1 The fruit here described is obviously the Jack {Artocarpus integri-

folia), the large seeds of which, when roasted, are frequently eaten.

They were a favourite dish with my late lamented friend Sir James

Outram, who used to say they were equal to chestnuts. Though the

taste of the pulp is sweet, the smell is very disagreeable to Europeans.

Varthema, who seems to affix the odour to the skin, is the only one of

the old travellers who appears to have noticed this peculiarity. I cannot

discover the origin of the name Ciccara which he gives to the fruit,

unless it be a corruption of the Malayalim Tsjaka or Taca. Ibn

Batuta mentions two species of the Jack, Esh-Shaki and El-Barki, and,

in describing the fruit, say3 :" When it grows yellow in the autumn,

they gather and divide it : and in the inside of each is from one to two

hundred seeds. Its seed resembles that of a cucumber, and has a stone

something like a large bean. When the stone is roasted, it tastes like a

dried bean." (Lee's Translation, p. 105.) The distinction thus drawn

between the seed and the stones of the Jack seems to justify Varthema

160 THE TRAVELS OF

the stem of which is called Manga. This tree is like a pear

tree, and bears like the pear. This Amba is made like one of

our walnuts in the month of August, and has that form ; and

when it is ripe it is yellow and shining. This fruit has a

stone within like a dry almond, and is much better than the

Damascus plum. A preserve is made of this fruit, such as

we make of olives, but they are much superior. 1 Another

in calling the latter " another fruit ;" and I am gratified to find that

this inference is in a measure confirmed by the following valuable

remarks communicated to me by John J. Bennett, Esq., of the British

Museum, to whose kindness I am also indebted for several subsequent

notes on the different fruits mentioned in this chapter :

—

" The fruit of the Jack is compound, and made up of a number of

single-seeded fruits cohering together. It is singular that this fact,

which is not very obvious at first sight, should have been partially

noticed by these old writers. Roxburgh's description of it is as follows :

' Fruit compound, oblong, murexed (muricate), from twelve to twenty

inches long, from six to twelve in diameter, weighing from ten to sixty

pounds. Seeds uniform, one in each germ, were all to come to maturity,

which can never happen. They are about the size of a nutmeg, enve-

loped in a thin, smooth, leathery sheath, lodged within the fleshy edible

part of the fruit, which formed the exterior coverings of the germ,

already noticed... The fruit of this tree is so universally known that it is

unnecessary for me to say anything respecting its excellence, as well as

that the seeds, when roasted, are not inferior to the best chestnuts. In

Ceylon, where the tree grows most plentifully, and where the fruit

attains to its greatest size, the inhabitants make them a very consider-

able article of their diet.' Flora Indica, vol. iii. p. 532."1 Though he misapplies their import, it is remarkable that Varthema

uses these two names.in connexion with this fruit. Am, Amb, Amba or

Anba, appears to be derived from the Sanscrit Amrd ; but, as written by

Ibn Batuta, ''Anba, it resembles so closely the collective form ^Atiab,

and the singular 'Anbah, the Arabic for grape, that I scarcely wonder at

Professor Lee translating it by that word, more especially as there is no

original name for the Mango in the Arabic language. The fruit is not

indigenous to any part of Arabia, though a very inferior quality is nowto be found in the southern parts of Yemen, and in the province of

'Amman (Oman). I am able to fix the date of its introduction into the

latter country (but, unfortunately, not the place from whence it was

imported, though in all probability it was from India), by the following

extract from a manuscript history of 'Amman in my possession, entitled

El-F<.dh el-Mubin. The author, writing of El-Fellah ibn el-Muhsin,

LUDOVICO DI VARTIIEMA. 161

fruit is found here resembling a melon, and it has similar

divisions, and when it is cut, three or four grains, which look

like grapes or sour cherries, are found inside. The tree

which bears this fruit is of the height of a quince tree, and

forms its leaves in the same manner. This fruit is called

Corcopal ; it is extremely good for eating, and excellent as a

medicine. 1 I also found there another fruit, which is exactly

like the medlar, but it is white like an apple. I do not re-

member by what name it was called. 2 Again, I saw another

kind of fruit which resembled a pumpkin in colour, is two

spans in length, and has more than three fingers of pulp,

and is much better than a gourd (zuccha) for confections, and

it is a very curious thing, and it is called Comolanga, and

grows on the ground like melons.3 This country also pro-

who ruled over a portion of that country towards the end of the fif-

teenth century, says :" It was he who planted the ''Amba at Makniyat,

and it increased in 'Amman where before it was unknown. It had been

sent to him as a rarity, and described as an excellent fruit, so he caused

a great many of those trees to be planted."

The word Mango, according to Crawfurd, is a corruption of Manggawhich, though used by Malays, he says was picked up by our traders at

Bantam, v

on the^coast of Sumatra. {Hist, of the Indian Archipelago,

vol. i. p. 425.) The seafaring Arabs of Malabar probably borrowed it

from the same source.1 The names given by Varthema to the fruits mentioned in this

chapter do not appear to be in use at the present day, and Malayalim

scholars fail to recognize them as belonging to that language. Withregard to the Corcopal, Mr. Bennett remarks :

" I can hardly give a

guess. It might be the Papau, but differs in the character of the leaves,

and in the number of seeds. Or, it might be a species of Diospyros.'1 ''

2 " The medlar-like fruit here described may be either the Rose-apple

or the Guava, of both of which there are white-fruited varieties. The

large open calyx in either may have suggested the comparison to a

medlar." Bennett.3 " Probably nearly allied to, if not identical with, the Water melon."

With regard to the Corcopal and Comolanga, Mr. Bennett observes :

" I find that Julius Caesar Scaliger has been poaching in Varthema,

whom he translates somewhat differently, not naming the source of his

information. The following are his chapters with their headings :—

" ' Melo Corcopali et Mespilum. Corcopal Indite provincia est : in qua

162 THE TRAVELS OF

duces another very singulai* fruit, which fruit is called

Malapolanda. The tree which bears this fruit is as high as

a man or a little more, and it produces four or five leaves

which are branches and leaves. Each of these covers a man

against rain and sun. In the middle of this it throws out a

certain branch which "produces flowers in the same manner

as the stalk of a bean, and afterwards it produces some fruits

which are half a palmo and apalmo in length, and they are as

thick as the staff of a spear. And when they wish to gather

the said fruit they do not wait until it is ripe, because it

ripens in the house. One branch will produce two hundred

or thereabouts of these fruits, and they all touch one against

the other. Of these fruits there are found three sorts. The

first sort is called Cianchapalon ; these are very restorative

things to eat. Their colour is somewhat yellow, and the

bark is very thin. The second sort is called Cadelapalon,

and they are much superior to the others. The third sort are

bitter. The two kinds above mentioned are good like our

figs, but superior. The tree of this fruit produces once and

then no more. The said tree always has at its stem fifty or

sixty shoots (figlioli), and the owners remove these shoots by

the hand and transplant them, and at the end of a year they

produce their fruit. And if the said branches are too green

when they cut them, they put a little lime upon the said

fruits to make them ripen quickly. You must know that a-

cydonii magnitudine et foliis arbor prregrandem gerit fructum, melonis

fi<nira, eodernque sulcatum modo. Intra quern terna quaternave grana,

acinorurn uvse facie, acore cerasi. Ubi est adversus tuarn subtilitatern

naturse simplicitas. Non enim granorum Humerus, uti tu volebas in

Punicis, certus est : sicuti neque in Ciccara. Melonem banc et edendo

esse, et ad medicinas utilem. Ibi Mespilum colore albo, Malo magni-

tudine.'

" ' Comolanga. In eadem Corcopal Comolanga fructus esitatur, ses-

quipede major, curcubitte colore, llumi jacet, ut melo. Pulpa; pluri-

mum. Condimenta ex ea, vol cucurbitinis, quas Carabassades Hispani

vocaut, vel citriis meliora, attpie sapidiora.' Exekcitatio clxxxi. cap.

13, 15." Idem.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 163

very large quantity of such fruits is found at all times of the

year, and twenty are given for a quattrino. 1 In like manner,

roses and most singular flowers are found here on all the

days of the year.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE MOST FRUITFUL TREEIN THE WORLD.

I will describe another tree to you, the best in all the

world, which is called Tenga,~ and is formed like the trunk

1 " This is certainly the Plantain, in its several varieties, and very

well described. With respect to its dying off after producing its fruit,

I need only quote what Roxburgh says :' They blossom at all seasons,

though generally during the rains, and ripen their seed in five or six

months afterwards. The plant then perishes down to the root, which

long before this time has produced other shoots : these continue to grow

up, blossom, etc., in succession for several years. Flora Intlica, i. p.

663." Idem.

Malapolanda may be a corruption of Videi pullum, which, according

to Ainsiie, is the Tamil name for Plantain. See his Materia Indica,

vol. i. sub voce Plantain.2 This is, obviously, the Cocoa-nut tree, the Malayalim name of which,

according to Ainsiie, is Tdnghd. I am aware of none among the earlier

travellers who has so thoroughly described this palm, and the several

uses to which it is applied, as Varthema ; and the accuracy of his details

may be tested by the following quotation from Seeman$v—" The cocoa-

nut tree attains a height of from sixty to one hundred feet, and a

diameter of one or two feet.. ..It flourishes best in a sandy soil. ..The

wood is devoted to various purposes. The leaves are from eighteen to

twenty feet long : the Cingalese split them in halves, and plait the seg-

ments so as to form baskets. Under the denomination of cadjans, they

form the usual covering of their huts, as well as of the European

bungalows. The midribs of the leaves, when tied together, form brooms

for the decks of ships... There is one portion of the tree which attracts

much the attention of the observer,—it is a kind of net-work at the base

of the petiole. It is stripped off in large pieces, and used in Ceylon as

strainers, particularly for the toddy. A tree produces several bunches

of nuts, and from twelve to twenty large nuts, besides several small un-

productive ones, may be seen on each bunch. In good situations the

fruit is gathered four or five times in the course of the year. The latter

M 2

104 THE TRAVELS OF

of a date tree. Ten useful things are derived from this

tree. The first utility is wood to burn; nuts to eat; ropes

for maritime navigation ; thin stuffs which, when they are

dyed, appear to be made of silk; charcoal' in the greatest

perfection; wine; water; oil; and sugar: and with its leaves

which fall, that is, when a branch falls, they cover the

houses. And these ward off water for half a year. Were I to

declare to you in what manner it accomplishes so many

things you would not believe it, neither could you under-

stand it. The said tree produces the above-named nuts in

the same manner as the branch of a date tree ; and each tree

is much used as an article of food, both meat and drink, when green or

young : in that state it yields an abundance of a delicious cooling bever-

age. The water, beautifully clear, has a sweetness, with a slight degree

of astringency, which renders it agreeable... From the flower spathes,

before the flowers are expanded, toddy or palm-wine is made. To pro-

cure the toddy, the spathe is tied with strips of the young leaves to

prevent its expansion. It is cut a little transversely from the top, and

beaten either with the handle of the toddy-knife, or a small piece of

ebony or iron-wood : this process having been continued morning and

evening, (at dawn of day, and just as the sun declines below the horizon,)

for five or six successive days, the under part of the spathe is taken off,

so as to permit of its being gradually bent, when the toddy-drawers, for

the purpose of keeping it in that position, attach it to some neighbour-

in"- leaf-stalk. After a further period of five days, an earthen chatty or

calabash is hung to the spathe, so as to receive the toddy that exudes,

which is collected every morning and evening, and the spathe cut a little

every day : the quantity collected varies much.

" Fermentation takes place in a few hours after the toddy has been

collected, when it is used by the bakers as yeast. ..Arrack is distilled

from toddy, which also yields abundance of jaggery or sugar. ..The rind

or husk of the cocoa-nut is very fibrous, and when ripe is the Roya or

Coir of commerce... Another valuable production of the nut is the oil...

The Malabar method of extracting it is by dividing the kernels into two

equal parts, which are ranged on shelves made of the laths of the Betel-

nut palm, or split bamboo, spaces being left between each lath of half

an inch wide : under them a charcoal fire is then made, and kept up for

two or three days, in order to dry them. After this process they are

exposed to the sun on mats, and when thoroughly dried (then called

Koppera) are placed in an oil-press or siccoor." Popular History of the

Palms and thevr Allies, pp. 14(M7.">.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 165

will produce from one hundred to two hundred of these nuts,

the outer part of which is taken off and used as firewood.

And then, next to the second bark, there is taken off a

certain substance like cotton or linen flax, and this is given

to workmen to beat, and from the flower, stuffs which

appear like silken stuffs are made. And the coarse part

they spin, and make of it small cords, and of the small they

make large cords, and these they use for the sea. Of the

other bark of the said nut excellent charcoal is made. After

the second bark the nut is good to eat. The size of the said

fruit is [at first] that of the little finger of the hand. Whenthe said nut begins to grow, water begins to be produced

within ; and when the nut has arrived at perfection, it is full

of water, so that there are some nuts which will contain four

and five goblets of water, which water is a most excellent

thing to drink, and is also like rose-water, and extremely

sweet. Most excellent oil is made from the said nut, and

thus you have eight utilities from it. Another branch of

the said tree they do not allow to produce nuts, but they cut

it in the middle and give it a certain inclination ; and in the

morning and evening they make an opening with a knife,

and then they apply a certain fluid and that fluid draws out

a certain juice. And these men set a pot underneath and

collect that juice, of which one tree will produce as much as

half a jug between the day and the night. This they

place over the fire and boil it one, two, and three times,

so that it appears like brandy, and will affect a man's

head by merely smelling it, to say nothing of drinking it.

This is the wine which is drunk in these countries. From

another branch of the said tree they produce in a similar

manner this juice, and convert it into sugar by means of

fire ; but it is not very good. The said tree always has fruit

either green or dry, and it produces fruit in five years.

These trees are found over two hundred miles of country,

and all have owners. As to the goodness of this tree, when

166 THE TRAVELS OF

the kings are at enmity one with another, and kill each

other's children, they nevertheless sometimes make peace.

But if one king cut down any of these trees belonging to

another king, peace will never be granted to all eternity. 1

You must know that the said tree lives for twenty or five

and twenty years, and grows in sandy places. And when

these nuts are planted to produce these trees, and until they

begin to germinate, or that the tree begins to grow from

them, it is necessary that the men who plant them should

go every evening to uncover them, in order that the cool

night air may blow over them ; and early in the morning

they return to cover them up, in order that the sun may not

find them thus uncovered. And in this manner does this

tree generate and grow. In this country of Calicut, there

is found a great quantity of zerzalino,2 from which they make

very excellent oil.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE PRACTICE THEYFOLLOW IN SOWING RICE.

The men of Calicut, when they wish to sow rice, observe

this practice. First, they plough the land with oxen as wedo, and when they sow the rice in the field they have all

the instruments of the city continually sounding and making

merry. They also have ten or twelve men clothed like

1 The Israelites were expressly forbidden to cut down food-bearing

trees even in an enemy's country. (Deut. xx. 19.) To injure trees,

according to Manu, was an offence proportioned to the value of the tree,

(viii. 285.) Quintus Curtius was correct when he said of the ancient

Hindus that they deified certain trees, which it was a capital crime to

destroy. (Lib. viii. cap. 9.) " The ficus religiosa, and other trees, are

never injured by the Hindus. Ward mentions a tree which was so muchreverenced that not even its withered branches were permitted to becut." Bombay Quarterly Magazine, October 1850.

2 Sesame, see note 2, p. 86 ante.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 167

devils, and these unite in making great rejoicing with the

players on the instruments, in order that the devil may make

that rice very productive.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE PHYSICIANS WHO VISIT

THE SICK IN CALICUT.

When a merchant, that is, a Pagan, is sick and in great

danger, the abovementioned instruments and the aforesaid

men dressed like devils go to visit the sick man ; and they go

at two or three o'clock in the morning ; and the said men so

dressed carry fire in their mouths ; and in each of their hands

and on their feet they wear two crutches of wood, which are

one pace (passo) high, and in this manner they go shouting

and sounding the instruments, so that truly if the person were

not ill, he would fall to the ground from terror at seeing these

ugly beasts. And these are the physicians who go to see and

to visit the sick man. And although they should fill the

stomach full up to the mouth, they pound three roots of

ginger and make a cup of juice, and this they drink, and in

three days they no longer have any illness, so that they live

exactly like beasts. 1

1 Hindus generally attribute all disease to malignant spiritual agency,

which must be either propitiated or exorcised ; and although this notion

does not wholly prevent their seeking relief from dietetics and physic,

their chief reliance, nevertheless, is placed on medical thaumaturgy.

The practitioners are men of low caste, who pretend to effect great cures

by amulets, philtres, and various incantations, not unfrequently asso-

ciated with a noisy display similar to that above described by Varthema.

Buchanan mentions a tribe of Telinga origin, called the Pacanet Joghis,

which is scattered over the peninsula, whose business consists in collect-

ing and exhibiting the plants used in medicine. He says :" Their vir-

tuous men, after death, are supposed to become a kind of gods, and

frequently to inspire the living, which makes them speak incoherently,

and enables them to foretel the event of diseases ;" and then adds :

" Medicine in this country has, indeed, fallen into the hands of charla-

tans equally impudent and ignorant." (Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. viii.

168 THE TRAVELS OF

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE BANKERS ANDMONEY-CHANGERS.

The monc)r-changcrs and bankers of Calicut have some

weights, that is, balances, which are so small that the box

in which they stand and the weights together do not weigh

half an ounce ; and they are so true that they will turn by

a hair of the head. And when they wish to test any piece

of gold, they have carats of gold as we have ; and they have

the touchstone like us. And they test after our manner.

When the touchstone is full of gold, they have a ball, of a

certain composition which resembles wax, and with this ball,

when they wish to see if the gold be good or poor, they

press on the touchstone and take away some gold from the

said touchstone, and then they see in the ball the goodness

of the gold, and they say :" Idu mannu, Idu aga," that is,

" this is good, and this is poor." And when that ball is

full of gold they melt it, and take out all the gold which

they have tested by the touchstone. The said money-changers

are extremely acute in their business. The merchants have

this custom when they wish to sell or to purchase their mer-

chandise, that is, wholesale:—They always sell by the hands of

the Cortor or of the Leila, 1 that is, of the broker. And when

the purchaser and the seller wish to make an agreement,

they all stand in a circle, and the Cortor takes a cloth and

holds it there openly with one hand, and with the other

hand he takes the right hand of the seller, that is, the two

fingers next to the thumb, and then he covers with the said

cloth his hand and that of the seller, and touching each

other with these two fingers, they count from one ducat up

p. 669.) For some valuable remarks on Medical Thauuiaturgy in India,

see the Bombay Quarterly Magazine for October 1850, and Fobbes's

Chapter on Bhoots, Ras Mala, vol. ii. pp. 379-400.1 Cortor is probably a contraction of the Portuguese Mercador. Leila

is doubtless a corruption of the Arabic Dallal, a go-between, a broker.

LUDOVICO DI VAKTHEMA. 1(>9

to one hundred thousand secretly, without saying " I will

have so much" or "so much." But in merely touching the

joints of the fingers they understand the price and say :

" Yes" or " No." And the Cortor answers " No" or " Yes."

And when the Cortor has understood, the will of the seller,

he goes to the buyer with the said cloth, and takes his hand

in the manner above mentioned, and by the said touching

he tells him he wants so much. The buyer takes the finger

of the Cortor, and by the said touches says to him :" I will

give him so much." 1 And in this manner they fix the price.

1 This method of transacting business prevails among the Arabs in

the Red Sea and along the north-eastern coast of Arabia. Dr. Beke also

noticed it at the market of Baso in Abyssinia, and describes it thus :

—

" The principals or their brokers, seated on the ground, take each other's

hand,—the hands being covered with their clothes so that they may not

be seen,—and then by a peculiar grasping or pressing of the fingers

they make known the price which they are respectively willing to give

or accept. A few examples will best explain this : Having first settled

between themselves whether the price in question is to be in gold

(ounces,) in silver (dollars,) or in salt (amoles,) they then, if the price is

in amoles, for fifty grasp the whole five fingers ; for forty, only four.

For sixty they first grasp the whole five, and then say ' this,' and then,

after a momentary pause, add 'and this,' accompanying the latter words

with the pressure of one finger only. One hundred dmoles would be five

fingers and then again five, or simply a single finger ; 110, one finger

alone, say 'this'—

' and this,' and pressing it twice ; 120 would, of course,

be first one finger and then two. If the price is settled in silver or gold,

then it will be two, three, or four fingers, according to their value ; and

subdivisions of the wokiet [ounces] are made known by pressing the nail

of the forefinger on the forefinger of the other party, the end joint being

^, the second joint or middle of the finger J, and the middle of the first

phalanx f . As it mostly happens that several persons are interested,

—

or, if not so, at all events take part in the transaction as friends or

advisers,—its progress is communicated to them by the principals

through their other hands, which are in like manner hidden under their

clothes ; and thus the price can be passed on in succession to an in-

definite number of individuals, without its being once openly named.

When any of these think the amount offered sufficient, they cry out

' sell, sell ;' and should the conclusion of the bargain be long delayed,

this cry is repeated, making a curious impression on a bystander, whomay not happen to be aware what is going on." Letters on the Com-

merce and Politics of Abyssinia, p. 19.

170 THE TRAVELS OF

If the merchandise about which they treat be spices, they

deal by the bahar, which bahar weighs three of our cantari.

If they be stuffs, they deal by curia, and in like manner

if they be jewels. By a curia is understood twenty ; or,

indeed, they deal hy farasola, which farasola weighs about

twenty-five of our lire}

1 The names of these weights and measures, I am informed, are not

Malayalim, though I think it highly probable that they are still used

by the Arabs who frequent the Malabar coast. Buhdr is an Arabic

word, indicating usually a weight of three hundred pounds. By some

Arabian lexicographers it is supposed to be of Coptic origin, and Prinsep

seems to regard it as a term " properly Hindu," a corruption either of

bhdra or bdha. (See Lane's Arabic- English Lexicon, sub voce Buhdr,

and Prinsep's Useful Tables, part i. p. 76. Calcutta, 1834.) Crawfurd

says it is the only weight introduced into the Archipelago by the Arabs,

and was in use even as far as the Moluccas when the Portuguese first

arrived. (Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands, sub voce Weights.)

Hamilton mentions the " Bahaar" as a weight used in several parts of

the East Indies in his time. Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. viii. p. 518.

Curia stands undoubtedly for koraja, and Farasola is the plural of

fdrsala, both words being still in ordinary use among the Arabs of the

Red Sea and Persian Gulf ; but I am unable to verify their origin. The

latter seems identical with ferrah, a corruption of parah, the name of an

old Hindu weight, which is known throughout India, and used in mea-

suring lime, etc. ; and the former may be derived from the Sanscrit

kauri, a score. (Prinsep's Tables, id.) Koraja means twenty, and is

applied to bales of hides, piece-goods, etc., containing that number. It

is written " Gorjes" in the bill of goods purchased at Mokha in 1612 by

Captain John Saris from a native merchant of Surat, and Saris also

enumerates it among-the weights and measures known at Java and other

islands of the Indian Archipelago, e, g. " Taffata, in Boults, an hundred

and twelve yards the Piece, forty-six Ryals of Eight the Oorj, or twenty

Pieces." Greene's Collection of Voyages, vol. i. pp. 466, 504.

The present weight of a fdrsala at Aden is 28 lbs. Hamilton, whocalls it " Frasella," and places it among the Banyan Weights, reckoned

it in his time at 29| lbs. avoirdupois ; and Niebuhr, who names it amongthe weights of Mokha, makes it 30 Uvres. See Pinkerton's Voyages,

vol. viii. p. 518 ; Voyage en Arable, vol. iii. p. 192.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEM.V. 171

THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW THE POLIARI AND HIRAVAFEED THEIR CHILDREN.

The women of these two classes of people, that is, the

Poliari and Hirava, suckle their children for about three

months, and then they feed them upon cow's milk or goat's

milk. And when they have crammed them, without wash-

ing either their faces or their bodies, they throw them into

the sand, in which they remain covered up from the morn-

ing until the evening, and as they are more black than any

other colour, they cannot be distinguished from little buf-

falos or little bears ; so that they appear misshapen things,

and it seems as though they were fed by the devil. Their

mothers give them food again in the evening. These people

are the most agile leapers and runners in the world. 1 I

1 See note on p. 142 ante. That this is not an exaggerated picture of

the mode in which the offspring of these wretched outcasts are nurtured,

may be fairly inferred from the following description of the class which

they compose :—" The creatures in human form, who constitute the

number of 100,000, the agrestic slave population of Malabar, are dis-

tinguishable, like the savage tribes still to be found in some of the forests

in India, from the rest of the human race by their degraded, diminutive,

squalid appearance, their dropsical pot-bellies contrasting horribly with

their skeleton arms and legs, half-starved, hardly clothed children, and in a

condition scarcely superior to the cattle that they follow at the plough."

(Thornton's Gazetteer, sub voce Malabar.) Buchanan says :" The only

means they employ to procure a subsistence is by watching the crops,

to drive away wild hogs and birds. Hunters also employ them to rouse

game ; and the A chumars, who hunt by profession, give them one-fourth

part of what they kill. They gather a few wild roots, but can neither

catch fish, nor any kind of game. They sometimes procure a tortoise,

and are able, by means of hooks, to kill a crocodile. Both these am-

phibious animals they reckon delicious food. All these resources, how-

ever, are inadequate to their support, and they subsist chiefly by begging.

They have scarcely any clothing, and every thing about them discloses

want and misery. They have some wretched huts built under trees in

remote places; but they generally wander about in companies of ten or

twelve persons, keeping at a little distance from the road ; and when

they see any passenger they set up a howl, like so many hungry dogs."

17:2 THE TRAVELS OF

think I ought not to omit explaining to you the many kinds

of animals and birds which are found in Calicut, and espe-

cially about the lions, wild hogs, goats, wolves, kine, buf-

falos, goats, and elephants (which, however, are not pro-

duced here, but come from other places), 1 great numbers of

wild peacocks, and green parrots in immense quantities ; also

a kind of red parrot. And there are so many of these

parrots, that it is necessary to watch the rice in order that

the said birds may not eat it. One of these parrots is worth

four quatlriniy and they sing extremely well. I also saw

here another kind of bird, which is called saru. 2 They sing-

better than the parrots, but are smaller. There are many

other kinds of birds here different from ours. I must inform

you, that during one hour in the morning and one hour in

the evening there is no pleasure in the world equal to that

of listening to the song of these birds, so much so that it is

like being in paradise, in consequence of there being such

a multitude of trees and perpetual verdure, which arises

from the circumstance that cold is unknown here, neither is

there excessive heat. In this country a great number of

apes are produced, one of which is worth four casse, and

one casse is worth a quatlrino They do immense damage

to those poor men who make wine. 3 These apes mount on

the top of those nuts and drink that same liquor, and then

Hamilton's account is somewhat different. He says :" they are cunning

in catching wild beasts and birds ;" and strikingly corroborates Var-

thema by remarking that " they are very swift in running." Pinker-

ton's Voyages, vol. viii. pp. 375-6, 739.

1 Wild elephants, inferior in size to none in India, exist in the jungles

and forests of Malabar. Varthema probably meant that they were not

bred in the immediate vicinity of Calicut. All the other quadrupeds

and birds which he enumerates, and a great many besides, abound in the

country.2 Saru is probably from the Persian sar, a starling. Shakespeare,

however, gives saro as an Hindostani name for that bird. He seems,

moreover, to make it identical with the maind {Gracula relujiosa).

3 That is, cocoa-nut wine, or toddy.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 17-3

they overturn the vessel and throw away all the liquor they

cannot drink.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE SERPENTS WHICH AREFOUND IN CALICUT.

There is found in this Calicut a kind of serpent which is

as large as a great pig, and which has a head much larger

than that of a pig, and it has four feet, and is four

braza long. 1 These serpents are produced in certain

marshes. The people of the country say that they have no

venom, but that they are evil animals, and do injury to

people by means of their teeth. Three other kinds of ser-

pents are found here which, if* they strike a person a little,

that is, drawing blood, he immediately falls to the ground

dead. And it has often happened here in my time that

there have been many persons struck by these animals, of

which animals there are three kinds. The first resemble

deaf adders ; the'next are scorpions ; the third are thrice as

large as scorpions. Of these three kinds there are immense

numbers. And you must know that when the king of

Calicut learns where the nest of any of these brutal animals

is, he has made over it a little house, on account of the

water.2 And if any person should kill one of these animals

1 Crocodiles, the animals here indicated, swarm in the rivers of Mala-

bar. " Of other reptiles, there are the skink, a large lizard about four

feet long, the salamander, tortoise, snakes of various kinds, as the cobra

de capello, the bite of which results in inevitable death, and many other

venomous kinds, as also the boa constrictor, generally swept down by

torrents from the jungly valleys of the Ghats." Thoknton's Gazetteer,

sub voce Malabar.

- I visited one of these retreats for serpents at Kolapore in the South-

ern Mahratta country, and witnessed them feasting on milk which had

been prepared for them by the guardians of the shrine ; nevertheless, on

two different occasions I have seen Hindus join heartily in killing a

cobra de capello.

Baldteus, speaking of the cobras at Negapatam, soys :

;' They are iu

174: THE TRAVELS OF

the king would immediately put him to death. In like

manner, if any one kill a cow, he would also put that person

to death. They say that these serpents are spirits of God,

and that if they were not his spirits, God' would not have

given them such a power, that biting a person a little he

would immediately fall dead. And it is from this circum-

stance that there are such numbers of these animals who

know the Pagans and do not avoid them. In my time one

of these serpents entered into a house during the night and

bit nine persons, and in the morning they were all found

dead and swollen. And when the said Pagans go on a

journey, if they meet any of these animals they receive it as

a good augury.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE LIGHTS OF THE KINGOF CALICUT.

In the house of the king of Calicut there.are many cham-

bers, in which as soon as evening comes they have ten or

twelve vases made in the form of a fountain, which are com-

posed of cast metal, and are as high as a man. Each of

these vases has three hollow places for holding oil, about

two spans high from the ground. And, first, there is a vase in

which is oil with cotton wicks lighted all round. Andabove this there is another vase more narrow, but with the

same kind of lights, and on the top of the second vase there

stands another yet smaller, but with oil and lights ignited.

The foot of this vase is formed in a triangle, and on each of

the faces of the foot there are three devils in relief, and they

are very fearful to behold. These are the squires who hold

such reverence among these Pagans, that if they should happen to kill

one of them, they will look upon it as an expiable [inexpiable ?] crime,

and to forbode some great misfortune." Churchill's Collection, vol.

iii. p. G51.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 175

the lights before the king. This king also makes use of

another custom. When one of his relations dies, as soon as

the year of mourning is accomplished, he sends an invita-

tion to all the principal Brahmins who are in his own king-

dom, and he also invites some from other countries. And

when they are arrived, they make great feastings for three

days. Their food consists of rice dressed in various ways,

the flesh of wild hogs, and a great deal of venison, for they

are great hunters. At the end of the three days, the said

king gives to each of the principal Brahmins three, four, and

five parclai, and then everyone returns to his house. And

all the people of the kingdom of the king shave their beards

for joy.

THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW A GREAT NUMBER OFPEOPLE CAME TO CALICUT ON THE 25th OP

DECEMBER TO RECEIVE THEIR PARDON.

Near to Calicut there is a temple in the midst of a tank,

that is, in the midst of a pond of water : which temple is

made in antique style with two rows of columns, like San

Giovanni in Fonte at Rome. 1 In the middle of that temple

1 This was probably the temple which De Gama and his companions

visited on their way from Padarane to Calicut about six years previously,

and where some of them, wittingly or unwittingly, took part in the

heathen services. " The temple was as large as a great monastery. It

was built of freestone, and covered with tiles. Over the front door there

hung seven balls ; and before it stood a pillar as high as the mast of a

ship, made of wire, with a weathercock of the same at top. Within, it

was full of images : this made De Gama and the rest take it for a Chris-

tian church. Entering it, they were met by certain men, naked from

the waist upwards, and from thence to the knees covered with calico.

They wore pieces of calico also under the armpits, with certain threads,

which were hung over their left shoulder, and passed under the right arm,

just as the Romish priests used to wear their stoles formerly. These

men, with a sponge dipped in a fountain, sprinkled their visitants ; and

then gave each of them some Sanders [sandal-wood] pulverized to strew

176 THE TRAVELS OF

there is an altar, made of stone, where sacrifices are per-

formed. And between each of the columns of the lower

circle there stand some little ships made of stone, which are

two paces long, and are full of a certain oil,- which is called

Enna. 1 Around the margin of the said tank there is an im-

mense number of trees all of one kind, on which trees there

are lights so numerous that it would be impossible to count

them. And in like manner around the said temple there are

oil lights in the greatest abundance. When the 25th day of

the month of December arrives, all the people for fifteen

days' journey around, that is to say, the Naeri and Brahmins,

come to this sacrifice. And before performing the said

sacrifice, they all wash in the said tank. Then the principal

Brahmins of the king mount astride of the little vessels

above-mentioned where the oil is, and all these people come

to the said Brahmins, who anoint the head of each of them

with that oil, and then they perform the sacrifice on that

altar before-mentioned. At the end of one side of this altar

there is a very large Sathanas, which they all go to worship,

and then each returns on his way. At this season the land

is free and frank for three days, that is, they cannot exercise

upon their heads, (as the Papists do ashes,) and on their arms. The

Portuguese did one, but not the other, because their clothes were on.

On the walls of the temple were many images painted, some with great-

teeth sticking above an inch out of their mouth ; others with four arms,

and such frightful faces that the Portuguese began to doubt whether it

was a Christian church or not. Upon the top of the chapel, which stood

in the middle of the temple, was a fort, or freestone tower, with a little

wire door, and stone stairs on the outside. Id the wall of this tower

was an image, on sight whereof the Malabars called out ' Mary !' [Pro-

bably some native word of similar sound forbidding the strangers to

approach any nearer, or inviting them to worship.] Whereupon DeGama and the rest, taking it for an image of the Virgin, fell on their

knees and prayed. Only one, Juan de Sala, who had some doubt of the

matter, in making his genuflexions, said :' If this be the devil, I worship

God ;' which made De Gama smile." Gkeene's Collection, vol. i. p. 51.

1 Probably from Neh, one of the Sanscrit names for oil, with the

Arabic article el- or en- prefixed.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 177

vengeance one against another. In truth, I never saw so

many people together at one time, excepting when I was at

Mecca. 1 It appears to me that I have sufficiently explained

to you the customs and manner of living, the religion and

the sacrifices, of Calicut. Wherefore departing thence, I

will recount to you step by step the rest of my journey,

together with all the events which happened to me in the

course of it.

1 I am unable to determine the precise festival here described, and

which in the year of Varthema's visit (probably 1505) fell on the 25th

of December. In many respects it resembles the festival at Bijayanagar,

which was also of three days' duration, described in detail by 'Abd er-

Razzak, and called by him " Mahanadi." (See India in the XVth Cen-

tury, i. pp. 35-39.) Perhaps it was the Navardtra, or Hindu New Year

;

but it would not be difficult for those skilled in comparative chronology

to identify it.

178 THE TRAVELS OF

THE THIRD BOOK CONCERNING INDIA.

My companion, who was called Cogiazenor,1 seeing that he

could not sell his merchandize because Calicut was ruined

by the king of Portugal, for the merchants who used to

come there were not there, neither did they come.—And the

reason why they did not come was that the [king of Calicut]

consented that the Moors should kill forty-eight Portuguese,

whom I saw put to death. And on this account the king of

Portugal is always at war, and he has killed, and every day

kills, great numbers. And therefore the said city is ruined,

for in every way it is at war. 2—And so we departed, and took

1 This appears to be the same person that Vartheina picked up as a

companion at Shiriiz. See p. 103 ante.

2 Although Vasco de Gama's first reception by the Zamorin was friendly,

the resident Muhammedans generally, and more especially the foreign

Arabs, who possessed great influence at the court, and who seem to have

feared a rivalry in their trade, did all in their power to thwart his views.

In consequence of this opposition, De Gama left India without establishing

commercial relations with Calicut. Two years later, Pedro Alvarez Cabral

succeeded in settling a factory there, but the Mekkah merchants prevented

their getting any cargoes, and instigated an attack on the factory, which

was completely destroyed,and many Portuguese killed. In revenge for this

outrage, Cabral bombarded the town, and in the course of the following

year the Zamorin's fleet was defeated by Juan de Nueva. Between1502-3 De Gama again appeared before Calicut, and having seized fifty

Malabarians at sea caused them to be hung on board his ships, and then

ordered their amputated hands and feet to be sent on shore in a prau.

After this, he cannonaded the place for several hours, demolishing manyhouses, and among them the Zamorin's palace. Then in 1505 Lope

LTJDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 179

our road by a river, 1 which is the most beautiful I ever saw,

and arrived at a city which is called Cacolon, distant from

Soarez came to Calicut with a fleet of thirteen ships, on which occasion

certain prisoners who had been taken in the former wars were delivered

up to him ; but as some were detained, he battered the city for two days,

ruining a great part of it, and killing three hundred of the inhabitants.

Calculating that Varthema must have been at Calicut about this time,

I think it highly probable that the forty-eight Portuguese whom he saw

dead were the individuals who had not been surrendered to Soarez. (See

Greene's Collection of Voyages, vol. i. pp. 29-57, whose account of the

early voyages of the Portuguese to India is extracted from Castenheda,

De Barros, and De Faria y Souza.)

1 The maps, unfortunately, do not enable me to decide whether inland

navigation is practicable to the southward beginning at Calicut, and

Horsburgh is silent on that particular point ; but if the hydrography of

Keith Johnston's Atlas is correct, there is a continuous water commu-

nication, formed by the different rivers and estuaries, and running

parallel with the coast, extending from Panane, (Thornton's Ponany,

and Keith Johnston's Ponani,) twenty-eight miles south of Calicut, as

far as Quilon, which is nearly two degrees to the southward of Panane.

This fact would partially justify Varthema in saying that he proceeded

on his journey from Calicut " by a river ;" but I am inclined to think

that, with the exception, perhaps, of an occasional very brief run at sea,

from one estuary to another, his statement, on a more thorough investi-

gation than I have the means of giving it, will be verified in its entirety,

especially as I find that Ibn Batuta appears to have travelled by the

same route ; for he says :" I proceeded, therefore, [from Calicut] to that

place [Kawlani=Quilon] by river. It is situated at a distance of ten

days from Calicut ;" meaning, of course, that the river journey occupied

that time. See Lee's Translation, p. 1 74.

The following quotations illustrate the subject generally :—" Many of

these rivers [of Malabar] during the monsoon have inland communica-

tions, by which navigation is practicable, from stream to stream and

estuary to estuary, in a direction parallel to the shore. Of these waters,

the most remarkable is that of Chowgaut, a fine sheet on the south-

eastern frontier towards Cochin, twenty miles in length and eight in

breadth, having numerous islands, coves, and inlets, and characterized

by Buchanan as ' one of the finest inland navigations imaginable.'"

(Thornton.'s Gazetteer, sub voce Malabar.) Of the river of Cochin,

which is forty-nine miles to the south of Panane or Ponani, Horsburgh

says :" It may be considered as an arm of the sea, for it extends to the

southward parallel to the line of coast, and a very little distant from it,

communicating with Iviker inlet or river, which falls into the sea to the

180 THE TRAVELS OF

Calicut fifty leagues. 1 The king of this city is a pagan and

is not very rich. The manner of living, the dress, and the

customs, are after the manner of Calicut. Many merchants

arrived here, because a great deal of pepper grows in this

country, and in perfection. In this city we found some

Christians of those of Saint Thomas, some of whom are

merchants, and believe in Christ, as we do. These say that

every three years a priest comes there to baptize them, and

that he comes to them from Babylon. These Christians

keep Lent longer than we do ; but they keep Easter like

ourselves, and they all observe the same solemnities that we

do. But they say mass like the Greeks. The names of

whom are four, that is to say, John, James, Matthew, and

Thomas. 2 The country, the air, and the situation, resemble

northward of Quilon, forming islands by the various inlets." {Directory,

vol. i p. 506.) These salt-water inlets, and the estuaries communicating

with them, form what is technically called by seamen the Backwater of

Cochin.

The foregoing extract from Horsburgh convinces me that Porca or

Parrakad, which lies between Cochin and Quilon, is sometimes, if not

always, insulated by the rivers and estuaries in its neighbourhood. Var-

thema is therefore justified in calling that place an island. See p. 154,

and note 2.

1 I have looked in vain for this place in Thornton's Gazetteer. It is

written Kayan Kulam in Keith Johnston's Atlas, but the same desig-

nation is incorrectly given to Quilon also. The two places are distinct,

and appear always to have had distinct names. Barbosa, a few years

after Varthema, says :" After passing the aforesaid place [Porca,] the

kingdom of Coulan commences, and the rirst place is called Caincoulan,

inhabited by many Gentiles, Moors, and Christians of the doctrine of

Saint Thomas, many of whom, in the interior, live among the Gentiles.

Much pepper grows in this place, with which many vessels are loaded."

(Ramusio, vol. i. p. 312.) Bakheus, nearly a century and a half later,

describes Kayan Kulam thus :—"The next adjoining kingdom [to Percatti

or Porca] is Calecoidany, of no great extent. Here the Dutch had a

factory." (Cuurciiill's Collection of Voyayes, vol. iii. p. 643.) Hamilton,

who writes it Coilcoloan, says it is " a little principality contiguous to

Porkah." (Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. viii. p. 383.) The two last men-

tioned authors mention Quilou also, the former calling it Coulang, and

the latter Coiloan.2 Varthema would have bceu more correct if he had merely adduced

LUDOVICO DI VABTHEMA. 181

those of Calicut. At the end of three days we departed

the above names as examples of those borne by these Christians ; but

that may be his meaning.

It is difficult to decide, from the imperfect and prejudiced accounts of

the early Portuguese, to what rite these Christians belonged at this

period, or whether they belonged to more rites than one. Var-

thema's notice of them is very brief, and what he does say would apply

equally either to the Syrian Jacobite or to the Nestorian community,

with the exception of his remark about Babylon, which, if reliable, (and

he was less likely to err in the name of a place than in the definition of

a doctrine,) undoubtedly connects the Christians whom he met at Caco-

lon with the latter. Catholic or Patriarch of Babylon is the vague title

which has been applied to the Primate of the Nestorians while located

successively at the royal seats of Seleucia, Ctesiphon, and Baghdad, and

at the time referred to, the Nestorian patriarchate was established at

Baghdad, whereas the Jacobite Patriarch resided theu, as he does still,

at Mardin in Mesopotamia. Be that as it may, at the present day the

Christians of Malabar, as they are generally called, are divided into two

distinct communities, one nominally subject to the spiritual primacy of

the Chaldean Patriarch at Mosul, {Chaldeans is the name assumed

by the Nestorians in Turkey and Persia who have submitted to the

Church of Rome,) and the other recognizing the Syrian Jacobite

Patriarch at Mardin. On the demise of the Malabar bishop of the latter

body, a successor, in the person of a native priest, was sent to Mardin,

where he was consecrated to the episcopate under the name of MarAthanasius ; but on returning to India the validity of his priesthood was

questioned by some of the community, who asserted that he had been

ordained by the laying-on of the bishop's hands after the death of the

latter. This and some other objections induced the Jacobite Patriarch

to send one Bishop Kirillos (Cyril,) a native of Mesopotamia, to Malabar,

which gave rise to new contentions among the Jacobites of that country,

who, from all the accounts that have reached me, appear to be involved

in an uninterrupted succession of ecclesiastical squabbles.

The Malabar Christians who composed the Nestorian section have as a

body conformed to Rome, preserving, however, their own Syriac rituals,

and such other ecclesiastical customs and observances, of eastern origin,

as were not considered heterodox by the Latin Church. At what precise

period they ceased their connexion with the Nestorian Patriarchate at

Baghdad is uncertain. Efforts were certainly made by Roman mis-

sionaries as early as the fourteenth century to induce the Malabar

Christians generally to abjure their alleged schism, and some valuable

notices of their proceedings at that epoch will be found in Colonel

Yule's Preface to his translation of the Mirabilia Descripta, written by

Friar Jordanus, who was Bishop of Columlmm (Quilon) circa A.D. 1330;

182 THK TR WKI.S OF

from this place, and went to another city called Colon, 1 dis-

tant from that above mentioned twenty miles. The king of

this city is a Pagan, and extremely powerful, and he has

20,000 horsemen, and many archers, and is constantly at war

but it seems most probable that the separation was not consummated

prior to the settlement of the Portuguese in India, through whose instru-

mentality the Nestorians were brought into communion with the See of

Home, when, of course, their relations with the Patriarch at Baghdad

ceased, and their priests received ordination through the Latin bishops

located in the country. Recently, however, they appear to have become

dissatisfied with that arrangement, and decided to have a bisho}) of their

own. Accordingly, about four years ago, they deputed twelve of their

number, several of whom had been ordained to the minor orders, to MarYusuf, the Chaldean Patriarch at Mosul, desiring that one of them

should be raised to the Episcopate. Mar Yusuf, acting on instructions

from Rome, declined to comply with this very natural retpiest, and per-

sisted in his refusal notwithstanding the urgent solicitations of the

Chaldeans in favour of the Malabariaus. Resolved not to be frustrated,

the latter proceeded from Mosul to Mar Shimon, the Nestorian Pa-

triarch residing at Julamerk in Kurdistan, who readily consecrated the

episcopal candidate ; whereupon the deputation returned to India. It

remains to be seen what will be the result of this step as regards the

native Christian community in Malabar.1 The modern town of Quilon, " situated in the native state of Tra-

vancore, on the seacoast, in a bight where ships may anchor under

shelter at about two and a half or three miles from the fort...The vege-

table productions are timber, cocoa-nuts, pepper, cardamums, ginger,

betel-nuts, and coffee. The population is stated to be about 20,000."

(See Thornton's Gazetteer, whose account of the place is very meagre.)

Quilon, under different modifications of that name, is mentioned by the

earliest Arabian and European travellers to India, and appears to have

been a considerable mart in those days. It is unquestionably the

Kaukammali of the Two Muhammedan travellers of the ninth century,

who describe it as the first place which vessels touch at proceeding to

India from Maskat, and a month's sail from that port with a fair wind.

(Pinkerton, vol. vii. p. 185.) Any doubt which may arise on this point

from the difference in the name is removed by Lee's note on Ibn

Ratiita's Kdwlam, wherein he says :" In our MS., as well as in that of

Mr. Apetz, it often appears thus: Kawkam." (p. 169.) El-Edrisi also

mentions Kawlam Meli, in the viith. Chapter of the 2nd. Climate ; but

erroneously places it, I think, top far north. (Viucent attempts to re-

concile the difference between Kdwlcam and Kawlam by supposing the

translator to have beeu misled by the want of diacritical points in the

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 183

with other kings. This country has a good port near to the

sea-coast. No grain grows here, but fruits, as at Calicut,

original, which was certainly not the case in this instance, for neither

word in Arabic has any such points ; but he very judiciously recognises

in the suffix Mali a reference to 3IaU, or Malabar. {Com. and Nav. of

the Ancients, vol. ii. p. 477.) I arn very much disposed, however, after

a careful analysis of the original, to regard El-Edrisi's viiith. Chapter

as, in part, a recapitulation of the viith., and to identify another place

mentioned in the latter, or rather the same place under the name of

Kalkiyan, which he locates six days from Fandaraina (see note on

p. 113 ante,) and six or seven days from Serindib (Ceylon,) and de-

scribes as growing much brazil-wood, with the town of Quilon.

That Quilon is identical with Marco Polo's Coulam is obvious from

his description of the people and productions of the latter place. Hesays :

" Here, among the idolaters, dwell Jews and Christians, who have

a language of their own. The produce are pepper, brazil, indigo, black

lions, and white parrots of divers sorts...They are very libidinous, and

marry their sisters." (Gkeene's Collection, vol. iv. p. G16.) His state-

ment that Coulam is situated five hundred miles north-west from Mala-

bar (in Pinherton it is south-west !) may be an error ; but whether it is

so or not depends on the limits which he allows to that country. It is

clear that he extended them as far as Cape Comorin on the south, and

carried them a considerable distance up the coast trending to the north-

east, for he writes :—" Sailing sixty miles west from Zeilan (Ceylon) is

the great province of Maabar...In this kingdom is a pearl-fishery be-

tween the coast of Zeilan, in a bay where is not twelve fathom water,"

{Id. p. 614,) which was probably Tuticorin. Now, that district which

Marco Polo thus includes within " the great province of Maabar," Bar-

bosa in the sixteenth century comprehends within the kingdom of Cou-

lam, the boundaries of which he prolongs still further in the same

direction :—" Leaving this island of Zailan, and returning to the conti-

nent where it bends by Cape Cumeri, we come at once upon the country

of the king of Coulam, and of other kings who are subject to him and

reside therein, which is called Quilicare" [Killakarai.] And, again :

—

" After passing the province of Quilacare, onward by the coast, towards

the north-east wind, there is another town called Cael, also belonging to

the king of Coulam.'''' (Ramesio, vol. i. p. 313.) From which it is evi-

dent that the Malabar of these writers comprehended, at least, the entire

line of coast between Cape Comorin and the Palk Strait, and although

that distance is scarcely more than half the five hundred miles which

Marco Polo places between Quilon and Malabar, it is, nevertheless, quite

as near a guess as his saying that Maabar is only " sixty miles west from

Zeilan." Vincent comes to a similar conclusion, though I do not per-

184 THE TRAVELS OF

and pepper in great quantities. The colour of this people,

their dress, manner of living, and customs, are the same as

at Calicut. At that time, the king of this city was the friend

of the king of Portugal, but being at war with others, it did

not appear to us well to remain here. Wherefore, we took

our way by sea, aforesaid, and went to a city which is called

Chayl,1 belonging to the same king, opposite from Colon fifty

ceive on what ground he draws a distinction between Mahabar and

Malabar. He says :" The Mahabar of Marco Polo is written Malabar

by some of his translators ; but his Mahabar is the Coast of Corornan-

del." (Periplus, vol. ii. p. 520 n.) And the same terminology appears

to have obtained at a much later date, for Hamilton writes:—"Having

thus run along the seacoast of Malabar from Decully to Negapatam,"

etc., thereby giving to Malabar an extension of nearly six hundred miles.

Pinkerton, vol. viii. p. 389.

The following is Barbosa's account of Quilon :

—" Proceeding onward

[from Caincoulan] by the same coast towards the south, there is another

principal seaport, with a town which is called Coulam, where manyMoors, Pagans, and Christians reside, who are great merchants, and owu

many ships with which they traffic with the country of Coromandel, the

island of Zeilan, Bengala, Malacha, Sumatra, and Pegu ; but these do

not trade with Cambaia. Here much pepper is grown. The king is a

Pagan, and a great lord over an extensive territory, is very rich, and has

many warriors who for the most part are expert archers." Ramusio,

vol. i, p. 312.

The Portuguese were well received at Coulan on their first arrival in

India, and Albuquerque settled a factory there in 1503. Its political

and commercial importance seem to have greatly declined during the

succeeding century and a half, for Baldteus, who styles it Coulang, de-

scribes it as the least ajnong the Malabar kingdoms, (see Churchill's

Collection of Voyages, vol. iii. p. 643 ;) and Hamilton, in whose time it

was still in the hands of the Dutch, and who writes it Coiloan, calls it a

small principality, and says that its trade was inconsiderable. See Pin-

kerton, vol. viii. p. 383.1 This name has also disappeared from the maps, but collating Bar-

bosa with Varthema, I conclude that it is identical with Hamilton's

" Coil," which he places to the north-east of Tutecareen on the " pro-

montory that sends over a reef of rocks to the island of Zeilan, called

commonly Adam's Bridge." (Pinkerton, vol. viii. p. 384.) Tuticorin,

formerly famous for its pearl-fisheiy, is ninety miles nearly due east of

Quilon, and was probably the spot where our traveller witnessed the

fishing for pearls while on the voyage to Chayl, and which he loosely

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 185

miles. We saw those pearls fished for [here] in the sea, in the

same manner as I have already described to you in Ormus.

located at a distance of fifty miles opposite to Colon.'''1 Chayl seems, more-

over, to be identical with Marco Polo's Cael or Kael, which he mentions

before enumerating Coulam and other regions to the westward, and

describes as "a great city, governed by Astiar...who is very rich, and

uses merchants kindly." (Greene, vol. iv. p. 616.) Barbosa's account

of it is as follows :—" After passing the province of Quilacare, \Killa-

karai of Keith Johnston's Atlas,] onward by the coast, towards the north-

east wind, there is another city called Cael, belonging to the king of

Coulam, inhabited by Pagans and Moors, who are great merchants, and

there is a seaport where many ships from Malabar, Coromandel and

Bengala come every year. Here traffic is carried on by all sorts of mer-

chants from every quarter. The people of this city are expert jewellers,

who trade in small pearls, for here great quantities thereof are taken;

and this fishery belongs to the king of Coulam, and for many years past

has been farmed to a very rich Moorish merchant." Ramusio, vol. i.

p. 313.

I am surprised that Dr. Vincent, who was well acquainted with

Ramusio's Collection, has made no reference to this Cael or Coil in his

identification of the Kolkhi of the author of the Periplus with the Rom,and Calligicum of Ptolemy and the Kalis of Dionysius, as the existence

of a town of that name, and in the locality occupied by Cael, seems to

supply the only desideratum for removing the doubt which attaches to

his deductions. I quote his argument in full, leaving the reader to form

his own judgment on my suggestion :—" Ptolemy has still another par-

ticular which is very remarkable ; for as he places the northern point

of his Taprobane opposite to a promontory named Koru, so he has an

island Koru between the two, and a Tala-Cori on Ceylon ; and Kory, he

says, is the same as Calligicum...The expedition of Ram to Ceylon, and

his victory over Rhavan or Rhaban, king of that island, is one of the

wildest fables of Hindoo mythology, but he passed into the island at the

strait, since called, by the Mohamedans, Adam's Bridge. The whole

country round, in consequence of this, preserves the memorial of his

conquest. There is a Ramanad-buram on the continent close to the

bridge ; a Rami-Ceram, or country of Ram, the island close to the con-

tinent;[Rameswaram, called Rammanana Kojel by Baldreus, and Ra-

monan Coil by D'Anville ;] and a Point Rama on the continent. Thebridge itself, formed by the shoals between Rami-ceram and Manaar, is

Rama's Bridge ; and in Rami-ceram is Raman-Koil, the temple of Ram.This Koil or temple [Koil means a temple in Malayalim] is undoubtedly

the origin of Koru ; and the repetition of it three times in Ptolemy is in

perfect correspondence with the various allusions to Ram at the present

186 THE TRAVELS OF

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING CIOROMANDEL, A CITY OFINDIA.

Wc then passed further onwards, and arrived at a city

which is called Cioromandel, 1 which is a marine district, and

day. Roru is likewise written Kolis by Dionysius, and the natives called

Koniaki, Koliki, and Koliaki, by different writers. This fluctuation of

orthography will naturally suggest a connection with the Kolkhi of

Ptolemy and the Periplus, which both of them make the seat of the

Pearl Fishery ; and if Sosikoor5 be Tuta-corin, as D'Anville supposes,

the relation of Kolkhi to that place will lead us naturally to the vicinity

of Ramana-Koil ; for Tuta-corin was the point where the Dutch pre-

sided over the fishery while it was in their hands, and maintains the

same privilege now under the power of the English. But Koil, whether

we consider it, with Ptolemy, as the point of the continent, or seek for

it on the island of Ramiseram, is so near, and so intimately connected

with Manaar, the principal seat of the fishery, that there can be little

hesitation in assigning it to the Kolkhi of the ancients. Whether there

be now a town of consequence either on the continent or on the island,

I am not informed ; but that Koil, and Kolis, and Kolkhi, and Kalli-

gicum, (for Kalligicum, Salmasius reads K<i>Aio.k6v,) are related, I have

no doubt." Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients, vol. ii. pp. 501-

503.

1 I am not aware that a city so called has ever existed on the coast

referred to, and am therefore led to conclude that in this instance, as in

the case of Bijapur which Varthema styled " Decan," he gives to one of

the principal towns the name of the district in which it was located. Thealleged vicinity of St. Thomas's tomb points to the neighbourhood of

Maliapur ; but as that position is irreconcileable with the other indica-

tions supplied, I am inclined to infer either that our author was mis-

informed in that particular, or that an error in the numerals record-

ing the distance has crept into the existing versions of his travels.

His " Cioromandel" I take to be Negapatam, " a town on the western

coast of the Bay of Bengal. Here is a diminutive estuary of the Cau-very, capable of receiving small coasting-vessels, which carry on a con-

siderable trade...The inhabitants have also considerable traffic with

Ceylon, and the lands and islands lying eastward." (Thornton's Ga-zetteer.) It appears to have been the principal town on that part of the

coast, for Ralph Fitch nearly a century after Varthema does not men-tion the name of Coromandel, but describes it as " the mainland of

Negapatan." (Pinkeuton, vol. ix. p. 424.) Its situation about three

hundred miles, by the coast, from Quilon would make the interval be-

LUDOVICO DI VAKTHEMA. 187

distant from Colon seven clays' journey by sea, more or less,

according to the wind. This city is very large, and is not

surrounded by walls, and is subject to the king of Narsinga.

The said city is situated opposite to the island of Zeilon,

when you have passed the Cape of Cumerin. In this district

they gather a great quantity of rice, and it is the route to

very large countries. There are many Moorish merchants

here who go and come for their merchandize. No spices of

any description grow here, but plenty of fruits, as at Calicut.

1 found some Christians in this district who told me that the

body of St. Thomas was twelve miles distant from that place,

and that it was under the guard of some Christians. They

also told me that Christians could not live in that country

after the king of Portugal had come there, because the said

king had put to death many Moors of that country, which

trembled throughout from fear of the Portuguese. And,

therefore, the said poor Christians cannot live here any

longer, but are driven away and killed secretly, in order

that it may not come to the ears of the king of Narsinga,

who is a very great friend of the Christians, and especially

of the Portuguese. One of these Christians also told me a

very great miracle which his priest had told him, that forty-

five years ago the Moors had a dispute with the Christians,

and there were wounded on both sides ; but one Christian,

among the rest, was much wounded in the arm, and he went

to the tomb of St. Thomas and touched the tomb of St.

Thomas with that wounded arm, and immediately he was

tween the two places a seven days' voyage " more or less, according to

the wind ;" and the actual distance which separates it from the nearest

point of Ceylon being one degree of latitude, conresponds approximately

with the twelve or fifteen leagues which Varthema subsequently places

between his Cioromandel and that island. The shoals and rocks in the

Palk Strait render navigation difficult at all times, and his notice of

them as endangering the passage from the mainland is an additional

argument in favour of the foregoing identification, proving, at least,

that his Ciororaandel was to the northward of Calimere Point.

188 THE TRAVELS OF

cured. 1 And that from that time henceforward, the king of

Narsinga has always wished well to the Christians. Mycompanion disposed of some of his merchandize here, and

inasmuch as they were at war with the king of Tarnassari

we remained here only a few days, and then we took a ship

with some other merchants, which ships are called Ciampane~

for they are flat-bottomed, and require little water and carry

much goods. We passed a gulf of twelve or fifteen leagues

where we had incurred great peril because there are many

shoals and rocks there ; however, we arrived at an island

called Zailon,3 which is about 1000 miles in circumference,

according to the report of the inhabitants thereof.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING ZAILANI, WHERE JEWELSARE PRODUCED.

In this island of Zailon there are four kings,4all Pagans.

1 A very insignificant miracle compared with many others attributed

to the sepulchre of St. Thomas. Barbosa piously records a tradition

that the right arm of the Apostle protruded from his tomb at Maliapur,

and for a long time resisted every attempt to cover it.

2 Sampan, the common name for a canoe or skiff in Malay and

Javanese.3 Ceylon. Our traveller's informants were better acquainted with the

extent of the island than Marco Polo, who made it 2,400 miles in circuit,

and says that " anciently it was 3,600 miles, as is seen in the maps of

the mariners of those -places ; but the north winds have made a great

part of it sea." (Pinkerton, vii. p. 161.) Nicold de' Conti estimated

its circumference at 3,000 miles. " The extreme length of the island is

about 270 miles ; its breadth varies greatly, but the average is about

100 miles." Thornton's Gazetteer.

From the description which Varthema gives of the locality,—the large

river, the adjacent mountains, and the cinnamon cultivation,—I con-

clude that he landed at Colombo on the western coast ; for it is by no

means a necessary inference that because he mentions the width of the

passage between the mainland and the island that the voyage was

limited to that extent.4 Marco Polo gives the same number of kings in his time. Varthema's

brief description of the political condition of the island at the period of

LUDOVlCO DI VARTHEMA. 189

I do not describe to you all the things of the said island, be-

cause these kings being in fierce war with each other, we

could not remain there long, neither could we see or hear

the things thereof; however, having remained there some

few days, we saw that which you shall hear. And first, an

immense quantity of elephants which are produced there.1

his visit is fully confirmed by Sir J. E. Tennent. Writing of a.d. 1505,

he says :" The seaports on all parts of the coast were virtually in the

hands of the Moors : the north was in the possession of the Malabars,

whose seat of government was at Jaffna-patam ; and the great central

region, (since known as the Wanny,) and Neuera-kalawa, were formed

into petty chiefships, each governed by a Wanniya, calling himself a

vassal, but virtually uncontrolled by any paramount authority. In the

south the nominal sovereign Dharma Prakrama Bahu IX. had his capital

at Cotta, near Colombo, whilst minor kings held mimic courts at Ba-

dulla, Gampola, Peradenia, Kandy, and Mahagarn, and caused repeated

commotions by their intrigues and insurrections. The rulers had long

ceased to busy themselves with the endowment of temples, and the

construction of works for irrigation ; so that already in the fourteenth

century, Ceylon had become dependent upon India for supplies of food,

and annually imported rice from the Dekkan." {Ceylon, vol. ii. p. 7.)

The same author, in a note on the above passage from Varthema, re-

marks :—" These conflicts and the actors in them are described in the

Singhalese chronicle called the Rajavali." I could not find Upham's

translation of that work in the British Museum ; but the following ex-

tract from Knighton is, I presume, partly based on its authority :—"We

have already explained that on the arrival of Almeida, Ceylon was di-

vided into three distinct principalities, of which Dharma Pakrama-

bahu IX., who then resided at Cotta was king of the larger and more

important one, the other two being the territory of the Malabars in the

north and the wild Veddahs on the north and east. Europeans have

frequently been misled into the idea that the island was divided into a

vast number of petty kingdoms, each independent of the other. Such,

however, was not the case. Sub-kings, or, as we should call them, lieu-

tenants, subject to the Emperor of Cotta, were appointed in manyplaces, who frequently endeavoured to play upon western visitors, by

representing themselves as independent princes." History of Ceylon,

pp. 222-3.

i " The elephant, the lord paramount of the Ceylon forests, is to be met

with in every district, on the confines of the woods. ..In recent years there

is reason to believe that their numbers have become considerably re-

duced." Tennent's Ceylon, vol. i. p. 158.

190 THE TRAVELS OF

We also saw rubies found there, at a distance of two miles

from the sea shore, where there is an extremely large and

very long mountain, at the foot of which the said rubies are

found. 1 And when a merchant wishes to find these jewels,

he is obliged first to speak to the king and to purchase a

braza of the said land in every direction, (which braza is

called a molan,)~ and to purchase it for five ducats. And then

when he digs the said land, a man always remains there on

the part of the king. And if any jewel be found which ex-

ceeds ten carats, the king claims it for himself, and leaves all

the rest free. There is also produced near to the said moun-

tain, where there is a very large river, 3 a great quantity of

garnets, sapphires, jacinths, and topazes. 4 In this island there

grow the best fruits I have ever seen, and especially certain

artichokes (carzofoli) better than ours. 5 Sweet oranges, (me-

langoli,) the best, I believe, in the world, and many other

fruits like those of Calicut, but much superior.

1 " The extent to which gems are still found is sufficient to account

for the early traditions of their splendour and profusion, and fabulous

as the story of the ruby of the Khandyan king may be, [which accord-

ing to Marco Polo was a span in length, and without a flaw,] the abun-

dance of gems in Safiragam has given the capital of the district the

name of Itatnapoora, which means literally the City of Rubies. Theyarc not, however, confined to this quarter alone, but quantities are still

found on the western plains, between Adam's Peak and the sea." /(/.

p. 33.

- Perhaps for Ammonan, which according to Pridham was equal to

2 acres, 2 square roods, 37i square inches. Ceylon and its Dependencies,

vol. ii. p. 853.3 This was most probably the Kalane-ganga, which Pridham describes

as " the chief river of the island in importance. ..It is formed by the

union of several torrents which have their source in the western division

of the mountainous range of Saffragam, connected with Adam's Peak...

It debouches at Modera, about four miles to the north of the fort

of Colombo." {Id. p. G35.) The river is navigable for a considerable

distance from its mouth.4 These and many other precious stones are enumerated and described

in Tennent's Ceylon, vol. i. pp. 33-38.5 Probably the Custard Apple, which in outer form is not unlike an

artichoke.

LUDOVICO DI VAKTHEMA. 191

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE TREE OF THECANELLA.

The tree of the Canella is the same as the laurel, especi-

ally the leaves; and it produces some berries like the laurel,

but they are smaller and more white. The said Canella, or

Cinnamon, is the bark of the said tree, in this wise : Every

three years they cut the branches of the said tree, and then

take off the bark of them ; but they do not cut the stem on

any account There are great numbers of these trees. Whenthey collect that cinnamon it has not the excellence which it

possesses a month afterwards. 1 A Moorish merchant told me

that at the top of that very large mountain there is a cavern

to which the men of that country go once in the year to pray,

because, as they say, Adam was up there praying and doing

penance, and that the impressions of his feet are seen to this

day, and that they are about two spans long.2 Rice does not

1 If this is true, the cultivation and preparation of cinnamon must

have been very backward in Varthema's time, as at present it appears to

be gathered twice a-year.—" The best cinnamon is obtained from the

twigs or shoots, which spring almost perpendicularly from the roots after

the parent bush or tree has been cut down ; but great care is requisite

both as to the exact size and age...The rods cut for peeling are of vari-

rous sizes and lengths, depending on the texture of the bark : these are

first peeled, then scraped on the outside, and while drying cut up into

long narrow rolls called quills, then stuck into one another, so as to form

pipes about three feet long, which are then made up in round bundles.

There are two regular seasons for taking cinnamon, one from April to

August, another from to November to January ; but considerable quan-

tities are gathered at other times as the spice attains maturity." Prid-

ham, Ceylon and its Dependencies, p. 387.

2 " Adam's Peak is 7,420 feet above the level of the sea, and its sum-

mit, of an elliptic form, 72 feet in length by 34 in breadth, is surrounded

by a wall five feet high. Immediately within this, a level space of irre-

gular breadth runs all the way round, and the centre is occupied by the

apex of the mountain, a solid granite rock about nine feet high at the

highest part. On this is the Sree Pada, or Sacred Footstep. Whether this

much cherished memorial is rightfully attached to Saman by a prior claim

(whence Samanala, Hamallel, or Samantakuta,) the Sree Pada is now

192 THE TRAVELS OF

grow in this country, but it comes there from the main land.

The kings of this island are tributaries of the king of Nar-

singa, on account of the rice which comes there from the

main land. 1 The air in this island is extremely good, and

held by the Buddhists to be a memorial of Gautama Buddha ; by the

Mohammedans it is claimed for Adam, and called Baba-Aadamlai ; and

the Malabars and other Hindoos maintain that it was Siva who left the

impression of a monster footstep, and call it Sivanolipadam." Id., ii.

p. 614-5.

Sale has the following respecting the Mussulman tradition above al-

luded to :—" The Mohamedans say, that when they were cast down from

paradise, Adam fell on the island of Ceylon, or Serindib, and Eve near

Juddah, the port of Mcccah, in Arabia ; and that after a separation of

two hundred years, Adam was, on his repentance, conducted by the

angel Gabriel to a mountain near Mekkah, where he found and knew his

wife, the mountain being thence named Arafat ; and that he afterwards

retired with her to Ceylon, where they continued to propagate their

species.

" It may not be improper here to mention another tradition concern-

ing the gigantic stature of our first parents. Their prophet, they say,

affirmed Adam to be as tall as a high palm-tree ; but this would be too

much in proportion, if that were really the print of his foot, which is

pretended to be such, on the top of a mountain in the isle of Ceylon,

thence named Pico di Adam, and by the Arab writers RahAn, being

somewhat about two spans long ; though others say it is seventy cubits

long, and that when Adam set one foot here, he had the other in the

sea ;— and too little, if Eve were of so enormous a size, that when her

head lay on one hill near Meccah, her knees rested on two others in the

plain, about two musket-shots asunder." Note on chapter ii. of the

Koran.

Ibn Batuta mentions " a cave known by the name of Ista Mahmud,"also "a place called the seven caves," and again "the ridge of Alex-

ander, in which is a cave and a well of water," on his pious pilgrimage

to Adam's Foot, (Lee's Translation, p. 187-9 ;) but I find no mention of

any locality corresponding with Varthema's "cavern" in the modern

descriptions of the route up to the Peak.1 On this statement Sir J. E. Tennent remarks :

—" There can be little

doubt that it applied chiefly to the southern parts of the island, and

that the north was still able to produce food sufficient for the wants of

the inhabitants." Rice appears to have been extensively cultivated in

many parts of Ceylon, but probably not in the maritime district visited

by Varthcma. "The soil near the coast is light and sandy, but in the

great central districts of Neuera-kalawa and the Wanny, there is found

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 193

the people are of a dark tawny colour. And here it is

neither too hot nor too cold. Their dress is alia apostolica ;

they wear certain stuffs of cotton or silk, and go bare-footed.

This island is placed under the equinoctial line, and the in-

habitants of it are not very warlike. Artillery is not used

here ; but they have some lances and swords, which lances

are of cane, and with these they fight amongst each other

;

but they do not kill each other over.much, because they are

cowardly fellows. 1 Here there are roses and flowers of every

kind,2 and the people live longer than we do. Being in

our ship one evening, a man came on the part of the king to

in the midst of the forests a dark vegetable mould, in which in former

times rice was abundantly grown by the aid of prodigious artificial

works for irrigation, the ruins of which still form one of the wonders of

the island. Even after centuries of neglect, the beds of many of these

tanks cover areas of from ten to fifteen miles in circumference. They

are now generally broken and decayed ; the waters which would fertilise

a province are allowed to waste themselves in the sands, and hundreds

of square miles capable of furnishing food for all the inhabitants of

Ceylon are abandoned to solitude and malaria, whilst rice for the sup-

port of the non-agricultural population is annually imported from the

opposite coast of India." Ceylon, vol. i. pp. 27, 639.

1 Fire-arms appear to have been unknown in Ceylon at this period.

Referring to the introduction of them into the island by the Portuguese,

Sir J. E. Tennent quotes the following passage from the Rajavali :—" And

now it came to pass that in the Christian year 1522 [1507 ?], a ship from

Portugal arrived at Colombo, and information was brought to the king,

that there were in the harbour a race of very white and beautiful people

who wear boots and shoes, and never stop in any place. They eat a sort

of white stone, and drink blood ; and if they get a fish they give two or

three ride in gold for it ; and, besides, they have guns with a noise like

thunder, and a ball shot from one of them, after traversing a league,

will break a castle of marble." {Ceylon, vol. i. p. 418.) Marco Polo

says of the Singhalese :" the men are unfit for soldiers, and hire others

when they have occasion." Pinkerton, vol. vii. p. 162.

8 " The indigenous phamogamic plants described up to August 1856

was 26, 700...When it is considered that this is nearly double the in-

digenous flora of England, and little under one-thirtieth of the entire

number of plants hitherto described over the world, the botanical rich-

ness of Ceylon, in proportion to its area, must be regarded as equal to

that of any portion of the globe." Tennent's Ceylon, vol. i. p. 83 n.

O

194 THE TRAVELS OF

my companion, and told him that he should carry to him his

corals and saffron ; for he had a great quantity of both. Amerchant of the said island, who was a Moor, hearing these

words, said to him secretly :" Do not go to the king, for he

will pay you for your goods after his own fashion." And

this he said out of cunning, in order that my companion

might go away, because he himself had the same kind of

merchandize. However, answer was given to the message

of the king, that on the following day he would go to his

lord. And when morning came, he took a vessel and rowed

over to the mainland.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING PALEACHET, A COUNTRY OPINDIA.

We arrived in the course of three days at a place which is

called Palcachet, 1 which is subject to the king of Narsinga.

1 Pulicat :" a town in the British district of Chingleput, about

twenty-two miles north of Madras, situated on an extensive inlet of the

sea, or salt water lake, of the same name. ..From one to two miles off

shore is the road called Pulicat Anchorage, where there arc six or seven

fathoms water." (Thouxton's Gazetteer.) Pulicat appears to have been

a place of considerable trade at this period. Barbosa describes it a few

years after Varthema as having a good port, which was frequented by

"an infinite number" of Moorish vessels from all quarters. In his time

it was governed by a-deputy appointed by the Narsinga, or Rajah of

Bijayanagar, who appears to have retained possession of a great part of

the sea-coast for more than half a century after the destruction of his

capital by the confederate Mussulman kings of the Deccan in 1565 ; for

in 1611, when Pulicat was visited by Captain Anthony Hippon, being

the seventh voyage set forth by the East India Company, the administra-

tion was in the hands of " the Governess Konda Maa, on the part of

Wankapati Raja, king of Narsinga." (Greene's Collection, vol. i. p.

436.) But the coast to the north of Pulicat, including Masulipatam,

became tributary to Bijapur during the reign of Muhammed Shah

Bhamani, about a.d. 1480, and formed subsequently a part of the king-

dom of Golconda, including Telingana, which in Fitch's time, 1583-91,

was ruled by " Cutub de Iashah," (Muhammed Kuli Kutb Shah,) who

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 195

This district is one of immense traffic in merchandize, and

especially in jewels, for they come here from Zailon and

from Pego. There are also here many great Moorish mer-

chants of all kinds of spices. We lodged in the house of a

Moorish merchant, and we told him where we came from,

and that we had many corals to sell, and saffron, and much

figured velvet, and many knives. The said merchant, under-

standing that we had this kind of merchandize, was greatly

pleased. This country is most abundant in everything

which is produced in India, but no grain grows there. They

have rice here in great abundance. Their laws, manner of

living, dress, and customs, are the same as at Calicut, and

they are a warlike people, although they have no artillery.

As this country was at fierce war with the king of Tarnassari,

we could not remain here a very long time. But after re-

maining here a few clays we took our route towards the city

of Tarnassari, which is distant a thousand miles from here.

At which city we arrived in fourteen days by sea.

built Bhajnugger, which name he afterwards changed to Hydrabad.

On his death, which occurred in 1586, there appears to have been a

break in the Kutb-Shahi dynasty, for Abdallah Kutb Shah, who became

tributary to the Emperor Shah Jehan, did not commence his reign till

1611, and must have succeeded " Kotobara of Badaya or Lollongana

[Bhajnugger or Telingana 1] and of Masulipatam," who, according to

Floris's account, died on the 20th of January of that year while he was

with Captain Hippon at the latter place. Abdallah Kutb Shah still

reigned over Golconda and Telingana in 1639 (Mandelslo, p. 289,) but

in 1672 it was incorporated into the empire of Arungzib.

I infer from De Faria y Souza that the Portuguese established a colony

at Pulicat as early as a.d. 1522, but I do not find the name in the list

of their /oris on the Coromandel coast. They were succeeded in 1600

by the Dutch, who built a fort there called Geldria, and made it their

chief settlement after the loss of Negapatam. Pinkerton, vol. xi, p.

203 n.

o'Z

196 THE TRAVELS OF

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING TARNASSARI, A CITY OFINDIA.

The city of Tarnassari1is situated near to the sea : it is a

1 Dr. Vincent, in his Dissertation on the Sequel to the Periplus, ap-

peara to have identified this town with Masulipatam ; or, as he did not

find the name in the modern maps, he concluded that " it might lie be-

tween Puleachat and Bengal." The inference is totally inadmissible ; for

in the first place Varthema interposes one thousand miles between

ruleachet and Tarnassari, and in a subsequent chapter makes the lat-

ter seven hundred miles from Banghella ; whilst the distance between

Pulicat and Masulipatam is only 220, and between Masulipatam and

the mouths of the Ganges somewhat under 500 miles. Moreover, the

branch of the Kistnah runs to the south of Masulipatam, but the river of

Tarnassari was on the north of that town. The fauna and flora of thecoun-

try, as also several of its other productions, as described by our traveller,

are equally irreconcilable with the south of India ; whereas, taking his

Tarnassari to be identical with Tenasserim on the eastern coast of the

ancient kingdom of Siam, and of which at the time it formed a part, these

inconsistencies disappear, and his conjectural distances and other data

are approximately correct. The only point which I have been unable

to clear up, either from a want of historical records of the period, or

from my own unacquaintance with them, is Varthema's twice repeated

statement that there was continual war between the king of Tarnassari

and the Narsinga, with the latter of whom, in this chapter, he couples

the king of Bamjhella.

Like Dr. Vincent, I long searched in vain for a Tarnassari on the

southern coast of India, but ultimately found one iu Baldams's mapplaced some distance inland on the south side of the branch of the

Kistnah which debouches at Masulipatam. As he gives no account of

the place, I presume that he borrowed the name directly from Varthema,

or from some subsequent geographers who drew the same erroneous infer-

ence respecting its locality as Dr. Vincent. In fact, I found the follow-

ing description of the town, under the heading of " Narsinga; Reqnum"in the Geography of Io. Ant. Magino Patavino, printed at Bologna, a.d.

1597, which is evidently compiled from this and the two chapters suc-

ceeding the next of Varthema's narrative :—" Tarnassari urbs ad hoc

regnum pertinet, qua; olim proprium agnoscebat regem idololatram, val-

<i(' potehtem, qui ail bellum mittere solebat centum elephantes armatos,

et centum millia milites, turn equites turn pedestres. Incoloc hujus

urbis uxores suas dellorandas albicantis coloris hominibus tradunt, sive

Chi istianis, sive Mahuractanis;qua) quidem uxores ornataj accomptre

post mariti obitum honoris ac fidelitatis ergo viva; construuntur una

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 197

level place and well watered, and has a good port, that is,

a river on the side towards the north. The king of the city

cum viri cadavere, aliter perpetua infamise nota laborarent : quern

morem in uuiverso quoq; Narsingce regno observant." Geographic

Universal turn Veteris him Novae absolutissimum Opzis, etc., p. 258.

As far as I know, Varthenia's is the first authentic account which we

possess of the province of Tenasserim, with the exception of the follow-

ing brief notice by Conti about a.d. 1440 :—" Leaving the island of

Taprobane [Sumatra], he arrived, after a stormy voyage of seventeen

days, at the city of Ternassari, which is situated on the mouth of a

river of the same name. The land around abounds in elephants and

produces much brazil-wood." (Ramusio, vol. i, p. 339.) Barbosa, a few

years after our traveller, gives us some additional particulars respecting

its government, from which we learn that it was then a province of

Siain, but ruled by an almost independent viceroy :—" Immediately on

leaving the kingdom of Pegu, there is another called Ternassari, where

are many Moorish and Gentile merchants, who trade in all kinds of

wares. They have vessels with which they navigate towards Bengala,

and Malaca, and other parts. Very excellent benzoin, which is the juice

of certain trees, is grown in the interior, and the Moors call it lubaniabi

\luban Jdwi, Java frankincense ?]. In this port of Ternassari there are

many Moors from different parts." And in the Summary of Kingdoms

we read :—" The Siamese trade on the Tenacerim side with Pacem, Pedir,

Queda, Pegu, Bengala, and Guzerat. The king [of Siam] is called Per-

choara, which means the lord of all. With the king is Aiam Campetit,

who is viceroy on the side of Pegu, and makes war with Brema [Burmah]

and Iamgoma...The second, who is viceroy of Longor, is called Peraia...

The other is the Ala Chatoteri, who is the viceroy on the side of Queda

and Tenacerin : he is a chief person, and has power over all. He is

perpetual captain of Tenacerin, is lord over many people, and of a coun-

try abounding in all kinds of provisions." {Ramusio, vol. i. p. 330.) Ralph

Fitch, a.d. 1583-91, merely mentions that he passed by Tenasseri on his

way from Pegu to Malacca. In 1600, Master John Davis touched at " the

city of Tanassartn," which he styles " a place of great trade." (Greene,

vol. i. p. 261.) He was followed in 1612 by Captain John Floris, who

states that it was then tributary to Pegu, (Id. p. 439,) by which power

the province had been conquered in 1568, but was recovered by the

black king of Siam, aided by the Portuguese, in 1603. (Mod. Univ.

History, vol. vi. p. 259.) Purchas records that " in the year 1606 Bal-

thasar Sequerius, a Jesuit, land'mgtit Tanassery, passed from thence,partly

by good rivers, partly over cragged and rough hills and forests stored

with rhinoceros, elephants, and tigers, into Odia" [the capital of Siam.]

(Vol. i. p. 491.) Master William Methold, about a.d. 1619, describes

198 THE TRAVELS OF

is a Pagan, and is a very powerful lord. He is constantly

fighting with the king of Narsinga and the king of Ban-

ghella. He has a hundred armed elephants, which are larger

than any I ever saw. He always maintains 100,000 men

for war, part infantry and part cavalry. Their arms consist

of small swords and some sort of shields, some of which are

made of tortoise-shell, and some like those of Calicut; and

they have a great quantity of bows, and lances of cane, and

some also of wood. When they go to war they wear a dress

stuffed very full of cotton. The houses of this city are well

surrounded by walls. Its situation is extremely good, after

the manner of Christians, and good grain and cotton also

grow there. Silk is also made there in large quantities. 1 A

the province as follows :—" Tanassery lyeth next to Pegu, a small king-

dom and tributary to Syam, from which place this is but the port, and

that only to the inhabitants of this gulf [Bengal ;] for we find a waywith our shipping into the river of Syara." {Id. vol. v. p. 993.) Man-delslo, twenty years later, reckons Tanacerim among the principal

tributary cities of Siam. ( Voyages, p. 334.) The English had a factory

at Mergui on the Tenasseritn river about this time, but in 1687 the

settlers were nearly all massacred by the Siamese. (See Pinkerton,vol. viii. p. 429-30.) Turpin describes the province in 1770 as producing

"an abundance of rice and excellent fruits. It is in its safe and com-modious port that vessels of all nations arrive, and the people find moremeans of subsisting there than in the other parts of the kingdom." {Id.

vol. ix. p. 578.) From that period, however, Teuasserim appears to have

declined in importance, chiefly by the removal of its trade to Mergui.

{Mod. Univ. Hist., vol. vi. p. 267.) In 1793 the entire province was ceded

to Ava, and in 1826 it became a British possession by the Treaty of Yan-daboo. The old town is now a place of no importance, containing only

one hundred houses and four hundred inhabitants. It is situate on the

river of the same name, at the confluence of the Little Tenasseritn. Theriver is navigable up to the town for vessels of one hundred and twenty

tons burthen. The town was once surrounded by a brick wall, which is

now so much in ruins that its remains can be traced only at intervals."

The trade of the province is as yet comparatively insignificant, but the

population, since the British domination, has increased from 90,000 to

191,476. See Thornton's Gazetteer.1 " Cotton is grown to a small extent in the province of Tenasserim,

but it is not indigenous, and was probably introduced from the continent

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 199

great deal of brazil-wood is found there, fruits in great

abundance, and some which resemble our apples and pears,

some oranges, lemons, and citrons, and gourds in great

abundance. 1 And here are seen very beautiful gardens, with

many delicate things in them.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE DOMESTIC AND WILDANIMALS OF TARNASSARI.

In this country of Tarnassari there are oxen, cows, sheep,

and goats in great quantities, 2 wild hogs, stags, roebucks,

wolves, cats which produce the civet, lions, peacocks in

great multitudes, falcons, goss-hawks, white parrots, and also

of India." (Thornton's Gazetteer?) I find no mention of silk as a natu-

ral production of the country ; but Yule calls it " the staple of the

import trade" into Burraah, " and is said to come from a city called

Tsa-ckoe-Sing, eighty-three days' journey from Bamo, and fifty days

beyond the city of Yunan." He estimates the value of silk imported in

1854 at ,£120,000, and states that the weaving of the raw material gives

employment to a large body of the population.""(JYarrat ive of a Mission

to the Court of Ava, pp. 149-53.) Varthema probably alludes to this

manufacture, for he does not say that the country produces silk, but

merely " sefa quivi seta in grandissima quantita."

1 " The fruits are the pineapple, mango, orange, shaddock, lime, citron,

melon, gourd, guava, and darian." Thornton's Gazetteer.

2 Captain Low, writing of the provinces of Tenasserim and Mergui,

says : "goats are scarce, and there are no sheep !" In like manner,

Ctesar Fredericke, sixty years after Varthema, states that at all the

villages on his route " hennes, pigeons, eggs, milk, rice, and other

things, be very good and cheape ;" whereon Colonel Yule remarks :

—

"a very different state of things from the present, when our hungry

purveyors complain that they can get neither ' hennes' nor eggs, let

alone ' other things,' for love or money." Allowing for exaggeration

in the accounts of the old travellers, it seems evident that the agricul-

tural and other productions of Pegu, as well as its population and trade,

have greatly fallen off since their time, the consequence, doubtless, of

the intestine aui foreign wars which for upwards of a century subse-

quent to their visits devastated the country, and of the misrule which

succeeded. See Narrative of a Mission to the Court of Ava, pp. 211-2.

200 THE TRAVELS OF

other kinds which are of seven very beautiful colours. Here

there arc hares and partridges, but not like ours. There is

also here another kind of bird, one of prey, much larger

than an eagle, of the beak of which, that' is, of the upper

part, they make sword-hilts, which beak is yellow and red,

a thing very beautiful to behold. The colour of the said

bird is black, red, and some feathers are white. 1 There are

produced here hens and cocks, the largest I ever saw, so

much so that one of these hens is larger than three of ours.

In this country in a few days we had great pleasure from

some things which we saw, and especially that every day in

the street where the Moorish merchants abide they make

some cocks fight, and the owners of these cocks bet as much

as a hundred ducats on the one which will fight best. And.

we saw two fight for five hours continuously, so that at the

last both remained dead. 2 Here also is a sort of goat, much

larger than ours, and which is much more handsome, and

which always has four kids at a birth. Ten and twelve

large and good sheep are sold here for a ducat. And there

is another kind of sheep, which has horns like a deer :3 these

1 I am indebted to the kindness of Professor Owen of the British

Museum for the following interesting note :—" This coloured bill applies

to the Helmet-Hornbill, {Buceros galeatus,) of which the bowl of a

jewelled ladle, for sherbet, which was sent from Constantinople for myinspection, was formed. The tradition of this sherbet-ladle, which is

part of the crown-jewels of the Sultan, is that the bowl was made from

the beak of the Phoenix. Buceros galeatus, however, is not known to

exist, as an indigenous bird, out of the islands of the Indian Archipelago.

Its plumage agrees, in a general way, with that ascribed to a bird with

the parti-coloured bill in the text."

2 According to Turpin, " cock-fighting in Siam attracts multitudes,

as the field is always stained by the death of one of the combatants."

(Pxnkerton, vol. ix. p. 598.) Low also, in his History of Tenasserim,

says :" they fight cocks with artificial spurs, but these are generally

made of bone, or of an alligator's tooth, or even of a human bone, if the

parties are of royal extraction, and so shaped as to resemble the natural

spur." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. ii. p. 272.

3 " More probably like an ox. It may refer to the huge horns of the

male of Ovis amnion," Professor Owek.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 201

are larger than ours, and fight most terribly. There are

bufifalos here, much more misshapen than ours. There are

also great numbers of fish like ours. 1 saw here, however,

a bone of a fish which weighed more than ten cantari. 1

With respect to the manner of living of this city, the Pagans

eat all kinds of flesh excepting that of oxen,2 and they eat on

the ground, without a cloth, in some very beautiful vessels of

wood. Their drink is water, sweetened where possible.

They sleep high from the ground, in good beds of cotton,

and covered with silk or cotton. Then, as to their dress,

they go alia apostolical with a quilted cloth of cotton or silk.

Some merchants wear very beautiful shirts of silk or cotton :

in general, they do not wear anything on their feet, except-

ing the Brahmins, who also wear on the head a cap of silk

or camelot, which is two spans long. In the said cap they

wear on the top a thing made like a hazel-nut, which is

worked all round in gold. They also wear two strings of

silk, more than two fingers wide, which they hang round

the neck. They wear their ears full of jewels and none on

their fingers. 4 The colour of the said race is semi-white,

1 Turpin says :" The rivers and sea coasts of this kingdom [Siain]

abound more with fish than elsewhere : the reason doubtless is, because

the rivers for six months in the year overflow the sown grounds, and

then the fish find plenty of food, and do not prey on one another." (Pin-

kerton, vol. ix. p. 632.) The bone which Varthema describes may have

been that of a stray whale, as, according to Crawfurd, whales are only

found in this region on the shores of some of the more easterly islands

of the Archipelago. The Italian cantaro varies in different provinces

and according to the article weighed. Its average is about a cwt.

English.2 " The people live on rice, fish, venison, pork, and in general on the

flesh of almost every sort of animal and reptile ; but they seldom use

beef or poultry, and do not make butter." Journ. of R. A. Soc, vol. ii.

p. 266.

3 See note on p. 112 ante.

4 A similar dress is described by Colonel Symes as worn by the Bur-

mese gentry :—" It consists of a long robe, either of flowered satin or

velvet, reaching to the ancles, with an open collar and loose sleeves;

'102 '1 il i; TRAVELS OF

because the air here is cooler than it is in Calicut, and the

seasons are the same as with us, and also the harvests. 1

THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW THE KING CAUSES HISWIFE TO BE DEFLOWERED, AND SO ALSO THE OTHER

PAGANS OF THE CITY.

The king of the said city does not cause his wife's vir-

ginity to be taken by the Brahmins as the king of Calicut

does, but he causes her to be deflowered by white men,

whether Christians or Moors, provided they be not Pagans.

Which Pagans also, before they conduct their wives to their

house, find a white man, of whatever country he may be,

and take him to their house for this particular purpose, to

make him deflower the wife. And this happened to us when

we arrived in the said city. We met by chance three or

four merchants, who began to speak to my companion in

this wise :" Langalli ni pardesi," that is, " Friend, are you

strangers ?" He answered :" Yes." Said the merchants :

" Ethera nali ni banno," that is, " How many days have

you been in this country ?" We replied :" Mun nal gnad

banno," that is, " It is four days since we arrived." Another

over this there is a scarf, or flowing mantle, that hangs from the

shoulders ; and on their heads they wear high caps made of velvet,

either plain or of silk embroidered with flowers of gold, according to the

rank of the wearer. Earrings are a part of male dress : persons of con-

dition use tubes of gold about three inches long, and as thick as a

large quill, which expands at one end like the mouth of a speaking-

trumpet ; others wear a heavy mass of gold beaten into a plate, and

rolled up ; this lump of metal forms a large orifice in the lobe of the

ear, and drags it down by the weight, to the extent sometimes of two

inches." Pinkerton, vol. ix. p. 496.1 " The natives on the coast divide the year into three seasons, viz., the

hot, the rainy, and the cold ; the temperature, however, hardly varies

sufficiently to justify the adoption of this division. Tiiornto.v's Ga-

zetteer.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 203

one of the said merchants said :" Biti banno gnan piga-

manathon ondo," that is, " Come to my house, for we arc

great friends of strangers;" and we, hearing this, went

with him. When we had arrived at his house, he gave us a

collation, and then he said to us :" My friends, Patanci

nale banno gnan penna periti in penna orangono panna

panni cortu," that is, " Fifteen days hence I wish to bring

home my wife, and one of you shall sleep with her the first

night, and shall deflower her for me." We remained quite

ashamed at hearing such a thing. Then our interpreter said:

" Do not be ashamed, for this is the custom of the country."

Then my companion hearing this said :" Let them not do

us any other mischief, for we will satisfy you in this ;" but

we thought that they were mocking us. The merchant saw

that we remained undecided, and said: " O langal limaran-

conia ille ocha manezar irichenu," that is, " Do not be dis-

pirited, for all this country follows this custom." Finding

at last that such was the custom in all this country, as one

who was in our company affirmed to us, and said that we

need have no fear, my companion said to the merchant that

he was content to go through this fatigue. The merchant

then said :" I wish you to remain in my house, and that

you, your companions and goods, be lodged here with me

until I bring the lady home." Finally, after refusing, we

were obliged to yield to his caresses, and all of us, five in

number, together with all our things, were lodged in his

house. Fifteen days from that time this merchant brought

home his wife, and my companion slept with her the first

night. She was a young girl of fifteen years, and he did for

the merchant all that he had asked of him. But after the

first night, it would have been at the peril of his life if he

had returned again, although truly the lady would have

desired that the first night had lasted a month. The mer-

chants, having received such a service from some of us,

would gladly have retained us four or five months at their

204 THE TRAVELS OF

own expense, for all kinds of wares cost very little money,

and also because they are most liberal and very agreeable

men. 1

THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW THE DEAD BODIES AREPRESERVED IN THIS CITY.

All the Brahmins and the king are burnt after death, and

at that time a solemn sacrifice is made to the devil. And

-then they preserve the ashes in certain vases made of baked

earth, vitrified like glass, which vases have the mouth nar-

row like a small scutella. 2 They then bury this vase with

the ashes of the burnt body within their houses. Whenthey make the said sacrifice, they make it under some trees,

1 I find nothing to confirm the flagrant profligacy described in this

chapter, either as regards Tenasserim or Siam ; on the contrary, Turpin

states that " the nuptial couch is seldom polluted by adultery... There is

a whimsical custom, however, which deranges all matrimonial agree-

ments. Sometimes the monarch bestows a wife, of whom he is tired, on

one of his favourites : it is a flattering distinction, which often con-

strains the inclination." (Pinkerton, vol. ix. p. 585.) Nevertheless,

revolting as the custom must appear to us, and difficult as it may be

to account for so strange an illustration of human depravity, I see no

reason to doubt the veracity of Varthema's narrative, more especially as

Richard describes a similar usage as prevailing in the neighbouring

country of Aracan :—" Virginity is not an esteemed virtue with them.

Husbands prefer running the risk of fathering the children of others,

rather than marry a novice. It is generally Dutch sailors, who are

liberally paid for this infamous prostitution." Id. pp. 760-1.

The colloquy between Varthema's party and the Tenasserim mer-

chants was carried on through an interpreter, who appears to have

communicated with the former in a corrupt Malayalim, as the specimens

of the native dialect introduced bear a close affinity to those given in

one of the preceding chapters on Calicut.

a Or scodella. This word, which is nearly obsolete except in some of

the Italian dialects, signifies a bowl or basin, and according to Alberti

is a diminutive form of scudo, a shield. Not an inappropriate name for

the chatties common throughout India, the lower part of which is round

and convex. The upper part is generally drawn into a narrow mouth.

I.UDOVICO 1)1 VAUTHEMA. 205

after the manner of Calicut. And for burning the dead

body they light a fire of the most odoriferous things that can

be found, such as aloes-wood, benzoin, sandal-wood, brazil-

wood, 1 storax and amber, incense, and some beautiful

1 In the original, " verzino ;" but I am at a loss to account for the ety-

mology of the word. It cannot be a corruption of " Brazil," for Conti uses

it half a century before the discovery of that country in his brief descrip-

tion of Ternasseri

:

—"Tutto il paese ch'e al'intorno ecopioso dielephanti,

e vi nasco molto verzino." {Ramusio, vol. i. p. 332.) The Latin original has

verzano, which by a mistake, such as the most careful translators some-

times fall into, is rendered '•' a species of thrush" in the translation of

De' Conti's travels contained in India in the Fifteenth Century, ii. p. 9.

The wood indicated is doubtless the Sappan, (Ccesalpina sap/pan,) which

abounds in this quarter. Mr. O'Riley, in his Vegetable Products of the

Tenasserim Provinces, writes :—" For many years past a trade from Mer-

gui to Dacca in Sapan wood has been prosecuted by the native boats, the

article being obtained from the Sapan-wood forests lying near the fron-

tier hills, from the eastern side of which large supplies are annually

imported through Bangkok into Singapore. It is also found throughout

the valley of the Great Tenasserim river." {Journal of the Indian

Archipelago, vol. iv. p. 60.) With regard to the dye-wood in question,

Crawfurd says :" It has, like many indigenous products, a distinct

name in the different languages, the only agreement, and this not per-

fect, being between the Malay and Javanese, in the first of which it is

called Sdpang, the origin of the European commercial and scientific

names, and in Javanese Sdchang. In one language of the true Moluccas

we have it as Samya, and in another as Iioro, while in Amboynese it is

Lolan, and in the Tagala of the Philippines Sibukao" {Dictionary of the

Indian Islands, p. 376 ;) and I may add that the Arabic name is Bdhham.

None of these, however, afford any clue to the Italian word verzino. If

the latter has any relationship with the term "Brazil," is it not possible

that that name was a corruption of the earlier verzino, and was given to

the country so called on account of the quantity of Sappan-wood found

there 1

Since writing the above, I have lighted on the following interesting

note by Mr. J. Winter Jones, which places the subject beyond dispute :

—"The name given to this country [Brazil] by the discoverers was

Santa Cruz, which was afterwards changed to Brazil, from the immense

quantity of the wood so called found there. There is early evidence to

prove that the wood gave the name to the country and not the country

to the wood. The following passage occurs in the Liber Radicum of the

Rabbi Kimchi, a Spaniard who lived in the thirteenth century :

—

'Algummin (2 Chron. ix. 10) alias Almugim (1 Kings, x. 12 ;) both

206 THE TRAVELS OF

branches of coral, 1 which things the}- place upon the body,

and while it is burning all the instruments of the city are

sounding. In like manner, fifteen or twenty men, dressed

like devils, stand there and make great rejoicing. And his

wife is always present, making most exceedingly great

lamentations, and no other woman. And this is done at one

or two o'clock of the night.2

THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW THE WIFE IS BURNTALIVE AFTER THE DEATH OF HER HUSBAND.

In this city of Tarnassari, when fifteen days have passed

after the death of the husband, the wife makes a banquet for

stand for the same, and in common language it is called Corallo ; but

some persons declare it to be a sort of wood used for dying, called in

Arabic, Albakam, and in common language Brazil.'''' Hakl. Soc. Pubs.,

Divers Voyages touching the Disc, of America, p. 46, n.

1 Grampa de coralli. " Coral, in large Branches, five and six Ryals

the Mallaya Tael," is enumerated in Captain Saris's list among the

articles most vendible in the Indian Archipelago. Greene, vol. i. p. 503.

2 Ferdinand Mendez Pinto, (if he is to be believed,) witnessed the

funeral of the king of Siam, which he describes as follows :—" A mighty

great pile was forthwith erected, made of sandal, aloes, calembas, and

benjamin ; on the which the body of the deceased king being laid, fire

was put to it, with a strange ceremony : during all the time the body

was a burning, the people did nothing but wail and lament beyond all

expression ; but in the .end, it being consumed to ashes, they put them

into a silver shrine, which they imbarqued in a Laulea very richly

equipped, that was accompanied with forty Seroos full of Talagrepos,

which are the highest dignity of their Gentile Priests, and a great num-

ber of other vessels, wherein there was a world of people... All these

vessels got to land at a Pagode, called Quiay Poutor, where the silver

shrine, in which the king's ashes were, was placed."(Voyages and Ad-

ventures, p. 276.) Captain Low says that the Burmans and Peguers of

the Tenasserim provinces generally burn their dead, but that all under

fifteen years of age are buried. He adds :" The body of the high priest

also, who died at Martaban, just after its capture, was burned in the way

which is described in Symcs's Ava." Journal of the R. A. Society, vol.

ii. ]>.

LTJDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 207

all her relations and all those of her husband. And then they

go with all the relations to the place where the husband was

burnt, and at the same hour of the night. The said woman

puts on all her jewels and other objects in gold, all that she

possesses. And then her relations cause a hole to be made

of the height of a human being, and around the hole they

put four or five canes, around which they place a silken

cloth, and in the said hole they make a fire of the abovemen-

tioned things, such as were used for the husband. And

then the said wife, when the feast is prepared, eats a great

deal of betel, and eats so much that she loses her wits, and

the instruments of the city are constantly sounding, together

with the abovementioned men clothed like devils, who carry

fire in their mouths, as I have already told you in Calicut.

They also offer a sacrifice to Deumo. 1 And the said wife goes

many times up and down that place, dancing with the other

women. And she goes many times to the said men clothed

like devils, to entreat and tell them to pray the Deumo that

he will be pleased to accept her as his own. And there are

always present here a great many women who are her rela-

tions. Do not imagine, however, that she is unwilling to do

this ; she even imagines that she shall be carried forthwith

into heaven. And thus running violently of her own free

will, she seizes the abovementioned cloth with her hands,

and throws herself into the midst of the fire. And imme-

diately her relations and those most nearly allied to her fall

upon her with sticks and with balls of pitch, and this they

do only that she may die the sooner. And if the said wife

were not to do this, she would be held in like estimation as

a public prostitute is among us, and her relations would put

her to death. When such an event takes place in this

country the king is always present. However, those who

undergo such a death are the most noble of the land: all, in

1 See note 2 on p. 137 ante.

208 THE TRAVELS OF

general, do not do thus. 1I have seen in this city of Tar-

nassari another custom, somewhat less horrible than the

beforementioned. There will be a young man who will

speak to a lady of love, and will wish to give her to un-

derstand that he really is fond of her, and that there is

nothing he would not do for her. And, discoursing with her

in this wise, he will take a piece of rag well saturated with

oil, and will set fire to it, and place it on his arm on the

naked flesh, and whilst it is burning he will stand speaking

with that lady, not caring about his arm being burnt, in

order to show that he loves her, and that for her he is willing

to do every great thing.2

1 It would appear from the foregoing narrative that the practice of

Sati at Tenasserim was confined to a particular sect, which did not

include the royal family of Siam ; for Pinto relates that the widow of

the king, whose funeral he describes, subsequently " married Uquum-cheniraa, who had been one of the purveyors of her house, and caused

him to be crowned king in the city of Odiaa, the eleventh of November,

1545." Voyages and Adventures, p. 278.

2 The proof by fire, in default of written or testimonial evidence, ap-

pears to have formed part of the judiciary system of Siam ; but I have

met with nothing to corroborate its use in the wooing of Tenasserim

lovers. Captain Low describes the modern ceremony of marriage,

omitting all mention of the fiery ordeal :—" The Elder now gives the

bride a nosegay, and makes her repeat some Bali sentences, first directed

to her father, again to her mother, next to the parents of the bride-

groom, and lastly to her husband. The bridegroom goes through the

same ceremony, beginning with his parents and relatives, but does not

address the bride. The Elder then takes the flower from the bride, and

places it on the wall of the house ; she takes a little rolled-up betel-leaf

and presents it to the bridegroom, who exchanges the flower for it. They

then both sit on one mat, the bridegroom on the right ; a feast ensues,

and they finish the ceremonies by eating out of the same dish." Journ.

Roy. As. Soc, vol. ii. p. 270.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 209

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ADMINISTRATION OFJUSTICE WHICH IS OBSERVED IN TARNASSARI.

He who kills another in this country is put to death, the

same as in Calicut. 1 With respect to conveying- and holding,

it is necessary that it should appear by writing or by wit-

nesses. Their writing is on paper like ours, not on the

leaves of a tree like that of Calicut. And then they go to

a governor of the city, who administers justice for them

summarily. However, when any foreign merchant dies whohas no wife or children, he cannot leave his property to

whomsoever he pleases, because the king wills to be his

heir. And in this country, that is, the natives, commencing

from the king, after his death his son remains king. 2 Andwhen any Moorish merchant dies, very great expense is in-

curred in odoriferous substances to preserve the body, which

they put into wooden boxes and then bury it, placing the

head towards the city of Mecca, which comes to be towards

the north.3 If the deceased have children, they are his

heirs.

1 That is, by impalement ; see p. 147 ante. Turpin, in his History of

Siam, describes the horrible process as follows :—" The criminal is made

to lie down on his belly, and after being securely tied, a stake of wood is

forced up his fundament by the blows of a club, and it is driven till it

comes out, either through the stomach or through the shoulders : they

afterwards raise this stake, and fix it in the earth. It often happens

that the sufferer dies under the operation, but sometimes the stake

passes through the body without injuring any of the noble parts, and

then the poor wretch endures for several days the most agonizing tor-

ments." PlNKERTON, Vol. ix. p. 594.a

I infer from Pinto, who states that the son of the king, whose death

he records, succeeded his father, though he was shortly after poisoned by

the queen mother, that the sovereignty of Siam was hereditary. The

same order of succession probably prevailed as regards the Viceroys of

the principal provinces. See note on p. 197 ante, where the ruler of the

dependency of Tenasserim is styled " perpetual Captain."3 This is another incidental proof that Varthema's Tarnassari was not

on the coast of Bengal, which is nearly in the same latitude as Meccah.

P

210 THE TRAVELS OF

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE SHIPS WHICH AREUSED IN TARNASSARI.

These people make use of very large ships and of vari-

ous kinds, some of which are made flat bottomed, because

such can enter into places where there is not much water.

Another kind are made with prows before and behind, and

they carry two helms and two masts, and are uncovered.

There is also another kind of large ship which is called

Giunchi} and each of these is of the tonnage of one thousand

butts, on which they carry some little vessels to a city called

Melacha,2 and from thence they go with these little vessels

for small spices to a place which you shall know when the

proper time comes.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE CITY OF BANGHELLA,AND OF ITS DISTANCE FROM TARNASSARI.

Let us return to my companion, for he and I had a desire

to see farther on. After we had been some days in this said

city, and being, indeed, tired of that same service of which

you have heard above, and having sold some of our mer-

chandise we took the route towards the city of BangheUa,3

1 " The name for a large trading vessel in Malay and Javanese \sjung,

which the Portugues'e converted into junco, and we, improving on this

corruption, into junk." Crawfurd's Desc. Diet, of the Indian Islands.

- Malacca.3 Goxir was undoubtedly the capital of Bengal at this period, but it

appears that the name of the province was very commonly applied to

the city, more especially by foreigners. The following is from Barbosa :

—" Beyond the Ganges, onward towards the East, is the kingdom of

Bengcda, wherein there are many places and cities, as well inland as on

the sea-coast. Those in the interior are inhabited by Gentiles, who

are subject to the king of Bcngala, who is a Moor ; and the stations on

the coast are full of Moors and Gentiles, among whom are many mer-

chants and traders to all parts. For this sea forms a gulf which bends

towards the north, at the head of which is situated a great city inhabited

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 211

which is distant from Tarnassari seven hundred miles, at

which we arrived in eleven days by sea. This city was one

of the best that I had hitherto seen, and has a very great

realm. The sultan of this place is a Moor, and maintains

two hundred thousand men for battle on foot and on horse

;

and they are all Mohammedans ; and he is constantly at war

by Moors, which is called Bengala.'" (Ramusio, vol. i. p. 330.) In 1537,

during the viceroyalty of Nunno de Cunna, when the Portuguese first

attempted to establish a fort in Bengal, " Goivro, the capital city, ex-

tended three leagues in length along the Ganges, and contained

1,200,000 families." (Greene, vol. i. p. 84.) In Ralph Fitch's time,

1583-1591, Tanda appears to have succeeded Gour as the capital of the

kingdom, which had then become tributary to the Moghul Emperor :

—

" From Patanau [Patna] I went to Tanda, which is in the land of

Gouren. It hath in times past been a kingdom, but is now subdued by

Zelabdim Echebar [Jalal ed-Din, Akbar.] Great trade and traffic is

here of cotton and cloth of cotton... It standeth in the country of Ben-

gala...Tanda standeth from the Ganges a league, because in times past

the river flowing over the banks in time of rain drowned the country

and many villages, and so they remain. And the old way which the

river Ganges was wont to run remaineth dry, which is the occasion that

the city standeth so far from the water." (Pinkerton, ix. p. 414.) I

conclude, therefore, that Mandelslo errs in enumerating Bengal as a

city of that province distinct from Gour and Tanda. He says : "En tirant

vers le septentrional on trouve le royaume de Bengala, qui donne le

nom au golfe que les anciens appellent Sinus Gangeticus...On trouve plu-

sieurs belles villes dans ce royaume, comme sont celles de Gouro, d'Ougely,

de Chatigan, de Bengala, de Tanda, de Baca, de Patana, de Banares,

d'Elabas, et de Ragmehela." ( Voyages, p. 290.) The following is from

Major Rennell on this subject :—" Gour, called also Lucknouti, the an-

cient capital of Bengal, and supposed to be the Gangia regia of Ptolemy,

stood on the left bank of the Ganges, about twenty-five miles below Ra-

jemal. It was the capital of Bengal 730 years B.C., and was repaired and

beautified by Homayoon, who gave it the name of Jeunuteabad, which

name a part of the circar, in which it was situated, still bears. Accord-

ing to Ferishta's account, the unwholesomeness of its air occasioned it to

be deserted soon after, and the seat of government was removed to Tan-

dah or Tanrah, a few miles higher up the river. No part of the site of

ancient Gour is nearer to the present bank of the Ganges than four

miles and a half, and some parts of it which were regularly washed by

that river are now twelve miles from it." Mem. of a Map of Hindostan,

quoted in Stewart's Hist, of Bengal, p. 44.

212 THE TRAVELS OF

with the king of Narsingha.1 This country abounds more in

grain, flesh of every kind, in great quantity of sugar, also of

ginger, and of great abundance of cotton, than any country

in the world. And here there are the richest merchants I

ever met with. Fifty ships are laden every year in this

place with cotton and silk stuffs, which stuffs are these, that

is to sav, bairam, namone, lizati, ciantar, doazar, and sina-

baff. These same stuffs go through all Turkey, through

Syria, through Persia, through Arabia Felix, through

Ethiopia, and through all India. 2 There are also here very

great merchants in jewels, which come from other countries.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING SOME CHRISTIAN MER-CHANTS IN BANGHELLA.

We also found some Christian merchants here. They

said that they were from a city called Sarnau, and had

brought for sale silken stuffs, and aloes-wood, and benzoin,

and musk. Which Christians said that in their country

there were many lords also Christians, but they are subject

to the great Khan [of] Cathai.3 As to the dress of these

1 I have failed to discover any historical notices confirmatory of this

remark, though it is highly probable that the Sultans of Bengal co-

operated generally with the Mussulman powers of the Deccan at this

period against the great Brahminical kingdom of Bijayanagar. (See

note 2, on p. 125 ante.) The reigning sovereign at the time of Varthe-

ma's visit must have been the Patan Sultan 'Ala ed-Din Husein Shah

bin Seyyed Ashraf.2 These names are mostly of Arabic or Persian derivation, and several

of them are still in use among the Arabs, while similar technical terms,

which obtained among British traders in the time of Captain Saris,

such as Sayes, Rashes, Bozirats, Caniant, Juwart, etc., have disappeared

from our modern commercial vocabulary. In Varthema's sinabaff, I

recognize Sina baft, China woven-cloth.

3 From the description of the manners of these Christians, I should

have inferred that they were Armenians, but as they wrote contrary to

us, that is, from right to left, they were most probably Nestorians. (I

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 213

Christians, they were clothed in a xebec 1 made with folds,

and the sleeves were quilted with cotton. And on their

heads they wore a cap a palm and a half long, made of red

cloth. These same men are as white as we are, and confess

that they are Christians, and believe in the Trinity, and

likewise in the Twelve Apostles, in the four Evangelists, and

they also have baptism with water. But they write in the

contrary way to us, that is, after the manner of Armenia.

And they say that they keep the Nativity and the Passion

of Christ, and observe our Lent and other vigils in the

course of the year. These Christians do not wear shoes, but

they wear a kind of breeches made of silk, similar to those

need hardly remark that Varthema is wrong in stating that the Arme-

nians write in that way, for they write as we do from left to right.)

Assernanni, indeed, concludes that all the Christians formerly in Tartary

and China were Nestorians, quoting Marco Polo, among others, as his

authority :—" Christianos in Sinarum regno Nestorianos fuisse, non

Armenios, neque ex Armenia, sed partiin ex Assyria et Mesopotamia,

partim ex Sogdiana, Bactriana et India illuc convolasse, eo maxime

tempore, quo Tartari in illud regnum invaserunt, ipse Marcus Paulus

Venetus, qui a Trigautio citatur, pluribus in locis aifirmat, ubi quoties

Christianorum in Sinis meminit, eos Nestorianos vocat." The same

author defines the limits of the ancient kingdom of Cathay as follows :

—

" Cataja Sinam borealem significat, quam orientalis SinEe nomine ap-

pellant : habet autem Turchestanam ad occasum ; Sinam ad austrum;

terrain et mare Esonis, vulgd de Jesso, ad ortum ; et Tartariam veram

ad septentrionem. Sericse antiquoe pars est, ut ex Ptoleinseo scribit

Cellarius ;" but I have perused the interesting section from which this

quotation is made, (Biblioth. Orient., vol. iv. § vi.), and every other avail-

able author from Marco Polo downwards, without discovering any clue

to Varthema's city of Sarnau. The only additional information which

his book affords respecting its locality is given in a subsequeut chapter,

and while he was at Sumatra, from which island his Christian com-

panions told him it was 3,000 miles distant.

I note, as a mere coincidence, that Ferdinand Mendez Pinto designates

the kingdom of Siam "The Empire of Sornau." {Voyages and Ad-

ventures, p. 284.) Whether he had any better authority than that of

his own fertile imagination for the name, I cannot say ; but I do not

find it applied to that country by any other author. Gasparo Balbi

and some of the early Portuguese writers calls it " Silon."

1 A jerkin.

214 THE TRAVELS OF

worn by mariners, which breeches are all full of jewels, and

their heads are covered with jewels. And they eat at a table

after our fashion, and they eat every kind of flesh. These

people also said that they knew that on the confines of the

Rumi, that is, of the Grand Turk, there arc very great

Christian kings. After a great deal of conversation with

these men, my companion at last showed them his merchan-

dise, amongst which there were certain beautiful branches

of large coral. When they had seen these branches they

said to us, that if we would go to a city where they would

conduct us, that they were prepared to secure for us as

much as 10,000 ducats for them, or as many rubies as in

Turkey would be worth 100,000. l My companion replied

that he was well pleased, and that they should depart imme-

diately thence. The Christians said :" In two days' time

from this a ship will sail which goes towards Pego, and we

have to go with it ; if you are willing to come we will go

together." Hearing this we set ourselves in order, and em-

barked with the said Christians and with some other Persian

merchants. And as we had been informed in this city that

these Christians were most faithful, we formed a very great

friendship with them. But before our departure from

Banghella, we sold all the rest of the merchandise, with the

exception of the corals, the saffron, and two pieces of rose-

coloured cloth of Florence. We left this city, which I

believe is the best in the world, that is, for living in. In

which city the kinds of stuffs you have heard of before are

not woven by women, but the men weave them. We de-

parted thence with the said Christians, and went towards a

city which is called Pego, distant from Banghella about a

thousand miles. On which voyage we passed a gulf towards

the south, and so arrived at the city of Pego.

1 See note 1 on p. 206 ante.

LL'DOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 215

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING PEGO, 1 A CITY OE INDIA.

The city of Pego is on the mainland, and is near to the

sea. On the left hand of this, that is, towards the east, there

1 In chapter viii. of his Narrative of a Mission to the Court of Ava,

Colonel Yule has arranged in chronological order a valuable collection

of Notes on the Intercourse of the Burmese countries with Western nations

up to the i)eace of Yandabo, comprising all the information available re-

specting Pegu and the adjacent kingdoms at this period. These notes,

with his own interspersed commentary, form the most authentic history of

those kingdoms extant, and the four sketch maps representing the his-

torical geography of the Burmese countries at several epochs, convey at

a glance the principal political and territorial changes which have suc-

cessively taken place in that empire since a.d. 1500. With regard to

the map illustrative of that date, I perceive that Tavoy is apparently

described as an independent state embracing the entire seabord between

the tenth and fifteenth degrees of latitude, whereas in a preceding note

on pp. 197-8, I have implied that Tenasserim, which is included within

those limits, was the principal kingdom on that part of the coast at

the period indicated, but subordinate, nevertheless, to the suzerainty of

Siam. (Towards the end of that century Tenasserim became tributary

to Pegu, and a few years later, cir. a.d. 1619, judging from the extract

quoted from Master William Methold's Relations of the Kingdome of

Golchonda, and other Neighbouring Nations within the Gulf of Bengode,

in the note last referred to, it appears to have reverted, for a time at

least, to the authority of Siam.) I notice this discrepancy rather by

way of suggesting a doubt as to the correctness of my own inference,

than with the idea of questioning the accuracy of my learned friend

Colonel Yule.

The following chapter from the Geography of Patavino, evidently

compiled from the travels of Nicolo de' Conti, Varthema, Ceesar Frede-

ricke, and the best authorities who succeeded them, contains so admira-

ble an account of Pegu at the date when the work was published (1597),

and when the kingdom was at the zenith of its glory, that I deem it

worthy of quotation in full :—" PEGU regnum occupat littoris spatium

300 milliarium iuxta Occidentalem oram sinus Bengalici, ab urbe scilicet

Tauay ad caput usque Nigraes ; in Mediterraneis vero valde extenditur.

Optimos habet portus, ex quibus pra;cipuus est Martabane, in quo one-

rantur circiter 40 naues ex oryza, qute in insulam Sumatram compor-

tantur. Ager huius regni pinguis ac fertilissimus est, et rei frumentarite

ut plurimum admodum accommodus ; animalia innumera nutrit, inter

21() THE TRAVELS OF

is a very beautiful river, by which many ships go and come. 1

The king of this city is a Pagan. Their faith, customs,

manner of living and dress, are after the manner of Tarnas-

sari ; but with respect to their colour, they are somewhat

more white. And here, also, the air is somewhat more cold.

Their seasons are like ours. This city is walled, and has

qua; sunt equi pusilli, ad ferendurn tamen idonei, quorum ingens est

numerus, sicut etiam eliphantorum, qui in altissimis quibusdam montibus

capiuntur, ac ad belli usum adseruantur. Psittaci etiam vocaliores quamusquam alibi, et pulchriores reperiuntur, atque etiam feles, qui zibettum

gignunt : arundines hie excrescunt ad crassitiem unius dolij : nascuntur

quoque hie rubini. Unde regnum ipsum opulentissimum est et merca-

toribus frequentissimum, qui commercijs plurimum operam nauant, et

in ipsis portubus plures sunt mercatores Mauri ac gentiles. Deferunt

autem ex hoc Regno ad Malacam oryzam, laccam, beuzuinum, museum,

lapillos preciosos, argentum, batyrum, oleum, sal, cepas, et alia huius

generis comestibilia : contra vero ex Malaca istuc ferunt porcellanas,

colores, argentum vivum, a?s, cinnabarim, Damascumrloribus contextum,

stannum, et alia. Ciuitas Regia est PEGU, clarissima totius India;,

moenibus munita, et sedibus elegantissimus ornata, qua; a mari ciciter 25

milliaribus abest, quam fluuius eiusdem nominis maximus abluit, qua;

etiam per totum regnum percurrens intumescit interdum aded, ut mag-

num terra? tradum inundet : unde ab hoc incola? oryzam copiosissiine

colligunt. Pra;ter hanc sunt insignes Tauay, Martabane, et Losmin

emporium celebre. Sunt autem Peguini mediocris statura;, magis ad

crassitiem accedentes, agiles, et viribus pra;diti, ad bellum tamen inepti :

nudi incedunt pra;ter pudenda, capita tegunt albicantis pannis ad instar

mitra; : luxuria; prasterea valde dediti sunt, qui in mulierum gratiam ad

virile membrum tintinabula aurea vel argentea appensa gestant ut sonumreddant dum per ciuitatem deambulant. Sunt verd super mortales

omnes superstitiosissimi, et vanissimas habent circa religionem opiniones,

ac ab omni veritate alienas. Rex PEGU multa hodie possidit regna,

nempe Tangu, Prom, Melintay, Calam, Bacam, Mvrandil, Aica, Brema[Burmah ?] ad Septentrionem exposita ; deinde regnum Siam, et portus

Martabance ac Ternasseri, et Aracam, ac Mucin regna : et appellari

quoque consueuit a scriptoribus nonnullis Rex Brema;, seu Barinse." p.

260.1 Symes says :

" The Pegue river is called by the natives Bagoo

Kioup, or Pegue rivulet, to distinguish it from Mioup, or river. It is

navigable but a very few miles to the northward of the city of Pegue,

and for this it is indebted wholly to the action of the tide." Pinker-

ton, vol. ix., p. 446.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 217

good houses and palaces built of stone, with lime. 1 The

king is extremely powerful in men, both foot and horse,

and has with him more than a thousand Christians of the

country which has been above mentioned to you. 2 And he

1 So Ralph Fitch eighty years after Varthema :— " Pegu is a city very

great, strong, and very fair, with walls of stone, and great ditches round

about it. There are two towns, the old and the new. In the old town

are all the merchants strangers, and very many merchants of the coun-

try. All the goods are sold in the old town, which is very great, and

hath many suburbs round about it, and all the houses are made of canes,

which they call bambos, and are covered with straw." {Id., pp. 416-7.)

Symes says :" The extent of ancient Pegue may still be accurately

traced by the ruins of the ditch and wall that surrounded it : from this

it appears to have been a quadrangle, each side measuring nearly a mile

and a half. In several places the ditch is filled up with rubbish that has

been cast into it, and the falling of its own banks ; sufficient, however,

still remains to show that it was no contemptible defence." He de-

scribes the streets of the new town as well paved with the bricks brought

from the old city, but all the houses of the former as being made of

mats, or sheathing boards, supported on bamboos or posts, " the king

having prohibited the use of brick or stone in private buildings, from

the apprehension that if people got leave to build brick houses, they

might erect brick fortifications." Id., pp. 436-8.

2 We have Colonel Yule's authority for believing that Armenians,

who were most probably petty merchants like their representatives there

at the present day, have long frequented the Burmese court and capital

;

but the existence of a regiment of Armenians or Nestorians in the service

of an Indian potentate at this period may be set down as a fable, and I

read of no native Christians in Pegu prior to the advent of the Portu-

guese a few years later. Conti, who visited several parts of the country

in 1444, states that the people turned towards the East every morning,

and with clasped hands said :" God in Trinity and His Law defend us !"

Varthema probably heard that a similar belief was professed by a por-

tion of the Pegu army, and forthwith christianized them. Yule makes

the following remark on the Burmese prayer above quoted :—" This,

which at first sight looks like fiction, is really an evidence of Conti's

veracity. He had doubtless heard of the ' Three Precious Ones,' the

Triad of Buddha, Dharma, and Sanga, the Buddha, the Law, and the

Clergy." And he adds in a foot-note, that " in a letter which the King of

Ava wrote to the Governor-General of India, in 1830, his majesty speaks

of his ' observing the three objects of worship, namely, God, his Pre-

cepts, and his Attendants or Priests.' " Mission to the Court of Ava,

p. 208.

218 THE TRAVELS OF

gives to each, for pay, six golden pardai per month and his

expenses. In this country there is a great abundance of

grain, of flesh of every kind, and of fruits of the same as at

Calicut. These people have not many elephants, but they

possess great numbers of all other animals ; they also have

all the kinds of birds which are found at Calicut. But there

are here the most beautiful and the best parrots I had ever

seen. Timber grows here in great quantities, long, and I

think the thickest that can possibly be found. In like

manner I do not know if there can be found in the world

such thick canes as I found here, of which I saw some which

were really as thick as a barrel. Civet-cats are found in

this country in great numbers, three or four of which are

sold for a ducat. The sole merchandise of these people is

jewels, that is, rubies, which come from another city called

Capellan,1 which is distant from this thirty days' journey ; not

that I have seen it, but by what I have heard from mer-

chants. You must know that in the said city, a large

pearl and diamond are worth more here than with us, and

also an emerald. When we arrived in this country, the

king was fifteen days' journey distant, fighting with another

who was called king of Ava. 2 Seeing this, we determined to

1 Fitch mentions the same locality :

—"Caplan is the place where they

find the rubies, saphires, and the spinelles: it standeth six days' journey

from Ava, in the kingdom of Pegu. There are many great hills out of

which they dig them." _(Pinkerton, vol. ix. p. 421.) Tavernier, " that

rambling jeweller, who had read nothing, but had seen so much and so

well," as Gibbon describes him, has the following on the same subject :

—

" There are but two places in the east in which coloured stones are

found, that is, the kingdom of Pegu and the island of Ceylon. The first

is a mountain about a dozen days' journey from Siren [Sirian], on the

north-east, and is called Capelan. This is the mine which produces the

greatest quantity of rubies and spinels, otherwise called the mother of

rubies, yellow topazes, jacinths, amethysts, and other stones of different

colours." Id. vol. viii. p. 250.2 Pegu was also at war with Ava when visited hy Hieronimo di San

Stephano in 1496. In 1544, and again in 1552, it was subjected by the

neighbouring King of Toungoo, called by Portuguese writers " King of

LUD0V1C0 DI VARTHEMA. 219

go and find the king where he was, in order to give him

these corals. And so we departed thence in a ship made all

of one piece,1 and more than fifteen or sixteen paces long.

The oars of this vessel were made of cane. Understand well

in what manner : where the oar takes the water it was cloven,

and they insert a flat piece of board fastened by cords, so

that the said vessel went with more power than a brigantine.

The mast of it was a cane as thick as a barrel where they

put in the provisions. In three days we arrived at a village

where we found certain merchants, who had not been able

to enter into the said city of Ava on account of the war.

Hearing this, we returned with them to Pego, and five days

afterwards the king returned to the said city, who had

gained a very great victory over his enemy. On the second

day after the return of the king, our Christian companions

took us to speak with him.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE DRESS OF THE KINGOF PEGO ABOVE MENTIONED.

Do not imagine that the king of Pego enjoys as great a

reputation as the king of Calicut, although he is so humane

and domestic that an infant might speak to him, and he

the Burraas," who extended his conquests over Ava, Magoung, Jan-

gornai (Zinime), the west of Yunan, and other adjoining states. This

monarch appears to have been still on the throne when Caesar Fredericke

was at Pegu in 1586, and the extract from Patavino's Geography, quoted

on pp. 215-6, gives an apparently authentic account of the different de-

pendencies of the kingdom towards the end of that century. About that

time, however, the empire began to decline, and its fall was as rapid as

its rise : in 1600, Pegu was besieged by the kings of Aracan and

Toungoo, and its sovereign put to death ; and thirteen years later the

King of Ava was crowned at Pegu, from which period may be dated the

dominance of the Avan monarchy over the lower provinces. See Yule's

Narrative of a Mission to the Court of Ava, pp. 208-213.

1 The fj.ovoi,v\a of the author of the Periplus. See Vincent's Com.

and Nav. of the Ancients, vol. ii. p. 521.

220 THE TRAVELS OF

wears more rubies on him than the value of a very large

city, and he wears them on all his toes. And on his legs he

wears certain great rings of gold, all fall of the most beau-

tiful rubies ; also his arms and his fingers all full. His ears

hang down half a palm, through the great weight of the

many jewels he wears there, so that seeing the person of the

king by a light at night, he shines so much that he appears

to be a sun. 1 The said Christians spoke with him, and told

him of our merchandise. The king replied :" That we

should return to him the clay after the next, because on the

next day he had to sacrifice to the devil for the victory

which he had gained." When the time mentioned was past,

the king, as soon as he had eaten, sent for the said Chris-

tians, and for my companion, in order that he might carry to

him his merchandise. When the king saw such beautiful

corals he was quite astonished and greatly pleased; for, in

truth, among the other corals there were two branches, the

like of which had never before entered India. This king

asked what people we were. The Christians answered

:

" Sir, these are Persians." Said the king to the interpreter

:

" Ask them if they are willing to sell these things." Mycompanions answered :

" That the articles were at the service

of his highness." Then the king began to say :" That he had

been at war with the king of Ava for two years, and on that

1 Both Gasparo Balbi and Ralph Fitch describe the richness of the

King of Pegu's dress and the splendour of his court retinue in their

time. The former saw him start on a war expedition against the King

of Ava "all over covered with gold and jewels ;" and the latter says :

" When the king rideth abroad, he rideth with a great guard, and manynoblemen, often on an elephant with a fine castle upon him, very fairly

gilded with gold, and sometimes in a great frame like a horse litter,

which hath a little house upon it covered overhead, but open on the sides,

which is all gilded with gold, and set with many rubies and saphires,

whereof he hath infinite store in his country, and is carried on sixteen

or eighteen men's shoulders.... He hath also houses full of gold and silver,

and bringing in often, but spendeth very little.'''' Pikkerton, vol. ix.

pp. 404, 418.

LTJDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. £21

account he had no money ; but that if we were willing to

barter for so many rubies, he would amply satisfy us." Wecaused him to be. told by these Christians that we desired

nothing further from him than his friendship,—that he

should take the commodities and do whatever he pleased. 1

The Christians repeated to him what my companion had

charged them to say, by telling the king that he might take

the corals without money or jewels. He hearing this liberality

answered :" I know that the Persians are very liberal, but

I never saAV one so liberal as this man;" and he swore by

God and by the devil that he would see which would be the

more liberal, he or a Persian. And then he desired one of

his confidential servants to bring him a certain little box

which was two palms in length, worked all round in gold,

and was full of rubies, within and without. And when he

had opened it, there were six separate divisions, all full of

different rubies ; and he placed it before us, telling us we

should take what we wished. My companion answered :

" O, sir, you show me so much kindness, that by the faith

which I bear to Mahomet I make you a present of all these

things. And know, sir, that I do not travel about the world

to collect property, but only to see different people and dif-

ferent customs." The king answered :" I cannot conquer

you in liberality, but take this which I give you." And so

he took a good handful of rubies from each of the divisions

of the said casket, and gave them to him. These rubies

might be about two hundred, and in giving them he said :

" Take these for the liberality you have exercised towards

1 A thoroughly oriental way of driving a good bargain, though ex-

tensively copied by tradesmen on the continent of Europe. The artifice

is as old as the days of Abraham, who was a long time in getting the

children of Heth to name the price of Machpelah. At length Ephron,

overcoming his modesty, ventured to say :" My lord, the land is worth

four hundred shekels of silver," (which was most probably ten times its

value,) but politely added ;" What is that betwixt me and thee 1

"

Genesis, chap, xxiii.

*

222 THE TRAVELS OF

me." And in like manner he gave to the said Christians

two rubies each, which were estimated at a thousand ducats,

and those of my companions were estimated at about one

hundred thousand ducats. Wherefore by .this he may be

considered to be the most liberal king in the world, and

every year he has an income of about one million in gold.

And this because in his country there is found much lacca,1

a good deal of sandal-wood, very much brazil-wood, cotton

and silk2 in great quantities, and he gives all his income to

his soldiers. The people in this country are very sensual.

After some days, the said Christians took leave for them-

selves and for us. The king ordered a room to be given to

us, furnished with all that was requisite for so long as we

wished to remain there ; and so it was done. We remained

in the said room five days. At this time there arrived news

that the king of Ava was coming with a great army to make

war upon him, on hearing which, this one [of Pego] went to

meet him half way with a great many men, horse and foot.

The next day we saw two women burnt alive voluntarily,

in the manner as I have described it in Tarnassari.

1 This I take to be the colouring matter produced by the lac insect, or

coccus ficus, which is abundaut throughout the Burmese provinces. Bar-

bosa speaks of it as one of the principal exports from Martaban, and

says that the Indians and Persians called it Laco Martabani. He does

not seem, however, to have been aware how it was produced :—" They

say this lacca is the gum of trees ; others state that it is produced on the

branches of trees, just as the grane grow in our parts, and this account

seems more natural and probable. They carry it in small vases, because

they may not gather too much of it." (Ramusio, vol. i. p. 317.) Alberti,

in his definition of grane, says :—" Sono coccole d'un albero, simili quasi

alle coccole dell' ellera, colle quali si tingono i panni in rosso o paonazzo

ed e preziosa tinta. Oggidi si potrebbe anche dire CochenUle" The early

Italian travellers appear to have used the same word, lacca, to describe

both the lac and the lacca-wood.2 See note 1 on p. 198 ante.

I.UDOVIC'O DI VARTHEMA. 223

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE CITY MELACIIA, ANDTHE RIVER GAZA, OTHERWISE GANGE AS I TniNK,

AND OF THE INHUMANITY OF THE MEN.

The next clay we embarked on board a ship and went to

a city called Melacha, 1 which is situated towards the west,

at which we arrived in eight days. Near to the said city wefound an extremely great fiumara, as large as any we had

ever seen, which they call Gaza,2 which is evidently more

than twenty-five miles wide. And opposite to the said river

there is a very large island, which is called Sumatra. The

inhabitants of it say that the circumference of it is four

thousand five hundred miles. I will tell you about the said

island at the proper time. When we had arrived at the city

of Melacha, we were immediately presented to the Sultan,

who is a Moor, as is also all his kingdom.3 The said city is

1 Malacca, or, more correctly, Malaca, the well-known town on the

western side of the Malay peninsula. Our traveller was the first to

make Europe acquainted with its name and situation.

2 By " fiumara" Varthema undoubtedly means the Straits, which are

about twenty-five miles broad opposite Malacca. " Gaza," I take to be

a contraction of Boghdz, the Arabic for a strait. The Arabs of the

present day use the same word to denote the passage between the island

of Sumatra and the Malay peninsula, calling it Boghdz Malaca, or

Boghdz Singafura. I notice that Crawfurd, in his Descriptive Diction-

ary, sub voce Archipelago, remarks that Varthema underrates the

breadth of the Strait ; but he quotes our traveller from Bamusio as de-

scribing the fiumara to be only " about fifteen miles broad." (Id. sub

voce Malacca Straits.) Crawfurd himself says in one place, that the

town of Malacca is " washed by the Straits which bear its name, and

which are here about five-and-twenty miles broad ;" and in another, that

" the town of Malacca is distant from the nearest shore of Sumatra

about forty-five miles," (Id. 'sub voce Malacca, pp. 238, 249;) the ap-

pi'oximate measurements being apparently given, in the one case, between

Malacca and the island of Pvupat directly opposite, and in the other

between Malacca and the mainland of Sumatra.3 " Of the time in which the Muhammedan religion was embraced by

the people of Malacca, there is no precise statement. The Malay ac-

count assigns the event to the reign of a prince called Sultan Muhani-

224 THE TRAVELS OF

on the mainland and pays tribute to the king of Cini, 1 who

caused this place to be built about eighty years ago, because

there is a good port there, which is the principal port of the

main ocean. And, truly I believe, that more ships arrive

here than in any other place in the world,3 and especially

there come here all sorts of spices and an immense quantity

raed Shah, who ascended the throne in 1276...The statement of DeBarros respecting the conversion is as follows :

—' The greatness of

Malacca induced the kings who followed Xaquem Darsa [Sekandar

Shah,] to throw off their dependency on the kings of Siam, and this

chiefly, since the time when induced by the Persians and Gujrati Moors,

who came to Malacca and resided there, for the purpose of trade, from

Gentiles to become converts to the sect of Muhammed.' " Crawfurd's

Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands, etc., p. 245.

- If by Cini is meant Siam, the statement is corroborated, generally,

by the learned researches of Mr. Crawfurd, who writes :—" The subjec-

tion of Malacca to Siam seems, indeed, to be admitted by all parties.

Four of the most northerly of the States of the Peninsula are still subject

to it ; while a claim of supremacy is made for, at least, three more.

The author of the Commentaries of Albuquerque, giving a greater ex-

tension to Malacca than De Barros, thus describes it and its subjection

to Siam :—

' The kingdom of Malacca on one side borders on Queda; and

on the other, Pam [Pahang]. It has one hundred leagues of coast, and

inland extends to a chain of mountains where it is parted from Siam,

a breadth of ten leagues. All this land was anciently subject to Siam.'"

Id., p. 244-5.

" The port is an open road, but, notwithstanding, safe at all seasons,

not being within the latitude of hurricanes, nor within the influence of

either monsoons ; or, as the Commentaries of Albuquerque express it :

—

' it is the beginning of one monsoon, and the end of another.' " Id.,

p. 249.

2 " The flourishing condition of Malacca, at the time it was attacked

by the Portuguese, [five years after Varthema's visit,] has no doubt been

much exaggerated ; but making every abatement, enough will remain

to show that it was a place of considerable commercial importance,

judging it by the ideas of the beginning of the 16th century, and by

the peculiar value then attached to some of the commodities of which

its trade consisted. ' In matters of trade,' says De Barros, ' the people

[the Malays] are artful and expert, for, in general, they have to deal

with such nations as the Javanese, the Siamese, the Peguans, the Ben-

gallis, the (^uelijo [Chulias or Talugus,] Malabaris, Gujratis, Persians,

and Arabians, with many other people, whose residence here has made

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 225

of other merchandise. This country is not very fertile, 1 yet

there is produced there grain, a little animal food, wood,

birds like those of Calicut, excepting the parrots, which are

better here than in Calicut. A great quantity of sandal-

wood and of tin is found here. 2 There are also a great many

elephants, horses, sheep, cows and buffalos, leopards and

peacocks, in great abundance. A few fruits like those in

Zeilan. It is not necessary to trade here in anything except-

ing in spices and silken stuffs.3 These people are olive-

them very sagacious. Moreover, the city is also populous, owing to the

ships which resort to it from the country of the Chijs [Chinese], the

Lequios [Japanese], the Lucoes [people of Luzon in the Philippines],

and other nations of the Orient. All these people bring so much wealth,

both of the East and the West, that Malacca seems a centre at which

are assembled all the natural productions of the earth, and all the arti-

ficial ones of man. On this account, although situated in a barren land,

it is, through an interchange of commodities, more amply supplied with

everything than the countries themselves from which they come.'" Id.

p. 245.

1 Varthema's remark respecting the comparative infertility of the

country, is confirmed by De Barros in the preceding note, and fully cor-

roborated by Crawfurd, who says :

—

i: It is in vain to plead for the un-

productiveness of Malacca the maladministration of former national

adminstrations, for Malacca has been, with little interruption, nearly

sixty years under British rule, while Arracan, in less than half the

time, under the same government, competing with its immediate neigh-

bour Bengal, has become one of the principal granaries of India."

Id,, p. 239

s I infer from Crawfurd that sandal-wood, if it exists there at all, is

produced in very small cpuantities in the territory of Malacca, the chief

places of its growth being several of the islands of the Malay Archi-

pelago, but more especially Timur and Sumba, which latter takes its

European name of Sandal-wood Island from it.

In 1847, the cpaantity of tin obtained from the mines in the Malacca

territory was about five thousand cwts., and it is yearly increasing. Id.

p. 240.

3 Meaning, I presume, that these were the most marketable commodi-

ties. With regard to silk, Crawfurd says :" It may probably have been

first made known to the inhabitants of the Indian Islands by the Hin-

dus, if we are to judge from its Sanscrit name ; but iu all times knownto us, they have been supplied with this article raw and wrought by the

Q

2£6 THE TRAVELS OF

coloured, with long hair. Their dress is after the fashion

of Cairo. They have the visage broad, the eye round, the

nose compressed. It is not possible to go about the place

here when it is dark, because people are killed like dogs, 1

and all the merchants who arrive here go to sleep in their

ships. The inhabitants of this city are of the nation of

Giavai. The king keeps a governor to administer justice

for foreigners, but those of the country take the law into

their own hands, and they are the worst race that was ever

Chinese, the original inventors of silk -/'...nevertheless, he adds :—" that

from the raw silk of China, the Malays and Javanese always wove, and

still continue to do so, some strong and often rich domestic fabrics suited

to their own peculiar tastes. Id., p. 394.

1 Crawfurd describes the Malays as a brown-complexioned, lank-

haired people, of a squat form, with high cheek-bones, large mouth,

and flattened nose. With regard to costume, I had frequent oppor-

tunities, during my long residence at Aden, of seeing many Malay mer-

chants on their way to Meccah, who were generally dressed like the

same class in Syria and Egypt. As to character, the Malays in general

bear a very questionable one, and are notorious for their vindictiveness.

Barbosa describes them as " very skilful and exquisite workmen ; but

very malevolent and treacherous, rarely speaking the truth, and ready

to commit any outrage and to die. ..There are some of them also, if at-

tacked with any serious illness, make a vow to God that if restored to

health, they will voluntarily select a more honourable death in His

service. On recovery, they leave their houses with a dagger in hand,

and rush through the streets, where they kill as many persons as they

can, men, women, and children, insomuch that they seem like mad dogs.

These are called Amnios, and when seen in this frenzy, all begin to

cry out, Amnios ! Amnios ! in order that the people may be on their

guard, who with knives and lances immediately put them to death."

(Ramusio, vol. i. p. 318.) Amnios, I take to be a corruption of the

native amuJc, and the origin of our " running a-muck," which, according

to Crawfurd, is a phrase introduced into our language from the Malay,

the latter word signifying a furious and reckless onset.—" Running

a-muck with private parties is often the result of a restless determina-

tion to exact revenge for some injury or insult ; but it also results, not less

frequently, from a monomania taking this particular form, and originat-

ing in disorders of the digestive organs. The word and the practice are

not confined to the Malays, but extend to all the people and languages

of the Archipelago that have obtained a certain amount of civilization."

Desc. Diet., p. 12.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 227

created on earth. When the king wishes to interfere with

them, they say that they will disinhabit the land, because

they are men of the sea. 1 The air here is very temper-

1 Considering that Vartheuia was the first European to describe

Malacca, and that his stay there did not extend beyond a few days, it is

surprising to find how strikingly correct his brief remarks are, not only

as regards the natural objects which were open to his inspection, but

others also which were less obvious, connected with the past history of

the people and their actual civil condition at the period of his visit.

The statement that Malacca was inhabited by a nation of Javanese is

corroborated by the learned researches of Crawfurd, who says :" On one

point, all parties seem to agree, that not only the founders of Malacca,

but even of Singapore, were Javanese and not Malays ; for even the

Malayan account is substantially to this effect, since it brings the emi-

grants who established themselves at Singapore from Palembang, which

was a Javanese settlement." Id. p. 243.

Equally remarkable is our traveller's notice of two distinct classes

among the Malays, one given to trade and agriculture and subject to an

organized government, the other a wild race acknowledging no superior

authority, and who either felt themselves strong enough to resist any

attempt to impose it by expelling the more civilized community from

the country, or who did not care to reside on land because they were" men of the sea ;" for Varthema's words—" Et quando il re si vol

mettere fra loro, essi dicono che deshabitaranno la terra perche sono

homini de mare,"—will bear both interpretations. How surprisingly

this account is corroborated by Crawfurd, except that the latter makes

three sections of the Malays, will be seen by the following extract :

—

" The Malay nation may be divided naturally into three classes : the

civilized Malays, or those who possess a written language, and have

made a decent progress in the useful art3 ; the gipsy-like fishermen,

called the Sea People; and the rude half savages, who, for the most

part, live precariously on the produce of the forests. The civilized

Malays consist of the inhabitants of the eastern side of Sumatra, of

much of the interior of that island, and of those of the sea-boards of

Borneo and the Malay Peninsula. The sea-gipsies are to be found

sojourning from Sumatra to the Moluccas. ..The only habitations of this

people are their boats, and they live exclusively by the produce of the

sea, or by the robberies they commit on it. The most usual name by

which they are known is orang-laut, literally, 'men of the sea'. ..The

rude wandering class, speaking the Malay language, is found in the

interior of the Malay Peninsula, in Sumatra, and in the islands lying

between them, but in no other part of the Archipelago."...These three

classes of Malays existed near three centuries and a half ago, when the

q2

228 THE TRAVELS OF

ute.1 The Christians who were in our company gave us to

understand that we ought not to remain long here because

they are an evil race. Wherefore we took a junk and went

towards Sumatra to a city called Pider, which is distant from

the mainland eighty leagues, or thereabouts.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ISLAND OF SUMATRA,'2

AND CONCERNING PIDER, A CITY IN SUMATRA.

They say that in this district there is the best port of the

whole island, which I have already told you is in circura-

Portuguese first arrived in the waters of the Archipelago, just as they

do at the present day. That people describes them as having existed

also for two centuries and a half before that event, as without douht

they did in times far earlier. Thus De Barros describes the first class of

Malays as ' men living by trade, and the most cultivated of these parts;'

the second as ' a vile people,' whose ' dwelling was more on the sea than

the land,' and who ' lived by fishing and robbery ;' and the third as

' half savages' (quasi meios salvages,) while the Malay language was

common to all of them." Id., p. 250.

1 " The climate of Malacca, as to temperature, is such as might be

expected in a country not more than one hundred miles from the

equator, lying along the sea shore,—hot and moist. The thermometer

in the shade ranges from 72° to 84° of Fahrenheit, seldom being so low

as the first of these, and not often higher than the last. The range of

the barometer is only from 20.8 to 30.3 inches. Notwithstanding con-

stant heat, much moisture, and many swamps, the town at least is

remarkable for its salubrity." Id., p. 239.'2 Mr. Crawfurd makes Varthema " the first writer who gives the name

[of this island] as we now write it," which remark is only correct if re-

stricted to the modern orthography of the word ; for Sumatra is undoubt-

edly the island where Nicold de' Conti was detained a year, and which he

calls Sciamuthera. But although Conti was most probably the first to

make known the name to our continent, I deem it tolerably certain that

it was the island visited by Ibn Batuta about a.d. 1330, which he desig-

nates Jdivah, but the capital of which, situated four miles from the

coast, he calls Shumatrah or Smnatrah. Our Java, to which he subse-

quently proceeded, he distinguishes by the name of Mul-Jdioah. This

inference is corroborated by the fact that the former place was then under

a Muhammedan king called Ez-Zahir Jamal ed-Din, whereas, according

IAJDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 229

ference 4,500 miles. In my opinion, which agrees also with

what many say, I think that it is Taprobana, in which there

to Crawfurd, though several attempts had been made between 1358 and

1460 to convert the Javanese, it was not till 1478 that the Muham-medans succeeded in capturing the capital, and establishing their own

power and faith ;" which further agrees with Ibn Batuta's account of

MulJdwah, who calls it " the first part of the territory of the infidels."

(See Lee's Translation, pp. 199-205 ; and Crawfurd's Desc. Diet.,

p. 185.) As Ibn Batiita was proceeding from Bengal to China, and

appears to have touched at the Andaman or Nicobar Islands on his

voyage from the former coast, I think it highly probable that the present

Achin was the place which he visited in the island of Sumatra ; for that

town lies about two miles from the shore, and the Achinese are stated to

have been converted to Islam as early as the year 1204 And if Achin

was also the city where Conti was detained, which is not unlikely, his

designation of it strikingly accords with Ibn Batiita, for he applies that

of Sciamuthera to the city as well as to the island, describing the former

as "a very noble emporium." Coupling these ideas with the following

quotation from Crawfurd, I think it by no means improbable that

Shumatrah, or some modification of that word, was the prevailing name

of Achin (and, perhaps, of the islaud also,) in Ibn Batuta's time, and

that its present name is of more recent date :—" The native name is cor-

rectly Acheh ; but this word, which means a ' wood-leech,' does not,

although naturalized, belong to any of the Malayan languages, but to the

Tellnga or Telugn of the Coromandel coast.'''' {Id., p. 2.) I note, however,

that the same author conjectures that the word Sutnatra is of Sanscrit or

Hindu origin, probably from Samudra, the sea or ocean {Id., p. 414.)

Respecting Marco Polo's visit, Mr. Crawfurd has the following observa-

tions :— " It is remarkable that the name of Sumatra had not reached

Marco Polo, although he was six months wind-bound at the island, and

in communication with the natives. That of Java, the only large terri-

tory of the Archipelago, familiarly called an island, by the natives, had

done so ; and he called Sumatra, knowing it to be an island but ignorant

of its relative extent, Java Minor." {Id., p. 414.) Whereon I venture to

suggest, that although Marco Polo designates Sumatra, the compass of

which he approximately estimated at 2,000 miles, by the name of Java

the Less, he nevertheless describes it as comprising eight kingdoms, six

of which he visited, and one of these latter, namely, that where he was

detained for several months, he calls Samara. That word, as it stands,

approaches very nearly the orthography of the present name, and by the

simple addition of the letter t, which may have been omitted by an oversight

in the original manuscript or in the first copies, we have Samatra in full.

It is further deserving of notice that the same traveller apparently makes

230 THE TRAVELS OF

are three crowned kings who are Pagans, and their faith, their

manner of living, dress, and customs, are the same as in Tar-

Samara the chief kingdom in the island, for he says of its people :—

" Ilanno re grande e potente, e chiainansi per il Gran Can." Ramusio,

vol. ii, p. 52.

Varthema greatly exaggerates the extent of the island, which is

" about 1,000 miles in length, its extreme ends being its narrowest parts,

and its centre its broadest. Its area is reckoned at 128,560 geographical

square miles." (Desc. Diet., p. 414.) Prior to the publication of his book,

our traveller appears to have had some discussions with the learned menof Europe, consequent on his own discovery, respecting the ancient

geography of the island, which led him, as it did many others, to identify

it with the Taprobana of Ptolemy. The locality of that famous island

was a vexed question at the end of the sixteenth century, for Patavino

in describing Sumatra writes :—" Hanc Insulam antiquorum Taprobanam

fuisse omnes pene auctores sentiunt, licet aliqui niagnre eruditionis viri

ipsam Auream fuisse Chersonesum putent, ac ob id antiquis ceu penin-

sulam creditam fuisse." And, again, under the head of Ceylon :

—

"ZEILAN verd insula prasstantissima est, quee...antiquam fuisse Ptole-

mrci Taprobanam Andreas Corsalus et Joannes Barrius cum plerisque alijs

censent; Mercator ver5, cui magis in hac re fidem prtestamus, putat esse

Ptolenuei Nanigerim." Geographia, pp. 26.

With respect to the government of Sumatra, it has been already men-

tioned that Marco Polo divided the island into eight kingdoms, one of

which was Felich, where the inhabitants of the coast had embraced

Muhammedanism, " by frequent trade with the Saracens ; but those who

dwelt in the mountains were still like beasts." Varthema diminished

the number to " iii Re di corona," which probably comprised only those

of the principal states on the eastern side ; Odoardo Barbosa says the is-

land has " molti regni di quali il principal e Pedir della banda di tra-

montana ;" while De Barros enumerates no less than twenty-nine on the

sea board alone, of which Pedir, then an independent sovereignty, is one.

Patavino sums up the information acquired on this subject up to the

end of the sixteenth century in these words :—" Scribunt quidam univer-

sam hanc insulam in quatuor regna esse divisam : alii in decern, alii

autem in 29. ex quibus nota sunt tantummodo decern: nempe Regnuui

Pedir, quod caoteris prsestat ; Pazem seu Pacem ; Achem seu Acem

;

Campar ; Menancabo, quod est fundamentum divitiarum, universae in-

sula?, cum in eo sint minerse auri opulentissinice ; et regnum Zunde : et

haec quidem sex regna sunt circa littus ipsius insula?, ac a Mauris occu-

pata olim fuere." (Id., p. 265.) The last remark agrees with De Barros

;is (pioted by Crawfurd :—" The inhabitants of the coast follow the sect

of Muhammed ;" nevertheless, Varthema's account, which makes some

LTJDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 231

nassari, and the wives also are burnt alive. The colour of

these inhabitants is almost white, and they have the face broad,

and the eyes round and green. 1 Their hair is long, the nose

broad and flat, and they are of small stature. Here justice

is strictly administered, as in Calicut. 2 Their money is gold,

and silver, and tin, all stamped. Their golden money has

on one side a devil, on the other there is something resem-

bling a chariot drawn by elephants : the same on the silver

of the sovereigns Hindu by religion, and more especially the reigning

king of Pedir, is too circumstantial to be set aside by any general de-

scriptions of an island of such vast extent, and comparatively so little

known to the best Portuguese historians of that age. Moreover, Var-

thema had become well versed in the externals, at least, of Muhammedan-ism, and was not likely to confound the observances of Paganism with

those of Islam. In the absence, therefore, of any definite proof to the

contrary, I see no reason to discredit this part of his narrative, more

especially as we have Crawfurd's authority for believing that " the

people of Sumatra had certainly adopted a kind of Hinduism, and this

is sufficiently attested by an examination of their languages, and even

by a few monuments and inscriptions." Desc. Diet., p. 419.

1 He Barros, as quoted by Crawfurd, says :" The people of the coast,

as well as of the interior of the island, are all of a yellowish-brown colour

(baco), having flowing hair, are well made, of a goodly aspect, and do not

resemble the Javanese, although so near to them." Id., p. 419. Hedoes not mention the " green eyes."

2 The same remark is made of the country by Hamilton:—"No place

in the world punishes theft with greater severity than Atcheen, and yet

robberies and murders are more frequent there than in any other place.

For the first fault, if the theft does not amount to a tayel value, it is but

the loss of a hand or a foot, and the criminal may choose which he will

part with ; and, if caught a second time, the same punishment and loss

is used ; but the third time, or if they steal five tayel in value, that

crime entitles them to souling or impaling alive. When their hand or foot

is to be cut off, they have a block with a broad hatchet fixed in it, with

the edge upwards, on which the limb is laid, and struck on with a

wooden mallet, till the amputation is made, and they have a hollow

bamboo, or Indian cane, ready to put the stump in, and stopped about

with rags or moss, to keep the blood from coming out, and are set in a

conspicuous place for travellers to gaze on, who generally bestow a little

spittle in a pot, being what is produced by the mastication of beetel,

and that serves them instead of salve to cure their wounds." Pinker-

ton, vol. viii. p. 440".

232 THE TRAVELS OF

and tin money. 1 Of the silver coin ten go to a ducat, and of

those of tin, twenty-five. Elephants in immense quantities

are produced here, which are the largest I ever saw. These

people are not warlike, but attend to their merchandise, and

are very great friends of foreigners.

1 Crawfurd says that prior to the arrival of the Europeans, the natives

of the Archipelago generally had no other coin than small bits of copper,

brass, tin, or zinc, though he subjoins that "the Javanese appear to have

coined some of their own money, as we find from many examples exca-

vated from their own temples and other places. These contain impres-

sions of scenic figures, such as arc still represented in their dramas,

called wayang or shadows, but having no date, and, indeed, no written

characters, until after their adoption of Mahommedanism," which was

not till towards the end of the fifteenth century. He further excepts

Achin, the state adjoining, (which probably comprised Pedir in Varthe-

ma's time,) and remarks as follows :—" The only native country of the

Archipelago in which a coin of the precious metals seems ever to have

been coined is Achin. This is of gold, of the weight of nine grains, and

of about the value of \±d. sterling...All the coins of this description

which have been made are inscribed with Arabic characters, and bear the

names of the sovereigns under whom they were struck, so that they are

comparatively modern." (Desc. Diet., p. 286.) As a Muhammedan king

was reigning in Sumatra when Ibn Batiita visited that island, similar

coins may have been current then ; but, be that as it may, Varthema's

account fully proves that such " stamped" money existed at the time of

his visit, and I see no reason for doubting that it comprised, as he states,

coins of silver and of tin, as well as of gold. It is by no means impro-

bable, however, that some of the coined money at Achin was imported,

through the ordinary transactions of trade, from different parts of India;

but I have searched Marsden's Numismata Orientalia in vain for a counter-

part of the Sumatran "device—a chariot drawn by elephants—on any

of the early Indian coinage. That Indian coins had obtained a certain

degree of circulation in the Archipelago at this period, may be inferred

from Varthema's statement regarding Banda, one of the Nutmeg Islands :

—" La moneta corre cpui alia usanza dl Calicut.'''' See the chapter " Con-

cerning the Islands of Bandan."

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 283

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING ANOTHER SORT OP PEPPER,AND CONCERNING SILK, AND BENZOIN, WHICH ARE

PRODUCED IN THE SAID CITY OP PIDER.

In this country of Pider 1 there grows a very great quan-

tity of pepper, and of long pepper which is called Molaga.

This said kind of pepper is larger than that which comes

here to us, and is very much whiter, and within it is hollow,

and is not so biting as that of ours, and weighs very little,

and is sold here in the same manner as cereals are sold with

us.2 And you must know that in this port there are laden

with it every year eighteen or twenty ships, all of which go

1 Pider, or " Pedir, is the name of a Malay state on the eastern side

of Sumatra, and comprising that portion of the sea-board of the island

which extends from Diamond Point, the Tanjung-parlak of the Malays,

to Achin...It was the first spot in the Archipelago at which the Portu-

guese touched, and they found it carrying on some foreign trade, being

frequented by ships from different parts of the continent of India. At

present it is a place of no moment, except for its export of the areca-nut

and a little pepper which is carried to the British settlement of Penang.

The principal town, bearing the same name, is situated on a small river,

a little east of a headland, which is in north latitude 5° 29' and east

longitude 96°." Id., 330-1.

2 Being uncertain whether this was the Piper longum of botanists, I

consulted Mr. Bennett of the British Museum, whose kindness I have

already had occasion to acknowledge, and append his note in reply :

—

" There can be no doubt that the second kind of pepper referred to by

Varthema is the same as that which we now call long pepper. His

account exactly tallies with it in every respect, and is singularly correct,

as indeed most of his descriptions are." Crawfurd says :" This com-

modity is probably a native of Java, although now grown in other coun-

tries of the Archipelago," and then remarks :" it is singular that it is

not named by Barbosa, but there can be little doubt but that it must

have been an article of trade in his time." (Desc. Diet., p. 335.) It is

mentioned by Pigafetta, Barbosa's companion, as growing in one of the

Banda islands, and he describes it thus :—" The long pepper grows on a

plant or tree like the ivy, that is, it is flexible, and rests on other trees,

the fruit hangs on the stem, and the leaf is like that of the mulberry. It

is called IvZi." (Ramusio, vol. i. p. 368.) Conti also enumerates 2)epe

lungo among the productions of Sumatra. Id., p. 339.

') 1 THE TRAVELS OF

to Cathai, because tlicy say that the extreme cold begins

there. The tree which produces this pepper produces it

long, but its vine is larger, and the leaf broader and softer,

than that which grows in Calicut. An immense quantity of

silk is produced in this country, a great deal is also made in

the forests without being cultivated by any one. This, it is

true, is not very good. 1 A great quantity of benzoin is also

produced here, which is the gum of a tree." Some say, for

I have not seen it myself, that it grows at a considerable

distance from the sea, on the mainland.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THREE SORTS OFALOES-WOOD.

Inasmuch as it is the variety of objects which most de-

lights and invites man, as well to read as to understand, it

has therefore appeared to me well to add that of which I

1 It is singular that a similar statement is made by De Barros, whoin describing the productions of Sumatra says :

" It produces also silk

in such cpuantity that there are cargoes of it sent to many parts of

India ;" whereon Crawfurd remarks :—" This is probably an error on

the part of that usually reliable writer. I am not even aware that wild

silk is produced in any of the insular forests such as it is found to be in

many of those of Hindustan." The same author asserts, indeed, that

"the culture of the mulberry and the rearing of the silk-worm have

never been practised by the natives of the Archipelago, whether from

the unsuitableness of this branch of industry to the climate, or to the

state of society, is not ascertained." {Desc. Diet., p. 394.) The dis-

crepancy is a wide one, and I can suggest nothing to reconcile the con-

tradictory statements. It is noticeable, however, that Odoardo Barbosa

does not enumerate silk among his list of the productions of Sumatra.2 " Benzoin, the resin of the Styrax benzoni, obtained by wounding

the bark. The plant, which is of moderate size, is an object of cultiva-

tion, the manner of culture being from the seed. The trees are ripe for

the production of the resin at about seven years old, and the plant is the

peculiar product of the islands of Borneo and Sumatra." Crawfurd

thinks that it may be the malabathrum oi the ancients. {Id., p. 50.)

Benzoin is called by the Arabs Bakh-khitr Jdwl, Java incense.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. £35

have real certainty by my own experience. Wherefore

you must know that neither benzoin nor aloes-wood comes

much into Christian ports, and therefore you must under-

stand that there are three sorts of aloes-wood. The first

and most perfect sort is called Calampat, and which does

not grow in this island, but comes from a city called Sarnau,

which (as the Christians our companions said) is near to

their city, and here this first sort grows. The second sort is

called Loban, which comes from a river. The name of the

third sort is called BocJwr. 1 The said Christians also said

1 The Lignum, aloes or Agila, the Eagle-wood of commerce. Barbosa

mentions it under the two former names, and Crawfurd in describing it

says :" There can be no doubt but that the perfumed wood is the result

of disease in the tree that yields it, produced by the thickening of its

sap into a gum or resin. ..It is found in the greatest perfection in the

mountainous country to the east of the Gulf of Siam, including Cam-

boja and Cochin-China. It is found, however, although of inferior

quality, as far north as Sylhet, in Bengal, and as far south as the Malay

Peninsula and Sumatra." (Desc. Diet., p. 6, 7.) In his earlier History

of the Indian Archipelago, (vol. i. p. 519,) he had remarked of the wood

in cpuestion that " if it be a native of the Indian islands, the countries

which produce it have not been ascertained ;" but his later researches

corroborate Varthema both as regards the existence of the tree in Su-

matra, and his other statement that the best quality of the perfumed

wood, the Calampat or Kalambak, was of foreign growth. The latter I

take to be the 'Ood el-Kamdrl of the Two Muhammedan Travellers,

(Pinkerton," vol. vii. p. 208,) and of Ibn Batuta, (Lee's Translation,

p. 201,) who both make that quality to come from Komari in China.

I notice, however, that Castenheda, as quoted by Crawfurd, describes

the Kalambak as indigenous to Sumatra. He writes :—" It [Campar,

on the eastern side of the island,] has nothing but forests which yield

aloes-wood, called in India Calambuco. The trees which produce it are-

large, and when they are old they are cut down, and the aloes-wood

taken from them, which is the heart of the tree, and the outer part is

agila. Both these woods are of great price, but especially the Calam-

buco, which is rubbed in the hands, yielding an agreeable fragrance;

the agila does so when burned.'" Desc. Diet., p. 7.

The names of the other two qualities mentioned by Varthema are

Arabic, and merely conventional, for lubdn means frankincense, and

bahh-hhur incense generally. Ibn Batuta apparently specifies the same

inferior kinds, and uses the word lubdn, in describing the aromatic pro-

236 THE TRAVELS OF

tli at the reason the said Calampat does not come to us is

this, that in Gran Cathai, and in the kingdom of Cini and

Macini,1 and Samau and Giava, they have a much greater

ducts of Java :—" There is only the Inbun of Java, camphor, cloves, and

'Ood Hindi,'''' Indian aloes-wood. (Lee's Trans., pp. 201-2.)

From Castanheda's account of the Kalambak, and the experiment of

its fragrance when simply held in the warm hand, as described by Var-

thema in the next chapter, I am inclined to infer with him that that

quality seldom finds its way to the westward. The 'Ood is generally

used as a pastille by the Arabs, and their poets, ancient and modern,

who are fond of dilating on the excellency of the wood, and ransack

their imaginations to multiply its suggestive imagery, mostly associate

the perfume with the action of fire. The following is nearly a literal

translation of an Arabic couplet which I found on the fireplace of an

old khan in the district of Aleppo. For the English versification I amindebted to the kindness of my friend the Rev. P. G. Hill, rector of

St. Edmund the King and Martyr :

—

" When God would bring man's virtue to the light,

He sets against him Envy's tongue of spite :

Just as the flames the Aloes-wood surround,

Ere its delicious fragrance can be found."

The same pretty idea, clothed in similar language, occurs in Gregory

the Great's Morals on the Book of Job :—" For as unguents, unless they

be stirred, are never smelt far off, and as aromatic scents spread not

their fragrance except they be burned, so the Saints in their tribula-

tions make known all the sweetness that they have of their virtues."

Library of the Fathers, vol. xviii. p. 18.

1 Sin MdcMn, or Sin wa-M&chtn, and sometimes the word Shi alone,

with the prefixed article, Es-Shi, are used synonymously by the Arabs

of the present day to signify the Empire of China generally. I have

frequently endeavoured to ascertain from masters of Arab ships whether

they attached any definite limits to the country or countries designated

by the double name, but the result was unsatisfactory : some main-

tained that it indicated the entire territory to the north of Siam ; others

that Sin was specially applicable to Siam and Cochin-China, and MdcMnto China including Tartary ; and others, again, that MdcMn was Siam,

and Sin, China. Conti, who most probably derived his nomenclature

from native traders, does not mention either Shi or China, but says that

the province of Ava was called Macinus by the inhabitants, and styles

the country beyond, towards the north, Cathay. Nikitin, who wrote by

report only, speaks of the seaports of Cheen and Marfan as very large,

and supplies a few notices rendering it probable that Siam and China

LTJDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 237

abundance of gold than we have. They also say that there

are much greater lords there than there are in our parts,

and that they delight more than we do in those two sorts of

perfumes, and that after their death a very great quantity

of gold is expended in these perfumes ; and for this reason

these excellent sorts do not come into our parts. In Samau

they are worth ten ducats per pound, because there is very

little of them.

are meant, but nothing further. D'Herbelot gives a clue to the origin

of the conjoined names, and notices the contradictory opinions, much as

I have stated them, which had obtained regarding the countries which

they respectively indicated. After remarking that Sin or Chin, (China,)

according to the Persians and other Orientals, took its name from the

eldest sou of Japhet, he adds :—" Tchin eut pour fils ain6 Matchin, et il

suffira dedire icy, que lesOrientaux, en parlant de la Chine en general, l'ap-

pellent Tchin et Matchin, de meme que pour exprimer la Tartarie entiere,

ils se serveut des termes d'Jagioug' et Magioug', qui sont le Gog et Magog

de l'Ecriture Sainte. II y a pourtant des Geographes qui pretendent,

qu'il faut entendre par le mot Tchin, la Chine Septentrionale, que

plusieurs croyent etre la meme que la Khatha ou Katha'i, et par celuy de

Matchin, la Chine Meridionale, en y comprenant la Cochin-Chine, la

Tunquin, e la Royaume d'Anan avec ceux de Siam et la Pegu." {Bib.

Orient, sub voce SIN.) This is satisfactory as far as it goes, but it leaves

untouched another point suggested by the two names as used by the

early European travellers above quoted, and their prevalence among the

Arabs and Persians at the present day. Neither Suleiman in the ninth

century, nor Edrisi in the twelfth, nor Marco Polo in the thirteenth, nor

Ibn Batuta before the middle of the fourteenth, all of whom describe

China as Sin, ever mention the word Matchin. There must be some

reason for this singular fact, though I am unable to suggest any. I

note, however, that D'Herbelot, in his article on SIN, remarks that

" the author of the Humaioun Nameh, which is the book of Kalilah and

Dimnah, says that Homaiounfal was formerly a powerful king of Tchin

and Matchin.'''' I have searched carefully through De Sacy's Arabic

version of those famous fables without discovering the latter word, and

conclude, therefore, that the reference is to some annotations of Ali

Chelebi, who translated the Kalilah wa-Dimnah into Turkish in the

beginning of the tenth century, and dedicated it to Suleiman I., under

the title of llumaydn-Nameh.

238 THE TRAVELS OF

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE EXPERIMENT WITHTHE SAID ALOES-WOOD AND BENZOIN.

The aforesaid Christians made us see an experiment with

the two kinds of perfume. One of them had a little of both

sorts. The Calampat was about two ounces, and he made

my companion hold it in his hand as long as he could say

four times, " Miserere mei, Deus," holding it firmly in his

closed hand. Then he made him open his hand. Truly, I

never smelt such an odour as that was, which exceeded all

our perfumes. Then he took a piece of benzoin as large as

a walnut, and he took of that [the Calampat] which grows in

Sarnau about half a pound, and had it placed in two cham-

bers in vases with fire within. In truth I tell you, that that

little produced more odour, and a greater softness and sweet-

ness, than two pounds of any other kind would have done.

It is impossible to describe the excellence of those two kinds

of scents and perfumes. So that you have now heard the

reason why these said things do not come to our parts.

There also grows here a very great quantity of lacca} for

making red colour, and the tree of this is formed like our

trees which produce walnuts.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE VARIETY OF DEALERSIN THE SAID ISLAND OF SUMATRA.

In this country I saw the most beautiful works of art I

ever saw in my life, that is, some boxes worked in gold,

which they gave for two ducats each, which, in truth, with

us, would be valued at one hundred ducats. 2 Again, I saw

1 "Lacca, in Malay, Laka, the Tanarius major, a tree with a rose-

coloured wood, a native of Sumatra, used in dyeing and pharmacy. It

is an article of considerable native trade, and is chiefly exported to

China." Crawfurd's Disc. Diet., p. 204.2 " Gold ornaments of considerable beauty are made by most of the

LTJDOVICO 1)1 VARTHKMA. 239

here in one street about five hundred money-changers, and

these because a very great number of merchants come to

this city, where they carry on a very extensive traffic.1 For

the sleeping of these people, there are good beds of cotton,

covered with silk and cotton sheets. In this island they

have an extreme abundance of timber, and they make here

great ships which they call ghtnchi, which carry three

masts, and have a prow before and behind, with two rudders

before and two behind. And when they navigate through

any archipelago, (for here there is a great sea like a canal,)

while sailing, the wind will sometimes come in their face,

they immediately lower the sail, and quickly, without turn-

ing, hoist sail on the other mast, and turn back. And you

must know that they are the most active men I have ever

met with. They are also very great swimmers, and excel-

lent masters of the art of making fire-works. 2

civilized nations of the Archipelago. The neck-chains of Manilla are

examples of very delicate workmanship, and the filagree work of the

Malays of Sumatra is still more remarkable. In all these cases, what

is most striking is the beauty of the work compared with the rudeness

and simplicity of the workmen and their tools." Id., p. 145.

1 This remark undesignedly confirms Varthema's former statement

respecting the coins which were current at Sumatra. (See note on p.

232 ante.) The money-changers were probably foreigners, natives of

India, like those at Malacca, where Crawfurd says " a colony of the

Ilindus of Telingana still exists, whose profession it is to try gold by the

touch and to refine it." Id., p. 287.2 "Fuochi artificiati." Crawfurd has collected abundant evidence to

prove that fire-arms were in use amoDg the more advanced Malay

nations when the Portuguese first arrived in the Archipelago, and he

concludes that their knowledge of artillery was communicated by the

Arabs, who had acquired it from the Christians. If such was the case,

it must have been from the Arabs of the Persian Gulf, for, as has been

shown in a former note, (p. 65,) those of Yemen were generally un-

acquainted with fire-arms when the Egyptians invaded that country in

1515. I think Mr. Crawfurd's conclusion very probable, but I venture

to question one of the premises as contained in the following quotation

:

—"The name by which fire-arms are visually called [among the Malays]

is btidil, a general one for any missile, and mariam, which is Arabic, and

'2[0 THE TRAVELS OF

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE HOUSES, AND HOWT1IEY ARE COVERED, IN THE SAID ISLAND

OF SUMATRA.

The habitations of the said place consist of walled houses

of stone, and they are not very high, and a great many of

them are covered with the shells of sea turtles,1 because they

in that language signifies 'the Virgin Mary,' which would seem to imply

that the knowledge of artillery was derived by the Arabs themselves

from the Christians, as without doubt it was." Mariam does, indeed,

mean Mary, not in Arabic only, but in several other Oriental languages,

.and Mussulmans are as familiar with the name through the Koran as

Christians are through the Bible. Moreover, as the word is certainly

never used by the Arabs in Arabia or Egypt to designate fire-arms, I

can only suppose it to be a conventional term confined to those residing

in the Archipelago, and, as such, can hardly be adduced in support of

Mr. Crawfurd's hypothesis. Varthema's notice of the skill displayed by

the people of Sumatra in the preparation of " fuochi artificiati" at this

early period is corroborated by the same learned author's remarks on

that subject:—"A knowledge of gunpowder must have been, at least, as

early in the Indian islands as that of cannon. It is not improbable that

it may have been even earlier known through the Chinese, for the

manufacture of fire-works [is] known to the Malays under the name of

Mdrchtln, a word of which the origin is not traceable. The principal

ingredients of gunpowder are sufficiently abundant over many parts of

the Archipelago, and known by native names, sanddwa being the nameof saltpetre, and bdlirang or waliramj, of sulphur." Desc. Diet., p. 22.

1 Conti merely describes the houses at Sumatra as being very low,

but Barbosa says that all the cities of the kingdoms in the island were

built of straw, which contradicts Varthema, unless the latter refers to

some locality unknown to Barbosa. I have discovered nothing in the

accounts of the early European travellers to confirm the use made of

the shell as mentioned in the text ; but it is a well known fact that

turtles measuring from five to six feet are found in the seas of the

Indian Archipelago, and Conti had heard that some of the churches

belonging to the Christians at Cathay were constructed entirely of

tortoise-shell. (See India in the Fifteenth Cent., ii. 33.) There is

nothing improbable, however, in Varthema's statement, and its co-

incidence with the accounts of the ancient Greek and Roman authors is

most striking. Mr. R. II. Major's learned researches on this subject

deserve to be quoted in full. Referring to the enormous tortoise

described by Sinbad in the Arabian Nights as measuring twenty cubits

LTJDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 241

are found here in great quantities, and in my time I saw-

one weighed which weighed one hundred and three pounds.

I also saw two elephants' teeth which weighed three hun-

dred and thirty-five pounds. And I saw, moreover, in this

island, serpents very much larger than those of Calicut. Let

us revert to our Christian companions, who were desirous of

returning to their country : wherefore they asked us what

was our intention, whether we wished to remain here, or to

go farther on, or to return back. My companion answered

them :" Since I am brought where the spices grow, I

should like to see some kinds before I return back." They

said to him :" No other spices grow here excepting those

which you have seen." And he asked them where the nut-

megs and the cloves grew. They answered :" That the

nutmegs and mace grew in an island which was distant from

there three hundred miles." We then asked them if we

could go to that island in safety, that is, secure from robbers

or corsairs. The Christians answered :" That secure from

robbers we might go, but not from the chances of the sea ;"

and they said that we could not go to the said island with

that large ship. My companion said :" What means then

in length and breadth, he remarks :—" The account of these animals is

not to be attributed to a licentious exuberance of fancy in the Arabian

author. He might have seen in iElian {De Natura Anim., 1. xvi. c. xvii.)

that the tortoises, whose shells -were fifteen cubits in length, and

sufficiently large to cover a house, were found near the island of

Taprobane. Pliny and Strabo mention the same circumstance {Nat.

Hist., 1. ix. c. 10) : they likewise turn them upside down, and say that

men used to row in them as in a boat. {Geog., 1. xvi. 6.) Diodorus

Siculus adds to their testimony, and assures us, on the faith of an his-

torian, that the chelonophagi (shell-fish eaters, L. iv. c. 1) derived a

threefold advantage from the tortoise, which occasionally supplied them

with a roof to their houses, a boat, and a dinner." Mr. Major then

proceeds to identify this colossal tortoise with the Colossochelys Atlas,

the first fossil remains of which were discovered in the sub-Himalayahs

by Dr. Falconer and Major Cautley in 1835, an idea of the vast size of

which is afforded by the cast in the upper galleries of the British

Museum. See Introduction to India in the Fifteenth Cent., pp. xliii-v.

R

.. ! > THE TRAVELS OF

might there be for going to this island ?" " They answered

:

" That it was necessary to purchase a Chiampana"1 that is,

a small vessel, of which many are found there. My com-

panion begged them to send for two, which he would buy.

The Christians immediately found two, furnished with peo-

ple whom they had there to manage them, with all things

necessary and proper for such a voyage ; and they bargained

for the said vessels, men, and necessary things, for four hun-

dred partial, which were paid down by my companion, who

then began to say to the Christians :" O my very dear

friends, although we are not of your race, we are all sons of

Adam and Eve, will you abandon me and this other my com-

panion who is born in your faith?" "How in our faith? This

companion of yours, is he not a Persian ?" He replied : "Heis a Persian now, because he was purchased in the city of

Jerusalem." The Christians hearing Jerusalem mentioned,

immediately raised their hands to heaven, and then kissed the

earth three times, and asked at what time it was that I was

sold in Jerusalem. We replied :" That I was about fifteen

years old." Then said they :" He ought to remember his

country." Said my companion :" Truly he does recollect

it, for I have had no other pleasure for many months but

that of hearing of the things of his country, and he has

taught me [the names of] all the members of the body and

the names of the things to eat." Hearing this, the Christians

said :" Our wish was to return to our country, which is

distant from here three thousand miles ; for your sake and

for that of your companion we are willing to come where

you shall go ; and if your companion is willing to remain

with us, we will make him rich, and if he shall desire to

observe the Persian law, he shall be at liberty to do so." Mycompanion replied :

" I am much pleased with your com-

pany, but it is out of order for him to remain with you,

because I have given him a niece of mine to be his wife for

1 See note 2 on p. 188 ante.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 243

the love which I bear him.1 So that, if you are willing to

come in company with us, I wish that you iirst take this

present which I give you, otherwise I should never be

satisfied." The good Christians answered :" That he might

do as he pleased, for they were satisfied with everything."

And so he gave them half a curia2 of rubies, which were ten,

of the value of five hundred partial? Two days afterwards

the said Chiampane were ready, and we put on board manyarticles of food, especially the best fruits I ever tasted, and

thus took our way towards the island called Bandan.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ISLAND OF BANDAN,4

WHERE NUTMEGS AND MACE GROW.

In the course of the said journey we found about twenty

islands, part inhabited and part not, and in the space of

1 See p. 104 ante. 2 See note on p. 170 ante.

3 See note on p. 130 ante.

4 Bandan, the modern Banda, one of " the Banda or Nutmeg Islands,

which consist of a group of mere islets, said to be five in number, like

the Clove Islands, but really amounting to ten, although some of them

be uninhabited." (Desc. Diet., p. 33.) Barbosa makes the population

Moors and Pagans, and Pigafetta speaks of them as being Moors only.

(Ramusio, vol. i. pp. 319, 368.) De Barros, as quoted by Crawfurd,

gives the following description of the inhabitants and produce of the

Banda Islands, which on most points strikingly confirms Varthema's

account :—" The people of these islands are robust, with a tawny com-

plexion and lank hair, and are of the worst repute in these parts. They

follow the Mohammedan sect, and are much addicted to trade, their

women performing the labours of the field. They have neither king

nor lord, and all their government depends on the advice of their elders;

and as these are often at variance, they quarrel among themselves. The

land has no other export than the nutmeg. This tree is in such abund-

ance that the land is full of it, without its being planted by any one,

for the earth yields it without culture. The forests which produce it

belong to no one by inheritance, but to the people in common. WhenJune and September come, which are the months for gathering the

crop, the nutmeg woods are allotted, and he who gathers most has most

profit." Desc. Diet., p. 35.

R 2

244 THE TRAAHBLS OF

fifteen days we arrived at the said island, which is very ugly

and gloomy, and is about one hundred miles in circum-

ference, and is a very low and flat country. There is no

king here, nor even a governor, but there are some peasants,

like beasts, without understanding. The houses of this

island are of timber, very gloomy, and low. Their dress

consists of a shirt; they go barefooted, with nothing on their

heads; their hair long, the face broad and round, their

colour is white, and they are small of stature. Their faith

is Pagan, but they are of that most gloomy class of Calicut

called Poliar and Tlirava ;~ they are very weak of under-

standing, aud in strength they have no vigour, but live like

beasts. Nothing grows here but nutmegs and some fruits.

The trunk of the nutmeg is formed like a peach tree, and

produces its leaves in like manner ; but the branches are

more close, and before the nut arrives at perfection the mace

stands round it like an open rose, and when the nut is ripe

the mace clasps it, and so they gather it in the month of

September ; for in this island the seasons go as with us, and

every man gathers as much as he can, for all are common,

and no labour is bestowed upon the said trees, but nature is

left to do her own work. These nuts are sold by a

measure, which weighs twenty-six pounds, for the price

of half a carlino. Money circulates here as in Calicut. It

is not necessary to administer justice here, for the people

are so stupid, that if they wished to do evil they would not

know how to accomplish it. At the end of two days mycompanion said to the Christians :

" Where do the cloves

grow ?" They answered :" That they grew six days' jour-

ney hence, in an island called Monoch, and that the people

of that island arc beastly, and more vile and worthless than

those of Bandan. At last we determined to go to that island

be the people what they might, and so we set sail, and in

twelve days arrived at the said island.

1 Sec p. 171 and note.

IXDOVICO 1)1 VARTHEMA, 245

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ISLAND OF MONOCH, 1

WHERE THE CLOVES GROW.

We disembarked in this island of Monoch, which is much

smaller than Bandan ; but the people are worse than those

1 Vartheina here applies the collective name to one of the five islands

forming the proper Moluccas, but affords no indication enabling us to

identify the island where he lauded, which was probably either Ternate

or Tidor. With regard to the collective appellative, Mr. Crawfurd re-

marks :—

" The collective name, which the Portuguese write Maluca, and

is correctly Maluka, is equally unknown, although said to be that of a

place and people of the island of Gilolo. No such name is, at present,

known to exist in that island. There can be no doubt, however, but

that this word was used by the Malays and Javanese, who conducted

the spice trade, before it fell into the hands of the Portuguese ; for it is

employed by Barbosa, who visited the Archipelago before the conquest

of Malacca ; and again in 1521 by Pigafetta, who writes the word

MahiccoP {Desc. Diet., p. 2S3.) It is clear that Gilolo was not

Varthema's Monoch. for he describes the latter as much smaller than

Bandan. Pigafetta gives a circumstantial account of the group, but

Barbosa's briefer narrative comprises the most important particulars

respecting their condition at this period:—"In advance of these islands,

[Ambon = Amboyna,] towards the north, are the five islands of Maluco,

in all of which cloves grow, and they belong to Pagans and Muhammedans,

and the kings are Muhammedans. The first is called Bachan; the second,

Machian, which has a good harbour; the third, Motel; the fourth,

Tidoro ; the fifth, Terenati, in which there is a Muhammedan king called

Sultan Heraram Corala, [the second word is probably a corruption of

Khair-Allah ; I can make nothing of the first,] who used to rule over

all the said Clove islands, but four were taken from him, and each has a

king of its own. The mountains of these five islands are all full of cloves,

which grow on certain trees like the laurel, which has a leaf like the

comari[!\ and grows like the flower of an orange. In the beginning it

[the clove] is green, then it becomes white, and when ripe is red. The

people then gather it with the hand, climbing on the trees, and place

it to dry in the sun, which makes it black ; and if there is no sun, they

dry it in smoke, and when it is well dried, they sprinkle it with acqua

salsa [this may mean salt water] that it may not bi-eak, and that it may

retain its virtue. Of these cloves, the quantity is so great that they can

never wholly gather them, so that much of them is left to go to the bad.

Those trees from which fruit is not collected for three years remain in

a wild state, and those cloves are worthless. These islands are frequented

every year by those from Malaca and Giava who come to load with

cloves, and bring to buy with, quicksilver, cinnaber, cloths from Cambaia,

246 THE TRAVELS OF

of Bandan, but live in the same manner, and are a little

more white, and the air is a little more cold. Here the

cloves grow, and in many other neighbouring islands, but

they are small and uninhabited. The tree of the cloves is

exactly like the box tree, that is, thick, and the leaf is like

that of the cinnamon, but it is a little more round, and is of

that colour which I have already mentioned to you in Zeilan,

[Ceylon,] which is almost like the leaf of the laurel. Whenthese cloves are ripe, the said men beat them down with

canes, and place some mats under the said tree to catch them.

The place where these trees are is like sand, that is, it is of

the same colour, not that it is sand. The country is very

low, 1 and the north star is not seen from it. When we had

seen this island and these people, we asked the Christians

if there was anything else to see. They replied :" Let us

see a little how they sell these cloves." We found that they

were sold for twice as much as the nutmegs, but by measure,

because these people do not understand weights.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ISLAND OF BORNEL

We were now desirous of changing countries, in order to

Bengala, and Paleacate, drugs of Cambaia, some pepper, porcelain

vases, large metal bells which are made in Giava, and brass and tin

basins. The cloves here are so cheap, that they get them almost for

nothing. This king of Malnco is a Muharamedan, and almost a Pagan,

for he has a Muhammedan wife, and keeps in his house between three

and four hundred beautiful girls who are Pagans, of whom he has sons

and daughters, and only the sons of the Muhammedan women become

Muhammedans. Besides, he has always in his service many hunch-

backed women, whose shoulders and backs he causes to be broken in

infancy, and this he does for the sake of show and reputation. He has

between eighty and a hundred of these, who always stand around and

near him, and serve him instead of pages, for one hands him betel-leaf,

and another his sword, and in like manner they perform all other

offices." Ramusio, vol. i. p. 31!).

1 Meaning, perhaps, as to latitude.

LUDOV1CO DI VARTHEMA. 247

learn new things in every way. Then said the Christians :

" O dear companion, since God has conducted us so far in

safety, if it please you, Ave will go to see the largest island in the

world, 1 and the most rich, and you will see a thing which you

have never seen before. But we must first go to another island

which is called Bornei, where we must take a large ship, for

1 By "the greatest island in the world" the Christians appear to have

meant Java, showing how ignorant they were of the comparative size

of Borneo. At what point of the latter island the party landed is un-

certain, but it was undoubtedly on the southern part, for our author

says :" pigliammo il camino verso la detta isola, alia qual sernpre si va

al mezzo giorno." And yet, if this inference is correct, one fails to per-

ceive the necessity of the precaution suggested by the Christians, that

they must first go to Borneo, and take a larger vessel there, because the

sea on the way was rougher ; since, from the southern part of that island,

their route to Java would have been much the same as that by which

they had sailed from Sumatra to the Banda Islands, except, indeed, that

in the one case they probably hugged the coast of Java, (Vartheuia tells

us that they found about twenty islands on the way,) and in the other

would have to cross the Java sea. Unfortunately, the approximate

measurement given of the distance between the Moluccas and Borneo

affords no aid in settling either the course pursued or the point of

disembarcation, as the nearest extremities of the two places are 450

miles apart, which leads to the conjecture that by some mischance" 200 miles" may have been substituted for " 200 leagues''' in the origi-

nal MS., or in the first copies. Further, it is open to question

whether the mainland of Borneo was the locality visited : Varthema's

description of the island as being " alquanto maggiore che la sopradetta

[referring to his Maluch,~\ e molto piu bassa," would rather indicate one

of the islets on the south-eastern side of Borneo, though perhaps by

"bassa" he refers to latitude ; otherwise we must pronounce his usual

accuracy greatly at fault in this instance, or infer that his informants

were as unacquainted as himself with the real size of Bornei. However

this may be, his statement respecting the large export of camphor warrants

the inference that the place was situated in the highway of the trade of

that period, and his account of the inhabitants shows that they had

attained a degree of civilization far beyond that of the aboriginal Dayaks.

These latter, according to Crawfurd, rarely reach the sea-coast, which is

in the occupation of foreign settlers, whom he considers to be generally of

Malay descent, and Varthema's brief description of those whom he met

at Bornei coincides with that opinion.

For further information respecting Borneo, I refer the reader to the

248 THE TRAVELS OF

the sea is more rough." He replied :" I am well pleased to

do that which you wish." And so we took our way towards the

said island, the route to which is constantly to the southward.

While on our way the said Christians had no other plea-

sure, night and day, than that of conversing with me upon

subjects relating to the Christians and about our faith. Andwhen I told them of the Volto Santo which is in St. Peter's,

and of the heads of St. Peter and St. Paul, and of many

other saints, they told me secretly that if I would go with

them I should be a very great lord, for having seen these

things. I doubted that after they had conducted me there

I should ever have been able to return to my country, and

therefore I abstained from going. When we had arrived in

the island of Bornei, which is distant from Monoch about

two hundred miles, we found it to be somewhat larger than

the abovementioned, and much lower. The people of this

island are Pagans, and are good people. Their colour is

more white than otherwise. Their dress consists of a cotton

shirt, and some go clothed in camelots. Some wear red

caps. In this island justice is strictly administered, and

every year a very great quantity of camphor is shipped,

which they say grows there, and which is the gum of a tree.

If it be so, I have not seen it, and therefore I do not affirm

it. Here my companion chartered a vessel for one hundred

ducats.

THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW THE MARINERS MANAGETHE NAVIGATION TOWARDS THE ISLAND OF GIAVA.

When the chartered vessel was supplied with provisions,

we took our way towards the beautiful island called Giava,

able article under that head in Mr. Crawfurd's Descriptive Dictionary,

where he has collected together all the available authorities on the early

history of the island, and the first attempts made by Europeans to opcu

commercial relations with the inhabitants.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 249

at which we arrived in five clays, sailing towards the south.

The captain of the said ship carried the compass with the

magnet after our maimer, and had a chart which was all

marked with lines, perpendicular and across. My com-

panion asked the Christians :" Now that we have lost the

north star, how does he steer us ? Is there any other north

star than this by which we steer ?" The Christians asked

the captain of the ship this same thing, and he showed us four

or five stars, among which there was one which he said was

contrario delta (opposite to) our north star, 1 and that he sailed

by the north because the magnet was adjusted 3 and subjected

to our north. He also told us that on the other side of the

said island, towards the south, there are some other races,

who navigate by the said four or five stars opposite to ours;

:i

1 In Varthema's Travels as contained in the edition of Ramusio of

1613, the words are :" ch'era incontro della." The meaning doubtless

is, over against, opposite to.

2 In the original " acconcia," i.e. conformed to, adjusted to.

3 Being but very imperfectly acquainted with nautical astronomy, I

submitted this chapter to my friend C. R. Markham, Esq., the Honorary

Secretary of the Hakluyt Society, and also to R. H. Major, Esq., of the

British Museum, whose able Introduction to the Early Voyages to Terra

Australia, now called Australia, is a sufficient warranty of his qualifica-

tions to give an opinion on any subject connected with the infancy of

navigation in that part of the globe. I append their respective notes,

with the initials of their names attached.

" These four or five stars are the constellation of the Southern Cross.

When the Southern Cross is vertical, a line drawn through the upper

and lower stars passes through the South Pole, and meets a star called

B. Ilydrus, which is about twice as far from the South Pole as the star

which we call the Pole Star is from the North Pole. This, no doubt, is

the star alluded to by Varthema as being ' contrary to our North Star.'

The skipper navigated by the North, because his compass was of Euro-

pean manufacture ['?], its index pointing to the North, and not like that

of the Chinese pointing to the South." C. R. M.

Andrea Corsalis, a century after Varthema, gives the following in-

teresting account and diagram of the Southern Cross, which he also

describes as being " opposta alia nostra Tramontana :"—" After passing

the equinoctial line, we were in an altitude of 37°, in the other hemi-

sphere, opposite the Cape of Good Hope,—a stormy and cold climate,

250 THE TKAVKLS OF

and, moreover, they gave us to understand that beyond the

the sun being at this season in the northern constellations, and we found

the night fourteen hours long. Here we saw a wonderful order of

the stars, which, in the part of the sky opposite to our north, revolve in

infinite numbers. Wherever the Antarctic Pole might be, for the degrees

of altitude we took the day by the Sun, and we reconnoitred the night by

the astrolabe, and they made manifest two nebulae [or clouds] of tolerable

size, which, alternately falling and rising, continually moved round it, [this

order of the stars,] having a star always in the centre, which, with them,

revolved about eleven degrees from the Pole. Above these, there ap-

peared a wonderful Cross in the midst of five stars which surround it,

(as the Wain does the North [Star],) with other stars which, therewith,

go round the Pole, revolving round it at a distance of about 30°, and

performed the circuit in twenty-four hours ; and it [the Cross] is so

beautiful, that in my opinion none of the celestial constellations can be

compared to it, as will be seen by the annexed figure. And, unless I

am mistaken, I believe this to be the Crusero of which Dante, with a

spirit of prophecy, speaks in the beginning of his Purgatory."

[Reference is here made to the opening part of Canto I :

—

" Io mi volsi a man destra, e posi mente

All' altro polo, e vidi quattro stelle

Non viste mai, fuor ch' alia prima gente.

Goder pareva '1 Ciel di lor fiamelle.

settentrional vedovo sito,

Poi che privato se' di mirar quelle !"

We may fairly question Dante's prophetical powers, but if the Southern

Cross is indicated in these lines, whence did he obtain his knowledge I]

A. Antarctic Pole. J!. iiasEllo. (ItAMUSIO, vol. i. p. 15 7.)

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 251

said island the day does not last more than four hours, and

that there it was colder than in any other part of the world.

Hearing this we were much pleased and satisfied. 1

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ISLAND OF GIAVA, OFITS FAITH, MANNER OF LIVING AND CUSTOMS,

AND OF THE THINGS WHICH GROW INTHE SAID ISLAND.

Following then our route, in five days we arrived at this

island of Giava, in which there are many kingdoms, the

kings of which are Pagans. Their faith is this : some adore

idols as they do in Calicut, and there are some who worship

the sun, others the moon ; many worship the ox ; a great

many the first thing they meet in the morning ; and others

1 " This sentence is very important if it should point to latitudes on

a line with or south of Australia. The point where the shortest day

would only last four hours would be 15° south of the southern point of

Van Diemen's Land. It is most improbable that the Malay skipper

should have been so far south; yet his statements indicate a knowledge

of countries as far south, at least, as Australia." C. R. M." Vague as this sentence is, it either means nothing, or it contains

information of very great importance. It is difficult to suppose that

the Malay skipper should have been so far south as the great Southern

Continent;yet it is more difficult to believe him capable of describing

a phenomenon natural to these high latitudes, except from his own ob-

servation, or that of other navigators of that early period. But even

should we feel disposed to withhold our belief in the probability of an

event so astonishing as this would be, there yet remains the almost

unavoidable conclusion that Australians are alluded to in the descrip-

tion of people to the south of Java who navigated by the four or five

stars, doubtless the constellation of the Southern Cross. This reference

to Australia is the more remarkable, that it precedes, in time, even those

early indications of the discovery of that country which I have shown to

exist on manuscript maps of the first half of the sixteenth century,

although the discoverers' names, most probably Portuguese, and the date

of the discovery, as yet remain a mystery.1

' R. H. M.

*

252 THF> TRAVELS OF

worship the devil in the manner I have already told you. 1

This island produces an immense quantity of silk,2 part in

our manner and part wild, and the best emeralds3 in the

1 Java was unknown, even by name, to the civilized nations of Europe

before Marco Polo's time, and his account of the island was founded on

the report of others. Of the government, he merely remarks that the

king was independent. Ibn Batuta, who visited Java circa a.d. 1330,

says that the king was an infidel. Varthema places the country under

many rulers, and makes all the rulers and people Pagans. The first

statement is confirmed by De Barros, who says :" The island of Java is

divided into many kingdoms ;" the second is modified by Barbosa, who

describes Java Major as " inhabited by many Pagans, and in the sea-

ports by Moors, wherein there are many villages and localities containing

very many dwellings of Moors and of Moorish kings, who, however, are

all subject to the king of the island, who is a Pagan, and resides inland.

He is a very great lord, and is called Pale udora. Sometimes they rebel

against him, but he immediately reduces them again." (Ramusio, vol. i.

p. 31.9.) This appears to be the most probable account of the govern-

ment and religion of the Javanese at the period referred to, though

Crawfurd says :" All authorities are agreed in assigning the year of

Christ 1478 as that in which Majapait [the capital of the principal

Hindu state] was overthrown." I am unable to adjust the discrepancy,

which, after all, is not a wide one ; but that Islamism had not absorbed

the population generally till long after is evident, for Crawfurd himself,

quoting from De Barros, writes :—" When Henrique Leme visited the

country of the Sundas in 1522, forty-four years after the supposed final

conversion of the Javanese, he found idolatrous temples, nunneries, and

the practice of concremation, still existing ;" (Bescr. Diet., pp. 1 85-6 ;)

and Hamilton describes the religion of Java at the beginning of the last

century as partly Muhammedan and partly Pagan. See Pinkerton,

vol. viii. p. 455.

aI find nothing to corroborate this statement about the growth of

silk at Java, on the contrary, Crawfurd's account entirely contradicts it

:

—" The only material, besides cotton, from which cloth is made by the

Javanese is silk, and as the art of rearing the silk-worm has never been

introduced into Java, with any effectual result, the raw material has

always been imported." Id., p. 178.

3 If emeralds were found at Java, they must have been imported from

some other quarter. These stones appear to have been very scarce even

in India at this period, for Andrea Corsali, writing of that country, says :

" I do not know where emeralds are produced : here they are in greater

estimation than any other stone." (Ramusio, vol. i. p. 180.) Varthema

himself says the same of Pegu. See p. 218 ante.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 253

world are found here, and gold and copper in great quan-

tity ;

l very much grain, like ours, and excellent fruits like

those of Calicut. Animal food of all kinds, like ours, is

found in this country. I believe that these inhabitants are

the most trustworthy men in the world : they are white and

of about our stature, but they have the face much broader

than ours, their eyes large and green, the nose much de-

pressed, and the hair long.~ The birds here are in great

multitudes, and" all different from ours excepting the pea-

cocks, turtle-doves, and black crows, which three kinds are

like ours. The strictest justice is administered among these

people, and they go clothed dW apostolica in stuffs of silk,

camelot, and cotton, and they do not use many arms, be-

1 I infer from Crawfurd that gold is found in its native state in Java,

where also " massive ornaments of this metal, with images of the same,

are frequently discovered." (Hist, of the Ind. Archp., vol. i. p. 183.)

With regard to copper, the same author says :" Ores of this metal have

been found in Sumatra, Celebes, and Timur...In Sumatra, mines of it

are said to be worked, but if such be the case, even their locality has

certainly never been shown. The probability is, that this metal has

always been, as it now is, imported. ..The use of copper in Java, chiefly

in the formation, with tin and zinc, of alloys, is attested to have been

of considerable antiquity by the discovery in old ruins of many statues

and utensils of bronze, and even of copper itself. Desc. Diet., pp.

116-7.

3 " Java, whether the inhabitants be of the Javanese or Sunda nation,

is peopled by the same race, the Malayan. This is characterized by a

short and squat person,... the face is round, the mouth wide, the cheek-

bones high, the nose short, small, never prominent as with the Euro-

pean, and never flat as with the African negro. The eyes are always

black, small, and deep-seated. The complexion is brown, with a shade

of yellow, not so dark as with the majority of Hindus, and never black

as with some of them." As to the moral character of the Javanese, Mr.

Crawfurd fully coincides with Varthema, in which respect, however,

both are decidedly at issue with Barbosa, who calls them, by report,

" genti molto superbe, bugiarde, e traditori." Crawfurd, on the con-

trary, says they are " a peaceable, docile, sober, simple, and industrious

people ;" and adds :—" from my own experience of them, I have no

difficulty in pronouncing them the most straightforward and truthful

people that I have met with." Desc. Diet., pp. 173-4.

254 THE TRAVELS OF

cause those only fight who go to sea. 1 These carry bows,

and the greater part darts of cane. Some also use zara-

boltaner (blow-pipes), with which they throw poisoned darts ;

and they throw them with the mouth, and, however little

they draw blood, the [wounded] person dies. No artillery

of any kind is used here, nor do they know at all how to

make it.3 These people eat bread made of corn ; some also

1 Barbosa speaks of the Javanese as being "gran corsari, perche

vanno travagliando per mare ;" and Crawfurd says that boat-building

is still an art extensively practised all along the northern coast of Java.

Their maritime propensities may be inferred also from the fact that they

have no fewer than four generic names for a ship or vessel : prau, jon<j,

baita, and pahva,—all native words." See Desc. Diet., p. 176.

2 This weapon is thus described by Crawfurd :—

" The chief missile in

use before the introduction of fire-arms, was a small arrow ejected from

a blow-pipe by the breath, called a Sumpitan, meaning the object blown

through. This instrument is at present in general use by most of the

wild tribes of Sumatra, Borneo, and Celebes. The bow for discharging

arrows is well known to all the more advanced nations of the Archi-

pelago, but does not seem, at any time, to have been generally employed,

the blow-pipe probably superseding its use, although a far less effectual

weapon. It is found represented on the sculptures of some of the monu-

ments of Java of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries." Id., p. 21.

3 Barbosa, in describing the Javanese by report from four to nine

years subsequent to Varthema, says :" they are great masters in casting

artillery. They make here many spingarde, [one-pounders ?] muskets,

and fire-works, and in every place are considered excellent in casting

artillery, and in the knowledge of discharging it. (Ramusio, vol. i. p. 319.)

Crawfurd also adduces satisfactory evidence to prove that fire-arms

were used by the natives of Malacca when that place was assaulted by

Albuquerque in loll, and sums up his researches into the subject with

this inference :—that although there is no record of the actual year in

which fire-arms were first made known to the inhabitants of the Archi-

pelago, yet, considering the frequent intercourse which subsisted be-

tween them and the maritime parts of Western India, " we may safely

conclude that the event did not take place earlier than fifty years

before the arrival of the Portuguese, that is, about the middle of the

fifteenth century, or about a century after they had been in commonuse in Europe." {Id., p. 23.) Varthema's contrary statement cannot

stand against this weight of authority ; nevertheless, I venture to sug-

gest in his behalf, what I am disposed to consider very probable,

especially from the subject of the next chapter, whereon he is again in

LUDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA. 255

eat the flesh of sheep, or of stags, or, indeed, of wild hogs,

and some others eat fish and fruits.

THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW IN THIS ISLAND THE OLDPEOPLE ARE SOLD BY THEIR CHILDREN OR THEIR

RELATIONS, AND AFTERWARDS ARE EATEN.

The people in this island who eat flesh, when their fathers

become so old that they can no longer do any work, their

children or relations set them up in the market-place for

sale, and those who purchase them kill them and eat them

cooked. 1 And if any young man should be attacked by any

antagonism with Mr. Crawfurd, that our traveller may have landed at

some out-of-the-way place iu the island, where the people were com-

paratively uncivilized, and that he drew his general inferences from

what he saw in that restricted locality. Under any circumstances, the

introduction of fire-arms into Java at this period was recent, and their

use at the outset was most likely confined to the people of the more

advanced maritime districts, whilst those residing in less frequented

parts, and in the interior, would not have adopted them till some time

after. In support of the plausibility of this suggestion, I submit the

two following considerations :— 1st., that the Arabs of Yemen were

unacquainted with fire-arms in 1515, although the Egyptians, who in-

vaded their coast in that year, had long possessed them, (see note on p.

65 ante i) and, 2ndly., that notwithstanding the contiguity of the two

countries, and the frequent intercourse which had for centuries sub-

sisted between them, the inhabitants of Ceylon appear to have been

ignorant of artillery in 1507 when Don Lorenzo De Almeyda first disco-

vered that island, whereas those of Western Iudia had certainly used

it at least twenty-five years before. See p. 193 ante, and note.

1 Mr. Crawfurd remarks on Varthema's description of Java generally,

and on this statement in particular, that " his account is obviously false

or worthless, for he describes parents as selling their children to be

eaten by the purchasers, and himself as quitting the island in haste for

fear of being made a meal of." (Desc. Diet., pp. 165-6.) Now, it is

evident that our traveller is speaking of a class quite distinct from the

more civilized community of the place, for these latter he had desig-

nated as " the most trustworthy men in the world ;" hence, the ques-

tion arises whether among the rude aborigines of the island at that

period, (and I have already conjectured that Varthema may have visited

£56 THE TRAVELS OF

great sickness, and that it should appear to the skilful that

he might die of it, the father or the brother of the sick man

kills him, and they do not wait for him to die. And when

they have killed him they sell him to others to be eaten.

Wc, being astonished at such a thing, some merchants of the

country said to us : " O you poor Persians, why do you

a part where such were likely to be found,) there were not some addicted

to the practice of eating human flesh. Nov, nobis tantas compo?iere lites;

nevertheless, I would submit the following independent testimony as to

the prevalence of cannibalism in the Malayan Peninsula and the Archi-

pelago at this period, leaving the reader to form his own judgment on

Yarthema's credibility. Premising as possible, that the credulity and

fears of the party may have been imposed upon in this instance, such a

suj>position is inadmissible in the case of Nicolo de' Conti, who resided

in Sumatra a whole year, and who describes the custom as prevailing

there in his time :—" In one part of the island called Batech, the inha-

bitants eat human flesh, and are in a state of constant warfare with their

neighbours. They keep human heads as valuable property, for whenthey have captured an enemy they cut off his head, and, having eaten

the flesh, store up the skull and use it for money." To which quotation

the editor appends the following note :—" B«tec/i=Batta ; a district

extending from the river Singkell to the Tabooyong, and inland to the

back of Ayer Bahgis. Marsden, in his History of Sumatra (p. 390, 3rd

edit.) gives instances of cannibalism among this people as late as the year

1780." {India in the Fifteenth Century, ii. p. 9.) Pigafetta also, de-

scribing Sulacho, fifty miles distant from the Moluccas, says :" The

men of this island are Pagans, and eat human flesh ;" and he subse-

quently attributes the same practice to one of the Ladrone or Marian

Islands, which he calls Maulla, stating that " its inhabitants are savages

and bestial, and eat human flesh." (Ramusio, vol. i. p. 368.) I note

that Mr. Crawfurd must have used a different edition of Pigafetta's

Voyages from that given in Ramusio, for this passage does not appear

in his long quotation from that author. {Desc. Diet., pp. 268-9.) Lastly,

De Faria y Souza, in his account of the territory of "Siam, says :" It

contains much mountain and plain, and in both sundry sorts of people,

some most barbarous and cruel, who feed on human flesh, as the Guei,

who for ornament make figures on their bodies with hot irons." Portu-

guese Asia, translated by Stevens, vol. i. p. 223.

On the whole, although Yarthema's account of Java is certainly less

accurate than his descriptions in general, I hardly think it merits the

epithets of being "obviously false or worthless" which Mr. Crawfurd

casts upon it.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 257

leave such charming flesh to be eaten by the worms ?" Mycompanion hearing this immediately exclaimed :

" Quick,

quick, let us go to our ship, for these people shall never

more come near me on land."

THE CHAPTER WHERE, AT MID-DAY, THE SUN CASTS ASHADOW 1 IN THE ISLAND OF GIAVA.

The Christians said to my companion :" O my friend,

take this news to your country, and take this other also

which we will show you. Look there, now that it is mid-

day, turn your eyes towards where the sun sets." And

raising our eyes we saw that the sun cast a shadow to the

left more than a palmo? And by this we understood that

we were far distant from our country, at which we remained

exceedingly astonished. And, according to what my com-

panion said, I think that this was the month of June ; for I

had lost our months, and sometimes the name of the day.

You must know that there is little difference between the

cold with us and here. Having seen the customs of this

island, it appeared to us that there was not much reason to

remain in it, because it was necessary to be all night on

guard for fear some wretch should come and carry us off to

eat us. Wherefore, having called the Christians, we told

them that, as soon as they could, we would return to our

country. Before we departed, however, my companion

1 In the original, " fa spera," but in the edition of Ramusio of 1613

it is rendered " faceva ombra." This is undoubtedly a gloss, but the

meaning is preserved.

3 I am indebted to my friend Mr. Markham for the following note on

this passage :—" The equator bisects the island of Borneo, therefore, in

the month of June, when Varthema was navigating, his vessel on the

way to Java would have crossed the sun's path, and, as he so concisely

observes, when he looked to the west the sun would be to his north, and

the shadow or reflection would be cast on his left hand."

258 THE TRAVELS OF

bought two emeralds for a thousand pardai, and he pur-

chased for two hundred pardai two little children who had

no sexual organs ; for in this island there are a kind of mer-

chants, who follow no other trade excepting that of pur-

chasing little children, from whom they cut off in their

childhood everything, and they remain like women. 1

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING OUR RETURN.

Having remained in this island of Giava altogether four-

teen days, we determined to return back, because, partly

through the fear of their cruelty in eating men, partly also

through the extreme cold, we did not dare to proceed far-

ther, and also because there was hardly any other place

known to them [the Christians], Wherefore we chartered

a large vessel, that is, a giunco, and took our way outside the

islands towards the east ; because on this side there is no

archipelago, and the navigation is more safe. We sailed for

fifteen days and arrived at the city of Malacha, and here we

stopped for three days, where our Christian companions re-

mained, whose bewailings and lamentations it would be

impossible shortly to describe ; so that, truly, if I had not

1 Barbosa attributes a similar inhuman practice to the Mussulmans

of Bengal :—"Li Mori mercatanti di questa citta vanno fra terra a com-

prar garzoni piccolini dalli lor padri e madri gentili, e da altri, che gli

rubbano, e li castrano, levandogli via il tutto, di sorte che restano rasi,

come la palma della mano : e alcuni di questi moiono, ma quelli che

scampano, gli allevano molto bene, e poi li vendono per cento e ducento

ducati l'uno alii Mori di Persia, che gli apprezzano molto, per tenerli

in guardia delle lor donne, e della lor robba, e per altre dishonesta."

Pigafetta also mentions the kingdom of Cirote in Burmah as the place

" dove si fanno tutti li Eunuchi che sono condotti di Levante." (Ra-

musio, vol. i. pp. 316, 391.) It is a well known fact, that the excision

described was at one time extensively practised in Upper Egypt, and

tbat rumour, whether true or false I know not, attributed the horrible

operation to certain Coptic monks.

LUDOVICO 1)1 VARTHEMA. 259

had a wife and children, I would have gone with them.

And likewise they said, that if they had known how to come

in safety, they would have accompanied us. And I believe

also that my companion comforted them for not coming,

because they would not be obliged to give an account to the

Christians of so many lords who are in their country, whoare also Christians and possess immense riches. So that

they remained, saying that they would return to Sarnau, 1

and we went with our ship to Cioromandel. The cap-

tain of the ship said that around the island of Giava, and

around the island of Sumatra, there were more than eight

thousand islands. Wherefore my companion bought in

Malacha five thousand parclai worth of small spices, and

silk stuffs, and odoriferous things. We sailed for fifteen

days, and arrived at the said city of Cioromandel, and here

the ship chartered in Giava was unladen. We remained in

this country about twenty days, and then took a ship, that

is to say, a Ciampana, and went to Colon,2 where I found

twenty-two Portuguese Christians. On which account I had

a very great desire to escape, but I remained, because they

were few, and I was afraid of the Moors ; for there were

some merchants with us who knew that I had been at Mecha

and to the body of Mahomet, and I was afraid that they

might imagine that I should discover their hypocrisies,

wherefore I abstained from running away. Twelve days

afterwards we took our route towards Calicut, that is, by

the river,3 and arrived there in the space of ten days.

Now it will be an easy thing for every kind reader to

perceive, by the long discourse concerning various countries

contained in the above written books, that my companion

and myself having become wearied, partly by the different

temperatures of the air as may be imagined, partly by the

1 See note 3 on p. 212 ante.

s Colon=Quilon. See note on pp. 182-4 ante.

3 See note on pp. 179-80 ante.

S 2

260 THE TRAVELS OF

different customs we met with at every step as has been

described, and especially by the inhuman men not unlike

beasts, determined to return. I will now recount shortly,

(in order that my narrative may not be wearisome,) what

happened to me on our return, because it will be useful to

some either in restraining their too eager appetite for seeing

the inestimable greatness of the world, or, being on their

road, in knowing how to regulate themselves and use their

understanding in sudden emergencies. Being then arrived

in Calicut on our return, as I have shortly before written,

we found two Christians who were Milanese. One was

called loan-Maria, and the other Piero Antonio, who had

arrived from Portugal with the ships of the Portuguese, and

had come to purchase jewels on the part of the king. 1 And

when they had arrived in Cocin,2 they fled to Calicut. Truly

I never had greater pleasure than in seeing these two

Christians. They and I went naked after the custom of the

country. I asked them if they were Christians. loan-Maria

answered :" Yes, truly we are." And then Piero Antonio

asked me if I was a Christian. I answered :" Yes, God be

praised." Then he took me by the hand, and led me into

his house. And when we had arrived at the house, we

1 Don Emanuel of Portugal, surnamed the Fortunate.

- Cochin :—" a town which, though giving name to a small raj or

native state, belongs to the British, and is included within the district

of Malabar, under the" presidency of Madras. Lat. 9° 8', long. 76° 18'."

(TnoitNTON's Gazetteer.) When the Portuguese first arrived in India,

Cochin was governed by a Rajah called Triumpara or Trimunpara, who

appears to have been subject to the Zamorin of Calicut. Pedro Alvarez

Cabral was well received by this sovereign, and established a factory in

the town as early as 1500. In 1502, the Zamorin endeavoured to detach

Triumpara from the Portuguese, but without effect, and the latter on

their part engaged to support him against his suzerain, who in the fol-

lowing year attacked and defeated him. He was subsequently restored

by the Portuguese, on which occasion they received permission to build

a fort and church at Cochin, and became virtually masters of the place.

It was taken from them by the Dutch in 1662. This is the first time

that Varthcma mentions Cochin.

LUDOVICO DI VAKTHEMA. 261

began to embrace and kiss each other, and to weep. Truly,

I could not speak like a Christian : it appeared as though mytongue were large and hampered, for I had been four years

without speaking with Christians. 1 The night following I

remained with them ; and neither of them, nor could I,

either eat or sleep solely for the great joy we had. Youmay imagine that we could have wished that that night

might have lasted for a year, that we might talk together of

various things, amongst which I asked them if they were

friends of the king of Calicut. They replied that they were

his chief men, and that they spoke with him every day. I

asked them also what was their intention. They told me that

they would willingly have returned to their country, but

that they did not know by what way. I answered them :

" Return by the way you came." They said that that was

not possible, because they had escaped from the Portuguese,

and that the king of Calicut had obliged them to make a

great quantity of artillery against fheir will,2 and on this

account they did not wish to return by that route ; and they

said that they expected the fleet of the king of Portugal very

soon. I answered them, that if God granted me so much

grace that I might be able to escape to Cananor when the

fleet had arrived, I would so act that the captain of the

Christians should pardon them ; and I told them that it was

not possible for them to escape by any other way, because it

was known through many nations that they made artillery.

And many kings had wished to have them in their hands on

1 Meaning, Europeans or European Christians.

3 Most of the cannoniers in the service of the Indian states at this

period appear to have been either Franks or Turks ; and a knowledge

of artillery was evidently much prized, for Varthema professed himself

capable of making the largest mortars in the world in order to escape

from his Mamluk companions at Meccah. (See p. 50 ante.) De Faria ySouza mentions incidentally, that in 1507 a renegade Christian directed

the assault against the fort which the Portuguese had then recently

built on the island of Angediva. Stevens's Portuguese Asia, vol. i. p.

108.

262 THE TRAVELS OF

account of their skill, and therefore it was not possible to

escape in any other manner. And you must know that they

had made between four and five hundred pieces of ordnance

large and small, so that in short they had very great fear of

the Portuguese ; and in truth there was reason to be afraid,

for not only did they make the artillery themselves, but they

also taught the Pagans to make it ; and they told me, more-

over, that they had taught fifteen servants of the king to

fire spingarde. And during the time I was here, they gave

to a Pagan the design and form of a mortar, which weighed

one hundred and five cantara, and was made of metal.

There was also a Jew here who had built a very beautiful

galley, and had made four mortars of iron. The said Jew,

going to wash himself in a pond of water, was drowned.

Let us return to the said Christians : God knows what I said

to them, exhorting them not to commit such an act against

Christians. Piero Antonio wept incessantly, and loan-

Maria said it was the same to him whether he died in Calicut

or in Rome, and that God had ordained what was to be.

The next morning I returned to find my companion,

who was making great lamentation, for he thought that I

had been killed. I told him, in order to excuse myself,

that I had been to sleep in a Moorish mosque to render

thanks to God and to Mahomet for the benefit received in

that we had returned in safety, and with this he was much

pleased. And in order that I might be able to know what

was going on in the country, 1 told him that I would

continue to sleep in the mosque, and that I did not want

any goods, but that I wished always to be poor. Andwishing to escape from them, I thought that I could only

deceive them by hypocrisy ; for the Moors are the most

stupid people in the world, so that he was satisfied. Andthis I did in order that I might be able to talk frequently

with the Christians, because they knew everything, from

day to day, from the court of the king. I began to put my

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 263

hypocrisy in practice, and pretended to be a Moorish saint,

and never would eat flesh excepting in the house of loan-

Maria, where every night we ate two brace of fowls. And I

would no longer associate with merchants, neither did any

man ever see me smile, and all day I remained in the mosque

excepting when he [my companion] sent for me to go and eat;

and he scolded me because I would not eat flesh. I replied :

" That too much eating leads man to many sins." And in

this manner, I began to be a Moorish saint, and happy was

he who could kiss my hand and some my knees.

THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW I MADE MYSELF APHYSICIAN IN CALICUT.

It happening that a Moorish merchant fell sick of a very

great malady, and could not by any means get natural relief,

he sent to my companion, who was a great friend of his, to

know if he or any one in his house could give him any

remedy. He answered that I would go to visit him ; and so

he and I together went to the house of the sick man and

questioned him about his illness. He said to us :" I feel

very bad in my stomach and bowels." I asked him if he

had had any cold by which this illness might have been

caused ? The sick man replied :" That it could not be cold,

for he did not know what that was." Then my companion

turned to me and asked me :" O Iunus, dost thou know

any remedy for this my friend ?" I replied :" That my

father was a physician in my country, and that that which I

knew, I knew by the practice which he had taught me."

My companion said :" Well, then, let us see if by any

remedy this merchant, my very dear friend, can be relieved."

Then I said :" Bizmilei erechman erathin !'n and then I took

his hand, and, feeling his pulse, found that he had a great

1 See note 1 on p. 41 ante.

264 THE TRAVELS OF

deal of fever, and I asked him if his head ached. He re-

plied :" Yes, it aches very much." Then I asked him if

his bowels were relieved. He answered :" They had not

been relieved for three days." I immediately thought to

myself, this man has an overloaded stomach, and to assist

him he requires an injection; and saying so to my com-

panion he replied: "Do what you like, so that he be cured."

Then I made preparation for the injection in this wise : I

took sugar, eggs, and salt, and for the decoction I took cer-

tain herbs, which did more harm than good : the said herbs

Avere such as leaves of walnuts. And in this way, in the course

of a day and a night, I administered five injections to him;

and it did him no good on account of the herbs, which pro-

duced a contrary effect, so that I should have been glad

had I not been involved in such a task. At length, seeing

that he could not obtain relief on account of the wretched

herbs, I took a good bunch of purslain, and made about

half a jug of liquor, and put in it the same quantity of oil,

and a good deal of salt and sugar, and then strained it all

well. And here I committed another blunder, for I forgot

to warm it, and administered it cold as it was. As soon as

the injection was administered, I tied a cord to his feet, and

we hoisted him up until he touched the ground with his

hands and head, and we held him up thus high for the

space of half a quarter of an hour. My companion said :

" O Iunus, is it the custom to do thus in your country ?"

I replied :" Yes, when the sick man is in extremis." He

said that that was a good reason, for in that position the

mixture would penetrate better. The poor sick man cried

out and said :" Matile, Matile, gnancia tu poi, gnancia tu

poi !" that is, " No more, no more, for I am killed ; I am

killed !" and so we standing there to comfort him, whether

it were God or nature, his bowels began to act like a foun-

tain, and we immediately let him down ; and truly he was

relieved to the extent of half a vat full, and he was well

LUUOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 265

pleased. On the following day he had neither fever nor pain

in his head or stomachy and, after that, he was relieved several

times.

The next morning, he said that he felt pain in his side.

I made him take cow or buffalo butter and anoint himself

and bind himself up with hemp tow, and then I told him

that if he wished to be cured he must eat twice a day, and

before eating, I wished him to walk a mile on foot. Hereplied :

" O nonal irami tino biria biria gnancia tu poi,"

that is, " If you do not wish me to eat more than twice in

the day, I shall be dead very soon ;" for they eat eight or

ten times a day. This order appeared to him very severe.

However, at last he was very well cured, and this gained

great credit for my hypocrisy. They said that I was the

friend of God. This merchant wished to give me ten ducats,

but I would not receive anything. I even gave three ducats

which I had to the poor, and this I did publicly in order

that they might know that I did not want any property or

money. From this time forward happy was he who could

take me to his house to eat, happy was he who kissed myhands and feet ; and when anyone kissed my hands, I kept

my ground steadily, giving him to understand that he did

an act which I deserved, as being a saint. But it was mycompanion above all who procured me credit, because he

also believed me, and said that I did not eat flesh, and that

he had seen me at Mecca, and at the body of Mahomet, and

that I had always travelled in his company, and that he

knew my manners, and that I was truly a saint, and that,

knowing me to be of a good and holy life, he had given me

one of his nieces for my wife, so that, in this way every man

wished me well, and every night I went secretly to talk with

the Christians, who told me, on one occasion, that twelve

Portuguese ships had come to Canonor. Then I said, now

is the time for me to escape from the hands of dogs, and we

considered together for eight days in what manner I could

266 THE TRAVELS OF

escape. They advised me to escape by land, but I had not

the courage, through the fear that I might be killed by the

Moors, I being white and they black.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE NEWS OF THE SHIPS

OF THE PORTUGUESE WHICH CAME IN TO CALICUT.

One day, while eating with my companion, two Persian

merchants of Canonor arrived, whom he immediately called

to eat with him. They answered :" We have no wish to

eat and bring bad news." We asked them :" What words

are these which you utter?" They said: "Twelve ships

of the Portuguese have arrived, which we have seen with

our eyes." My companion asked :" What people are they?"

The Persians replied :" They are Christians, and are all

armed in white arms, and they have commenced building a

very strong castle in Canonor." 1 My companion turned to

me and asked me :" O Iunus, what people are these Portu-

guese ?" I answered him :" Do not speak to me of such a

race, for they are all thieves and corsairs of the sea, and 1

should like to see them all of our Mohammedan faith."

Hearing this he became very malignant, and I rejoiced

much in my heart.

1 This must have been towards the end of 1500, and that inference is

confirmed by the date, 3rd December, given in the chapter succeeding

the next. In note 2 on pp. 123-4 ante, I have delayed the building of

the fort at Cannanore till 1507 : it was not probably completed till the

beginning of that year, for when he reached that place Varthema says :

" il castello si faceva." The ships mentioned in the text were un-

doubtedly part of the fleet of Don Francisco de Almeyda, who arrived

at Cannanore about this time, and received the Rajah's permission to

erect the fort in the harbour.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 267

THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW THE MOORS SUMMON TOTHE CHURCH THOSE WHO ARE OF THEIR SECT

AND FAITH.

On the following day all the Moors, having heard the

news, went to the mosque to say their prayers. But first

some, deputed to this office, mounted the tower of their

church, as is the custom amongst them three or four times

a day, and, instead of bells, began with a loud voice to call

the others to this same prayer, keeping one finger constantly

in their ear and saying :" Alia u eccubar, Alia u eccubar, aia-

lassale aialassale aialalfale aialalfale Alia u eccubar leilla illala

esciadu ana Mahometh resullala," 1 that is, "God is great, God

is great, come to the church, come to the church, come to

praise God, come to praise God, God is great, God is great,

God was, God will be, Mahometh the messenger of God

will rise again." And they took me also with them, saying

to me that they wished to pray to God for the Moors ; and

so they set me publicly to make the prayer, which you shall

hear, which prayer is as common with them as the Pater

Noster is with us, and the Ave Maria. The Moors stand

all in a row ; but there are many rows, and they have a

priest as we have, who, after they have well washed, begins

to pronounce the prayer in this manner, saying :" Un

gibilei nimi saithan e regin bizimilei erachman erachinal

hamdulile ara blaharami erachman erachin malichi iaum

edmi iachie nabudu hiachie nesta himi edina sarathel

mostachina ledina ana antha alyhin gayril magdubin alehy-

1 Allahu dkbar ! Allahu dkbar ! Hie ,

ala 's-sald ! Hie hda 's-sala !

Hie ''ala H-faldh ! Hie 'ala 'l-fal&h ! Allahu dkbar I La ildh ilia

Allah; ica-ash-hadna Muhammed rastll Allah. God is most Great!

God is most Great ! Come to prayer ! Come to prayer ! Come to secu-

rity ! Come to security ! There is no god but the God, and I testify

that Muhammed is God's Apostle ! This is the ordinary adhdn or call

to prayer, chaunted by the miiddh-dhin from the minaret of the

mosque.

268 THE TRAVELS OF

himu ualla da lim amin alia u eccubar." 1 And so I pro-

nounced the prayer in the presence of all the people, and

then I returned home with my companion. On the next day

I pretended to be very ill, and remained about eight days

wherein I would not eat with him, but every night I went

to eat with the two Christians. He [my companion] was

very much surprised, and asked me why I would not eat.

I replied :" That I felt very ill, and my head felt as though

it were very large and full ; and I said to him that it ap-

peared to me that it proceeded from that air, that it was not

good for me." He, for the singular affection which he bore

me, would have done everything to please me ; wherefore,

hearing that the air of Calicut was injurious to me, he said

to me :" Go and stay in Canonor until we return to Persia,

and I will direct you to a friend of mine, who will give you

all that you require." I answered him :" That I would

gladly go to Canonor, but I hesitated because of those

Christians." " Do not hesitate," said he, " nor have any

fear of them, for you shall remain constantly in the city."

Finally, having well seen all the fleet which was preparing

in Calicut, and all the artillery, and the army which had

been raised against the Christians, I set out on my journey

to give them notice of it, and to save myself from the hands

of doers.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING TnE FLIGHT FROM CALICUT.

One day, before I set out, I arranged all that I had to do

with the two Christians, and then my companion placed mein the company of those two Persians who carried the news

1 This is a tolerably correct wording, very badly spelt, of the Fatihah,

or opening chapter of the Koran, preceded by the common formula of

renunciation, " I abhor the lapidated Devil." (See note 2 on p. 45 ante.)

Varthcma, on this occasion, appears to have acted the part of Imam and

led the prayers of the congregation.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 269

of the Portuguese, and we took a little bark. Now, you will

understand in what danger I placed myself, because there

were twenty-four Persian, Syrian, and Turkish merchants,

all of whom knew me, and bore me great affection, and

knew well what the genius of Christians was. I feared that

if I took leave of them, they would think that I wanted to

escape to the Portuguese. If I departed without speaking

with them, and I was by chance discovered, they would have

said to me :" Why did you not speak to us ?" And this I

balanced in my mind. However, I determined to go with-

out speaking to any one excepting my companion. OnThursday morning, the third of September, I set out with

the two Persians by sea, and when we had got about a bow-

shot in the sea, four Naeri came to the sea-shore, who called

the captain of the vessel, and we immediately returned to

land. The Naeri said to the captain :" Why do you carry

away this man without leave of the king ?" The Persians

answered :" This man is a Moorish saint, and we are going

to Canonor." " We know well," said the Naeri, " that he

is a Moorish saint, but he understands the language of the

Portuguese, and will tell them all that we are doing here,

because a great fleet is being got ready ;" and they ordered

the captain of the ship that he should not take me away

on any account, and he acted accordingly. We remained

on the sea-shore, and the Naeri returned to the king's

house. One of the Persians said :" Let us go to our

house," that is, to Calicut. I answered :" Do not go, for

you will lose these fine sinabaph1 (which were pieces of cloth

we carried), because you have not paid the king's dues."

The other Persians said :" O sir, what shall we do ?" I re-

plied :" Let us go along this shore until we find aparao,"

that is, a small bark ; and they were pleased so to do, and

we took our way for twelve miles, always by land, laden

with the said goods. You may imagine how my heart felt,

' See note 2 on p. 212 ante.

270 THE TRAVELS OF

seeing myself in such danger. At length we found ajxirao

which carried us to Canonor. We arrived at Canonor on

Saturday evening, and I immediately carried a letter which

my companion had written for me to a merchant his friend ;

the tenor of which letter stated that he should do as muchfor me as for his own person until he came ; and he told him

about my being a saint, and of the relationship there was

between him and me. The merchant, as soon as he had

read the letter, laid it on his head and said, that he would

answer for me with his head ; and immediately had an excel-

lent supper prepared, with many chickens and pigeons.

When the two Persians saw the chickens come, they ex-

claimed :" Alas, what do you do ?" Colli tinu ille," that is,

" This man does not eat flesh ;" and other things came im-

mediately. When we had finished eating, the said Persians

said to me :" Let us go a little to the sea to amuse our-

selves ;" and so we went where the Portuguese fleet was.

Imagine, O reader, the joy I felt. Going a little farther, I

saw before a certain low house three empty casks, from

which I imagined that the factory of the Christians was

there. Then, being somewhat cheered up, I felt a desire to

escape within the said gate ; but I considered that, if I did

so in their presence, the whole country would be in an

uproar. And I, not being able to fly in safety, noted the

place where the castle of the Christians was being made,

and determined to "wait until the following day.

THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW I ESCAPED FROMCANONOR TO THE PORTUGUESE.

On Sunday morning I rose early, and said that I would

go to amuse myself a little. My companions answered: "Gowhere you please ;" and so I took my way according to myfancy, and went where the castle of the Christians was being

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 271

built ; and when I was a little distant from my companions,

coming to the sea-shore I met two Portuguese Christians,

and said to them :" O sirs, where is the fortress of the Por-

tuguese ?" These two Christians said :" Are you a Chris-

tian ?" I answered ;" Yes, sir, praised be God." And they

said to me :" Where do you come from." I answered

them :" I come from Calicut." Then said the one to the

other of the two companions :" Go you to the factory, and

I will take this man to Don Lorenzo," that is, the son of

the Viceroy. 1 And so he conducted me to the said castle,

which is distant from the beach half a mile. And when

we arrived at the said castle, the Seiior Don Lorenzo was

at breakfast. I immediately fell on my knees at the feet

of his lordship and said :" Sir, I commend myself to you

to save me, for I am a Christian." At this juncture,

we heard a great uproar in the neighbourhood because

I had escaped. The bombardiers were immediately sum-

moned, who loaded all the artillery, fearing that those of

the city might come to the castle to fight. Then the captain,

seeing that those of the place did not do any harm, took me

by the hand and conducted me into a chamber to interro-

gate me concerning the affairs of Calicut, and kept me three

days to talk with me ; and I, being desirous of the victory of

the Christians, gave them all the particulars about the fleet

preparing in Calicut. These conversations being concluded,

1 After garrisoning the new fort at Cannqnore, Don Francisco de

Almeyda proceeded to Cochin, but hearing there that the factor at

Quilon and all his men had been murdered by the Mussulmans, " he

sent his son Don Lorenzo with three ships and three caravels, with

orders to procure lading, without taking notice of what had passed, but

in case of denial, to avenge the slaughter. The messenger was received

with a shower of arrows, and twenty-four ships of Calicut and other places

prepared to receive ours. Don Lorenzo, after pouring in his shot liberally,

burnt them all, only a few of the Moors were saved by swimming. DonLorenzo then went to load in another port." (Portuguese Asia, vol. i.

p. 102.) I presume that it was about this time that Varthema met the

Viceroy's son at Cannanore.

212 THE TRAVELS OF

he sent me with a galley to the Viceroy his father in Cuccin,1

of which a knight named Joan Sarrano2 was captain. The

Viceroy was exceedingly pleased when I arrived, and showed

me great distinction, because I had informed him of all that

was doing in Calicut; and I also said, that if his lordship

would pardon loan-Maria and Piero Antonio, who made

artillery in Calicut, and assure me of their safety, that I

would induce them to return, and that they would not do

that injury to Christians which they had done, although

against their will, and that they were afraid to return with-

out a safe conduct. The Viceroy was extremely pleased

and much satisfied, and gave me the safe conduct; and

the captains of our ships and our vicar promised for the

Viceroy ; and at the end of three days he sent me back with

the said galley to Caiionor, and gave me a letter which he

addressed to his son, that he should give me as much money

as I required for payment of the spies to be sent to Calicut.

When we had arrived at Canonor, I found a Pagan, who

gave me his wife and children as a pledge, and I sent him

with my letters to Calicut, to loan-Maria and Piero Antonio,

by which I advised them how the Viceroy had pardoned

them, and that they might come in safety. You must know

that I sent the spy five times backwards and forwards, and

that I always wrote to them that they should be on their

guard, and should not trust their wives or their slave ; for

each of them had- a wife, and loan-Maria had a son and a

slave. They always wrote to me that they would come will-

ingly. In the last letter they said to me thus: " Lodovico,

we have given all our goods to this spy ; come on such a

night with a galley or brigantine where the fishermen are,

because there is no watch in that part, and, if it please God,

1 Cochin.

~ This Joiio Serrao subsequently accompanied the expedition under

D. Antao do Noronha to El-Catif and the ishind of Hormuz in the Per-

sian Gulf. See De Couto, Decadas, vol. iii. pp. 247, 439.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 273

we will both come with all our party." You must knowthat I wrote to them that they should come alone, and that

they should leave their wives, their son, their goods, and

the slave, and that they should only bring their jewels and

money. And you must know that they had a diamond

which weighed thirty-two carats, which they said was worth

thirty-five thousand ducats ; and they had a pearl which

weighed twenty-four carats ; and they had two thousand

rubies, which weighed a carat and a carat and a half each ;

and they had sixty-four rings with set jewels ; and they had

one thousand four hundred pardai ; and they also wished to

save seven spingarde and three apes, and two civet-cats,

and the wheel for repairing jewels; so that their avarice

caused their death. Their slave, who was of Calicut, saw

that they wanted to escape, and immediately went to the

king and told him everything. The king did not believe

him. Nevertheless, he sent five Naeri to their house to

remain in their company. The slave, seeing that the king

would not put them to death, went to tlje Cadi of the faith

of the Moors, and repeated to him those same words which

he had said to the king, and, moreover, he told him that

they informed the Christians of all that was done in Calicut.

The Moorish Cadi held a council with all the Moorish mer-

chants, amongst whom were collected one hundred ducats,

which they carried to the king of the Gioghi, 1 who was at

that time in Calicut with three thousand Gioghi, to whomthe said Moors said :

" Sir, thou knowest that in other years

when thou hast come here we have shown thee much kind-

ness, and more honour than we show thee now ; the reason

is this : there are here two Christians who are enemies of

our faith and yours, who inform the Portuguese of all that

is done in this country ; wherefore, we beseech thee to kill

them, and to take these hundred ducats." The king of the

Gioghi immediately sent two hundred men to kill the said

1 See note 1 on p 111, and note 3 on p. 112 ante.

T

'274 THE TRAVELS OF

two Christians, and when they went to their house, they

began by tens to sound their horns and demand alms. Andwhen the Christians saw so many people increasing they

said :" These want something else besides alms ;" and

began to fight, so that these two killed six of them, and

wounded more than forty. At last, these Gioghi cast at

them certain pieces of iron which are made round like a

wheel, and they threw them with a sling, and struck loan-

Maria on the head and Pietro Antonio on the head, so that

they fell to the ground ; and then they ran upon them and

cut open the veins of their throats, and with their hands

they drank their blood. The wife of loan-Maria escaped

with her son to Canonor, and I purchased the son for eight

ducats of gold, and had him baptized on St. Lawrence's day,

and gave him the name of Lorenzo, because I baptized him

on that same day, and at the end of a year on that same day

he died of the French disease. You must know that I have

seen this disease three thousand miles beyond Calicut, and

it is called ptca, 1 ^nd they say that it is about seventeen

years since it began, and it is much worse than ours.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE FLEET OF CALICUT.

On the twelfth of March 1506,2 this news of the Christians

being killed arrived. On this same day the immense fleet

1 Probably from the Sanscrit pi'tya, matter from an ulcer. Var-

thema's remark on the recent appearance of the disease •would imply-

that it was introduced into India by the Portuguese.2 The year 1506 here given is somewhat perplexing. In Greene's

Collection the fleet under Don Francisco de Almeyda is made to leave

Lisbon on the 25th of March 1507, whereas the Modem Universal

History, after Maffei, starts them from that port on the 25th of March1505, which I take to be the correct date. On the 11th of April follow-

ing, De Almeyda reached the Cape Vcrd Islands, from whence he pro-

ceeded to the east coast of Africa, and after taking Quiloa (Kilwah) and

LDDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 275

departed from Pannani, 1 and from Calicut, and from Capo-

gat, and from Pandarani, and from Tormapatan.3 All this

fleet was two hundred and nine sail, of which eighty-four

were large ships, and the remainder were rowing vessels,

that is, paraos. In which fleet there was an infinite number

of armed Moors ; and they wore certain red garments of

cloth stuffed with cotton, and they wore certain large caps

stuffed, and also on the arms bracelets and gloves stuffed ;

and a great number of bows and lances, swords and shields,

and large and small artillery after our custom. When we

saw this fleet, which was on the 16th of the month above-

mentioned, truly, seeing so many ships together, it appeared

as though one saw a very large wood. We Christians

always hoped that God would aid us to confound the Pagan

faith. And the most valiant knight, the captain of the fleet,

son of Don Francisco dal Meda, Viceroy of India, was here

with eleven ships, amongst which there were two galleys

and one brigantine. When he saw such a multitude of

Mombasa, steered towards India, visited the island of Anjediva, touched

next at Honahwar, aud finally arrived at Cannanore, where he received

permission to build a fort. I have hitherto supposed it unlikely that

these different transactions were accomplished by the end of 1505;

nevertheless, it is still more improbable that Varthema should be mis-

taken in this and the succeeding dates ; hence, by postponing the erec-

tion of the fort at Cannanore till the end of 1506, (see note 1 on p. 266

ante) I have miscalculated by one entire year.

I perceive that Greene also delays the battle recorded in this chapter,

and the subsequent attack on Ponani, till 150S, which is unquestionably

wrong ; for Varthema mentions Guidobaldo, Duke of Urbino, as being-

alive when he dedicated his book to the Lady Aguesina, the Duke's

sister. This was after his return to Europe, and Guidobaldo died on the

11th of April 1508.

Presuming Varthema's dates to be correct, his eastern voyages and

travels from the day he left Damascus, 8th April 1503, until his return

to India, occupied two years and nine months. If we add thereto the

eighteen months during which he acted as factor at Cochin, and the

time expended on the return voyage, his total absence from Europe will

amount to about five years.

1 See note 1 on p. 132. - See note 1 on p. 131 ante.

T 2

276 THE TRAVELS OF

ships, he acted like a most valiant captain : he called to him

all his knights and men of the said ships, and then began to

exhort and beseech them that, for the love of God and of

the Christian faith, they would expose themselves willingly

to suffer death, saying in this wise :" O sirs, O brothers,

now is the day that we must remember the Passion of Christ,

and how much pain He endured to redeem us sinners. Nowis that day when all our sins will be blotted out. For this

I beseech you that we determine to go vigorously against

these dogs; for I hope that God will give us the victory, and

will not choose that His faith should fail." And then the

spiritual father stood upon the ship of the said captain, with

the crucifix in his hand, and delivered a beautiful discourse

to all, exhorting us to do that which we were bound to do.

And then he gave us absolution from punishment and sin,

and said :" Now, my sons, let us all go willingly, for God

will be with us." And he knew so well how to speak, that

the greater part of us wept, and prayed God that He would

cause us to die in that battle. In the meantime the immense

fleet of the Moors came towards us to pass by. On that

same day, our captain departed with two ships and went

towards the Moors, and passed between two ships, which

Mere the largest in the Moorish fleet. And when he passed

between the said ships, he saluted both of them with very

great discharges of artillery ; and this our captain did in

order to know these two ships, and how they behaved ; for

they carried very great ensigns, and were captains of all the

fleet. Nothing more was done that day. Early on the fol-

lowing morning, the Moors began all to make sail and come

towards the city of Canonor, and sent to our captain to say

that he should let them pass and go on their voyage, for

they did not wish to fight with Christians. Our captain

sent to them to say, that the Moors of Calicut would not

allow Christians to return who were staying in Calicut in

their faith, but killed forty-eight of them, and robbed them

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 277

of three thousand ducats between goods. and money. Andthen he said to them : "Pass, if pass you can, but first know

what sort of people Christians are." Said the Moors

:

" Our Mahomet will defend us from you Christians ;" and

so began all to sail with the greatest fury, wishing to pass,

and they always navigate near the land, eight or ten miles.

Our captain allowed them to come until they arrived oppo-

site the city of Canonor. Our captain did this because the

king of Canonor was looking on, and to show him how great

was the courage of the Christians. And when it was the

time for eating, the wind began to freshen a little, and our

captain said :" Now, up brothers, for now is the time ; for

we are all good knights ;" and began to go towards these

two largest ships. It would be impossible to describe to

you the kinds of instruments which they sounded, accord-

ing to their custom. Our captain grappled valiantly with

one of the ships of the Moors, that is, the largest, and three

times the Moors threw off our grappling-irons ; at the fourth

time we remained fast, and immediately our Christians leaped

on board the said ship, in which there were six hundred

Moors. Here, a most cruel battle was fought with immense

effusion of blood, so that not one escaped from this ship :

they were all killed. Then our captain went to find the

other very large ship of the Moors, which was now grappled

fast by another of our ships ; and here also a cruel battle

was fought, in which five hundred Moors died. Whenthese two large ships were taken, all the rest of the fleet of

the Moors fought with desperation, and divided our sixteen

ships, so that there were some of our ships which had around

them fifteen or twenty of those of the Moors to fight. It

was a beautiful sight to see the gallant deeds of a very

valiant captain, loan Sarano, who, with a galley made such

a slaughter of the Moors as it is impossible to describe.

And there was a time when he had around his galley fifty

vessels, some with oars and some with sails, and all with

278 THE TRAVELS OF

artillery. And by the grace of God, neither in the galley nor

in the ships was any one of the Christians killed, but many

were wounded, for the fighting lasted all that day. Once

our brigantine separated a little from the ships, and was im-

mediately placed in the middle of four of the Moorish ships ;

and they fought her sharply, and at one time fifteen Moors

were on the brigantine, so that the Christians had all with-

drawn to the poop. When the valiant captain named

Simon Martin 1 saw that there were so many Moors upon

the brigantine, he leaped amongst these dogs, and said :

" O Jesus Christ, give us the victory ! help thy faith !" and

with the sword in his hand he cut off the heads of six or

seven. All the other Moors threw themselves into the sea

and fled, some here, some there. When the other Moors saw

that this brigantine had gained the victory, four other ships

went to succour their people. The captain of the brigan-

tine, seeing the said Moors coming, immediately took a

barrel which had contained powder, and then he took a

piece of a sail and thrust it in the bung-hole of the said

barrel, which appeared like the stone of a mortar, and he

put a handful of powder over the barrel, and standing with

fire in his hand, made as though he were going to fire a

mortar. The Moors, seeing this, thought that the said barrel

was a mortar, and immediately turned back. And the said

captain withdrew where the Christians were with his brigan-

tine, victorious. Our captain then placed himself amongst

these dogs, of whom seven ships were captured, laden in part

with spices and in part with other merchandise ; and nine

or ten were sunk by our artillery, amongst which there was

one laden with elephants. When the Moors saw so many

of their ships sunk, and that the two ships, the captains of

the fleet and others were taken, they immediately took to

1 Though I do not find this officer specially mentioned elsewhere,

there appear to have been several Portuguese naval commanders named

Marlins engaged in India at this period. See De Couto, Index-, p. 197.

LTJDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 279

flight, some one way, some another, some by land, some by

sea, some in the port, some in the opposite direction. At

the conclusion, our captain, seeing all our ships safe, said:

" Praised be Jesus Christ, let us follow up our victory

against these dogs ;" and so we all together set ourselves to

follow them. Truly, to any one who had seen these dogs

fly, it would have appeared that they had a fleet of a hun-

dred ships behind them. And this battle commenced with

the hour for eating, and lasted until the evening. And then

they were pursued all night, so that all this fleet was put to

flight without the death of a single Christian ; and our ships

which remained here followed another large ship, which was

tacking out at sea. Finally our ships prevailed over theirs,

which was surrounded by us, so that all the Moors cast

themselves [into the sea] to swim, and we constantly followed

them to the shore in the skiff, with crossbows and lances

killing and wounding them. But some saved themselves by

dint of swimming, and these were as many as two hundred

persons, who swam more than twenty miles, sometimes

under and sometimes on the water, and sometimes we

thought they were dead, when they rose again to the sur-

face a crossbow-shot distant from us. And when we came

near them to kill them, thinking that they were exhausted,

they dived again under the water ; so that their being able

to continue swimming so long appeared like a very great

miracle. At last, however, the greater part were killed,

and their ship sank from the blows of our artillery. Onthe following morning, our captain sent the galleys, the

brigantine, with some other vessels, along the shore, to see

what bodies they could count. They found that those who

were killed on the shore and at sea, and those of the ships

taken, were counted at three thousand six hundred dead

bodies. You must know that many others were killed when

they took to flight, who threw themselves into the sea.

The king of Canonor, seeing all this battle, said :" These

280 THE TRAVELS OF

Christians are very brave and valiant men." And truly I

have found myself in some battles in my time, but I never

saw any men more brave than these Portuguese. The next

day after, we returned to our Viceroy, who was at Cuccin.

I leave you to imagine how great was the joy of the Vice-

roy and of the king of Cuccin, who is a true friend of the

king of Portugal, on seeing us return victorious. 1

THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW I WAS SENT BACK TO

CANONOR BY THE VICEROY.

Let us leave the fleet of the king of Calicut, which was

defeated, and return to my own affairs. At the end of three

months, the Viceroy gave me, of his favour, a certain office,

which was that of the factorship of these parts, and I re-

mained in this office about a year and a half. Some months

afterwards, my lord the Viceroy sent me by a ship to Cano-

nor, because many merchants of Calicut went to Canonor,

and took the safe conduct from the Christians by giving

1 Be Souza's account of this action is as follows :—" Whilst these

things happened at Zofala, [Sofiila, on the east coast of Africa,] the

Zaruorin of Calicut had stirred up the Soldan of Cayre, [Cairo,] and

hoped, with his assistance to drive us out of these seas ; this was not so

private but that the king of Cochin had intelligence of it, and advertised

the Viceroy Bon Francisco, who sent his son Lawrence with eleven sail

to prevent or put a stop to the design. As he visited some ports, news

was brought to him that in the road of Cananor was a fleet of two hun-

dred and sixty paraos, whereof sixty exceeded our ships in bulk. Hedirects his course towards them, and after a very sharp engagement

they were put to flight, pursued, and some taken, but many sunk and

obliged to run aground, with great loss to the enemy, and of his ownonly five or six men." (Portuguese Asia, vol. i. p. 108.) Brief as this

description is, it coincides in several particulars with Varthema's more

detailed narrative : as, for example, in ascribing the command of the

Portuguese fleet to the Viceroy's son ; in the approximate number of

vessels on both sides ; in the trifling loss to the Europeans and the

great slaughter of the native combatants ; and in the eventual escape of

many of the enemy's ships.

LUDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA. 281

them to understand that they were of Canonor, and that

they wished to pass with merchandise in the ships of Cano-

nor, and which was not true. Wherefore, the Viceroy sent

me to these merchants, and to understand these frauds. It

happened at this time that the king of Canonor died, and

the next king that was made was a great enemy of ours ;

wherefore the king of Calicut made him [king] by force of

money, and lent him twenty-three pieces of artillery {bocche

di fuoco). In 1507, there commenced a very great war on

the 27th of April, and it continued until the 17th of August.

Now, you shall understand what the Christian faith is, and

what sort of men the Portuguese are. One day, the Chris-

tians going to get water, the Moors assaulted them, through

the great hatred they bore us. Our people retired into the

fortress, which was now in a good state, and no harm was

done on that day. Our captain, who was called Lorenzo

de Britto,sent to inform the Viceroy, who was at Cuccin, of

this new occurrence ; and Don Lorenzo immediately came

with a caravella, furnished with everything that was neces-

sary, and at the expiration of four days the said Don Lorenzo

returned to Cuccin, and we remained to fight with these

dogs, and we were not more than two hundred men. Our

food consisted solely of rice, sugar, and nuts, and we had no

water to drink within the castle ; but twice a week we were

obliged to take water from a certain well, which was a bow-

shot distant from the castle. And every time we went for

water, we always were obliged to take it by force of arms; and

every time we skirmished with them, the least people that

came were twenty-four thousand, and sometimes there were

thirty thousand, forty thousand, and fifty thousand persons,

who had bows, lances, swords, and shields, with more than

one hundred and forty pieces of artillery between large and

small, and they wore a kind of armour, as I have explained

to you in the fleet of Calicut. Their fighting was in this

wise : Two or three thousand came on at a time, and bring-

282 THE TRAVELS OF

ing with them the sounds of divers instruments, and with

fireworks, and they ran with such fury, that truly they would

have inspired with fear ten thousand people ; but the most

valiant Christians went to meet them beyond the well, and

they never approached the fortress within two stones'-cast.

We were obliged to be on our guard, both before and

behind, because sometimes there came of these Moors by

sea with sixty praos to take us in the midst of them. Never-

theless, every day we fought we killed ten, fifteen, and

twenty of them, and not more, because as soon as they saw

some of their people killed they took to flight. But on one

occasion, amongst others, a mortar called the Serpent, at one

discharge killed eighteen of them, and they never killed

one of us. They said that we kept the devil, who defended

us. This war from the twenty-seventh of April never ceased

until the twenty-seventh of August. Then the fleet of the

Portuguese came, of which the most valiant knight Tristan

da Cugna was captain ; to which, when it arrived at Ca-

nonor, we signalled that we were at war ; and the prudent

captain immediately had all the boats of the fleet armed,

and sent us three hundred knights all armed in white

armour, so that, had it not been for our captain, as soon as

they landed we would have gone to burn the whole of the

city of Canonor. Think, O kind reader, what was our joy

when we saw such succour ; for, in truth, we were almost

exhausted, and the greater part were wounded. When the

Moors saw our fleet arrive, they sent an ambassador, who

was named Mamal Maricar, who was the richest man in the

country, and he came to demand peace ; wherefore we sent

at once to the Viceroy, who was in Cuccin, to know what

was to be done. The Viceroy sent to say, that we should

make peace without delay, and so it was done. 1 And this he

1 De Faria y Souza's account of the origin of this rupture with the

Rajah of Cannanore, of the attack made upon the Portuguese fort, and

the opportune arrival of Tristan de Cunna, who was on his way to

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 283

did only that he might be able to load the ships and send

them to Portugal. Four days being past, there came two

Europe after having, in concert with Albuquerque, taken possession of

the island of Socotra and left a garrison there, is as follows :—" The

king of Cananor, desiring to break with the Portuguese, was encouraged

by the Zamorin, and grounded this rupture on finding on the shore the

body of the nephew of Mainale, a rich merchant of Malabar, which was

one of those Goncalo Vaz had thrown into the sea sewed up in a sail.

This action was not known then, and the blame was laid on Laurence

de Brito, captain of the fort, whose pass that ship carried. [This refers

to a vessel which Vaz had unjustly seized, putting all the crew and

passengers to death, whose bodies he subsequently caused to be sewed

up in a sail in order to prevent their floating to land.] The message

was delivered to him at church whilst he assisted at the service of

Maundy Thursday, and he immediately left the church, and went about

taking up from every one what provisions they had, and shipped the

men with such haste, [i.e. sent them to the fort in boats,] that those

who had lent their arms to those who watched at the sepulchre [the

imitation of the Sepulchre of Christ which is set up in Roman Catholic

churches during Holy Week] went to the church to disarm them. DonLoreuzo was captain, and had orders when he came to Cananor to obey

Lorenzo de Brito ; but Brito insisted that the other, as the son of the

Viceroy, and so famous an officer, should command. Don Lorenzo was

positive he would obey Brito as being commander of the fort, and in

pursuance of his father's orders ; but finding Brito resolved to persist in

that courtesie, and that it might prove dangerous, he left the relief,

and returned alone to Cochin. ..The besieged fortified and entrenched

themselves, the same was done by the besiegers, who were twenty thou-

sand strong. Much blood was spilt about the water of a well, but our

men, by help of a mine, made themselves masters of it. The Moors after

this loss retired to a wood of palm-trees, and prepared engines to batter

the fort. Our commander had intelligence of it by means of a nephew

of the king of Cananor, who endeavoured to gain our friendship. Heprepared to receive them, and when they gave the assault, succeeded so

well, first with cannon, and then with the sword, that he filled the ditch

with their bodies, which they intended to have done with faggots. They

returned to the wood, and Brito sending out by night eighty men, com-

manded by one Guadalajara, a Spaniard, who was his lieutenant, the

sally was so vigorously executed by the firing of some small pieces first,

in a cold rainy night, that the enemy in consternation knew not where

to save themselves : three hundred were killed. But this joy was abated

by the magazine of provisions taking fire, so that hunger began to rage,

and all vermin was eaten. The garrison, part sick and part famished,

284 THE TRAVELS OF

merchants of Canonor, who were friends of mine before war

had been made, and they spoke with me in this manner, as

you shall understand. " Fattore, on maniciar in ghene ballia

nochignan candile ornal patu maniciar patance maniciar

hiriva tu maniciar cia tu poi nal nur malabari nochi ornal

totu ille cura po;" that is, " O factor, show me a man who is

a brazzo larger than any of you, who every day has killed

ten, fifteen, and twenty of us, and the Naeri were sometimes

four hundred and five hundred firing at him and never once

could they touch him." I answered him in this manner :

" Idu manicar nicando inghene ille Cocin poi;" that is,

" This man is not here, but is gone to Cocin." Then I

thought that this was other than a Christian, and I said to

him :" Giangal ingabani manaton undo." One of them

answered: "Undo." I said to him: "Idu maniciar ni-

cando Portogal ille." He replied :" Sui e indi." I said :

" Tamarani Portugal idu." He answered :" Tamerani ni

Patanga cioli ocha malamar Patangnu idu Portogal ille

Tamaran Portugal piga nammi ;" that is, I said to him

:

" My friend, come here, that knight whom thou hast seen is

not a Portuguese, but he is the God of the Portuguese and

of all the world." He replied :" By God, thou sayest the

truth ; for all the Naeri said that that was not a Portuguese,

but that he was their God, and that the God of the Chris-

tians was better than theirs, and they did not know him, so

that it appeared to "all that it was a miracle of God." See

what kind of people they are, who stood sometimes ten and

was reduced to extremity ; but the sea being then rough left abundance

of lobsters when it went off the point of land where our chapel was,

which was the only relief the men had. The Zamorin sent a powerful

supply to the king of Cananor, who gave the last assault to the fort by

sea and land with above fifty thousand men, who were vigorously re-

ceived and repulsed with great loss, not one of our men being killed in

the action. But now arrived Tristan de Cunna, and the king of Cananor,

terrified with his coming, and the defence made by Brito, sues for peace,

which was concluded with great honour to the Portuguese valour."

Portuguese Asia, vol. i. pp. 121-124.

LUD0V1C0 DI VARTHEMA. 285

twelve hours to see our bell ring, and looked upon it as

something miraculous, and when the bell did not ring any

longer, they said in this wise :" Idu maniciar totu, idu

parangnu tot ille parangnu ille Tamarani Portogal perga nan

nu;" that is, " These people touch that bell and it speaks;

when they do not touch it any longer it does not speak any

more; this God of Portugal is very good." And, again,

some of these Moors were present at our mass, and when

the body of Christ was shown, I said to them :" That is the

God of Portugal, and of the Pagans, and of all the world."

And they replied :" You say the truth, but we do not know

Him ;" wherefore it may be understood that they sin without

knowledge. 1 There are, however, some of these who are

1 Varthema seems to have rehabilitated himself as a devout Romanist,

as easily as he had doffed his five years' profession of Islam. His apology

for the ignorance of the natives does him more credit than his pious

fraud to impress them in favour of Christianity. It may fairly be ques-

tioned, however, whether these people were as credulous as he repre-

sents them ; I think it more likely that, if Muhammedans, they would

have listened to his theology with supreme disgust. The narrative re-

minds me of the case of a learned and wealthy Tunisian, who visited

Malta about twenty-five years ago on his way to Europe, bent on seeing

something of the civilization of the West. One day he called upon mein a state of great excitement, and on inquiring the cause, he told methat he had gone to inspect the Arabic class at the Normal School at-

tached to the Government University, and that while there, an ablate,

who was among the pupils, insisted on drawing him into a religious

discussion, in the course of which he ridiculed some of the doctrines of

the Koran. The young Tunisian, who was remarkably courteous in his

demeanour, quietly asked him to explain the doctrine of the Trinity,

promising in case of conviction that he would at once embrace Chris-

tianity. Whereupon the ablate, taking up his three-cornered hat, re-

quested him to handle each corner successively. This done, the zealot

said :" How many angles are there 1" To which the other replied :

" Three." " And how many hats are there ?" The implied deduction

so horrified the pious Mussulman, that he left the school forthwith, and

came to inquire of me whether such blasphemous comparisons formed a

part of Christian theology.

The natives of India were well acquainted with the use of bells long

before the arrival of the Portuguese ; so that our author must have been

286 THE TRAVELS OF

great enchanters. We have seen them grasp serpents which,

if they touch [bite ?] any one, he immediately falls to the

earth dead. Also I tell you that they are the greatest and

the most expert workmen, I believe, in all the world.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ASSAULT OF THEPORTUGUESE UPON PANNANI. 1

Now, the time approached for the return homewards, for

the captain of the fleet began to load the ships to return to

Portugal, and I, having been seven years from my own house,

and from my love and good feeling towards my country,

and also in order that I might carry to it an account of a

great part of the world, was constrained to ask leave of mylord the Viceroy, which of his grace he granted to me, and

said that he wished me first to go with him where you shall

know. Wherefore, he and all his company put ourselves in

order in white armour, so that few people remained in

Cucin, and on the twenty-fourth of November of the year

abovementioned we made the assault within the port of

Pannani. On that day we came before the city of Pannani.

On the next morning, two hours before day, the Viceroy

summoned all the boats of the ships with all the people of

the fleet, and told them how that was the country which made

war upon us more than any other country in India, and

sadly at a loss for an exemplification of Mussulman or Hindu ignorance,

when he adduced in proof of it their wonderment on hearing the tolling

of the church bell.

1 This is the Pananie of Barbosa, the Ponani of Keith Johnstone's

Atlas, and the Ponany of Thornton's Gazetteer. It is situated thirty-

four miles south-east of Calicut, on the south side of a river of the same

name, close to its entrance into the Arabian Sea. This town must not

be confounded with Varthema's Pandarani, which lies to the north of

Calicut, which Baldams calls Panane, and which in Greene's Collection

is written Padarane. (See note 1 on p. 132.)

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 287

therefore he begged us all that we would go with a good

will to attack that place, which truly is stronger than any

other on that coast. When the Viceroy had spoken, the

spiritual father made such a discourse that every one wept,

and many said that for the love of God they were willing to

die in that place. A little before day, we began a most

deadly war against those dogs, who were eight thousand,

and we were about six hundred. But it is true that the two

galleys did not do much, because they could not approach

so near to the land as the boats. The first knight who

leapt on shore was the valiant knight, Don Lorenzo, son of

the Viceroy. The second beat was that of the Viceroy, in

which I was, and at the first assault a cruel battle took place,

because here the river was very aarrow ; and on the border

of the city there were a great many mortars, of which we

captured more than forty pieces. Here, in this assault, there

were sixty-four Moors, who had sworn that they would die in

that place or be victorious, for each of them was the master

of a ship. And so in the first assault they discharged many

mortars at us ; but God assisted us, so that none of our people

were killed here, but of them there were killed about one

hundred and forty, of whom the said Don Lorenzo killed

six in my presence, and he received two wounds, and many

others were wounded. For a short time the battle was very

severe. But after our galleys got to the land, those dogs

began to retire, and, as the water began to fall, we would

not follow them farther. And these dogs began to increase,

and therefore we set fire to their ships, of which thirteen

were burnt, the greater part new and large. 1 And then the

1 The attack on Ponani is thus described by De Souza :—" Tristan

de Cunna was on his return [to Europe] with the merchant ships, and

the Viceroy bore him company to fall upon Panane, a town subject to

Calicut, where our enemies landed under the shelter of four ships of the

Zamorin commanded by Cutiale, a courageous Moor. The Viceroy and

Tristan anchored at the bar, held a council, and then sent both their

sons in two barques with several boats, and they in a galley followed

288 THE TRAVELS OF

Viceroy withdrew all his people to the headland, and here

made some knights, amongst whom, out of his grace, he also

made me one, and the most valiant captain Tristan da

Cugna was my sponsor. Having done this, the Viceroy

began to embark his people, but continued burning many

houses of the said place ; so that, by the grace of God, with-

out the death of any one of us, we took our way towards

Canonor, and as soon as we had arrived, our captain had

the ships furnished with provisions.

them. They all went up the river through showers of balls sent from

the shore, which is high. The Moors ran into the water to meet the

boats, and killed three men ; but the dispute was now come to their

trenches, which some of ours mounted, and Peter Cam set upon them

Don Lorenzo's colours. The colours were flying, when the Viceroy,

seeing his son Don Lorenzo climbing with some difficulty, cried out

:

' Lorenzo, Lorenzo, what laziness is that V and he very readily answered :

' Sir, I give way to him that has gained the honour.' A large Moor

encountered and wounded Don Lorenzo, and he gave him such a stroke

as clove his head to his breast. The town being entered, all were put

to the sword. Then all the ships in the harbour and docks were fired.

We lost eighteen Portuguese : none of note ; of the enemy above five

hundred perished." Portuguese Aula, vol. i. p. 124,5.

Ll'DOVlCO DI VARTIIEMA. 289

THE BOOK CONCERNING ETHIOPIA.

To those who wish to make any profession of history or

cosmography, by which they may contribute both to the

common advantage, as already has been many times touched

upon, and to the immortality of a laborious life, there is

nothing more necessary than to be the tenacious possessors

of their memory, in order that, if anything has been pro-

mised by them in any previous place, they may be able to

perform it free from the defect of forgetfulness ; so that

there may be no one who may presume to reproach them

wantonly with negligence or lack of memory. Wherefore

I, having promised you in my proemium to display to you

part of Ethiopia on my return from so many involuntary

troubles, having now on my return an opportunity of ful-

filling my promise, will enter upon it with brevity, in order

that you may be able to arrive quickly at the end of the

work, and I to take repose in my country.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE VARIOUS ISLANDSIN ETHIOPIA.

On the sixth of December we took our way towards

Ethiopia and passed the gulf, a course of about three thou-

sand miles, and arrived at the island of Mozambich, which

belongs to the king of Portugal. And before we arrived at

the said island, we saw many countries which are subject to

u

290 THE TRAVELS OF

my lord the king of Portugal, in which cities the king main-

tains good fortresses, and especially in Melindi, which is a

realm, and Mombaza, which the Viceroy put to fire and flame.

In Chilva he has a fortress, and one was building in Mozam-

bich. In Zaphala, also, there is a very good fortress. I do

not describe to you what the valiant captain Tristan da

Cugna did, who, on his coming into India, took the cities of

Gogia and Pati, and Brava, a very strong island, and Sacu-

tara, extremely good, in which the aforesaid king keeps

good fortresses. I do not describe to you the war which

was waged, because I was not present at it. I am also

silent about many beautiful islands which we found on our

route, amongst which is the island of Cumere, with six,

other islands about it, where much ginger and much sugar

grow, and many singular fruits, and animal food of all

kinds in abundance. I likewise do not speak to you of

another beautiful island called Penda, which is friendly

towards the king of Portugal, and most fertile in every-

thing. 1

1 Mozambique, Malindi, Mombasa, Kilwah, Sofala, Angoxa, Pato,

Brava, Pemba, and the Comoro Isles. These places, with a few others not

named, had been seized by the Portuguese, on different expeditions to

and from India, between the years 1498-1507. Some historical notices

respecting the Arab settlers, who appear to have occupied them for cen-

turies before the arrival of the Portuguese, will be found in the Intro-

duction. The island of Socotra, which lies about one hundred and

twenty miles off the north-eastern extremity of the African mainland,

was captured by the fleet under Tristan de Cunna and Alfonso de

Albuquerque towards the end of 1507. De Souza gives the following

account of the occurrence :

—" De Cunna found here an indifferent fort,

not ill manned, nor unprovided. Being provoked by the Sheikh's

answer to his message, he resolved, though it were dangerous, to land

with Albuquerque. The first who leaped ashore was his nephew Don

Alfonso de Noronna, with a few but brave men. The Sheikh received

him with no great number, though much gallantry, maintaining his

ground, and threatening De Cunna, who, through a shower of bullets

and stones, made his approach to the fort, and was briskly repulsed by

the Sheikh, whom then Don Alfonso struck down with his lauce. Hence

ensued a sharp skirmish : the Moors endeavouring to carry off their

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 291

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ISLAND OF MOZAMBICHAND ITS INHABITANTS.

Let us return to Mozambich, whence the king of Portu-

gal (as also in the island Zaphala) derives a very great

quantity of gold and of oil, which comes from the main-

Prince, and the Portuguese to hinder it : till he and eight more being

slain, the enemy fled to the castle, which was scaled, and those whoentered opening the gate for the rest, a bloody fight began within, the

Moors disputing it to the last man. ..The Portuguese lost six men. The

natives [Christians] who had kept off, hearing of their success, came to

thank De Cunna for delivering them from the heavy yoke of the Muham-medans, and were received under the protection of the king of Portugal,

who having chosen Don Alfonso de Noronna to command the fort, if

taken, De Cunna gave it him, with a hundred men for garrison." It

would appear from De Souza that the island at this period was in-

habited principally by Christians :—" They are all Jacobite Christians,

like the Abissins. The men use the names of the Apostles, the womenchiefly that of Mary. They worship the cross, which they wear on their

cloathes, and set up in their churches, where they pray thrice a day in the

Chaldean language, alternatively, as in a choir. They receive but one wife,

use circumcision, fasting, and tithes. The men, comely ; the women, so

manly, that they follow the war, and live like Amazons. Some of them,

for propagation, making use of such men as arrive there, and even

bringing some by witchcraft. Their cloathing, some cloth, and some

skins ; their habitations, in the caves ; their weapons, stones and slings.

They are subject to the Arabian king of Caxem" [Keshiu]. {Port. Asia,

vol. i. pp. 116-119.) Dr. Vincent quotes Cosmas Indocopleustes as

stating that " the inhabitants of Socotra were Greeks from Egypt. Hewas not at the island, but conversed with some of the natives in

Ethiopia : they were Christians, and their priests were from Persia,

that is, they were Nestorians." {Com. and Navig. of the Ancients, vol.

ii. p. 342 n.) El-Edrisi describes the population in his time as being

composed chiefly of Christians, and his account of their original settle-

ment there is curious though obviously fabulous :—" Most of the inha-

bitants of Socotra are Christians, and the cause of this was that Alex-

ander [the Great] after he had overcome the king of Persia, and his fleet

had captured the Indian islands, and he had killed Mor, king of India,

his preceptor, Aristotle, having enjoined him to discover the Island of

Aloes, this subject was on his mind, owing to his preceptor's injunc-

tion ; so that after he had accomplished the taking of the Indian islands,

and had overcome them and their kinevs, he turned from the Indian Sea

292 THK TRAVELS OF

land. We remained in this island about fifteen days, and

found it to be small: the inhabitants of it are black and poor,

and have very little food here ; but it comes to them from

the mainland, which is not far distant. Nevertheless, there

is a very good port here. Sometimes we went on the main-

land to amuse ourselves and to see the country. We found

some races of people quite black and quite naked, excepting

that the men wore their natural parts in a bark of wood, and

the women wore a leaf before and one behind. These

people have their hair bristling up and short, the lips of the

to the Sea of Yemen, [which he never did,] and he conquered those

islands as far as Socotra, with which he was much pleased on account

of its fertility and the temperature of its climate, and wrote to his pre-

ceptor accordingly. When this news reached Aristotle, he wrote direct-

ing him to remove its inhabitants, and to replace them by Greeks who

were to be instructed to take care of the aloes trees, and to cultivate

them, on account of the several benefits to be derived therefrom."

(Part vi. of First Climate.) Marco Polo, a century later, describes

Socotra as the seat of an archbishop, who was subject to a Zatolia

[Catholicos] who resides at Baldak, [Baghdad,] by whom he was elected.

I infer from these several accounts, that the Christians at Socotra

were originally Nestorians, but that, following the example of some of

their co-religionists in India, they subsequently embraced the Mo-

nophysite doctrines of Jacob Baraddseus, whose followers were styled,

after him, Jacobites. In that case, De Souza is correct in classing

them with the Abyssiuians, who hold the same theological views, and

some of whose social habits these Socotra Christians appear also to have

adopted. On the abandonment of the island by the Portuguese, it

reverted to its original native proprietor, the Arab Sheikh of Keshin, a

small town on the north-east coast of Arabia. An attempt was made

on the part of the Indian Government in 1834 to obtain the island by

purchase, in order to establish a coaling-station there ; but 'Amr ibn

Tawari, the then ruling chief of Keshin, resolutely refused to entertain

the proposal, declaring that " as sure as there is but one God, and He is

in heaven, I will not sell so much (making a span with his fingers.) It

was the gift of the Almighty to the Mahrahs, and has descended from

our forefathers to their children, over whom I am Sultan." {Trans, of

the Bombay O'eog. Soc, vol. vii. p. 148.) The Christian population of

the island has entirely disappeared, and there have been no native

Christians resident there within the memory of any of the Arabs of the

adjoining coast.

LUDOVICO DI VAKTHEMA. 293

mouth as thick as two fingers, the face large, the teeth large

and as white as snow. They are very timid, especially

when they see armed men. We, seeing these beasts to be

few and vile, (we were about five or six companions well

armed with spingardc^ took a guide in the said island who

conducted us through the country, and we went a good

day's journey into the mainland ; and on this journey we

found many elephants in troops, and, on account of these

elephants, he who guided us made us carry certain pieces

of dry wood ignited, which we constantly made to flame up.

When the elephants saw the fire they fled, excepting once,

that we met three female elephants who had their young

behind them, who gave chase after us as far as a mountain,

and there we saved ourselves, and travelled through the

said mountain at least ten miles ; then we descended on the

other side and found some caverns, to which the said negroes

resorted, who speak in a manner which I shall have great

trouble in making you understand. However, I will en-

deavour to explain it to you in the best way I can. For

example : when the muleteers follow their mules in Sicily

and wish to drive them on, with the tongue under the palate

they make a certain warble and a certain noise, with which

they make the mules go on. So is the manner of speaking

of this people, and with signs until they are understood.

Our guide asked us if we wished to purchase some cows and

oxen, as he would procure them for us cheap. We answered

that we had no money, thinking he might have an under-

standing with these beasts, and might cause us to be robbed.

He said :" There is no need of money in this affair, for they

have more gold and silver than you have, for it is near here

that they go to find where it grows." We asked the guide :

" What would they then ?" He said :" They are fond of

small scissors, and they like a little cloth to bind round

themselves." They are also extremely fond of some little bells

for their children ; they also covet razors." We answered :

294 THE TRAVELS OF

" We will give them some of these things, if, however, they

would take the cows to the mountain." The guide said :

" I will see that they shall take them to the top of the moun-

tain and no farther, for they never pass beyond. Tell mo,

however, what you will give them ?" One of our com-

panions, a bombardier, said :" I will give them a good

razor and a small bell." And I, in order to get animal food,

took off my shirt, and said that I would give them that.

Then the guide, seeing what we would give, said :" Who

will drive so much cattle to the sea ?" We answered

:

" We will drive as many as they will give." And he took

the things abovementioned and gave them to five or six of

these men, and demanded for them thirty cows. The brutes

made signs that they would give fifteen cows. We told him

to take them, for they were enough, provided they did not

cheat us. The negroes immediately conducted fifteen cows

to the top of the mountain. But when we had gone a little

way from them, those who remained in the caverns began

to make a noise ; and we, thinking that it might be to fol-

low us, left the cows and all betook ourselves to our arms.

The two negroes who led the cows showed us by certain of

their signs that we need not be afraid. And our guide said

they must be quarrelling, because each would have wanted

that bell. We took the said cows again, and went to the

top of the mountain, and the two negroes then returned on

their way. On our descent to come to the sea-shore we

passed through a grove of cubebs about five miles, and dis-

covered part of those elephants which we had met in going,

which put us into such fear that we were obliged to leave

some of the cows, which fled towards the negroes, and

we returned to our island. 1 And when our fleet was fur-

1 The following is Barbosa's description of Mozambique, from which

it would appear, that in his time the Arab settlers, though subject to

the Portuguese, continued to exercise a separate civil jurisdiction :

—

" Passing Angos [Angoxa] on the way towards India, there are three

LUDOYICO DI VARTHEMA. 295

nished with all that it required, we took our way towards

the Cape of Good Hope, and passed within the island of

islands very near the land, one of which, called Mozambique, is inha-

bited by Moors. It has a good harbour, frequented by all the Moors

who navigate in the direction of Cefala, [Soiala,] Zuama, and Angos,

among which Moors is a Serife [Sherif,] who governs them, and admi-

nisters justice to them ; and these use the language and customs of the

Moors of Angos. In these islands the king of Portugal has now a

fortress, and has these Moors under his sway and government. In this

island [Mozambique] the Portuguese ships take in water, wood, fish, and

other provisions, and here those vessels that need it are repaired. In

like manner, from this island the Portuguese factory at Cefala is pro-

vided, both with articles from Portugal and from India, it being situated

in the highway. On the mainland opposite to this island there are

many very large elephants, and other wild beasts. The country is

inhabited by Pagans, who are very ugly men : they go naked, and

besmeared with coloured earth, e le lor parti vergognose involte in una

braca di drappo di borabagio azurro, without any other covering. Their

lips are bored,...each lip with three holes, and in the holes they insert

bones, jewels, and other trinkets." (Ramusio, vol. i. p. 289.) The

oppression of the Portuguese soon converted these comparatively '~ v.;;-

less Makuas, as the aborigines are called, into troublesome neighbours ;

for Purchas records an attack made by them on the colony as early as

1585, (vol. ii. p. 1553.) Their enmity was subsequently embittered by

the inhumanity of the slave-dealers, aud Salt gives an account of one of

their incursions in 1806, when " they destroyed the plantations, burnt

the slave-huts, and killed or carried off every person who fell into their

hands. They penetrated even into the fort of Messuril, and threw down

the image of St. John, which was in the chapel, plundering the one ad-

joining the Government House, and converted the priest's dress, in

which he celebrated mass, into a habit of ceremony for their chief."

( Voyage to Abyssinia, etc., p. 38.) The atrocities of the slave traffic

were revived a few years ago under the operation of the so-called French

Free Laboitr Emigration Trade, the Governor- General of Mozambique

taking an active part in the undertaking by despatching soldiers into

the interior to cooperate with the Arabs in their kidnapping expeditious.

" At first they were successful ; but, at last, the negroes, exasperated

by the bloodshed which had again commenced among them, aud attri-

buting it to its correct cause, viz., to the presence of the Portuguese

soldiers among them, rose and destroyed some of them, and the sur-

vivors escaped only with their lives, to bring to the city of Mozambique

the intelligence that all the natives had risen with the intention of

driving the Portuguese into the sea." (M'Leod's Travels in Eastern

Africa,vo\. i. pp. 319-2:3.)

296 THE TRAVELS OF

San Lorenzo, 1 which is distant from the mainland eighty

leagues ; and I think that the king of Portugal will soon be

lord of it, because they have already seized two places and

put them to fire and flame. From what I have seen of

India and Ethiopia, it appears to me that the king of Por-

tugal, if it please God, and he is as victorious as he has

been hitherto, I think that he will be the richest king in

the world. And truly he deserves every good, for in India,

and especially in Cucin, every fete day ten and even twelve

Pagans and Moors are baptized in the Christian faith, which

is daily extending by means of the said king ; and for this

reason it may be believed that God has given him victory,

and will ever prosper him in future.

THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.

Let us now return to our journey. When we had passed

the Cape of Good Hope, about two hundred miles distant

from the cape, the wind became contrary, and this because

on the left hand there is the island of San Lorenzo and

many other islands, amongst which there arose a very great

storm of wind, which lasted for six days. However, by the

grace of God we escaped any accident. When we had

passed two hundred leagues we had again a very great

storm for six more days, when the whole fleet was dispersed,

which went some here and some there. When the storm had

ceased, we went on our way, and never saw each other again

until we arrived in Portugal. I went in the ship of Bartho-

lomeo Marchioni, of Florence, dwelling in the city of Lisbon,

1 Madagascar, called San Lorenzo by the Portuguese, who are said

to have first landed there on the anniversary of that festival. Some

authors assert that the island was discovered by Lorenzo de Almeyda in

1506 ; others, that it was first visited by the fleet under Tristan de

Cunna in 15U7, on which occasion they had a skirmish with the Moorish

inhabitants of one or more towns on the eastern side of the island.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 297

which ship was called Santo Vicentio, and carried seven

thousand cantara of spices of all sorts ; and we passed near

another island called Santa Helena, where we saw two

fishes, each of which was as large as a large house, which,

every time that they are upon the water, raise a sort of

visor, I think three paces (passi) wide, which they let down

when they wish to go under water. We were so alarmed

at the force of these fishes in swimming, that we fired off all

the artillery. And then we found another island called

Lascension, 1 on which we found certain birds as large as

ducks, which perched upon the ship, and they were so

stupid and simple that they allowed themselves to be taken

by the hand, and when they were taken they appeared very

sharp and fierce.2 And before they were taken they looked

at us like something miraculous. And this arose from their

never having before seen Christians ; for in this island there

is nothing but fishes, and water, and these birds. Having

passed this island, when we had sailed for some days we

began to see the north star, and yet many say that when

the north star is not seen it is not possible to navigate save

by the Antarctic Pole. Let me tell you that the Portuguese

always sail by the north star, although some days the said

star is not seen, nevertheless the magnet performs its office

and is adjusted to the Arctic Pole. Some days afterwards,

we arrived in a beautiful country, that is, at the islands of

the Astori,3 which belong to the king of Portugal. Andfirst we saw the island of Picco, that of Corvo, the island of

Flores, that of San Giorgio, La Gratiosa, the island of

Faial, and then we arrived at the island of Tertiera, at

which we remained two days. These islands are very fruit-

ful. We then departed thence and went towards Portugal,

and in seven days arrived at the noble city of Lisbon, which

is one of the noble and good cities I have seen. I leave you

1 Ascension. 2 The birds vulgarly known as Boobies.

3 The Azores.

298 THE TRAVELS, ETC.

to imagine, my kind reader, the pleasure and joy I felt

when I had arrived on terra firma. And as the king was

not in Lisbon, I immediately set out and went to find him at

a city called Almada,1 which is opposite to' Lisbon. WhenI had arrived, I went to kiss his majesty's hand, who caressed

me much, and kept me some days at his court, in order to

know about the things of India. After some days, I showed

to his majesty the patent of knighthood, which the Viceroy

had granted me in India, praying him (if so it pleased him)

that he would confirm it, and sign it with his own hand,

and affix his seal to it. When he had seen the said patent,

he said that it pleased him, and so he had a diploma drawn

up for me on parchment, signed with his hand, with his

seal, and registered ; and so I took my leave of his majesty,

and came to the city of Rome.

^f Printed at Rome by Master Stephano Guillireti de

Loreno, and Master Hercule de Nani, of Bologna,

at the request of Master Lodovico de Henricis

da Corneto, of Vicenza. In the year m.d.x.

the vith day of December.

#£i3€>

1 In the edition of Ramusio of 1613 it is " Almeirim," where there

was a palace belonging to the kings of Portugal.

INDEX TO THE TRAVELS OF LUDOVICO DI

VARTHEMA, AND TO THE NOTES.

Abbassides, xxv ; 6'Abdali tribe of Arabs, 74Abdallab ibn Muhammed, 91

Kutb Shah of Golcondah,195'Abd er-Razzak ("India in the xvthcentury") quoted, 1, lxvi ; 94, 100,

125, 130, 131, 136, 146, 148, 177Abercrornbie, General, takes Can-

nanore, 123Abissins, 291Aboo 'Abdallah bin Ahmed Muhrini,

58Abraham (his sacrifice), 36, 41, 43,

44, 45; (and Ephron), 221Abubekr, (his toinb at El-Medinah),

27, 28, 46, 75, 103Abulfeda quoted, SO, 82Abu 'Obeidah, 28

Abyssinia, 47, 86; (bargaining- in),169Abyssinian army destroyed at Mec-

cah, 32 ; — mercenaries in India,

118Abyssinians, 63, 81, 84, 291, 292Achem, 230 ; see AchinAchin, lxxxviii ; 229, 231, 232

Head, 153Adam, first builder of the Kaaba, 41Adam's Bridge, 184

's Peak, 190, 191

Adders, deaf, 173Aden, 58; (described), 59, 60; his-

tory of the valley of, 58 ; Varthe-ma's return to, 73 ; again, 84

Adhdn (or call to prayer), 267'Adil, Shah of the Deccan, fix, lx,

lxiv; 115, 117, 118iElian quoted, 241JElius Gallus, 21

Africano, Giovan Leoni, xxvAgag, 22Agamos in Abyssinia, 47Agates, 107Aghani, E1-, author of, quoted, 22, 23,

32

Agila, 235Agnesina, Duchess, 275Ahmed ibn el-Imam en-Nasir, 80Ahmed, Shah of Guzerat, lviii ; of

Ahmednugger, liv

Aia Chatoteri, 197Aiain Campetit, 197Aiaz (city of Yemen), 74Ainslie's Materia Medica, 163'Akabet esh-Shami, 20Akbar, the Emperor, lxiv; 111, 211Akhdar, E1-, 33'Ala ed-Din Husein, Shah of Bengal,

lxiv; 212Alandrina (Fandaraina) lxxxiv

Albi, Countess or Duchess of, xix ; 1

Alexander, fables about, 58, 291Alexandria, 5

Aleppo, 7Alia Apostolica (dress sodesignated),

78, 112, 193, 201, 253Alberti quoted, 204Albuquerque, cix ; 94, 99 ; (takes

Goa), 115, 184; Commentaries of,

quoted) 224, 254, 283, 290'Ali, (alleged tomb of), 26, 74, 103

Bey quoted, 53Chelebi, 237Muhammed Khan's History of

Guzerat. See BirdAlmacarana (El-Makranah), a city

of Yeman 75, 76Almada, 298Almadea, (El-Maadiah), a kind of

boat, 154Almeida. See Be AlmeydaAloes-wood, 235 ; — Island, of, 291Am, Amb, Anba, Amba, Amra, (man-

go) 159, 160Amalekites, 22Aman (Hamath), 5

Amanni (Yemen), 57, 83'Amir ibn 'Abd el-Wahhab, Sultan,

57, 61

300 INDEX.

Amir Akbai, 7G'Ali el-Biiadani, 79Bar Sabai, 79el-Muamanin, 57

'Amman Seyyeds of Maskat andZanzibar, cxi

'Amr el-Jabraty, 76Amuck, running, 226Ananias, 12Anchors of marble, 153Andaman Islands, 229Anecdote of British law as viewed

in the East, lxxv

Angediva, Island of, 119, 120,261,275

Angos (Angoxa), 290, 294, 295Animals, at Honahwar, 122 ; at

Calicut, 172 ; at Tenasserim, 199Antartic regions heard of by Var-thema, xcv ; 251

Antelope, 46, 47Antimony, 102Antipathy of Hindus to the sea,

152Apes, 85, 172Aqueduct at Aden, 83, 84.Arabia, Deserta, 16; Christianity

in, 32; Felix, 31, 37, 53, 54, 57,

151Arabians, 224Arabic, Varthema's specimens of,

xxvi ; 29, 30, 31, 41, 49, 50, 62, 63,

6G, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 96, 97, 263,

267couplet, quoted, 236

Arabs, of Damascus, 14, 15 ; of

the desert, 17, 19, 20, 21 ; dress

and arms of, 55, 64, 65, 78 ; fights

with, 19, 20, 21, 35 ; the navigators

of India, 152; in India, 178;Christian, 32

Aracan, marriage customs in, 204,

216, 225 ; king of, 219Arafat, 36, 41 ; hurry from, 44, 192

Arcam, 22Archipelago, Indian, navigation

to, 153, 170 ; Varthema's visit to,

223 ; et seq.

Areca palm and nut, 144, 233

Aristotle, 291, 292Armenia, 15 ; writing of, 213

Armenians in Burmah, 217Arms and dress of Arabs. See Arabs.

Arms of soldiers of Calicut, 150 ; anddress of Ceylonese, 193 ; of Ten-asserim, 198 ; of fleet of Calicut,

275Army of King of Calicut, 149 ; of

King of Tenasserim, 198 ; of Ben-gal Sultan, 211

Arnaud's travels in Yemen, xlvii

Arrack, 164Arrian, 152Arrowsmitk's Atlas, lxvi ; 132'Arshiyyin, 62Artichokes, 190Artillery in Ceylon, 193, 255 ; none

in Pulicat, 195 ; among Javanese,254 ; made by Christians for theZamorin, 261, 276, 278, 279, 281.See Fire-arms

Artocarpus integrifolius, 159Arungzib, 126, 195Asas, ('Az'az). See AiazAscension, Island of, 297Asedegam, (Satgong), cxvAshrafi, xlvi ; 10, 13. See SeraphimAsiatic Society, Royal, 153Assemanni Biblioth. Oriental, quo-

ted, 213Astori Islands, (Azores), 297'Atar of Roses, 11

Atlas, K. Johnstone's, 286. See J.

Aumar, 103. See' OmarAustralia, supposed to be referred to,

251Ava, xxvi; King of, lxxxvi; 216,

217, 218, 219Azamini, ('Ajaini), 7Azemia, 8Azores, 297Azraki, E1-, 35

Babacher. See AbubehrBab el-Mandeb Straits, legend of,

58, 86Bab es-Salam at El-Medinah, 27Babylon, priests from, 180; Patri-

arch of, 181Bacam, 216Bachan, 245Backwaters of Cochin, lxviii, lxix;

155, 179, 180Badafattan, 132Badakhshan, 102Baduin. See BedawinBadulla, 189Bahal, 79Bahar, (a weight), 170Baharein Island, 94Bahinani Dynasty of Kalberga, lix

Bakhtegan, liii

Bakya at El-Medinah, 28

Balachsam, (Badakhshan), 102Balances, delicate, 168Balass rubies, liii ; 101Balbi, Gasparo, 213, 220Baldseus, Philip, quoted, lxvi ; 105,

132, 173, 180, 184, 185, 196, 286Baldak (Baghdad), 292

INDEX. 301

Balsam, jars of, 40Balthazar, Sequirius, 197Bamboos, enormous, 219Bamo, 199Banda Islands, (Bandan of V.),

lxxvii, xci ; 232, 233, 243, 245Bandar Hokkat (Holket Bay), Aden,

59Banghella, Bangchella, (i.e. Ben-

gala), (q.v.). City of, lxxx, lxxxii,

cxiv, cxv ; 38, 151, 19G, 210Banias, 20Bankers in Calicut, 1G8Barada River, 9Barakat, (Barachet of V.), Sherif ofMecca, xxxii; 53

Barbara. See BerberaBarbosa, Odoardo, quoted, lxix,

lxxvii, cxiv; 110, 131, 133, 154, 157,

180, 183, 184, 185, 188, 194, 197,

210, 222, 226, 230, 233, 234, 235,

240, 243, 245, 252, 254, 258, 286,294

Baretti's Dictionary, 107Bargaining, by fingers, 168 ; Orien-

tal, 221Barrygarry, 132Bartenia (Varthema), xviii

Barter with Negroes, 293Baruti. See BeyrootBaso, 169Batech (Batta), 256Batacola or Batcull, 119Bathacala, (Bathcal), Batcoal, or

Beitkul), lix, lx; 119, 151

Battle at Cannanore with the fleet

of Calicut, 276, et seq.

Bayazid II., xxvBebmendo, (I. of Perim), 58Bedawin, 15, 20, 23, 24, 34, 42, 43.

See ArabsBeef, cow-, 121, 122, 143Beke's Commerce and Politics of

Abyssinia, 169Bell-ringing impresses the Muham-medans, 285

Bellary, 126Bendeniir, E., lii ; 101

Bengal, Bengala, History of, lxiii,

lxxx, lxxxii ; 38, 151, 184, 196, 197,

198, 210; riches of, lxxxii ; 212;

Sultans of, 212 ; mutilation in,

258; postscript on, cxiv; site of.

See BanghellaBengallis, 224Beni Dhahir, 76

Thamoud, 34Benjamin of Tudela, 1

Bennett, Notes by Mr. J. J., 158,

160, 161, 233

Benzoin, 197, 234Berbera, 88Berey's Map of Asia, cxix

Bergare, 132Bernier, quoted, 100, 113Betel leaf, 144Beyroot, 6Bhajnugger, or Hyderabad, 195Bhnta (spirit's), 139Bhutan, 100Bidar, King of, 117Bigarrah, see Mahmud ShahBijapm-, Lxiv; 115, 117, 186, 194Bijayanagar, lx ; 116, 125, 177, 194,

212Biographie Uhiverselle, xvii

Birds ; of Calicut, 172 ; of Java, 253;beaks used for sword-hilts, 200

Bird's Transl. of Ali Muh. Khan'sHist. of Guzerat, lxiv ; 109, 110, 111

Bishops, Nestorian, consecration ofIndian, 182

Bisiuegar (Bijayanagar), 125Black damsels of Arabia, 65

Arabs,. 77and uncivilized people of Mo-

zambique, 292Blaeu's Cosmography, lxxx ; Maps of

Asia, &c, cxix

Blair's Map of Hindostan, cxix

Blemishes in British Indian His-tory, c

Blow-pipes, xevi; 234Bochor (as a name of aloes-wood),235

Boghaz Malacca (Straits of Malacca),lxxxvii ; 223

Bokhara, 100Bombay, 113

Govt. Selections quoted, 104,

106, 108Quarterly Mag., 117, 166, 168Geog. Society's Transactions,

29, 88, 89Boobies, 297Bood-Khana, 111Books of Muhaimned at El-Medinah,

26Boolak, 6Borah merchants of Guzerat, xlix

Bore at Cambay, lviii ; 106Borjeeh Mamluks, 6Bornei (Borneo), lxxvii ; 247Bows and arrows, 65, 85, 254Braccia—what ? 48Brahminical thread, 139Brahmins, 129, 134, 138, 140, 141,

142, 143, 175, 17G ; their feeding,

139 ; in war, 150 ; daily ceremonies,149

302 INDEX.

Brando's Dictionary of Mat.Medica,quoted, 102

Brava, city of, 290Brazil-wood, 197, 199, 222 ; origin of

the name, lxxviii ; 205Bread not eaten, 124Breastwork of camels, 20Brema (Burniak), 197, 216Bride assigned to Yarthema, lvii;

104British fleet aids Shah Abbas, li

rule in India, whether it hasimproved the average position of

the people, lxxiii

capture of Aden, 59Brokers, 168Browne's Travels, quoted, 13

Bubachar. See AbubekrBuceros galeatus, lxxix; 200Buchanan's Journey through My-

sore, Canara, and Malabar, Dr.Francis, quoted, lxvi ; 107, 121,

124, 132, 134, 141, 143, 146, 151,

155, 158, 167, 171, 179Buckingham, J. S., quoted, 12Buddha, lxxxv ; 217Buddhists, lxxxv ; 192Buddhistic Triad, 217Buffaloes in Tenasserim, 201Bunder Abbas, 94, 95

Jedid, 88Burckhardt, quoted, xxvii; 16, 17,

20, 22, 24, 25, 26, 27, 33, 34, 35,

37, 39, 40, 41, 43, 46, 52Burgara, Bergara, lxvi; 132Burmah, 216. (See Tenasserim, Pegu,and Ava.)

Burmas, King of the, 219Burmese Peninsula, political state

of in time of Varthenia, lxxvi—— dress, 201 ; prayer, 217 ; coun-

tries, then- intercourse with thewest, 215

Burning the dead, 151, 204, 206; of

widows, 206, 222Burnt Island, 88Burying the dead, 151Burton, Capt. B., quoted, xci ; 24,

25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 33, 34, 35, 36,

37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46,

53, 80his opinion of Varthenia,

xxxviBushmen, 47Buts, 142

Cabral, Pedro Alvarez, lxv ; 123,

156, 17S, 260Cabul, 100Cadelapalon (sp. of plantain), 162

Cadhi ; preaching at Meccah, 43 ; ofMoors at Calicut, 273

Cadjans, 163Cael, 183, 185. See ChaylCaesalpina Sappan, 205Caesar, Fredericke, quoted, cxvi ; 92,

126, 199, 215, 219Caicolon, Cacolon, Caincoulan, Cale-

coulang, Coilcoloan (Kayan Ku-lam), Lxviii, lxix ; 134, 151, 179,

180, 184Cain and Abel, legends as to, 12, 59Cairo, 5, 31, 37, 53, 103

Soldan of, 280Fashion of, 226

Calam, 216Calampat (Calambuco), aloes-wood,

236, 238Calcutta Govt. Gazette, 48Calicut, lxii ; 133, 134, 143, 260 ; de-

scribed, 135 ; Varthema's stay at,

Lxvi; ruined by war, 178; fleet of,

274, 275King of (Zamorin), 174, 260,

261, 273Manner of (i.e., Hinduism),

120, 124, 129, 131, 132, 134, 147,

180, 184, 195, 205, 209Calirnere, Point, 187Caliphs, Abbaside, 6Calligicum of Ptolemy, lxix ; 185Cahnet's Diet, of the Bible, 47Cam, Peter, 288Cambay (Combeia of V.), lvii, lviii,

lxiv ; 91, 92, 105, 184Camboja, 235Camels, 17; food, IS; intrenchment

of, 20, 31, 33, 37; dung-fuel, 42 j

of Sultan of Aden, 64Cammoos, E1-, 23Campar, 230Camphor, xciv ; 248Camran, Island of, 65Canara, North, 119, 120

South, 122Rajah of, 121

Canes of Pegu, 218, 219Canonica, 12

Cannanore, bri, lxv; 122; described,

123, 131, 133, 261, 265, 266, 268,

272, 274, 275, 276, 288 ; Vartheniagoes to, 280 ; leaves for Europe,c; 289; King of, 281, 283, 284;Portuguese fort at, xcix ; 270, 281

Cannibalism in Ind. Archip. 256;alleged, in Java, xevi ; 255, 257

Cape of Good Hope, 295, 296Capel (Kapal), a kind of ship, 154Capellan, alleged site of ruby mines,219

INDEX. 303

Capogatto, lxvi ; 132, 133, 275Capucar, 133Caravan of Damascus to Meccah, 1G,

18, 20, 22 ; leaves Meccah, 51 ; of

Cairo, 37; of India, 51.

Caravans from Cashmere to China,100Cardamums, 124Carnatic, Kingdom of, lx; 116, 125.

See Bijayanagdrcoinage of, 131

Cas (a coin), 130Cashmere, 100Cassia, 124Castenheda, 179Castes of Calicut, lxvii ; 141Castle of Damascus, 9 ; of Portu-guese at Cannanore, 270. See Ca n -

nanore.Cathai, Cathay, Catai, 101, 294, 236 ;

limits of, 213 ; Christians subject

to, 212Catigan, lxxxi. See Chittagong, Cha-

tigam.

Catholic of Babylon, 181Catholic missions in India, their

success greater than those of Re-formed chiu'ches, civ

Caussin de Perceval's Hist, desArabes avant l'lslamisme, 22, 23

Cantley, Sir P. T., 211Cauvery river, 1S6Cave on Adam's Peak, alleged, 191,

192Caxem (Keshin), 291Cazazionor. See Cogiazonor.Cefala. See Sofala.

Centacola (Uncola), 120Ceremonies; at the Kiiaba, 40, 41; ondeath of King of Calicut, 144 ; ofHindu worship, 149, 176

Cevul. See Chaul.Ceylon, lxx ; 183, 185, 187, 188 ; cir-

cuit of, 188; described, ib.;jewels

of, 218Chaberis, R., cxvi

Chalcedonies, mountain of, 107Chaldean tongue in Socotra, 291Chameram (Camran), an island in

the Red Sea, 54, 57Chapel of the devil at Calicut, 137Character of Persians, 102Charts and compasses, alleged, in

the Hajj caravan, 31 ; in the JavaSea, xciv; 249

Chatigam, Catigam (Chittagong),lxxx, cxvii, cxviii, cxix, cxx, cxxi

Chattra (umbrella), 150Chattrapati, 150Chaturi (Arab. Shakktur ?) a kind of

boat, 154

Chaul (Choul Chowul Cevul), a portof Concan, lxiv ; 113, 115

Chayl (Cael, Coil), lxiii, lxix ; 184Cheapness of Bengal, lxxxii

Cheo (Jooah on Indus), lv ; 104, 105Chiainjnana. See Ciampana.Chijs (Chinese), 225Children, mutilated, 258Chiloah (Quiloa, Kilwah), cvi, cvii

;

290Chievuli, 151. See Chaul.Chinese umbrella, 150Chingleput, 194Chittagong, cxvii

Chivil, 113Chofole (name app. to Areca), 110Christians ; Arab, 32 ; restrictions on

at Juddah, 52of St. Thomas, lxix ; 180, 181,

187merchants from Sarnan who ac-

company Yarthema to the fartherEast, lxxxii, lxxxiv, xc, xcv, xcvii;

212, 214, 219, 220, 235, 238, 241,212. 211, 246, 248, 249, 257. 258

, alleged, in Pegu, lxxxv; 217of Socotra, 291

Christianity in Arabia, 32spread of by Portuguese, al-

leged, 296. See Missions.Chunam, 144Chiu-ch, idol temple taken for a, 175,

176Churchill's Collection of Voyages,

133, 174, 184Ciampana (Sanipan, a kind of boat),

188, 242, 243, 259Cianchapalon (sp. of plantain), 162Ciccara (jack-fruit), 159Cini (King of— here apparently

Siam). 22 1 : and Macini, 236Cinnamon, 188 ; described, 191Cioromandel (Coromandel put byauthor for Negapatam), lxx, xcvii

;

151, 259. See Coromandel.Circassian Mamluks, 6Circumambulation of the Kiiaba, 40Circumcision, 291Civet-cats, 199, 218Cloete, Mr. Henry, 47Cloves and clove trees, xcii ; 245Cobra, 173Cochin (Cucin, Cuccin), 134, 260,

272, 286, 296; King of, 280,281;river or backwater of, 155, 179, 180

China, 235Cock-fighting, 200Cocoa-palm, described, 162 ; cuttingdown, a crime, 166

Coffolo (Areca), 144

304 INDEX.

Cogiazenor, Cozazionor, etc. (Var-thema's comrade from Persia east-ward), liii, lxxxiv, xc, xciv, xcvii,

xcviii, xcix; 103, 178, 188, 194, 210,

220, 242, 244, 248, 249, 257, 262.

263, 268Coil. See Chayl.Coilpatam, lxx

Coilcoloan. See Caicolon.

Coiloan. See Quilon.

Coins of Bijayanagar, lxv ; 130 ; ofCalicut, 151 ; of Sumatra, lxxxviii

;

232Coir, 164, 165Cole, Mr., Vice-consul at Juddah, 53Colombo, lxx ; 188, 189, 190Columbian, 181Colon, Coulani, Cotdang, Coiloan

(Quilon, q. v.), 134, 151, 182, 183,

184, 187, 259Colonna ; Agnesina, six ; 1 ; Fabri-

zio and Vittoria, xix, xxii ; Guido-baldo, xx, xxi, xxii ; Ascanio, xx

Colosseum, 38Colossochelys Atlas, 241Comari, a kind of tree, 245Combeia (Cambay, q. v.), lvii ; 105,

106, 107, 151Commerce, freedom and extent of

medieval Indian, Ixxi

Comolanga, a fruit of Malabar, 161Comorin, Cape, Ixiii ; 153, 183, 187Comoro islands, 290Companion of Varthema. See Co-

giazenor.

Compass. See Charts and Compass.Oriental names of, 32 ; whether

derived from Europe by the Arabs,etc., xciv

Compounds, 136Concan, lix, lxiv

Conti, Nicolo de', quoted, lxxxv;

105, 107, 125, 131, 135, 146, 188,

197, 205, 215, 217, 228, 233, 236,

240, 256Conversions to Christianity, ci ; 296Copper in Java, alleged, 253

Coptic Monks, practices attributed

to, 258Copyright of Varthema's Itinerary,

xxiv. See Privilege at end of In-

troduction.

Corals, 194, 195, 206, 214, 219, 220Corazani (Khorassan), 99, 102Corcopal, a fruit of Malabar, 161

Cornelians, 107Coromandel (polit. state of), Ixiii

;

125, 184, 186, 187. See Cioroman-del.

Corroboration of Varthema's descrip-

tions, xxviii, xxix, xxxi, xxxvi, xli,

xliv. See VeracityCorsalis, Andrea, 249, 252Cortor (a broker), 168Corvo Island, 297Cosmos, Indicopleustes, 291Cotta, Cottica, lxvi ; 132, 189Cotton and cotton stuffs, 8, 38, 107,

111, 114, 153, 198, 212, 222Cowries, 131Cows, unicorn, 87, stag-horned, 87Cow (dung), plaster and fuel, 155

killing, a capital crime, 174beef. See Beef.

Crawfurd's Descriptive Dictionaryof the Indian Islands, quotedlxxvii, lxxxviii, lxxxix ; 170, 205,

210, 223, 254, 226, 227, 22s, 229,230, 233, 224, 235, 238, 239, 210,243, 247, 252, 253, 254, 256

's History of the Indian Archi-pelago, 161

's condemnation of Varthema,xcvi, 255

, J., F.E.S., cxiii

Crecate, 133Creed, Muhammedam, 63, 66Crocodiles, 173Cross, Southern, xcv ; 249 ; appa-

rently referred to by Dante, 250in Socotra, 291

Crowds at Meccah, 38Crows at Calicut, 140Cruttenden, Captain, quoted, 88, 89Cubebs, in Mozambique, 294Cucin, Cuccin. See CochinCucumbers, 42 ; and melons, 124Cumere (Comoro) Island, 290Curia (Ar. Koraja, Ang. Ind. Corje,

a score), 170Custard-apple, 190Customs of the Hindus, domestic,

149

Dabul, Dabuli, lix, 114, 151Dadin, lxxxivDal (lentils), 107Dalil (guide to holy places), 26Dalhil (broker), 168Damar (Dhamar, city of Yemen), 82Damascus, 8; described, 8-16

lord of, 17Damota, 47Dant, see DanteDankert's Map of Asia, cxix

Dante (Daint, or Denn), a city ofYemen), xlvii, 75

(the Poet)'s mention of theSouthern Cross, 250

D'Anville, quoted, 185

INDEX. 305

Darb esh-Sharki, 33D'Arvieux, quoted, 7Dates given or implied by Vartheina,

see xxv, xxvii ; 16, 18, 36, 89, 90,

177, 266, 274, 289Date-trees, 74Davis, John, 197Days, short antarctic, heard of by

Vartheina, 251De ALtneyda, Francisco, Viceroy of

India, xcix, c ; 266, 271, 274, 280,281, 282, 286

Lorenzo, son of the preceding,xcix ; 271, 275, 276, 280, 281, 283,287, 288, 296

De Barros, J., quoted, lxxvii, lxxxix,

cxvii, cxx; 179, 224, 230, 234, 243,252, 272, 278

De Cabreira, F. de X., cix

De Cunna (Da Cugna), Tristan, c ;

282, 284, 287, 288, 290, 296Nunno, 211

De Britto or de Brito, Captain Lo-renzo, 124, 281, 283

De Faria y Souza, his PortugueseAsia, quoted, cxvii, cxx ; 179,

195, 256, 261, 271, 280, 282, 287,290

De Gama, Vasco (and Stephen),xxxix, xl, lxv, lxvi, cvi ; 24, 132

;

takes a temple for a church, 175 ;

his first reception at Calicut, etc.,

178De Guzman, Don Alonzo, liv

De la Roque, Voyage de FArabieHeureuse, quoted, 80

De Noronna, Alfonso, 290De Nueva, Juan, 178De Sala, Juan, his prudent reserva-

tion, 176De Silvoa, P., exDe Witt's Map of Asia, cxix

Dead, disposal of, 151, 204, 206Dead Sea, 20Deaths from thirst, 33Debtors, treatment of, in Calicut,

147Decan, Deccan, city and kingdom

of (Bijapur), lix, lxiv; 116, 117,186

king of, 51, 115; his wars, sol-

diers, etc, 118Decully, 184Dedication of Varthema's book, xx ; 1

Degradation of low castes in Mala-bar, 142

Denn, a city of Yemen. See DanteDennistoun's Mem. of the Dukes of

Urbino, xix

Deumo (Deota), 137, 139, 207

Deuteronomy, quoted, 20, 166Devil (apjjearing to Isaac, legend

of), 44 ; (worship, supposed),129, 137, 167; sacrifice to, 220

Devotion, acts of, among Joghees,112

Devs, 137Dhafir, Khan of Guzerat, lviii; 108Dhamar, 62Dhamarmar, 79, 83Dharma, 217Dbarma Prakraina Baku, king of

Ceylon, 189D'Herbelot, quoted, xxxi, lv, lvi; 75,

237Dhura (a grain), 74Diamond-mines, 107, 118

Point (Sumatra), 233Dictionary, Shakespeare's Hin-

dustani, 172. See also CrawfurdDifficulties in Varthema's account

of Borneo, 247 ; of Java, 254Di Solona, Fra Guglielnio, lxxxiii

Diminution of number of frequentedports in India since Varthema'stime, lxxi, lxxii

Dimne, see DanteDiodorus Sic, xc; 148, 241Diospyrus, 161Disease, Hindu notions of, 167Dishes (or discuses), cutting, slungby Joghees, 112

Disposal of dead in Calicut, 151 ; inTenasserim, 204, 206

Diu in Guzerat (called by VarthemaDiuobandierrmni), xlix; 91

Divers Voyages touching Discoveryof America, quoted, 206

Divorces, Muham., 14Djitel (a coin), 130Doondies, (kind of boat), 104Dora. See DhuraDormapatam, lxvi ; 131Dove of Muhammed, 45Doves at Meccah, ib.

Dragon, St. George and, 7Dress of ladies of Damascus, 14 ; ofKing of Joghees, 112 ; of peopleof Chaid, 114 ; of Nairs, 124 ; ofNarsinga, 129 ; of King and Queenof Calicut, 143, 156 ; of Ceylonese,193; of Tenasserim, 201; of Chris-tian merchants of Sarnau, 213 ; ofKing of Pegu, 219. See Arabs,etc.

Dromedary journey, 82Dromedaries, 126Drum of Damascus, 11

Dutch, rise in the East, cii ; in India,

123, 180, 195, 260

X

306 INDEX.

Eagle-wood, lxxxixj 235Easter of Indian Churches, ISOEating, Hindu manner of, 139, 147;

in Tenasserim, 201Ecclesiastical dissensions in Mala-

bar, 181Eden's old translation of Varthe-ma, 91

Edh-Dhafir, El-Melek, 61

Edom, 20Edrisi, E1-, quoted, 78, 81, 83, 86, 148,

182, 183, 237, 291Eedur, Eajah of, 111

Egypt, 5, 258Egyptian expedition to Yemen, 65,

75, 82, 83Elephant, Elephants ; teeth, 86

;

enormous, 241 ; of Sultan Mah-niiid, 109, 124 ; how he fights, 126 ;

his intelligence, 127 ; his dread of

fire, ib. ; employed to beach ships,

ib. ; have joints, ib. ; described,

128 ; how they generate, 129 ;

eaten in some countries, ib.; varie-

ties of price, ib.;

great under-standing, ib., 149, 151, 172 ; in

Ceylon, 189 ; in Tenasserim, 198 ;

in Pegu, 218 ; at Malacca, 225 ; in

Sumatra very large, 232 ; ship

laden with, 278 ; in Mozambique,293, 294

El-Fath el-Mubin quoted, 160Emanuel, King of Portugal, 260Emeralds, 252 ; in Java, 258Enchanters, Indian, 286English aid to depress Portugal in

the East, ciii

factory at Dabid, 115 ; at Kar-war Head, 119

Enna, (oil so called), 176Ephron and Abraham, 221Eri, (Herat), lii ; 99, 100, 102, 104Esau, 20Ethersey's account of the Bore, 106Ethiopia, cvi ; 31, 37, 38, 60, 85, 151,

289 ; King of, 49Eufra, a large river (?), mistaken for

Euphrates, Hi ; 101Eunuchs, 258Eusebius quoted, 32Expeditions of the Arabs to plunder,

17Experiment with aloes and benzoin,238

Ezekiel quoted, 8

Faial Island, 297Fail- at Berbera, 89Fakhr ed-Din, (of Lebanon) Amir, 7

Iskandar of Bengal, lxiii

Falconer, Dr. H., 241Fandaraina, lxxxiv ; 133, 183Fanom (Fanam, a coin), 130Fantuzzi, Notizie degli Scrittori Bo-

lognesi, xviii

Farasola, (f&rspila, a weight), 170Fath-'Allah tmad, Khan of Berar, HiFathers sold and eaten in Java,

Story of, 255Fatihah, E1-, Varth.'s version of, 268Fatomah, (Fatimah), tomb of atEl-Medinah, 27

Feet of Adam, impressions of, 191Female Hue, succession in, 143Ferishta Jan (aUeged origin of Pres-

ter John), 63Ferishta's History by Scott quoted,

115, 117, 118, 126, 211Fcrrah, (a measure), 170Ferrier's Caravan Joumies quoted,

101Ficus reHgiosa, 168Fighting of the people of CaHcut,

149, 150Filagree of Sumatra, 339Finances, remarks on Varthema's,HH

Finati, Giovanni, 40Fire-amis in Yemen, 65, 255 ; intro-

duced in Ceylon, 193 ; in the Ar-chipelago, xcvii ; 239, 254, 255

Fireworks frighten elephants, 127in Sumatra, 239

Fishes, gigantic, 201, 297Fitch, Ealph quoted, cxvii ; 108,

113, 116, 117, 143, 157, 158, 186,

194, 197, 211, 217, 218, 220Flaming weU at Aden, 60Fleet of CaHcut, 274, 275Flight of Varthema from CaHcut,

269Flora of Ceylon, 193Florence, Arms of, 9Flores Island, 297Floris, Captain John, 197Food, for Meccah, whence, 37 ; — ofpeople in India, 124; — of peoplein Java, 254 ; — bearing trees notto be cut down, 166

Forbes's Eas Mala quoted, 92, 106,

111, 137, 138, 139, 149, 168Forskal, death of, 77Fountains of Damascus, 11

Fragments of Portuguese Empire in

the East, cifi

Frang (Morb. GaU.), 156PraaeHa, see FarasolaPrederieke, see CwsarFrench disease, 156, 274

Free Emigration, 295

INDEX. 307

Fruitftdlest tree in the world (cocoa-

nut), 163Fruits of Damascus, 11 ; — of Ye-men, 54, 55, 75, 78 ; — of Calicut,

158, et seq. ; — of Ceylon, 190; —of Tenasserim, 199

Gabriel, Don Juan, on the unicorn,47

Gabriele Sionita, quoted, 81, 83Gallanga (a root), 106Gallas, 88Galleys, 287Gampola, ISOGanges, 211Gangia Begia, ib.

Garnets, 190Gastaldi's Map of Asia, cxix, cxxGautama Buddha, 192Gaza (Straits ofMalacca) , lxxxvii, 223Gems of Ceylon, 190Generosity, Eastern, liv

Genesis, quoted, 221Genoa, 50George, Saint, 7 ; — martyr, 12Gezan (Jazan), city of, 55, 56Ghalifkah (a port of Yemen), 81Ghassan, Ghassanides, 55 ; Ghas-

sani, 76Ghatafan, 23Ghori dynasty of Hindostan, lviii,

lxiii

Giava, 236, 245, etc. See JavaGilolo, xcii; 245Ginger, 124 ; described, 158Gioghi, see JogheesGirnar, fort of, 108Giulfar, see JulfarGoa, island of, lix; 115Goa (Gogha or Gogo, in Guzerat),

xlix; 92Goats at Damascus, 14, 15 ; — andsheep in Tenasserim, 199, 200

Gog and Magog, 237Goga (Goa), 115Gogo, xlix ; 92Gogia (Angoxa), 290Golchonda, Methold's Eelation of,

215Golconda, 107, 118, 194Gold, 86, 291 ; touchstone for, 168

;

— work of Sumatra, 238 ;— and

copper in Java, alleged, 253Goinbrim, Br. Factory at, li ; 94Gorj, see CuriaGoss-hawks, 199Gour or Luknouti, city of, lxiv, lxxx,

cxiv, cxvi, cxviii; 210Grapes, of Menin and Helbon, 8;Damascus, 11; 67; seedless, 70

Greek Christians, 8, 9Greeks at Juddah, 52Gregory the Great, 236Greene's Collection of Voyages,

xxxix; 124, 133, 139, 156, 170, 176,183, 185, 194, 197, 206, 211, 274,275, 286

Guadalajara, 283Guavas, 161Guei, a savage people of Siam, 256Guidobaldo, Duke of Urbino, xx ; 275Gunners in India, Frank and Turk,

261 ; Gunpowder in the IndianArchipelago, 240. See Fire-arms

Giizerat (Political state of in Var-thema's time), lviii ; 91, 108, 109,197

Guzerati tribe, 108, 109, 114, 151Gujratis, 224Gypsies, sea-, 227

Hadhramatxt, xlix ; 88Hadjer (Hagar), 41Hafun, Eas, 88Hajj route, xxvii; 33Hakluyt quoted, 92Halewacko or Kalewacko, 114Ffaly, see 'Ali

Hamath, Hamah, 8Hamilton, Captain Alexander,

quoted, 93, 113, 115, 119, 121, 122,

132, 136, 137, 141, 142, 148, 155,

170, 172, ISO, 181, 231, 252Haram at Meccah, 39. See MosqueHarini, morals of the, xlv

Harbour at Sedashevaghur or Bath-cal, 119

Hares and partridges in Tenasserim,200

Hasius, his map of Asia, cxix

Haswah, E1-, 26Hattia island, cxxi

Haweea tribe, 88Hawta, E1-, 74Heber's Joui'nal quoted, civ, cvHedjer (El-Hijr), 34Hedye, 22, 33Helena, mother of Constantine, 8Heemraj of Bijayanagar, lxi ; 125Herat, lii ; 99, 100Heresies and sects, Muhamm., 28Hicunera lxxxiv

Hidalcan, 117Hieronomo di San Stefano, 218Hijaz, European visitors to the, xxvii— Jews in the, 22, 23, 24Hijr, see HedjerHili, 132Hill, Eev. P. G., cxxii; 236Hinaur, see Honahivar

308 INDEX.

Hindu, religion and temple, 137;daily worship and customs, 149;great sacrifice, 176. See Book onCalicut

Hindus not navigators, 151, 152Hippon, Captain Anthony, 194, 195Hirava and Poliar, low castes ofMalabar, 142, 143, 170, 244

Histoire de Voyages, 91, 95, 99History, Modern Universal, 197, 198,274

Hodeidah, 81, 86Hogs, wild, 122, 172, 175Hornayoon, 211Honahwar, lxv ; 275Hondius, Map of East Indies, cxixHooghly, cxvii

Horaib, King, 121Hormuz (its trade and history), 1, li,

lvii. See OrmusHornbill, Helmet-, hrxix ; 200Horns, coiffure in, 64, 68, 78Horsburgh's India Directory, 106,

179, 180Horses, imported to India from

Persia, 123 ; nudes and asses notused at Bathacala or Cannanore,120, 121 ; not used at Calicut, 149

;

cost of, 126Hosh, E1-, 26Hottentots, 47, 48Houses of Calicut, their small value,

136Hujrah at El-Medinah, 27Humaioun-Nameh, 237Hun (pagoda, a coin), 116, 130Hunch-backed slaves, 246Hunting-grounds, 126Hurrur, xci ; 86Hyder Ali, 122Hydrabad, 117, 195Hyenas, 85

Iamgoma (Zimme or Changmai), 197Iana (for Java), lxxxiv

Ibn Batuta, Lee's Trans, of Travelsof, emoted or referred to ; as to in-

terior of Yemen, xlvii; as to Sat-

gong in Bengal, lxxx; cheapnessof BengaLlxxxii ; Muhammed kingat Sumatra, lxxxix ; Mombasa,cvii ; as to title of Easul, 63 ; city

of Saniia, 79 ; Zaila, 86 ; Goa, 115 ;

Honahwar, 121 ; Mangalore, 122

;

Cowries, 131 ; Dorrnapatani, 132

;

Pandarani, 133 ; Calicut, 135

;

female line of succession in Mala-bar, 144 ; Jack-fruit, 159 ; CochinBackwaters, 179; Quilon, 182;journey to Adam's Peak, 192 ; Su-

matra, 228, 229; name of China,237 ; Java, 252

Ibn Khaldoon, 22Ibrahim Pasha, 9Idols and idol worship of Hindus,

137, 138Imam, title of, xliii

of Miiskat, cxi

in the Moscpie, Varthema actsas, 267

Imams of Saniia and Yemen, 55, 74,

75, 78, 80, 81, 82the twelve, 75

Impalement, 147, 209India, Political State of Western, intime of Varthema, lviii

Major and Minor, 38, 51, 60.

See Table of Contents.

in the xvth Centruy (HakluytSoc, edited by Mr. K. H. Major),94, 105, 107, 125, 127, 131, 158,

177, 205, 240. See also Major, 256Indigo, 107Indigofera pauciflora, 64Indus, river, lvii ; 104, 105Inheritance in Calicut, law of, 143Injection, 264Inland navigation in Malabar, 179Inscription on gate of Mombasa, cix

Insignia, royal, 150Irawaddy, river, lxxxvi

Irons put on Varthema, 60, 61Irrigation works in Ceylon, 193Isaac, 43, 44Islam, Varthema's profession of,

xxvi, xxvii, lxv, xevi ; 49, 262, 266,

267, 286, etc.

in Sumatra, lxxvi ; 230, 231 ; in

Java, lxxvi; in Malacca, 223Isma'il Mulk, a saint of Yemen, 81

'Add Shah, 118Ismayl (for Ishmael, son of Abra-ham), 41

Island, largest, in the world, 247Islands, number of, in Indian Archi-

pelago, 259of Ethiopia, 289

Israelites, 20, 22, 166Istakar, lii ; 101Iunus (the Mussulman name ofVarthema), xxvi ; 69, 70, 102, 104,

263, 264, 266

Jaca, cix

Jack-fruit, 159, 160Jacinths, 190Jacob Baraddseus, 292Jacobite Christians, 291, 292Jaffnapatam, 189Jaggery (palm-sugar), 161, 165

INDEX. 301)

Jains of Guzerat, lxiv ; 108Jainal ed-din Muhammed, of Honah-war, 121

Janagurh, 108Janbeah or Arab dirk, G3Jangomai, 219Jarafattan, 132Java, political state of, lxxvii, xciii,

xcvi ; 228, 247 ; Varthema's visit

to, 248 ; religion of, 251Minor, 229

Javanese (in Malacca), 226, 227;words, 188, 224 ; features and cha-racter, 253

Jawah, 228Jazan. See GezanJebail, 7Jebel esh-Sheikh, 20

Warkan, 34el-Hazna, 35Nikani, 78Sabir, 81

Jerusalem, Lord of, 17 ; destructionof, 23, 242; —of the Hindus, 111

Jevkotee or asylum for vermin, 108Jewel ; merchants, 212 ; trade,

195, 218Jewels at Shiraz, 101 ; collected by

Joghees, 113 ; of the king of Cali-

cut, 156Jew beaten by Vartkenia, 66— maker of cannon in India, 262

Jews in Arabia, xxviii; 22, 23, 24,

32, 34Jezirah, meaning of, xlviii

Joah or Jooa, a port of Gcind. SeeCheo

Joan Maria and Pietro Antonio,Milanese at Calicut, 260, 272 ; lose

their lives through avarice, 273,

274Joghis (ascetics), lxiv; 111, 167

the king of, 111 ; bribed to kill

the two Christians just named,273

John Baptist's church at Damascus,now a mosque, 12

Jones, Sir William, 152Mr. J. Winter, cxiii ; 205

Jordanus, Friar, lxx; 181Joshua, 22Joiu-nal of Eoyal As. Soc. 200, 201,

206, 208—— of Indian Archipelago, 205Juddah, 24, 37, 51, 52, 53, 57, 192Judea, 22, 23Julamerk, 182Julianus, bishop of Alexandria, 32Julfar (a port in the Persian Gulf).

1; 93

Junks, 239, 258 ; origin of the word,210

Justice in India, lxxiv

highly praised by ancientwriters, 148

in Calicut, 147 ; in Tenasserim,209

Kaaba at Meccah, 39Kiiabiyyin, 62Kadhi. See CadiKakira, E1-, (in Yemen), 81Kahra, 62Kala Nuddi, 119Kalambak. See CalampatKalane gunga river, 190Kalberga, lix, lx

Kalila wa-Dimnah, 237Kalkiyan, 183Kalyam, 86Kandy, 189Kapokats, 133Karwar Head, 119Kasini Berid, of Bidar, lix

el Daulat el Ghori, 25Kattywar, 92, 108Kaukammali (Kaulani Mele), 182Kawlam (Quilon), 179, 182Kayan-Kulam, 180. See CaicolonKhaibar, 22, 23, 24, 33Khalifa. See CaliphKhan, Great, lxxxiii

Khans, 13Khawaja, Khoja, 103Khondeniii" quoted, 99Khorassan, 100, 103Khumbayat. See CambayKhutbat el-WakfahKeith Johnstone's Atlas, 155, 179,

180Keshin, 291, 292Kiilakarai (183). See Quilicare.

Killing, Sultan Mahmud's mode of,

110Kings ; of Corazani, 100 ; of Sam-bragante, 103 ; of the Joghe, 111,

273 ; of Cevul, 114 ; of Dabuli,115; of Deccan, 115, 117, 118; ofNarsinga, 116, 119, 122, 125, 129,

134, 187, 194 ; of Bathacala, 119,

121 ; of Onor, 121 ; of Canonor,123, 281 ; of Calicut, 133, 139, 143,

155, 261, 269, 273 ; of Cucin, 134,

280 ; of Caicolon, 134, 179 ; ofColon, 134, 182; of Zailon, 188,

190, 194 ; of Tarnassari, 195, 197,

202, 204, 207; of Pego, 216 et

seq. ; of Cini, 224 ; of Malacha,226; of Sumatra, 230; of Giava,251 ; of Portugal, 298

810 INDEX.

Kirillos, Bishop, 181Kistna, K., 196Kiswa, or curtain of the Kiiaba, 10

Knighthood conferred on Vartheina,288 ; confirmed, 298

Knighton's Hist, of Ceylon, 189Kock, Jacob, 47K( i 'litis, map of India, cxixKohl, 102Kolapoor, 173Koliaki, Koniaki, Koliki, 186Kolis, 186Kolkhi, lxix ; 185, 186Koolee Rajahs, 111Koord mercenaries in India, 118Koppera, 164Koraish, 46Koran, opioted, 34 ; committed tomemory, 122

Koru of Ptolemy, 185Kotacull, lxvi ; 132Koidan (Quilon), q. v.

Kow. See CheoKrapf's travels and missionary la-

bours quoted, cvii

Kuba, gardens of, 25Kunduz, 102Kui-rat el-'Ayim (corroborates Var-theina), xxxi; 50, 61, 65, 79, 82, 84,91Kurruni (order of Nairs), 139Kutb ed-Din of Delhi, lxiii.

Shahi dynasty of Golconda, 195

La Gratiosa Island, 297Lacca, Lacra, (Lac dye), 107, 222

wood, 238Ladies of Damascus, manners of, 14Ladrone Islands, cannibalism, 256Lagi (Lahej), 73Lahej, v. s.

Lamentation for sin, of pilgrims atMeccah, 43

Lainiyyun, 62Laniu, cvi

Langhuti (Hind, garment), 112Lane's Arab. Lexicon, 170Lapis lazuli quarries, 102Lassa, 100Latter, Major, 48Lazieva, cix

Lee, Professor S., translator of IbnBatiita, 63, 182, and see Ibn Bat.

Leet (in Red Sea), 54Legend of Muhammed's coffin and

its origin, 25, 31 ; of theThamudites, 34 ; of sacrifice

of Abraham, 44; of Muhammed'sdove, 45 ; of Meccah doves, 46 ; of

spider, ib. ; of Bab el-Mandeb, 58

;

of Cain, 59

Legendary sites at Damascus, 12Leila (Ar. DellM, a broker), 168Lent of Indian Christians, ISOLecpiios (Japanese), 225Liberality of King of Pegu, 222Library of the Fathers quoted, 236Light over tomb of Muhammed,pretended, 30

Lights of the King of Calicut, 1 74Lignum-aloes, 235Ligor, lxxvi ; 197Lions (qu. tigers?), 122, 131, 172,

199 ; animals like (hyenas),85

Lisbon, author's arrival at, 297Litta, Famiglie celebri Italiane, xxLoadstone and Muhammed's coffin,

story denied, 3

1

Loban (Luban), as a name of aloes-

wood, 235Lobo, Father, Voyage Hist. d'Abys-

sinie, 47Longevity, in Yemen, 78; at Hunah-war, 122

Longor (Ligor), 197Loheia, 81Lopez Juarez de Albergaria, 60

Journal of Thome, xxxixLords of Meccah, 35Lorenzo, a Christian boy, 274Louis XI, 80Lovers' custom in Tenasserim, 208Low's History of Tenasserim (in

Jour. R. As. Soc.) quoted, 200,

201, 206, 208Low castes of Malabar, 171Lubaniabi {Luban JCnvi), 197Lucknouti, 211Lucoes (Luzonians), 225Ludolph's Hist. JEthiop., 47

Maabar, 1S3. See MalabarMiiazibah, 62Mace, 244Machamuth. See Mahmild BigarrahMachian, 245Macin, Machin, Macini, 216, 236Macleod's Travels in Eastern Africa,

295Mad Prince of Saniia, 80Madder, 85Madness, Vartheina feigns, 66Maffei, 274Magino Patavino, Geography of, See

PatavinoMagnet. See CompassMahabar, 1st

Mahaffah, 33Mahagam, 189

INDEX. ill

Mahmud Bigarrah, Suit, of Guzerat,lix; 107, 108, 109, 111

Shtih of Kalberga, lis

Makarras, Mt., 75Mahratta State, 150Maina (bird), 172Majapait, 252Major, E. H., Editor of India in the

XVth Century, q. v. ; also xxiv, xe,

xcv, cxiii ; 240, 241, 249, 251

Makranak, E1-, (city ofYemen) . SeeAlmacarana

Malabar, History of, lxii ; 122, 123,

125, 135; low castes of, 171; in-

land navigation of, 179; Christians

of, 181. See Christian

of Polo, its limits, 183 Seealso Calicut, etc.

Malabars, Malabaris (people of M.),

189, 224Malabathrum, 234Malacca (Malacha of Y.), lxxvi,

lxxxii; 184, 197, 210; Yarthemagoes there, 223 ; once subject to

Siam, 224; climate of, 228, 245; its

capture by Albuquerque, 254, 258Straits of, lxxxvii, 223

Malapolanda(Valei-pullum) a plan-

tain, 162, 163Malatesta, Elisabetta, xxMalayalini, Varthema's specimens

of, 145, 146, 147, 150, 161, 16S, 170,

185, 202, 203, 204, 284, 285Malays, lxxxvii; 226, -ill

Malcolm's Hist, of Persia, Sir John,quoted, li ; 101, 150

Maldive Islands, 131Maliapoor, 186Malikiah, 76Malindi, cix

Maluco, Maluka (Molucca), 245Mamal Mh-icar, envoy to the Portu-guese fleet, 282

Mamale, a Malabar merchant, 283Mauiluks, Mamelukes, xxv, xxvi ; 6,

9, 10 ; at Damascus, then- ways,

13 ; Browne's account of, ib. ; Var-thema's enrolment among, 16; in

the Pilgrim caravan, 16, 18, 21

;

skill in warlike exercises, 19, 37,

51 ; 76; in India, 116, 117Manaar, 185, 186Mandelslo's Travels quoted, cxvi

;

115, 195, 198, 211Mandra, cix

Mangalore, 122Mango, Manga, Mangga, descript. of;

origin of the name; introducedinto Arabia, 160, 161

Manjerun (Mangalore), 122

Manners of Calicut. See CalicutMansuri Heights, 59Manu, laws of, 152, 166Manzi, Mangi, lxxxivMaps, early, showing Australia, 251;

of India from 1561 to 1740, cxixMar Athanasius, 181 ; Shimon, 182

;

Yiisuf, ib.

Marchioni, Barth., ci, 296Mardin, 181Mares, none in Narsinga, 126Mariam (for fire-amis), 239, 240Mariette's map of India, cxixMarkham,Mr. C. E., xciv, cxiii ; note

by, 249 ; his trans, of life and actsof Don A. de Guzman, lix

Marriage customs of Calicut, 141,145, 146 ; of Tenasserim,lxxix ; 202, 203 ; of Aracan, 204

Marsden's Numismata Orientalia,116, 232

history of Sumatra, 256Martaban, 215, 216; Lac of,

222Mciskat (Meschet of Var.), 1 ; 93, 94

;

Sultan of, 95, 182Imam of, cxi

Mass, The, of Indian Christians, 180Masulipatain, 194, 195, 196 •

Matchlock, 65Mathys's map of Asia, cxixManila, cannibals of, 256Mayer's map of India, cxixMebor, lxxxivMeccah, (its politics in Yarthema's

time), xxxii; 16, 18, 24 ; arrival ofYarthema with the caravan at, 35 ;

description of, ib. ,- its barrenness,37; food whence, ib. ; crowds at,

38 ; merchandize at, ib. ; the par-doning, ib. ; the Temple, ib. : theKaaba, 39 ; sacrifices at, 42 ; Sul-tan of, 49; Yarthema escapes from,52; 102; 151; 192

Mechuas (fishermen), 142Medayen Saleh, 34Medical thaumaturgy, 167, 168Medical practice, Yartheina's, 264Medinathalnabi (Medinat en-Nabi),

25. See MedinahMedinah, E1-, 22, 23 ; described, 25Medlar, fruit like, 161Medressaks (colleges), 83Melacha, 223. See MalaccaMelinde, 290Melintay, 216Melons, 124Menacheaz, captain of Diu, 92Menancabo, 230Menin, 8

312 INDEX.

Merghab, lii ; 101Mergui, English factory at, 198Meschet. See MdshatMethold, Master William, 197, 215Mezeribe (El-Mezarib) 16, 17, 18Milan referred to, 129Milanese at Calient, xcviii ; 260, 272Military matters at Calicut, 149Minau, 95Miriiat Sikandari, 110Mirabilia Descripta. See JordanusMirabolans ) lr..- ,„, , roMyrobalans )1<>M24,158

Miracle at tomb of St. Thomas, 187,188

, Varthema invents a, 284Mirandu, 216Mirzel, for brazil, lxxviii

Misr el-'Ateeka, 6Missions in India, Roman Catholic,

civ, cv ; 181, 296Mistake in distance, lxxxiv

Miswak (Mesuech of Vai-thema), atoothstick, 64

Modern Univ. History quoted, 197,

198, 274Mogoung, 219Mogul, Great, 119Mokha, 81Molaga, 233Molan (ammonan, a Ceylon mea-

sure), 190Moluccas, xcii; 245. See MonochMombasa, Portuguese inscription at,

cix ; cvi, cvii, cviii ; 275, 290Money, of Narsinga, etc. See CoinsMoney-changers, 168, 239Mongolia, 100Monoch (the Moluccas), xcii ; 244,

245Monophysites, 292Monsoons, 89, 153Montefeltro, Battista, xix

Moondus (hod. Zaila), 82Moors

—

2)assim for civilized Arabsand Muhammedans generally ; so

Moorish merchants, 114, 115, 119,

121, 124, 127, 132, 143, 151, 185,

187, 191, 194, 195, 197, 200, 209,263, 273

language (for Arabic), 9Moplahs, 123, 132Mor, king of India, 291Moresby's Sailing directions for Red

Sea, 55Mortars, 262, 278, 282, 287Mosaic work, 12Moses, 22Mosques ; of Damascus, 12 ; of El-Medinah, 25, 26 ; of Arafat, 36 ; —

great at Meccah, 38; of Muzdalifah,44 ; of Juddah, 52

Mosul, patriarch of, 181Mosullon of the Periplus, 89Motel, 245Mozambique, cvi ; 289, 290, 291, 295Muadh-dhin (caller to prayer), 267Muckwas. See MechuaMuhammed, the prophet, 23, 34, 45,

103 ; his tomb, 25, 26, 27, 28Kutb Shah of Hyderabad, 194Shah of Bijapur, 194

Toghlak of Delhi, lix

Bakhtiar Khilji of Bengal,lxiii

Muhammedan history in East Africa,

cvii

arrogance, 15sects, 74, 75. See Sects

travellers of the ninth century,182 ; legend of Adam in Cey-lon, 192. See Legends

call to prayers, 267saint, Varthema sets up for a,

263, 265, 269, 270Muhammedanism. See IslamMukdishu, cvi, cvii

Mul-Jawah, 228, 229Mummies, 33Muna, valley of, 42Munasika, 62Murad II. of Anatolia, lix ; 117Musiihhirs, 11

Music of Sultan Mahmud, 109Musk, 102Mustachioes of Sultan Mahmud of

of Cambay, lxiv ; 109Mutahhir, 76Mutilation of children, xcvii

Muzaffir Shah, lviii

Muzdxowir, 26Muzdalifah, mosque of, 44Muzungulos, cix

Myhee river, lviii ; 105Kanta, 111

Naei Jergees (St. George), 7Naeri. See NairsNairs of Malabar, lxvii; 124, 134,

137, 139, 141 ; marriage customsof, 146, 150, 151, 176, 269, 273, 284

Nainburi, lxvii ; 141, 142Names of Indian Christians, 180Naples referred to, 126,129Narsinga, or kingdom of Bijaya-

nagar, lxxi ; 124, 125, 151

King of, lxi ; 116, 119, 122,

125, 129, 187, 188, 192, 194, 198,211'

INDEX. 313

Naitravutty, 122

Nasir eel-Din Muliammecl Shah, lvii

Baghra of Bengal, lxiii

Navigation of Indian seas, times of,

153in Calicut,manner of, 152

Nebuchadnezzar, 22

Negapatani, Ixx, xcvii, 173, 184, 186.

See CioromandelNegroes described, 292 ; their man-ner of sj>eaking, 293

Nekrokis, 1

Nerbudda river, 107Nestorian Christians, lxix,lxxxv; 181,

212, 213, 291, 292Neuera-kalawa, 189, 192

Neyrin, liii

Nezwa, 94Niadis (a caste), 142Nicobar Islands, 229Nicoverra (id.) lxxxiv

Niebuhr (the elder) quoted, xlvi

;

24, 25, 42, 47, 52, 53, 55, 65, 74,

75, 77, 78, 79, 81, 82, 83, 85, 170Nigraes (Negrais), 215Nikitin, quoted (from India in thexvth cent.), 107, 111, 113, 115, 127,236

Noises, supernatural, 35North-east monsoon, xlix

North star ; steering in absence of,

249Nose, bleeding, a test of musk, 102Nueva, Juan de, 123Nutmegs, and mace, xcii ; 244Niitnieg Islands, 243Nuts, Indian (cocoa), 132

Oakum not used in Calicut shifts, 152Odia (Yuthia), 197Odorico, Fra, quoted, lxxxii, xc, xci

;

interest of his travels, lxxxiii

Odours in Mosque at Mecca, 39Oil (zerzalino), 86,166; (cocoa-nut),

164 ; called enna, 176 ; fromMozambique, 291

Oman ('Amman) province of, 93, 160'Oniar, 23 ;

(his tomb) 27, 28, 75Onor. See HonahwarOnyxes, 107'Ood (aloes-wood), 236Ophir (question about), cvi

Opium, 100Oppressions, Mamluk, 10, 13, 15Orang-laut, or Sea-Malays, lxxxviii;

227Oranges, 190O'Eiley's Vegetable productions of

Tenasserim, 205Ormus, 94, 104, 151 ; pearl-fishery.

95 ; story of Sultan and his family,96-99

Oryx, 46'Othnuin (his alleged tomb), 27, 28,

75, 103ez-Zonjily, 59

Ottens, map of Asia, cxix

Outrarn, Sir James, 159Ovis Amnion, 200Oxen not eaten in Tenasserim, 201Owen, Professor Bichd., lxxix, cxiii

;

notes by, 48, 200

Pacanet Joghis, 167Pacem (Pazem), 197, 230Padarane. See PandaraniPadripatain, 133Pagan kings of Dabuli, 115 ; of

Bathacala, 119 ; lord of Centacola,121; of Honahwar, 121, 122; ofCannanore, 123; of Brjayanagar,126 ; of Calicut, 136 ; of Caicolon,

180 ; of Pegu, 216 ; wives ofking of Moluccas, 246

Pagans of Calicut, their classes, 141

;

of Bandan, 244 ; of Bornei, 248 ;

in Java, 252Pagoda (a coin), 130, but see PardaiPahang, 224Palace at Bijapiir, 117; at Capo-

gatto, 134; of the Zamorin, 136,

155Paleachet, 194. See PulicatPalk Strait, 187Palm-trees at El-Medinah, 25Palma, what it is, 48Pambam Passage, lxix

Panane, Pannany, Ponany, etc., 132,

179, 275 ; assault upon, 286, 287Pandarani, Pandarane, lxvi, lxxxiv

;

132, 133, 175, 275, 286. See Fan-daraina

Pantamus, 32Papan, 161Parah (a measure), 170Parao (Prahu, a kind of vessel), 154,

269, 270, 275, 280Pardai (Pardao, or pagoda, a gold

coin), 115, 129, 130, 175, 218, 243,

258, 259, 273Pardoning at Meccah, 8Parrakad, 155. See PorkahParrots, 122, 172, 199, 218, 225Patavino, Q-eog. of Magino, xxx,

cxix ; 196, 215, 219, 230Pate, Pati, city of, cix ; 290Patriarchs, Nestorian and Jacobite,

181; Chaidsean, 181, 182Paid, St., legendary sites at Damas-

cus, 12

:*U INDEX.

Pay of Mamluks, 13 ; of soldiers at

Calicut, 151Peacocks, 122, 172, 198Pearls, 94, 27:5; fishery of, 1; 93, 95,

185, 186Pedir (l'ider of Vartheina), xxvi

;

197, 228, 230Pegu (Pego of Varthema), lxxvi,

lxxxiv ; 151, 184, 194, 197 ; dete-

rioration of, 199, 214 ; described,

215, 217; history of, ib.

king of, lxxxvi ; 219 ; his pomp,wealth, and liberality, 220-222

Peguans, 224Pemba, Penda, island of, cvi, cix

;

290Pennaconda, 126Pepper, lxxxix ; 124; described, 157

;

in perfection, 180, 233long, 233

Peradenia, 189Percatti, 155, 180Perchoara, 197Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, 185,

196, 219. See Vincent

Persepolis, 47, 150Persia, remarks on Varthema' s tra-

vels in, lii ; 38, 60 ; book concern-ing, 91, 94, 99 ; ambassador from

to India, 115, 151, 197Malcolm's History of. See Mal-

colmPersian, Varthema passes for a, 220,

242Persians trading at Aleppo", 7, 101,

102, 214, 224Perim or Mayun, island of, 58Perumbh, island of (Gruzerat), 93Perwuttum, 111Petra, 20Phoenix, beak of, 200Phaseolus Aconitifolius, 107Physician, Varthema acts as, 263Physicians in Calicut, 167Picco Island, 297Pider. See PedirPiero Antonio, a Milanese. See

MilanesePigafetta quoted, lxxvii; 102, 233,

243, 245, 256Pilgrimages of the king of Joghees,

111Pilots of the desert, 31, 33Pinjreepols or Brute-hospitals, 108Pinkerton's Collection of Voyages,quoted, cxvii ; 94, 100, 102, 105,

107, 108, 113, 115, 118, 119, 121,

124, 127, 132, 134, 136, 137, 139,

141, 143, 144, 146, 148, 152, 155,

157, 167, 170, 172, 180, 182, 184,

186, 188, 193, 195, 198, 200,201,204, 209, 216, 218, 220, 231, 252

Pinto, F. Mendez, 206, 208, 209, 213Piracies of Porcat, 155Pitch in ship-building, 152

Pitts, Joseph, Faithful account ofthereligion and manners of the Ma-hometans, 38, 43

Piyadasi, edicts of, 108Plantain, 1(52, 163Pliny quoted, 47, 152, 241

Pococke quoted, 7

Poison eaten daily by Sultan Mah-mud, 109

Poisoned darts, 254Poliars, Poulias, Poulichees (a low

caste of Malabar), lxvii, lxxiii

;

142, 143,171, 211

Polo, Marco, quoted, 1, xci ; 94, 139,

148, 152, 153, 183, 185, 188, 193,

213, 229, 292Polyandry in Malabar, lxvii ; 146Polygamy, Muhammedan, 14Pomp of the king of Decan, 118Ponipey, 23Ponany, Ponany. See PananePopulation of Juddah, 53 ; of Aden,

59; of Herat, 100; of Bijapur,

117; of Quilon, 182; of Tenas-serim, 198

Porkah, Porca, Porcai (Parrakad),154, 180

Portugal, king of, lord of the ocean,

50, 122, 123 ; Emanuel, 260 ; re-

ceives Varthema, 298Portuguese in India, their piracies,

xxxix ; expelled from Hormuz, li

;

at Cannanore, lxv ; at Negapatam,xcvii; Catholicism in India,

ciii ; their fanatical violence, c

;

rapid rise and decay of their com-mercial empire, ci, cii; first ap-

pearance in Indian Seas, 61 ; onArabian coast, 65, 93, 94, 95 ; at

Diu, 92 ; capture Dabul and Goa,115, 118, 119, 121, 122, 123, 124,

131, 132 ; at war with king of

Calicut, 156, 175, 178, 182, 184,

187 ; arrived in Ceylon, 193 j at

Pulicat, 195; in Bengal, 211; in

the Archipelago, 233, 260; then'

ships and castle at Cannanore,266, 274 ; bravery, 280, 281, 282

in East Africa, cviii ; decay of

their power there, ex

Asia, by De Faria y Souza,

translated by S evens. See DeF.Prayer, Varthema set to lead, in

mosque, 267Prester John, 63, 86, 96

INDEX. 315

Pridhani's Ceylon and its Dependen-cies, 190, 191

Prinsep, J., quoted, 116, 130, 170Prison, Varthema in, 65Prisoners of Sultan of Aden, 84Privileges of Mamhiks, 13

Joghees, 112Profligate customs of Tenasserim,

202-204Prom, 216Property, change in distribution of,

in India under British, lxxiii

Prosperity of India in Varthema'

s

time, lxxiii

Ptolemy, 185, 211,230Pua (Morbus Gallic), 274Pulicat, lxxi ; 194

Pulwan, lii; 101Punishments in Sumatra, 231Purbi dynasty in Bengal, lxii

Purchas quoted, cxvi ; 197, 198, 295Pygmies, alleged Jewish, 23, 24

Quarterly Review on unicorns, 48Queda, lxxvi; 197Queen of Aden, and her dealings

with Varthema, 65, 66, 68, 70, 71,

72, 73Quelijos (Chulias or Telugus), 224Quilicare (Killacarai), lxix; 183,185Quiloa (Kilwah), 274 See KilwahQuilon(Colam, Colon, etc.), bm, lxiii,

brix, xcvii ; 179, 180, 181, 182, 183,

186, 271Quintus Curtius, 166

Rabbi Kimchi, 205Radaa el-'Arsh, 61, 62, 67Raglan castle referred to, 1 17Rainy season, 153Rajah. See KingRajavali quoted, 189, 193Rajemal, 211Rajim ("the Lapidated"), 45Rajpeepla Hills, 107Rakik, a slave, 81Ram, 185Rama Point, 185Rama's Bridge, 185Ramadhan, 11, 13Ramanad-buram, 185Ranri-Cerani (Rameswaram), 185Ramlah, E1-, 26Ramonan Coil, Raman-Koil, Rani-manana Kojel, 185, 186

Ramraj of Bijayanagar, lx

Ramtha, 17Ramusio, his Preface to Varthema,

xxi

quoted, cxv, cxvii ; 107, 110,

132, 133, 159, 180, 183, 184, 185,

197, 205, 211, 222, 223, 226 230,

246, 249, 252, 254, 256, 258, 295,

298Rao Mandalik, 108Raolconda diamond mines, 118Ras Hafun, 88Ratnapoora, 190Reame (Yerhn—in Yemen), 77Red Soil of Sodom, 19— Sea, difficult navigation of, 54, 57Renegade Christians, 13, 16Rennell's Mem. of a Map of Hin-dostan quoted, lxxxi, cxx; 211

Reservoirs near Meccah, 36ancient, 95

Rhada. See RadtiaRhavan, 185Rhinoceros, 87Rhubarb, 100, 101Richard quoted, 204Rice, cultivation of, 166 ; abundant,

120, 121, 187, 195 ; imported intoCeylon, 192

Robertson, Dr., xxivRobinson, Dr. Ed., quoted, 47Roman Catholic. See MissionsRome, Varthema reaches, 298Roses of Damascus, 11, 122Rose-water, 81

Apple, 161Route of Varthema in Yemen, xlvii

Roxbiu'gh's Flora Indica, 160, 163Roya (Coir), 164Ruah er-Ruah, quoted in corrobora-

tion of Varthema, xxxv, xliii ; 65,

76, 79, 91, 92Rubies ; Balass, 101 ; of Pegu, 218,

219 ; of the King of Pegu, 220, 221,

243Ruby-mines, 102, 190Rupat, island of, 223Rutnagherry, 114

Sachia Lama, 48Sacrifices on the Meccah Pilgrimage,37,42; Hindu, 138, 139, 176

Sacrifice Rock, 132Sacutara

—

Socotra, q. v.

Sadkawan (Satgong), lxxxSafetica (Assafwtida), 106Saffragam, 190Saffron, 194, 195Sahlah, 80Sahn, E1-, 26Said, grandson of 'Ali, cvii

Sails of Indian ships, 153Saint Peter and St. Paul, xevi ; 248

Pan! quoted, 139

316 INDEX.

Saint Thomas, tomb of, 186, 187;miracle of, 1 87 ; Christians of, see

ChristianSaints, Mussulman, 73 ; Varthema

sets up for one, 263 et seq.

Salah ed-Din (Saladin), 59Salamander, 173Saleh the prophet, 34Sale's Koran, 75, 192Salt made, 57Salt's visit to Abyssinia, 295Samara, 229Samarcand, liv; 100, 103Sambragante, Samarcand, q. v.

Sambuchi (Sanbuk), a kind of ship,

154Samiyyin, 62Samis, a damsel offered in marriage

to Varthema, lvii, xc ; 104Samory, Sammoryn. See ZamorinSampan (kind of boat). See Chiam-pcmi.

Samuel, 22Sanaa, city of, 57, 61 ; besieged, 62,

63 ; described, 78Imam of, 74, 75, 76

San Giorgio, Island, 297— Giovanni in Fonte referred to,

175— Lorenzo (Madagascar), 296— Vicenzo, ship, ci ; 297Santa Helena Island, 297

Maria Eotondo referred to, 81Santo Stephano, Hieron. di, 158Sanay or Sandoy, lxxxiii

Sand, sea of, 33Sandal-wood, lxxxix; 121, 222, 225

powder, 112Sanga, 217Saniyah Kuda, at Meccah, 35Sanson's Map of Asia, cxix

Sapeto, Padre, xci

Sappan, 205Sapphires, 190, 218Saraphi, Sarafi (gold coin). See

Ashrafi and Serafim)Sarana Perimal of Malabar, lxii

Saris, 107, 170, 206, 212Sarnau and its Christians, lxxxii;

212, 213, 235, 236, 237, 259. SeeChristians

Sarrano, Joao, 272, 277Saru (a starling or maina?), 172Satan, 59Satgong, Satigan, lxxii, lxxx, lxxxi,

cxv, cxvi, cxvii, cxviii, cxix, cxxi

Sathanas (Hindu idol), 138, 176

Sati in Tcnasserim, 206, 208, 222Satrap, etymol. of, 150

Sattara district, 117

Saul, 22

Savain, Capt., of Goa, 116Scaliger, J. C, 161Schirazo (Shiraz), q. v.

Sciamuthera, 228Scorpions, 173Scott's Ferishta, 115, 116Scutella or Scodella, 204Sea, men of the, lxxxviii ; 227 ; Red.

See Bed. fighting of Javan-ese, 254

Seaports of India in Varthema'stime, lxxi

Seasons in Tenasserim, 202Sechaniir (Sheikh 'Amir), 83, 84. SeeSultan of Aden

Sects, Muhammedan, lv ; 75, 103, 119Sedashevaghur, lx ; 119,121Sedashwa, Rao of Soonda, 1 19Seemann's Pop. Hist, of Palms, 163-4Seerah, Island of (Aden), 59Selim I., xxvSemi-white people, 201Seraphim of gold, 29, 73, 115. See

AshrafiSerindib, 183Sermon at Meccah, 43 ; before

battle, 287Serpent, mortar called, 2S2

charmers, 286Seipents in Calicut, protected, 1 73,

174; very large in Sumatra, 24 L

Seutter's map of India, cxix

Seyyeds of Maskat, xliii, cxi

Sforza, Battista, xix

Shah Abbas, 94Ismai'l es-Sufi, 103

Shakespeare's Hind. Diet., 172Shamstin range at Aden, 59Shaytan el-Kabir, 45Sheep killed by Varthema, 66 ; fat-

tailed, 77; Berbera, 87; twist-tailed, ib, ; 122 ; and goats in Te-nasserim, 199 ; with deer's horns,200

Sheikh Mahmiid, 35Shells of turtle, great, 240Sheravatty river, 121

Sherif of Meccah, xxx; name denned,36 ; of Mozambique, 295

a coin. See AshrafiSherjebi tribe, 81

Shi'ahs. See Sects

Shibriyah, 33Shields, Arab, 64Ships, of Honahwar, 122; building

of, in Malabar, 152 ; of Tenasserim,210; of Pegu, 219

Shiraz, liii; 100, 101, 102, 103

Shravakas, a caste of Jains, 108

INDEX. 317

Skugduf, 33Siain, lxxvi; 196, 198, 200, 201, 213,

215, 224 ; funeral of king of, 213 ;

cannibals in, 256Siamese, their use of elephants, 127

;

221Sick, how treated at Calicut, 1 67Sickness feigned by Vartherna, 52,

72,85Sikander Shah, of Malacca, 224Sikkirn, Eajah of, 48Silam, lxxxiv

Silk, 38, 75, 100,107, 111; in Burnaah,199, 222 ; in Sumatra, lxxxix ; 234 ;

in Java, 252Silken stuffs, 212, 225Silon (Siam),213Simon Martin, valour of, 278Sin and Machin, what they stand

for, 236Sinabaff, 212, 269Sinai, Mount, 34Sinbad, 240Singani (Zingani—gypsies), 112Sio, cix

Sirian, 218Siva and Parbati on a coin, 116, 192Slaves, Abyssinian, 63

trade, 86Slings, 56, 64, 65, 85Soarez, Lope, 179Socotra, Is., of, 58, 283 ; and its

Christians, 290-2U2Sodom and Gomorrah, 19, 20Sofala, cvi ; 290, 291, 295Soffi, liv; 103Soldan of Cairo, 280. See SultanSomalis, S8, 89Somario de' Eegni, in Eamusio,

lxxxiv, cxv ; 197Song birds of Calicut, 172Sornau, empire of, 213Sosikoore, 186Southern Continent, xcv; 251

cross, ib.

Speed's Map of Asia, cxix

Spelling of Vartherna' s name, xviii

Spice Islands, Vartherna' s voyageto, xc, xci; 241

Spices, in Yemen, 80, 82 ; in India,

1 24 ; —, navigation for, 1 53 ; in

Malabar, 157, 187 ; trade in, at

Malacca, 224Spider and Muhammed, legend of,

46Spikenard, 106Spinelles, 218Spingarde, 262, 293Spodium, 102Sree Pada, 191

Stags, 122Standard of King of Calicut, 150Stature of Adam and Eve, 192Steering by Southern Stars, 249Stern, Eev. Mi-., quoted, 79Stevens's Translation of Portuguese

Asia. See De FariaStewart's History of Bengal, 211Stone pile near Meccah, 44

houses in Pegu, 217Strabo quoted, 21, 241Stuffs of Bengal, 212Stupidity of Banda people, 244Submarine ruins at Calicut, 136Sudi-as, 124, 134Sufi, Sheikh, Lx

'Isma'il Es-, Shah of Persia, lv

sect and dynasty, 103

Sugar-, 82, 120; cocoa-palm, 164, 165Sulacho, 256Suleiman Pasha, 65, 92

the Voyager, 237Sultan, of Meccah, 36, 49 ; of Adenand South. Yemen, 'Arniribn'Abd-el-Wahhab, 57, 61, 63, 71; his

riches, 77; he besieges Sanaa, 79,

80, 81, 82; his history and monu-ments, 83 ; his prisoners, 84 ; of

Egypt, Kansooh el-Ghoree, xxv;

6, 7, 9, 10, 17, 36, 52, 53, 59, 65;Bin Seif, of Oman, 94 ; HuseinMirza of Herat, 99; Mahmud of

Canibay, see Mahmud, etc.; of

Omius and his family, 98, 99Sidtan's palace on Bosphorus, 150Sumatra, lxxvi, lxxxiv, lxxxviii; 151,

153, 184, 197, 223; name of, 228,

229 ; copper in, 253 ; cannibalismin, 256

Sumba, 225Sumoltra (Sumatra), lxxxiv

Sumpitan or blow-pipe, 254Sun, gender of, lvii ; casts shadow to

south, 257Sundas, country of, 252Sundeep, Island of, cxxi

Sunnis and Shi'ahs. See Sects

Superstitions about serpents, 174Swimming of the Moors, wonderful,

279Sydenham's account of Bijapur, 117Symes's Ava, Col. Michael, lxxxiv;

201, 216Syria, Vartherna goes to, 6, 38, 151

Syriac ritual, 181Syrian Jacobites, 181

Ta'ez (Taesa of Vartherna), 76, 80Taghtakin, 59

318 INDEX.

Tagliacozzo, Duchess of, xix ; I

Takruri, 43Takktrawan, 33Tala-cori of Ptol., 185Talikote, battle of, 125Tamboli, Pan leaf, 1 10Tanterani (Tambaran), 137Taniuri Rajah, (Zaruorin), 134Tanda (in Bengal), 211Tangu, 216Tanjong Parlak, 233Tank, tenijue in a, 175Tannah, 113

Taprobane (identified by Vartliemawith Sumatra), 185, 197, 229

Tar, Tare, a coin, 130Tardiness of British justice, lxxiv

Tarikh Thagr 'Aden, 58Tarnassari (Tenasserhn), 188, 195,

196, 198, 216, but see Te7iasserim

Tartary, 101, 102Tavernier quoted, 100, 118, 218Tavoy, 215Tawaf at the Kaaba, 40Teeth, black, 151

Telingana. 194, 195Tellicherry river, 131Telugu, 229Temple, at Meccah, 38 ; at Calicut

described, 137; in a tank, 175;taken for a church, ib.

Tenacerim, 197Tenasserim, lxxvi, vide lxxviii ; 1 96,

215. See TarnassariTenga (Tangka— the cocoa-nut),

163Tennent, Sir J. E., Ceylon by, lxx

;

189, 190, 193Teraphim (gold coins). See Ashrafi,

SerafimTerniapatani, 132, 133. SeeDorma-jaatam

Temiinalia, species bearing ediblefruits, 158

Ternassari, 151,216. See Tarnassariand Tenasserim.

Ternate, xcii ; 245Terra Australia, early voyages to, 249Tertiera Island, 297Test of an able recruit, 1 1

6

Teyva. See TivaThamudites, legend of, 34Thana, Tana, lxxxivTheism, Hindu, 136Theology, Varthema's, 285

injudicious illustrations of, ib.

Thibet, 48, 100, 102Thirst, death from, 20, 33Thor, cave at, 28 ; mount, 46Tides at Cambay, 106

Tidor, xcii ; 245Tihaina, 62, 80, 81Tikodi, 132Timber for ship-building (Malabar),

132, 153; Pegu, 218Timor, 225Tin, 22:.

Tippoo Sultan, 123Tircari, 133Titus, 23Tiva (class of artisans), 142Toddy, 163, 164, 165, 172

Toongabudra river, 1 25Tooran Shah bin Ayyub, 59Topazes, 190Tormapatam, 131,275. Se&Dormatpatam

Tortoise, enormous, 240Touchstone for gold, 168Toungoo, Lsxvi; 218, 219Traditions, local, at Damascus, 12Travancore, bS2Travel, advantages of, cxxii

Treasure of king of Calicut, 156Triad, the Buddhistic, 217Trick on the caravan at El-Medinah,

29Trinity, supposed belief in, lxxxv,lxxxvi ; 2 1

7

Tripoli (Syrian), 7Triumpara, Rajah of Cochin, 260Truffles, 15

Tsopo, 48Tucia (Tiityti—antimony), 102Turbide (Turbith), a drug, 106Turkestan, 100Turkey, 7, 8, 10, 15, 151Turkish merchants, xlix ; match-

locks, 65 ; forces in Yemen, 65

;

mercenaries in India, 1 1

8

Turks, their toleration, 52Turpin quoted, 127, 198, 200, 201,

204, 209Turquoises, 101

Turtle, roofs made of shells of, xc

;

240Turtle-doves in desert, 24Tuticorin, box; 183, 184, 186

Ulala, 132Ulema, danger of meddling with, 84Ultra-marine, 102Umbrella, royal, 150Uncalvet (impalement), 147Unkilwara, kings of, 92Unicorns at Meccah, discussed, 46Unicorn cow, 87Upham's Rajavali, 189Urbino, dukes of, xix, xxii ; 2, 275Usbeck mercenaries in India, 1 1

8

INDEX. 319

Vadacurry, lxvi ; 132Valour of the Portuguese, 280, 281,

282Varalia (a coin), 130Varana, Costanza, xxVariety of nations at Calicut, 151

Varthema, his style, i; editions andtranslations of his travels : Italian,

iii ; Latin, ix ; German, xi ; Spanish,xiii ; Dutch, xv ; Enghsh, xvi ; de-

fective information regarding his

previous history, xvii, xxii; his

dates, see Dates ; his accuracy, see

Veracity, and see Table of Contents

Vartomannus (form of Vartheina'sname), xvii, xix

Vaz, Gonzalo, 283Veddahs, 189Veiled ladies in India, 118Velvet, 195Venice referred to, 129Venomous reptiles, 173, 174Veracity of Varthema, i, ii; cor-

roboration of, lvii, lxiv, lxvii, lxx,

lxxviii

Verdure, perpetual, of Malabar, 172Verzino (or brazil-wood), lxxviii; 205Vessels of India, 152, 188Viceroy of India. See Be Almeyda

Sultan of Aden, 60Victory over fleet of Calicut, 274-

280Vincent's Commerce and Navigation

of the Ancients quoted, xxiv ; 86,

106, 183, 185, 186, 196, 219, 291_

allocation of Ternassari, lxxviii

Visapour. See BfjapurVisscher's map of Asia and India,

cxix

Volcanic crater at AdenVolto Santo, xcv ; 248

Wada (cowrie), 131Waddakarree, 132Wadi 'Araba, 20Warnah, 62Wanny, 189, 192Wars, of the king of Decan, 118; ofNarsinga with Tenasserim, lxxi

;

]95; between Pegu and Ava, 219,

220, 222"Washings of the Hindus, 149Washishtee river, 114Watch of Damascus, 10

Water, in the desert, 18, 20, 21, 24;dearth of, at Meccah, 37; and Jud-dah, 53

melon, 161Wealth of king of Pegu, 222Weaving in Bengal, 214

Weevils, charity for, 108Well of St. Mark near Meccah, 32Whales, 201White men, partialityof Arabwomen

for, 65, 69 ; enlisted in India, 116;in Tenasserim, custom as to, 202

Wight and Arnott, Prodromus Flo-rae Penins. Tnd. Orient., 158

Wilks's Hist. Sketches of the Southof India, 121, 158

Wine (for toddy), 172Wives exchanged in Malabar, 145Wolves, 122, 172, 199Women burnt in Tenasserim, 207;and Pegu, 222

Worship of Pagans of Calicut, 1 49 ;

of Java, 251

Xaquem Darsa, 224

Yahia, Ibn Khold ibn Barmak, 35Yandaboo, treaty of, 198Yathrib, 22Yembo, 24Yemen, politics of, in Varthema'

s

time, xli; scarcity of authorities

on, xlvi ; Jews of, 22 ; history of,

50, 54, 57 ; saints of, 73 ; Sultan of,

see Sultan ; sea of, 292Yezd, 101

Yule, Colonel Henry, lxx, lxxviii,

lxxx, lxxxv, xcviii, cxix ; mis-sion to Ava, 199, 215, 217, 219;

Friar Jordanus, 181Yunas, Vartheina's Mussulm. name.

See IunusYunan, 199Yvtsuf 'Adil, Khan of Bijapur, 117.

See Adil ShahYuthya, lxxvi

Zaalittin, 62Zachariah, St., 12

Zahir Jamal ed-Din, king of Sxuna-tra, 228

Zaid, son of 'Ali, 75Zaidis, a sect, 75, 79, 83Zainbei (Ez-Zaiibi), 17Zamorin of Calicut, history of, lxii

;

132, 134, 156, 178, 260, 280, 283,284, 287

Zani, Valerio, xviii

Zanzibar, cohTure of, cvi, ex ; 64Zapa, xcZaphala (Sofala), 290, 291, 295Zealand Acad, of Sciences, Trans, of,

47Zebair Islands, 60Zedekiah, 22

320 INDEX.

Zedler's Universal Lexicon, xvii I Zerzalino (sesaniuni), 86, 87, J 66Zeilan, Zulun, Zeilon (Ceylon), 151, Zebid (Zibit ofVarthema), 80, SI, 83

183, I si, 187, L88, 2A0, 245. See Zida. SeeJuddahCeylon Zofala. See Zaphala and Sof&la

Zeila (Zaila), a port of Africa, 58, 85, 1 Zuama, 29586

IZunde, 230

Zeruzem (the well), 37, 40 I Zurla, Dissert, di M. Polo, etc., xvii

.IBOF THE

T. MCHAKDS, 37, '*ItF..\T QUEEN STREET, W.O.

CORRIGENDA.

Page

IETURN202 Main Library

OAN PERIO r1

HOME Ubt

ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS

1-monlh loans may be renewed by calling 64234051-year loans may be recharged by bringing the books »o Ihe Circulation 0«s»Renewals and recharges may bo made 4 days prior to du° date

DUE AS STAMPED BELOW

ECEIVED Rv

m^ u —<-ULATiOiN OEF'

DEC 8*86 OCT 2 2 2006

2 1 199!

OCT 02WIUNIVERSITY OF CALIFORN

ORM NO. DD6, 60m, 1/83 BERKELEY, CA 9472u

U

LD 21A-40m-2,'69(J6057sl0)476—A-32

General LibraryUniversity of California

Berkeley

GENERAL LIBRARY -U.C.BERKELEY

BOOOTsaass

itn

THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY