TRANSLATIONS OF CHR IST IAN LITERATURE

GENERAL EDITORS : W. J . SPARROW S IMPSON , D .D .

,

W. K . LOWTHER CLARKE ,B .D .

SERIES I

G R E E K T E X T S

PHOT IUS

VOL . I .

§3 k 071 U 5 P a

—rY Ia-v;

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h b e,

THE

OF PHOT IUSV0LUME-I

o.

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5

By

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J oH -FREESE .

SOC IETY FO R PROMOT INGCHRI S T IA N KNOW LEDGE . London

PR INTED IN GRE AT BR ITA IN BY

R IC IIARD CLAY SONS , L IMIT ED

BRUNSW ICK ST STAMFORD ST .

, I,

AN D BUNGAY SUFFOLK

PREFACE

IT i s p roposed to is sue the presen t t ran s lat ion of theB ibliot/zeea of Photius in five volumes ; a s ix th w i l l con tain anaccoun t of his l ifean d works

,aBibliography, an d aGeneral

Index to thewhole.

A tran s lator of theB ib/iot/zeeahas apparen tly an Open field .

SO far as can beascertained, n o complete vers ion exis ts inEn glish or any other modern lan guage, al though there areEn glish tran s lat ion s or edit ion s of some of the lon ger ext rac ts(e. g. C tes ias ’ of some of the l i terary crit ic i sms , 1 of

selected codices (chiefly on profaneauthors ) in I tal ian by G .

Compagn on i,2 awel l- known Milanese l iterary man an d s tatesman ( 1 754 an d of the whole in Lat in by the learnedJesu it An dreas Schot t 3in Migue

’s PatrologiaGraeea(vol.

The text 4 is un fortunately in man y places un sat is factory, an dn o crit i cal edit ion has been attempted for nearly ahun dredyears — s in ce 1 8 24 , the date of Imman uel Bekker’s edi tion .

The nature of the work, asort of en larged table of con ten ts ,often leaves the mean in g an d connexion obscu re, when thereexi st n o complete texts 5 or other mean s of supplemen tin g i t .

1 G . Sain tsbury , H istory of Criticism , i . 176 LaRuevan Hook in Tran sactio ns qf tile Amer z

'

ean P fi z’

lologieal A ssoeiat ion (xxxvii i . 1 907) an dClassical P fiz

’

lology ( i v . Chicago , and herean d there in books suchas Hodgkin ’

s I taly an d her I n vaders , Bury’

s Later Roman E mpire.

2 Vo ls . xlv. x l vi . of B ibliotecaSee/tad i operegrecheelatin e.

3 Bornan d diedat An twerp ( 1552 A fter awan der ing l ifehc' finallysett led down as profes sor of Creek at the Jesui t co l lege in his nati ve ci ty .

Hewas an in defat igable trans lator an d ed i to r. The tran s lation of Photiusis of unequal meri t, an d it is suppo sed that in parts it is the work of ayoungan d less competen t co l league.

SeeE . Mart in i,Tex tgese/ziefite tier B ibliot/zek des Patriare/len Pfiotz

’

os

( 1 9 1 1 )It wou l d be d ifficul t, for in s tan ce, to get ac lear i deaof the s tory of

Heliodorus’

s Tfieagenes an d Cbarz’

eleafrom Phot ius ' s abstract alone.

vi PREFACE

The presen t tran s lator, in the en deavour to obtain as satisfactory arenderin g as pos s ible

,has con s tan t ly con sulted the

mos t importan t l i terary, theological, an d his torical works an den cyclopaedias bear ing on thewide field covered by theextens ive readin g of Phot ius . Natural ly, there is l i tt le scope forelegan ce of tran s lat ion

,an d in the l i terary cri ticism s it is by n o

mean s easy to fin d acorrect an d adequate Engl ish equ ivalen tfor the terms u sed .

In the matter of n otes, the n umber of personal an d geographical names , of his torical al lus ion s is so large that anyattempt to deal wi th them at len gth wou ld have swamped thetext an d reduced it to akind of peg on which to hang am in iatureen cyclopaedia. In thecaseof person s fam i l iar to allon lyabrief n otehas been given ,

suffic ien t for thepu rposes of iden tificat ion (often necessary where thereare Several person s of thesamename) , so that thosedes i rous of further in formation shou ldkn ow for whom to look in the usual biographical an d otherdictionar ies . In the case of names less fam i l iar an d po in tsaris in g directly from the text , the detai ls given are somewhatful ler . In the Bibl iography al is t of the mos t usefu l generalworks of referen cean d of Special edition s oraccoun ts of theauthors crit icised in theB iéliot/zeeawi l l begiven . Thepresen twork makes n o claim to con tain acompleteexeget ical or cri ticalcommen tary, but is asomewhat free tran s lation in ten ded to

give the ordinary reader an i deaof the l i terary activity of thechief represen tativeOf the so- cal led Byzan tineRenais san ce.

ALPHABET ICAL L I ST OF AUTHORS

CRIT IC ISED I N VOL . I

ACH ILLES , TA'

I IUS . Clitophonan d Leucippe (LXXXVI I )

Acts of the disputat ion of heret icshel d before John ,

patriarch of

Con stan t in ople (XX IV )Adrian (Hadr ian ) . I n troduction totheS criptu res ( II )

Adrian (Hadrian ) , emperor.clamation s (C )

Aesch ines . Oration s an d Letters(LXI )

Again st the jew s an d Quartodeciman s . An onymous (CXV )

Amyn tian us . On A lexan der theGreat (CXXX I )

An d ron icianus . Again st theBun omian s (XLV)

A p h th0 n i u s .

(CXXX III )Apolinarius of H ierapo l is . Again s tthe Heathen , On P iety . an dT ruth(XIV)

Apology for Origen an d hisDoctrines . An on ymous (CXVI I )

Appian . Roman History (LV II )A r r ian . Parthica, Bithyn ica,Discou rses ofEpictetus (LVI II) ;I n d ica, Campaign s of A lex

an der the Great (XC I ) ; E ven tsafter the Deathof A lexan der(XC II ) ; B ithyn ica, TheA cts ofDion an d Timoleon (XCII I )

A thanas ius . Letters (XXX II ) ;Commen taryon E ccles iastes an dthe S ong of S ongs (CXXX IX ) ;Agains t A riu s (CXL )

De

Declamation s

Bas i l of Cil ic ia. E cclesiasticalHis tory (XLII ) ; Again s t johnS cythopolita(CV I I )

Bas i l the Great. Refutat ion of

Eunom ias (CXXXV III ) ; A s ce

tica (CXLIV) ; Hexaemeron(CXLI ) ; M oral D i s c o u rs es

(CXLII ) ; Letters (CXLIII )Boethus . Lis t of P laton ic Word s(CLIV ) ; Doubtful Word s in

P lato (CLV)

Caius (Gaius ) Presbyter. On theUn iverse(XLV I I I )

Cand idus . Histories (LXXIX )Cephalion . H istorical Epitome

(LXVIII )Charin us , Luc ius . T ravels of theApos tles (CX IV )

Choricius . Declamation s (CLX )Clemen t (T i tus F lavius Clemen s ),presby ter, of A lexan dria. Outlines (CIX ) ; The Tu tor (CX ) ;S tromateis (CXI )

Clemen t (C lemen s Romanus ),bishop of Rome. ApostolicCon stitu tion s , Recogn itions

(CX lI , CXI I I ) ; Epistles to theCorin thian s (CXXVI )

C o n o n . Again st Philoponus(XXI II )

Cosmas In d icopleus tes . Chris tianTopography, Exposition of theOctateuch(XXXV I )

Ctes ias . P ers ica(LXXII )

vii! ALPHABETICAL LIST OF AUTHORS CRITICISED

Cyri l of A lexan dria. Again st P reface to A d d ition s to theNes torius (XLIX ) ; Thesau ri E ccles iastical His tory of Ease?

(CXXXVI ) bius (LXXX IX ) ; A gain s t theA n omoean s (CI I )

Damascius . I n cred ible Things George, bishop of A lexandria.

(CXXX ) L ife of john Chrys os tomDexippus . E ven ts after theDeath (XCVI )

of A lexan der, H is torical Epi Gregory of Nyssa. I n S upport oftome(LXXXI I ) S t . Bas il again s t E un omius

Diod orus . Lexicon to the Ten (VI, VI I )0rators (CL )

Diod orus S iculus . H is tory (LXX )Diodorus of Tarsus . On theHolySpirit (C II )

D io(n ) Cas s ius . His tory (LXX I)D ionys ius o fHal icarnas sus . His tory(LXXXIII , LXXX IV )D ion ys ius o f Hal icarnas sus , Aelius .

A ttic Word s (CLII )Dorotheus . N ew an d F oreignWord s in P lato (CLVI )

Epiphan ius . Panaria (CXX II ),A n coratu s (CXX I II ) ; Weightsan d Measu res (CXX IV)

Eugen ius . Agains t Philopon us(XX III)

Eunapius . Chron icle (con tinu ingDexippus ) (LXXV I I )

Eun omius . Heret ical treat ise 1. h d

(CXXXVII ) ; its refutat ion by Iain

XCIVu

f. Rho anes an d S t n oms

Bas i l (CXXXVI II )Eusebius ( soph i s t ) . Declamation s

Again st Heres ies

(CXXX IV )Eusebius of Caesarea. Various

Isocrates . Oration s (CLlX )

Wri t ings ( IX— X II I ) ; E ccles iasticalHis tory (XXVI I ) Again s tH ieroclcs (XXXIX ) Defen ceofOrigen (CXV I II ) ; Life ofCon stan tine (CXXVII )

Eusebius of Thessalon ica. Again stA n d rew theM on k (CLX II )

E vagrius . E cclesias tical History(XX IX )

Gaius , seeCaiusGalen . On Med ical S chools(CLX IV )Gelas ius of Cyz icus . P roceed ingsof theF irs t Synod (XV ) E ccle

sias tical History (LXXXVI II )

Heliod orus . Aethiopica( LXXIII )Hellad ius . Lexicon (CXLV)Heraclian

, bishop of Chalcedon .

Again s t the M an i chaean s

(LXXXV )Herod ian . H is tory (XCIX )Herodotus . H is tory (LX )Hesychius I llus trius (of Miletus ) .H istory, A cts of jus tin theE lder (LX IX )

Hesychius (presbyter, of Con stan t in ople). Discourses on theB razen Serpen t ( LI )

Himerius . Declamation s (CLXV)H ippo l ytus Roman us . Again stHeres ies (CXXI )

John Chrysostom . L et ters to

Olympias an d Others (LXXXVIJohn Philopon us . On the Resu rrection (XXI ) On theCreation(XLIII ) ; Agains t the F ourthSyn od (LV) ; Agains t johnS cholas ticus , patriarchof Cons tan tin ople(LXXV )

John (presbyter, of Aegae). E ccle

sias ticalHistory(XLI );Again sttheF ourthSyn od (LV)

Joh n Scythopolita. Again st theE u tychian s (XCV )

J o s ep h u s . On the Un iverse(XLVI II ) ; On thejew ishWar

ALPHABETICAL LIST OF AUTHORS CRITICISED i x

(XLVII ) ; On theA n tiquities of Ph i l ip o f S ide.

thejew s (LXXVI )Jul ian . Lexicon to the0 rators (CL )

Jul ius A frican us . History (XXXIV)Jus tin Martyr . Apology (CXXV )Jus tus of T i berias . Chron icle ofthejew ishKings (XXX III )

Ten

Lesbonax . P olitical Oration s(LXX IV )

Lexica. Of the P u re S tyle

(CXLVI ) ; Of the Serious S tyle(CXLVI I ) ; Of P oli tical S tyle(CXLVIII ) Of theTen O rators(CXLV— CLIX )

Liban ius . O ration s an d Letters(XC )

Lucian . Various Works . D ialognes of the Dead an d OfCourtesan s (CXXVIII

Lucius of Patrae. Metamorphoses(CXX IX )

Malchus . His tory (LXXV III )Max imus . Declamat ion s (CXXXV )Metrod orus . On Eas ter (CXV )Moeris . TheA tticis t (CLV I I )

Nicephorus , patr iarch of Cn n s tan tin o p l e H is torical Epitome

(LXVI )N ic ias ( themonk ). Again s t Philopon us , Severus

, an d theHeathen (L )

Nonn osus . His tory ( I II )

Olympiod orus . H il ry (LXXX )On the Eas ter F es tival (An onymous ) (CXVI )

Orators , theten , Lex icato (CXLVCL IX )

Or igen . On F irs t P rin ciples(VIII )

Pallad ius . D ec lam at i o n s

(CXXX II )Pamphilus . Apology for Origen(CXVI II )

Pausan ias . Lexicon (CL II I )

Chris tian His tory(XXXV )

Ph i lo Judaeus . A llegories of theSac red Law s an d On P oliticalLife (CI II ) ; On the E s senes

an d Therapeu tae (CIV) ; HisCen su re of the Emperor Gaiusan d F lacons (CV )

Philos torgius . E cclesiasticalHistory (XL )

Philos tratus ofTyre. Lifeof Apollouin s of Tyana(XLIV )

Ph legon o f Tral les . L is t of Olym

pic Victors and Chron icle(XCV II )

Phryn ichus theArabian . OratoricalE qu ipmen t (CLVIII )

P i er i u s Presbyter .W r i tings (CX IX )

Po l l io. Lexicon (CXL lX )Po lycarp. Letter to the Philippian s (CXXV I )

Praxagoras . Life of Con s tan tinethe Great (LXII )

Proceedings of the bishops of theWes t again s t the Nestorian s an dPelagian s (LIV)

Various

Procopius of Caesarea. His tories(LXI II )

Procopius of Gaza. Oration s ;T ran slation s of Homer (CLX )

Sergius Con fessor. His tory(LXVII )

Socrates . E ccles iastical His tory(xxvm )

Sopater. E xcerpts (CLX I )Sophron ias . I n Defen ceof Basilagain st E un omiu s (V )

Soz omen . E ccles ias tical His tory(XXX )

Synesius . Writings (XXV I )Synod of TheOakSyn od of S ide (LII )Synods , th ird , fourth , fifth , s ixthand seven th (XVI— XX )

(LIX )

Themis tius . Commen taries on

A ris totlean d P lato P oliticalOration s (LXX IV ) ; Apologyfor Theophobias (CVIII )

x ALPHABETICAL LIST OF AUTHORS CRITICISED

Theodore of A lexan dr ia, monk .

Again s t Themis tius (CV II I )T heodoreof An t ioch . I n Defenceof Bas il again s t E un omius

( IV) ; Commen tary on Genes is

(XXXV III ) ; On Pers ian Magic(LXXX I )

Theod oret . E ccles iasticalHis tory(XXX I , LVI ), E ranis tes(XLVI )

Theodorus Presbyter. On theWritings of D ionysius theA reopagite ( I )

Theodosius , monk . Again st johnPhiloponus (XX II )

Theogn os tus of A lexan dr ia. Out

lines (CVI )Theophanes o f Byzan t ium (LX IV )Theophylact Simocatta(LXV)T imaeus . P laton ic Lexicon (CLI )

V ictorinus , son ofLampad ius . Con

sular 0 ration s (CI )Vindan ius A natolius . Works on

Husban d ry (CLX III )Zosimus , Coun t . History(XCVII I )

CHRONOLOG ICAL TABLES

(Dow n to the time of P/zotius )

ROMAN EMPERORSAugus tus 27B . C . Phil ipT i ber ius A . D . I 4 Dec iusGaius 37 Gal lusClaud ius 4 1 Aemilian usNero 54 Valer ianGal ba Gal l ienusO tho 68 — 69 ClaudiusV i tel l ius Quin ti l lusVespas '

69 Aurel ianT i tus 79 Tac itusDom i t ian 8 1 ProbusNerva 96 CarusT rajan 98 Carin us an d NumerianHadr ian I I7 D ioc let ianA n ton inus P ius 138 (wi th Maximian )Marcus A urel ius 1 6 1 Con s tan t ius an d GaleriusCommodus 1 80 L ic in ius and Con s tan t ine IPert inax Con s tan t ine IDid ius Julian us 1 93 Con s tan t ine IISeptimius Severus Con s tan t ius I ICaracal la 2 1 1 Con stan sMacrin us 2 17 Con s tan t ius IIE lagabalus 2 1 8 Ju l ianA lexan der Severus 2 2 2 Jov ianMaximinus 235The tw o Gordian sPupienus an d Balbin usGordian III

DIVISION OF THE EMPIREWes t

364375383

Theodos ius I

Valen t in ian IGratian an d Valen t in ian IIValen t in ian I I

Eas !Valen sTheodos ius I

Hon oriusValen t in ian I I IMaximus

A vitus

MajorianSeverusAn themiusOlybrius

Glycerius

Ju l ius I Iepos .

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES

Leo I

Leo I IRomu lus Augus tulus[En d of theV) es tern Emp ire]

Zen oAnas tas ius IJus t in IJus t in ian IJus t in I IT i ber ius IIMaur icePhocasHerac liusCons tan tine I IIHeracleonasCon s tan s IICon s tan t ine IVJus t in ian IILeon tius

T i berius I II .

47449 I

51 8

527565

578

582

602

6 1 0

64 1

64 1

642

668

685695698

Jus t in ian I I (res tored to throne) 705Philippicus BardanesA nas tas ius IITheodos ius II ILeo II I

Con s tan t ineVLeo IV .

Cons tan tineVIIreneN icephorus IMichael I RhangabéS tauraciusLeo VMichael I ITheoph i lusMichael I IIBas i l ILeo VI 886—

9 1 1

71 1

71371 6

71774 I

775780

797802

8 1 1

8 1 1

8 13820

8 2 9842

867

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES

PATRIARCHS OF CONSTANTINOPLE

(F rom

MetrophanesA lexanderPaul IEusebiusPau l I (reelected)Maced on ius I .

Pau l I ( teelected ) .

Maced onius I (reelected )Eudoxius

DemophilusEvagriusGregory IMaximusNectariusJohn I ChrysostomArsaciusA tt icusS is inn ius INestoriusMaximianProc lusF lavianAnato l iasGennad ius IAcaciusFravitta(Flavitta)Euphem iusMaced on ius I IT imotheus IJohn II of CappaddciaEpiphan iusAn thimus IMenasEutychiusJohn I II ofAn tioch

POPES OF ROME

307— 309 Julius ,

I 337— 352309 L iberius 352- 36631 0 - 31 4 Fel ix II 355- 358

Dames“ 366— 384336 S iric1us 384— 398

1 There is acon s iderable d iscrepancyas to dates in d iff eren t au thorit ies . The datesheregiven and those of the Popes arefrom Krumbacher, Ceschz

'

chte der byzan tz'

n zlsc/zenL iteratur

3151 )

Eutychius (re-elected ) ,

John IVtheFas terCyriacusT homas ISergiusPyrrhus IPaul I I .

Pyrrhus I (re-elected )PeterThomas I IJohn VCon s tan t ine ITheodore IGeorge ITheodore I (reelected )Pau l IIICallin icus ICyrusJohn VIGerman us IAnastas iusCon s tan t ine I INicetas IPau l IVTarasiusN icephorusTheodotusAn ton ius IJohn VI IMethod ius IIgnat ius (N icetas )Phot iusIgnatius (reelected )Phot ius (reelected )

xiv CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES

Anas tas ius IIn nocen t I

Zos imus

Bon i face ICoeles t ine IS ixtus I IILeo theGreatH i lariusS impl ic iusFel ix II IGelas ius IAnas tas ius IISymmachusHorm isdasJohn IFel ix IVBon iface I IJohn IIAgapetus IS i lveriusV igil iusPelagiusJohn I IIBenedict IPelagius IIGregory I theGreatSabin ian usBon iface I II

Bon iface IVDeodatus IBonifaceVHonor ius ISever inus IJohn IVT heodoreIMart in IEugen ius I

OECUMEN ICAL COUNCILS

1 . N icaea 325 5. Con stan tin ople2 . Con stan t in ople 38 1 6 . Con s tan t in op le.

3. Ephesus 431 7. N i caea4 . Chalcedon 451 8 . Constan t in ople.

Vitalian usDeodatus I IDomnus I

AgathonLeo I I

Bened ict I IJohn VCononSergius IJohn VIJohn VIIS is in n iusCon stan tine IGregory IIGregory I I IZachariasS tephen I IS tephen I I ( III )Pau l ICon stan tine I IS tephen III ( IV)Hadrian ILeo I II

S tephen IV(V )Paschal IEugen ius I IValen t in usGregory IVSergius IILeo IVBened ict IIIN icho las IHadr ian I IJohn V IIIMart in I IHadr ian I IIS tephen V (VI )

PHOT IUS

B IBLIOTHECA OR MYR IOBIBLON 1

Registeran d enumeration of thebooks read byus , 279 in n umber ,of whichour beloved brother Tarasius desired tohaveasummary.

2

Photius, to his beloved brother Tarasius, in thenameof theLord, greet ing.

Mv DEAREST BROTHER TARAS IUS,After our appo in tmen t as ambassador to Assyria3had

been con firmed by theassen t of theembassy 4 an d approved bytheemperor

, you asked to befurn ished with summar ies of thoseworks which had been read an d discussed durin g yourabsen ce.

You r ideawas to have somethin g to con soleyou for our painful separation , an d at thesamet imeto acqu i resomekn owledge,even if vaguean d imperfect, of theworks which you had n ot

yet read in our compan y. We bel ieve that thei r n umber i sexactly 279 . Accordingly, regardin g the fu lfi lmen t of yourreques t as asacred obligation , ween gaged asecretary, an d Set

down all the summaries wecou ld recollect . No doubt we haven ot been expeditious en ough to sat is fy your feverish eagernessan d vehemen t des i re, but s ti l l wehavebeen qu icker than m ighthave been expected . The summar ies will bearranged in theorder in which our memory recalls them. Certain ly

,i t would

1 F or the lifean d work s of Phot ius see In troduction to vol. v i .3Thegenu ineness of this tit leis d isputed .

3 To thecal iph of Bagdad accord ing to others , to Pers ia, or oneof theEas tern em irs (Bury ) .4wpeaBefa. can n ot mean senate, as Schott ren ders it (senatus ) , but is

probably “the body con sti tut ing theembassy, anumber of others nom imated for the m iss ion , to whom Photius was personagrata, an d who expressed awish that he shoul d accompany them . This explanation is dueto thek indness of Professor J . B . Bury .

THEODORE THE PRESBYTER

n ot bedifficu lt, i f one preferred i t, to describehis tor ical even tsan d those deal in g with differen t subjects un der separate headings . But

, con s iderin g that n othin g wou ld begained by this ,we have set them down in discrim inately as they occurred to

uS .

1 If, during you r study of these vo lumes

, any of thesummaries shou ld appear to be defec tive or inaccurate, youmus t n ot be surp rised . It is n o easy matter to un dertake to

read each individual work, to grasp theargumen t, to rememberan d record it but when the n umber of works is large, an d acon s iderabletimehas elapsed S in ce thei r perusal, it is extremelyd ifficu l t to remember them wi th accuracy . AS to the commonp laces met with in the course of our read in g

,SO s imple that

they can hardly have escaped your n ot ice, we have devotedless atten tion to them, an d have purposely refrained fromexamin in g them careful ly . You wil l be better able than our

selves to decidewhether these summaries wi l l d o more thanfulfi l your o rig inal expectat ion s as to their usefulness . Certain ly

,

such records wil l ass is t you to refresh thememory of what youhave read by yoursel f, to fin d more readily w hat you wan t, an dfurther, to acqu i remoreeas i ly the kn owledge of what has n otas yet been the subject of in tel ligen t readin g on your part .

1 2

Read the treatise of Theodore the'

PreSbyter,3in which he

un dertakes to prove thegen uineness of theworks of St . D ion ysius . The fol lowin g argumen ts again s t it are refuted : ( 1 ) I .

they are genu ine, how is it that ,n on e of the later Fathers c ites

them or quotes any passages from them ? ( 2 ) How is i t thatEusebius Pamphili,4 in his l is t of the writ ings of the HolyFathers

,does n ot men tion them ? (3) How is i t that these

treat ises descr ibein detai l ri tes an d custom s which on ly became1 The text is corrupt.3Thesesect ions areusual ly al luded to as Coa’ices (manuscripts ) . Cod ices

were original ly wooden tablets (caudex , codex , ab lock or s lab of wood )coated with wax an d d iv ided in to “ leaves , ” which , when wood was superseded byparchmen t or o ther wr it ingmaterials , developed into the book ,as con tras ted wi th the ro l l - form (volumen ) ofMSS .

3 Noth ing further is known ofhis l ifeor wr i t ings .

4 The famous ecc les ias t ical h is tor ian , Eusebius bishop of Caesarea(e. 260 who as sumed as his surname the nameof his in timate fr ien d ,l iterary adviser and as sis tan t Pamphilus , presby ter of Caesarea,an d martyr(309 )

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1 8 NONNOSUS

Arethas , himself achief, to whom Non n osus’s grandfather was

sen t as ambassado r, dur in g the reign of Anastas ius,to con clude

a t reaty of peace. Non n osus’

s father Abrames 1 had in l ikeman ner been sen t on an embassy to Alamun darus ,2 chief oftheSaracen s , durin g the reign of Jus tin , an d was successfu l inprocurin g the release of T imos tratus an d John

,tw o Roman

generals who were prisoners of war. Caisus , to whomNon n osus was sen t

,was chief of tw o of the mos t i l lus tr ious

Saracen t ribes , theGhin den i an d Maaden i. BeforeNon n osuswas appoin ted ambassador, his father had been sen t to thissame Cai

’

sus by Justin ian ,and had con cluded a treaty of

peace, on con di t ion that Caisus ’s son Mavias should be takenas ahostage to Byzan t ium . After this , Nonn osus was em

trus ted with athreefo ld m is s ion : to Caisus , to in ducehim,i f

poss ib le, to vis it the empero r, to Elesbaas,kin g of the

Axum ites , an d to theAmerites . Axumis 3is avery large ci ty,an d maybe con s idered the

- capital of Aethiopia it l ies moreS . an d E . than theRoman empi re. Non n osus

,in spite of the

treacherous attacks of tr ibesmen , peri ls from wild beas ts , an dman y d ifficul ties an d dan gers on the journ ey

,success ful ly

accompl ished his m is s ion ,an d returned in safety to his native

lan d .

4

He relates that Caisus , after Abrames had been sen t to hima secon d time, set ou t for Byzan tium

,havin g previously

divided his chieftain cy between his brothers Ambru s an dYez id . Hebrought alarge n umber of his subjec ts wi th him

,

an d was appo in ted adm in is trato r of Pales tineby theemperor .He tel ls us that thean c ien t name for what are n ow cal led

crad Ata (san dals) was dpfifixat, an d that (bat Atov (turban )was cal led gbamiik ts

fi

He tel ls us that mos t of the Saracen s , those who l ive in

1 Thenamepo in ts to thefam i l y being of Sem itic origin ,al thoughhewas

probably acon vert to Chris tian i ty.

2 Al Mun d ir, ch ief of the Saracen s of H ira.

3Modern Axum,

n ow the capi tal of the Abyss in ian provin ce of

T igré. I t con tain s n umerous an tiqui t ies an d in scr iption s,an d is st i l l

regarded as a ho ly c i ty . Chris t ian i ty was in troduced in to Aethiopiaas earl y as the fourth cen tury (see J . T . Ben t , Toe Sacred Czty of tfie

E t/z iopian s ,4 F urther particulars of the m iss ion are gi ven in the Cfirom

'

d e o f JohnMalalas , and in G ibbon , ch. xl i .5 Theform of theword is doubtfu l .

NONNOSUS 1 9

Phoen icon as wel l as bcyon d i t an d theTauren ian moun tain s , 1

haveasacred meetin g- place con secrated to one of the gods,where they assemble twice a year. One of these meet ingslas ts awholemon th , almos t to them iddleof sprin g, when thesun en ters Tau rus the other lasts two mon ths, an d is heldafter the summer sols tice. Dur ing these meet in gs completepeace prevai ls , n ot on ly amon gs t themselves, but also wi th allthe nat ives even thean imals are at peace both with themselves an d with human beings . O ther s trange

,more or less

fabulous in format ion is also given .

Hetel ls us that Ad ulis 2 IS fi fteen days ’ journey from Axumis .

On his way there, hean d his companion s saw aremarkablesight in the neighbou rhood of Aue (Ave) , m idway betweenAxumis an d Ad ulis this was a large n umber of elephan ts ,nearly 500 0 . They were feedin g in a large plain ,

an d thein habitan ts foun d it di fficu l t to approach them or drive themfrom thei r pas ture. This was what they saw on thei r journey .

Wemus t also say s omethin g about the c l imati c con trar iet iesof summer an d win ter between Avé an d Axumis . When thesun en ters Can cer, Leo, an d V i rgo , i t is summer as far asAvé

,as with us

,an d theatmosphere is extremely d ry but

from Ave to Axumis an d the res t of Aethiopia, it is severewin ter, n ot throughout the day, bu t begin n in g from m idday

,

the sky bein g covered with clouds an d the coun try floodedwith violen t rain s . A t that t imealso theN i le, spreadin g overEgypt

,overflows an d irrigates the lan d . But when the sun

en ters Capricornus , Aquarius , an d P isces, theatmosphere, conversely, floods the coun try of the Adulites as far as Avé,while i t is summer from Ave to Axumis an d the res t ofAethiOpia, an d the fru its of theearth are ripe.

Durin g his voyage from Pharsan,

3Non nosus, on reach in gthe las t of the is lands

,had a remarkable experien ce. He

there saw certain creatures“of human shape an d form,very

short, black - skin ned, thei r bod ies en ti rel y covered w ith hai r .Themen wereaccompan ied by women of thesameappearan ce,an d by boys s t i l l shorter . All were naked , women as wel l asmen , except forashort apron of skin roun d thei r lo in s . There

1 Moun tainous districts in A n terior A s iaan d the lan d of the Saracen s .

2 A seaport town , general ly iden t ified w ith modern Thu l laor ZulainAn nes ley Bay on theW . shoreof theRed Sea.

3 Town in Aethi0pia. ThePygmies .

2 0 GREGORY OF NYSSA

was n o thin g wild or savage about them . Thei r speech washuman , but thei r lan guage was un in tel l igible even to thei rneighbours ,an d s t i l l moreso to Non n osus an d his compan ion s .

They live on shel l- fishan d fishcas t up on the shore. According to Non n osus

, they were very t imid,an d when they saw

him an d his compan ion s, they shran k from themas wed o frommon strous wild beasts .

IV

Read the twen ty- fivebooks of Theodore of An t ioch 1 again stEunomius 2 in defen ce of St . Bas i l .3 His s tyle i s somewhatobscu re, but thework is fu l l of ideas an d soun d reason ing, andcon tain s awealth of

_

eviden ce taken from theScriptures . He

refutes theargumen ts of Eun omius almos t word for word, an damply proves that he is very ign oran t of outs ide kn owledgean d s ti l l more so of our rel igion . I bel ieveheis theTheodorewho was bishop of Mopsuestia.

V

Read also the attack of Sophron ius 4 on Eun omius in

defen ce of St . Bas i l . H is s tyle i s c learer an d more con c isethan that of Theodore. He does n ot t raverseall theargumen tsof Eun omius, but chiefly attacks an d refutes those whichappear to con tain themos t essen t ial poin ts ofhis heresy . Thes tyle i s aphoris t i c, the language in general freean d s imple5an dn ot disagreeable, al though embell ished with over - labouredargumen ts .

Read also theat tack ofG regory of Nyssa6 on Eunomius in

Theodore bishop of Mopsuestia(394) in Ci l icia, born atAn tioch , the greates t exegete of the A n tiochean school . Healso wrotepo lem ical , dogmat ic, an d l i turgical treat ises .

2 Eunomius (d . 393) o f Cappadocia, bishop of Cyz icus , depri ved of hisepi s copate for Arian ism .

3 S t . Bas i l theGreat (330 bishop of Caesareain CappadociaHe is most importan t as the s tren uous uphol der of orthodoxy an d as thein troducer of defin ite ru les an d forms of eccles ias tical l ife, which havemain tained them sel ves to thepresen t day.

4 Probably the frien d of S t . Jeromean d tran s lator ofhis works .

5 Audi/85705, lit . ,“without con jun ct ion s .

”

6 (332 Bishop of Nyssain Cappadocia younger brother ofBas i l theGreat , cal led Father of theFathers .

ORIGEN 2 1

defen ce of St. Bas i l . His style is as bri l lian t as that of anyrhetorician , an d agreeable to l is ten to . He does n ot refuteEun omius in detail, an d is con sequen t ly briefer than Theodore,but ful ler than SOphron ius . He is fon d of u s in g en thymemes l an d argumen ts from example. But I can saywi thou tpart ial ity that the copiousnes s an d fert i l i ty of his argumen tsareas con vin cin g aproof ofhis superiori ty to Theodoreas thecharm, bri l l ian cy, an d pleasan tnes s of his style.

VI I

Read an other treat ise by the sameG regory of Nyssaon thesame subject . In this he jo in s issuewith Eun omius by morereasoned argumen ts an d s torms the totterin g rampart s of hisimpiety . The beauty ofhis style, i ts m in gled bri l lian cy an dcharm, areequal ly con spicuous in this work .

VIII

Read O rigen ’

s2 fou r books On f irst P rz

'

na'

ples . The fi rs tdeals with the Father

,the Son an d theHo l y Ghos t . In this

his s tatemen ts are often blasphemous thus , heasserts thatthe Son was created by the Father , the Holy Ghos t by theSon ; that the Father pervades all exis t ing thin gs, the Son

on ly thosethat areen dowed with reason ,theHoly Ghos t on ly

those that are saved . He also makes other s tran ge an dimpious s tatemen ts

,in dulgin g in fr ivolous talk about the

m igrat ion of souls,the s tars bein g alive, an d the l ike. This

fi rst book is ful l of fables about theFather, Chris t (as he callstheSon ), theHoly Ghos t

,an d creatures endowed with reason .

In the secon d book he t reats of theworld an d created things .

Heasserts that theGod of the Law an d theprophets, of theOld an d theNew Tes tamen t, is onean d the same; that therewas thesameHoly Spir i t in Moses, theres t of theprophets,an d

1 The special mean ing of an en thymeme is arhetor ical or imperfectsyl logism,

drawn from probable prem ises . But here and elsewhere inPhot ius it seems to mean s impl y argumen ts .

z Surnamed A daman tius ( 1 84 born at A lexan dria, d ied at T yre.

This treat ise suppl ied the ch ief argumen ts for the charge of heresy thatwas brought again st him .

“

He was also cal led Chalcen terus (“brazen

bowel led from his pas s ion for work . His n umerous works compri seHom i l ies , and the famous treat ise Again st Celsus . F ragmen ts of hisHemp/a(arecens ion of theOld Testamen t ) havebeen preserved .

2 2 EUSEBIUS

the Holy Apos tles . He further discus ses the In carnation of

the Saviour, the sou l, resurrection ,pun ishmen t

,an d promises .

The third book deals with freewil l 3how thedevil an d host i lepowers , accordin g to theScriptures , wagewaragain s t man kin dthat the world was created an d is per ishable, havin g had abegin n ing in t ime. The fourth book treats of the final en d ,the divine in spirat ion of the Scriptu res, an d the proper mannerof readin g an d un ders tandin g them .

IX

Read fifteen books of the P raeparatio a rzge/ica of

Eusebius, in which he refu tes the fool ish doctrines of thegen ti les , an d shows that they were always con tradic tory . Atthe beginn in g an d en d of the fi fteen th book he men t ion san other treat ise, the D emon s tratio E vangelical, which fol lowsthe P raeparaz

‘

io. His objec t in theseworks i s to refute theerrors of the gen t i les

,an d to confirm the preaching of the

Gospel .

Read the twen ty 1 books of Eusebius’

s Demon s/ratioE vangelica.

Read Eusebius’

s P raeparatio E cclesiastica,

2 in booksin which thereareextrac ts .

Read Eusebius ’s D emon s tratio in books .

Read two books of Eusebius ’s Refutation an d Defen ce, an dasecon d edition of the same, which , whi le differin g in cer tainpassages , agrees in other respects in bo th s tyleand sen t imen tswith the firs t . Hemen tion s certain difficu l t ies brought forwardby the heathen again st our blameles s rel igion , an d solves themsatis factori ly, though n ot en ti rel y . His style is neither agreeable n or bri l lian t , however, he is aman of great learn in g,al though wan t in g in the shrewdness an d fi rmness of character

1 On ly ten areextan t . 3 Both theseworks are lost.

APOLINAR IUS 23

so neces sary for theaccurate discuss ion of ques t ion s o f dogma.

In man y pas sagesheu tters blasphem ies again st theSon , cal l in ghim secon d cause

,comman der- in - chief, an d other excrescen ces

of Arian madness . It is eviden t that he flou rished durin g thereign of Con s tan t ine theGreat . Hewas an arden t adm i rer ofthe vi rtuous sain t an d martyr Pamphilus , from whom he tookhis sumame.

XIV

Read Apolinarius’

s1 Again st t/zeHeat/zen , 072 P iety,

an d 07:Tru t/z . The writer was bishop of H ierapol is in As ia”an dflourished durin g the reign of Marcus An ton inus Verus .

3 He

deserves men tion an d his style is excellen t . Other writings ofhis are sai d to beequal ly worthy of record, but they have n ot

come in to myhan ds .

Read the A cts of the firs t coun ci l 4 in three volumes . I t

bears the name of Gelas ius,5 but is rather ahi story than anA cts . The author ’s s tyle is poor an d mean ,

but he gives adetai led accoun t of theproceedings of the coun ci l .

XVI

Read the Acts of the third coun cil ! ? con s 1sting almos ten t irely of the letters of St . Cyri l 7 to Nestor ius 8 an d thatimpious man ’

s replies .

XVII

Read the Acts of the fou rth coun ci l 9 in several books .

1 A l so spel t Apolinaris , Apol l inar is , or Apollinarius , flourished about175. His gen t i le name was Claudius .

2 “

In Les ser Ph rygia.

3The wel l -kn own author of the Med itation s , common l y kn own asMarcus Aurel ius .

O fN icaea5 O f Cyz icus , flourished about 475. Nothing moreis known ofhim than

what he states in thework i tself, which is s ti l l extan t .Of Ephesus

7 Archbis hop o f A lexandria(4 1 23 Patriarch of Con stan t inople (428 depri ved of his oflfice by the

coun c i l of Ephesus on accoun t o fhis heresy .

Of Chalcedon

24 SYNODS

Therewerefifteen sess ion s, at which Dioscorus 1 an d Eutyches 2werecon demned,an d Nes torius excommun icated . St. Flavian 3

was declared in n ocen t after his death, together wi th Eusebiusof Dorylaeum ,

4 Theod oret 5an d Ibas .

6 O ther special mattersweredi scussed

,an d the spirit of piety was s trengthened .

XVI II

Read theActs of the fifth coun cil,

7 at which the three so

cal led “chapters ” 8 were deal t with,an d O rigen an d his

writ in gs excommun i cated, together with Diod orus of Tarsus ,9

an d Theodore of Mopsuestia. Theodoret ’s an swer to thetwelve anathematisms of Cyri l was also excommun i cated .

P revious to this,the cases of Zooras 1 ° an d An thimus ,1 1 who

wormed his way in to the patr iarchate of Con stan tin ople, an dcertain other matters were discussed .

Read theActs of the s ixth counc i l,

1 2 at the ses s ion s of whichSergius, 13 Cyrus ,1 4 an d Pyrrhus 15 of Con stan t in ople were excommun icated, together with Hon orius 1 6 of Rome, Po lychron ius, 17an d others, who had ven tu red to asser t that there

1 Bishop of A lexandr ia(4442 F oun der of the sect o f theMonophysites (3803 Bishop of Con s tan t in ople (447Bishop of Dorylaeum (mod . E sei S ize/tr) in Phrygia(400

5 Bishop of Cyrrhus (Cyrus ) near theEuphrates . tw o days ’ journey fromAn tioch , theologian an d ecc les ias tical h is torian (c. 393

5 B ishop of Edes sa(c. 4357 Of Con stan t in ople8 Thewr it ings of Theodore of Mopsuestia of Theodoret in defen ceof

Nes tor ius the letter of Itas to thePers ian Maris .

9 Founder of the exegetical schoo l of A n t ioch , bishop of Tarsus(378~394t

1 ° A Monophys iteSyrian monk .

1 1 An thimus , patr iarch of Con stan tinople (535, deposed tran s latedfrom the episcopate of Trapez us through the in fluen ce of the empressTheodora.

1 2 Of Con s tan tinople13 Patriarch o f Con s tan t in ople (6 101 4 Bishop of Phas is , afterwards patriarch ofA lexandria(6301 5 F riend an d s uccessor of Sergius as patriarch of Con stan t inople

(6381 6 Pope (6251 7 Mon othel i tepresbyter and monk .

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26 SYNESIUS

XX IV

Read avolume con tain in g the A cts of adispu tation heldbefore

2Jo

hn ,

1 bishop of the queen city, during the reign of

Just in,m which Con on an d Eugen ius theT ritheites took part

on the one s ide, an d Pau l 3an d Stephen,

4the Hes itators

,

5

on the other. Con on an d Eugen ius appear to have s ided withPhilopon us for when Pau l an d Stephen deman ded that theyshou ld anathemat izePhilopon us , they wereunwillin g to d o so .

On the other han d,they brought forth argumen ts to prove that

his views were in harmon y with those of Severus 6 an d Theod osius , thei r ow n teachers . They in deed in man y respects upho ld the orthodox views — that theTrin i ty is con subs tan tial an dof the same nature, that God is one, that theGodhead is one3but they are gu i l ty of blasphemy in as sert in g that theFatheran d the Son an d the Holy Ghos t are part ial subs tan ces

,an d

have special divin it ies an d natures , thus bein g at varian cewiththemselves an d the t ruth . Man y other opin ion s of thei rs areequally fool i sh an d n on sen s ical .

XXV

Read thework by John Chrysos tom 7en t itled N otes on Death,

twen ty- two short hom i l ies . In the samevolume therearealsotwen ty - tw o homi l ies on theA scen sion of theLord an d seven teenon Pen tecos t.

XXVI

Read the 0 rat ion s of Synesius,8 bishop of Cyrene, On

P ron z’

a’en ce,

9 On theKingdom,an d some o ther subjects . His

1 John - I II Scholast icus (the lawyer) , bishop of Con stan t in ople(565 Hewas theauthor o faN omocan on ,

ad iges t of canon ical law .

2Jus t in I I (emperor 565

3 Pau l theBlack,

“Jacobi te” patriarch of An tioch (c. 550“Jacobite bishop of Cyprus .

5 They part l y accepted , an d part ly rejected , thedecision s of thecoun c i lo f Chalcedon .

6 Mon ophys itepatriarch of An t ioch (51 27John the Go lden mouthed (347 bishop of Con stan tin ople.

8 Neo P laton is t an d bishop o f P to lemai’ s in Cyrenaica(378 Thespeech On the K ingdom was del i vered at Con stan tin op le before theemperor A rcad ius .

9 A lso cal led E dyptzan D iscourses asort of h is torical roman ce, in which

thereare al lus ion s to the h is tory of the t ime,d isgu i sed as the myth ical

s tor ies of O s iris an d Typhon .

SOCRATES 27

s tyle is lofty an d d ign ified ,1 but somewhat inclined to beover

poet ical .Also read various letters of his, dis t i ll in g gracean d charm,

at the same t ime vigorous an d full of c losely - packed 2 ideas .

He originally belon ged to aheathen schoo l of philosophy,bu t was favourably di sposed to the in spired truths of Chri st ianityan d ready to accept all its doctrines except that of theResurrection . Although this was his attitude,hewas admittedin to our Church an d even raised to theepiscopate, by reasonof his goodnes s an d puri ty an d in the con vict ion that amanof such hol ines s of l ife could n ot fai l to be i l luminated by thel ight of theResurrect ion . Nor werethese hopes disappo in ted .

Foras soon as he became bishop be readily as sen ted to thatdoctrine. Synesius was an ornamen t to Cyreneat the t imewhen Theophilus was patr iarch of Alexan dria.

3

XXVII

Read the ten books of Eusebius’

s E cclesias tical ffistory.

Beginn in g from the birth of Chris t, our true God , i t carefu llydescri bes theperiod of the tyran ts

,an d en ds with the reign of

Con s tan t ine theGreat. A more detai led accoun t is given of

theChu rch in s t itu tion s es tablished by him durin g his reign .

XXVIII

Read Socrates ’s 4 E cclesiastical fi istory, acon tin uat ion of

that of Eusebius . Begin n ing with the reign of Con s tan tine,i t

goes down to the t imeof Theodos ius theYoun ger .5The w r i ter, who had attended the lectures of Ammon ius

an d Hellad ius theAlexan drinegram'

rnarian s,

6 even when aboyhad been in s truc ted in “grammar by heathen tutors , who hadbeen ban ished from thei r nat ive coun try for sedition an dcarried on thei r profes s ion at Con stan t in ople. Thework con

tain s theeven ts of 1 40 years, and theen ti re history is in cluded1 Perhaps mas s ive m ight express the ideaof 57m .

1 Or “shrewd .

”

385—

4 1 2 .

Socrates of Con stan t inople (c.380 original l y alawyer .5 Emperor 408— 450 .

The Greek 7payM T t $ is equ ivalen t to “al i terary man general ly ,with spec ial referen ce to the study of poetry . The same ideaappears in7payya‘rm ‘f) (grammar) . Ammon ius an d Helladius had fled for refuge toCon stan t inople, where they taugh t Socrates .

2 8 THEODORET

in seven books . Thereis n othin g remarkable in theauthor’ ss tyle

,an d heis n ot very accu rate in matters of doctr ine.

XXIX

Read the E cclesias tical [f is tory of Evagrius1 Scholas ticus ,

an ex- praefect, born at Epiphan iain Coele- Syria, in six books .

Thework begin s where those of Socrates an d Theod oret en d ,an d goes down to the twel fth year of the reign of the empero rMaur ice.

2 The s tyleis n ot wi thou t charm ,although somewhat

diffuse in matters of doctr inehe is certain ly more trus tworthythan o ther histor ian s . Thework also con tain s some passagesabout images .

XXX

Read the E cclesias tical [i is tory of Salaman us HermeiasSoz omen ,

3in n in e books . Dedicated to the emperor Theod osius the Youn ger, i t begin s with the con su lship of Crispusan d his father Con s tan tine, an d goes down to the reign of

Theodos ius the Youn ger .4 Soz omen was at one t ime anadvocate in Con s tan tin ople. His s tyle is better than that ofSocrates, from whom hediffers in certain part iculars .

XXXI

Read the E cclesias tical fl is tory of Theodoret.5 Of all thewriters men tioned his s tyle is bes t su i ted for his tory . It is

general ly clear, dign ified, an d free from redun dan cies ,althoughhe sometimes employs metaphors that are too bold

,almos t

in s ip id . He gives afu l ler accoun t of the proceedin gs of thesecon d coun c i l 5 than o ther h is torian s

,who merely bes tow a

cursory n otice upon them, as if they were unwil l in g to saymuch abou t it . However

,even he does n ot give all the

detai ls . He begin s his ff is tory with the heresy of Arius an dgoes down to the reign of Theodos ius the Younger

,an d the

1 About 536 — 600 . Hewas an advocate (Scholas t icus ) .2 That is, it covers theper iod from 431 to 593.

3He was born near Gaza in Palestine, an d afterwards sett ledCon s tan t in ople (c. 400

—

44 It original ly covered the period from 324 to 439, but the h is tory

4 25—

439 is wan t ing.

5 SeeCod . XVII .

5 The firs t counci l of Con s tan t inople

JUSTUS OF TIBERIAS 29

death of Theodore,

1 at the t ime when S is in n ius was bishop of

Con s tan tin ople.

XXX II

Read various letters of Athanas ius ,2 some con tain ing akin do f Apology forhis fl ight .

3 The s tyle is elegan t, bri l l ian t, an dclear, ful l of grace an d persuas iveness . I t is apleasure to

l is ten to theApology.

XXXII I

Read the Chron icle of Justus of Tiberias,

4 en ti tled A

Chron icleof theKings of thejew s in theform of agenealogy, hyjus tus of Tiherias .

5 He came from Tiberias in Gal i lee, fromwhich he took his name. He begin s his his tory with Moses

an d carries it down to thedeath of the seven th Agrippaof thefami ly of Herod 5an d the last of the kin gs of the Jews . Hiskingdom,

which was bes towed upon him by Claudius , wasexten ded by Nero, an d s t i l l more by Vespas ian . He died inthe third year of the reign of Trajan , when the his tory en ds .

Justus ’s s tyleis very con c ise, an d he om its agreat deal that isof the u tmost importan ce. Sufferin g from the common fau ltof the Jews

,to which race he belonged, he does n ot even

men tion the com in g of Chris t , the even ts of His l i fe,or the

m i rac les performed by Him . His father was aJew namedPistus ; Jus tus himself, accord in g to Josephus , was one of themos t aban doned of men

,as lave to vicean d greed . Hewas

a pol itical opponen t of Josephus, again s t whom he is saidto have con cocted several plots but Josephus , although on

1 Of Mopsues tia(seeCod .

2(296 Patriarch of A lexan dria, thefather of orthodoxy an d the

ch ief opponen t of Arian ism .

3He was accused of coward ice by the Arian s for taking refuge ln thedesert .

Con temporary of Josephus , by whom his character an d wo rks arev io len tl y attacked . He was condemned to death by Vespas ian , but hisl ife was spared by Agr ippa. Healso wroteah istory of theJewis h war.

5 TheGreek phrase is Baame’

w u raw e’

u r ois are’

nrtarrt , usual ly tran s latedcrowned k ings

’

but more probably here mean s agenealogicaltree.

5 Agr ippaI I , beforewhom S t . Pau l madehis defen ce. The statemen tthat hed ied in the th ird year ofT rajan ’

s reign ( 1 00 ) is objected to on theground that Josephus

’

A n tohzography , wh ich gives an accoun t of Justus , waspublished immediately after theA n tigu zt zes (in the reign of Dom it ian ) .

30 JULIUS AFRICANUS

several occas ion s hehad his enemy in his power, on ly chas tisedhim with words an d let him go free. I t is said that thehis tory which he wrote is in great part ficti t ious, especiallyw herehedescribes theJudaeo- Roman war an d the captureofJerusalem .

XXXIV

Read the[f istory of Africanus,

1who was also theautho r of

the Ces ti in fourteen books .

2 Although his s tyle is con cise,he om i ts n o th in g worthy of record . He begin s with theMosai c cosmogon y an d goes down to the com in g of Christ .Healso gives acursory accoun t of even ts from that t ime to

the reign of Macrinu s ,3at which date, as he tel ls us , theChron iclewas fin ished

,that i s

, in the5723rd year of theworld .

Thework is in five vo lumes .

Africanus also wrotealetter to O rigen again s t the authenticity of the his tory of Susannah, on the groun ds (amon gs to thers) that i t is n ot in cluded in the Jewish books , an d thatthe play on words (tin-o Toi! n pivov 7rpi0

'at (i775 roi) oxivov

axiaat)‘ is at varian cewi th the gen u ineHebrew s tyle. O rigen

an swered an d refuted these objec tion s .

Africanus also wrote a letter to Ari st ides,5 in which heshowed that in real i ty there was n o such differen ce as wasgenerall y supposed between thegenealogies of our Saviour inMatthew an d Luke.

1Ju l ius Africanus (c. 170 Christian h is torical wr i ter, was born at

Jerusalem (n ot in Africa) an d subsequen tl y l i ved at Emmaus ’ Nicopolis in

Pales tine. Hewas theau thor ofaChron icle, ah istory of the worl d fromtheCreation to 2 2 1 Ces ti (embro idered gird les ) , aco l lect ion of n otes 0 11 allk inds of subjects ; a letter to A r ist ides on the genealogies of Jesus inMatthew and Luke;an d aletter to O rigen to show that theH istory ofS usan nahin theApocryphais alater add i t ion from aGreek original . Thelast has been preserved in ful l , of the three firs t on l y fragmen ts . Accord ingto his sys tem of chron ology, cal led theA lexan drian era, therewere5499years between theCreat ion an d thebirth of Chris t, wh ich hean tedated bythree years .

2 The correct n umber is twen ty - four.3Emperor 2 17— 2 1 8 . An extrac t in G eorgius Syncel lus , however , shows

that theChron iclereal l y wen t down al ittle later.“Where d idst thou see them ? ” Under amast ic tree (av os ) .

The angel of God shal l cleave thy sou l to - day.

” Under aho lm - tree Theangel of God shal l saw thee in tw o

5 Nothing is known ofhim.

PHILIP OF SIDE 31

XXXV

Read the work of Phil ip 1 of S ide, en t i tled aChristianbegin n in g with the words “In the begin n in g God

c reated the heaven s an d theearth . Hegives an accoun t ofthe Mosaic history

,somet imes brief, somet imes fu l l , although

wordy throughout . The first book con tain s twen ty- fou rvo lumes, like~the twen ty - three o ther books

,which we have

seen up to the presen t .2 His lan guage is diffuse, withoutu rban ity or elegan ce, an d soon pal ls, or pos itively disgusts ;his aim is rather to display his kn owledge than to benefi t thereader . Mos t of thematterhas n o thin g to d o with his tory,an dthework might be cal led atreatiseon allkin ds of subjects ratherthan ahis tory, atas teless effus ion . Phi lip was acon temporaryof S is in n ius an d Proclus, patriarchs of Con s tan tin ople. He

frequen tly attacks the former in his his tory,because, while

both fi l led the same office3an d Philip was con s idered themoreeloquen t, S is inn ius was elected to the patriarchate.

XXXVI

Read the book en t it led theBoohof Chris tian s,an in terpre

tation of the Octateuch . Theauthor,4 who flourished in thereign of Jus tin ,

dedicates thework to acertain Pamphilus . It

begin s with the defen ce of certain eccles ias t ical dogmas byeviden ce drawn from the Scriptures . The style i s poor, an d

1 Ph i l ip of S ide in Pamphyl ia(fifth cen tury ) . Hewas apresbyter inCon stan t inople, an d afrien d of John Ch rysos tom.

2 It original l y con tained th irty - six books an d nearl y one thousandvo lumes .

3They were both presbyters .

Cosmas In d icopleustes (“the Ind ian nav igator an A lexandr ian

merchan t , who flouri shed in the s ix th cen tury. He v 1s ited A rabiaan dEas t Afr ica

,but it is d oubtful whether he deserves the t i tle of “Ind ian

navigator.” The t itle by wh ich the work is usual ly known 15 ChristianTopography , as its object was to in troduce anew sys tem of phys icalgeographyin harmon y w i th the teach ing o f Chris t ian i ty , aphysico astronomical in terpretat ion of the S cr iptures , Pho tius‘ gives it the subt it le of

I n terpretation of the Octateuch. Fabr1c1us (B ib. On ,iv. 230 ) takes it to

mean s impl y “atreat ise in eigh t books,” regard ing the four other booksas alater addit ion , or it may refer to the eigh t books ’

of Pto lemy ’

s

geograph ical work . Pho tius says he flour ished under “Justin , but ashe does n ot s tate which Jus tin , perhaps “Just in ian ”

(527—

565) shoul dbe read . He certain l y may have been born under Justin I (51 8—

527)and d ied under Justin II (565

32 COSMAS INDICOPLEUSTES

the arrangemen t hardly up to the ordinary s tan dard . Herelates much that is in credible froman historical po in t of view,so that hemay fai rly be regarded as afabul is t rather than atrustworthy authori ty. The views on which he lays specials tres sare that neither theskyn or theearth is spherical, but thatthe former is akin d of vau lt ,an d the latterarectan gular plane,[twice as lon g as broad] , to the en ds of w hich the en ds of

the sky are un ited ; that all the s tars , with the help of thean gels , arekept in motion 5an d other thin gs of thesamekin d .

Healso men tion s the books of Genesis an d E xod us,as it were

by way of digres s ion 5an d en ters in to a lengthy discuss ionan d speculation s about the Tabernacle. The prophets an dapos tles are cursori ly t reated . He says that the sun is on lytwice as large as tw o

“climates ”

51 that the an gels d o n ot

dwel l in heaven , but above thefirmamen t an d m in glewith us ;

that Chris t at His Ascen s ion en tered thespacebetween theskyan d the firmamen t , an d that on ly this is the kin gdom of

heaven ; an d s im i lar absurd it ies .

‘ He dedicates the fi rs t sixbooks to acertain Pamphilus , of the remain in g six (therearetwelve in all) the seven th to Anastas ius , in which he con ten dsthat the heaven s are in disso luble theeighth

,on the son g of

Hezekiah 2 an d the retrogres s ion of the sun,to acertain Peter .

In thi s book healso s tates that hehas written acommen taryon the Song of Songs . The four remain ing books have n o

dedicat ion .

XXXVII

Read an es say On Governmen t,3in the form of adialoguebetween Menas apatr ician an d Thomas areferen dary .

4 Thet reat iseis in six books

,in which is discussed aform of govern

men t,cal led Stxatapxtxév (just rule) , di fferin g from those

1 Before the earth was regarded as spher ical , its surfacewas supposedto“s lope”

(nah/w ) from S . to N .,an d th is s lopewas cal led Katya. Later ,

the word was u sed for bel ts or z ones of its surface, an d then for thetemperatureof those z ones . A ccord ing to Cosmas , the tw o

“c l imates ”

were between the lat itudes o f A lexan dr iaan d Rhodes , an d Rhodes an dCon s tan t inople (about 635m i les ) .

2 Isaiah xxxvi ii.3 There seems n o reas on to iden t ify th is wi th the treat ise of Hepl

n oht 'rucijs KaT GUT dUGw S of Peter Patricius (s ixth cen tury ), Byzan t ineh i storian . T here is n o clue to theauthor .

4 Mas ter of requests , asort o f lord - 1n - wairing , also aChurch d ign i tary ,an in termediary between the ciri l an d eccles ias ical author it ies .

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34 PHILOSTORGIUS

much ahis tory as apanegyric of the heret ics,an d n othing

but a barefaced attack upon the orthodox . His s tyle is

elegan t, his diction o ften poet ical, though n ot to such an exten tas to be tedious or disagreeable. His figurat ive useof wo rdsis very express ive an d makes the work both pleasan t an dagreeable to read ; sometimes , however, these figures areoverbold an d far- fetched, an d create an impress ion of beingfrigid an d i l l— timed . The language is various ly embell ishedeven to excess , so that the reader imperceptibly fin ds himsel fin vo lved in adisagreeable obscuri ty. In man y in s tan ces theau thor in troduces appropr iate moral reflect ion s of his own .

He starts from thedevot ion of Arius to theheresy an d its firs tbegin n in gs

,an d ends with the recal l of the impious Aétius .

1

This Aétius was removed fromhis ofliceby his brother heretics,

s in cehe outdid them in wickedness, as Philostorgius himselfunwillingly con fesses . Hewas recal led an d welcomed by theimpious Jul ian . The his tory, in one book an d six volumes,goes down to thi s per iod . The autho r is a l iar an d thenarrative o ften fic tit ious . He chiefly exto ls A

'

e'

tius an dEun omius for thei r learn in g, as havin g alone clean sed thedoctrines of fai th overlaid by time, therein showin g himsel famon strous l iar. He also praises Eusebius of N icomedia2

(whom he cal ls theGreat), Theophi lus the In dian ,3and severalothers , for thei r l ives an d won derful wo rks . He severelyattacks Acacius , bishop of Caesarea‘1 in Pales tine

,for his

extreme sever i ty an d in vin c ib lecraftines s , in which, he declares ,Acacius surpassed all his fel low- heretics , however fi lled theywere with hatred of one another, as wel l as those who helddifferen t rel igious opin ion s .

This was the exten t of our readin g . Soon afterwards six

6ther books were foun d in an other volume, so that thewho leappears to have fi lled twelve books . Thein it ial letters of each

1 Aetius of An t ioch,foun der of an extreme A rian sect

,died at Con

s tan tinople Hewas ex i led by Con stan t ius , but recal led by Ju l ianthe Apostate.

2 Patriarch of Cons tan t inople (a' . supporter of Arian ism an d abitter opponen t of A thanas ius .

3 Bishop of theChurch of Aethiopia Hewas born in the is lan dof Diu (In d ia), but in ear ly youth was taken as ahos tage to Cons tan tinop le,wherehe becameaChrist ian (A rian ).

Surnamed the One- Eyed , succeeded Eusebius (whose pup i l andbiographerhewas) as bishop of Caesareain 340 an d d ied in 365.

BASIL or CILICIA 35

book are so arranged that they form the name of theauthor.

Thework goes down to the t ime of Theodos ius the Youn ger,when , after the death of Hon orius, Theodos ius han ded overthe throneof theWes t to his cous in Valen tmran theYounger,the son of Con s tan tius an d P lacidia.

Notwiths tan ding his rageagain s t theorthodox, Philostorgiusdoes n ot ven ture to attack G regory the Theo logian , 1 but

unwillingly accep ts his doctrines . His attempt to s lan derBas i l theG reat on ly had theeffect of in creas ing his reputation .

Hewas forced to admi t the vigour an d beauty of his sermon s

from ac tual kn owledge,although he tim idly calls Bas i l

overbo ldand inexperien ced in con troversy, becauseheven turedto attack thewritin gs of Eunomius .

Read theE cclesiastical ff is tory byacertain John .

2 I t begin swith the reign of Theodos ius the Youn ger, the heresy of

Nes torius an d his depos ition , an d goes down to the time of

Zeno an d the depos ition of Peter the heretic,3who had usurpedthe see of An t ioch . The s tyle is clear but florid . Theautho rdescribes in detai l the thi rd coun c i l held at Ephesus , ‘1 an d alsoanother coun ci l held in the same place, the “Robbercoun cil

,

5 which he deifies together with its pres iden t Dioscorusan d his compan ion s . Healso gives as lan derous accoun t ofthe coun cil of Chalcedon . This jus t ifies the con clus ion thattheauthor is John , presbyter of Aegae, aheret ic who wro teaspecial attack on the coun ci l of Chalcedon . The his tory,accordin g to his s tatemen t, is in ten books . I haveon ly readfive, con tain ing (as already s tated) arecord of even ts from theheresy of Nes torius to thedeposit ion of Peter the heret i c .

XLII

Read the E cclesiastical Hi story of Bas i l the Cil ician .

6 I t

1 Gregory of Naz ianz us (329 bishop of Constan t inople.

2 Presbyter of Aegae in C i l ic ia, flourished in the latter half of the fifthcen tury . In Cod . LV. Phot ius cal ls him aNes torian , but it is sugges tedthat th is is am is take for Eutych ian .

3Surnamed theF ul ler, patriarch of An t ioch (471431 .

5449

5(c. Presbyter of An tioch , afterwards bishop of Irenopolrs in

C il icia(seeCod .

36 JOHN PHILOPONUS

begin s with the death of S impl ic ius, bishop of Rome,

1who

wro teto Acacius of Con s tan t in ople2 to have n o deal in gs withPeter surnamed Mongus ,

3who was then corruptin g Alexan dria

by anathematizin g, publicly an d in church, the ho ly coun c i l ofChalcedon . It was through him that Acacius was depr ived of

his see; for al though Acacius at firs t was jus tly in cen sedagain s t him, he subsequen tly showed n o avers ion to hisdoctr ines an d thereby in cu rred the suspicion of bein g aheret ic .

This matter came up again during the reign of Zen o. Thehis tory begin s at this t ime an d goes down to the death of

Anas tas ius,after hehad reigned twen ty - seven years an d three

mon ths, Jristin the Thrac ian bein g proc laimed his succes sor . ’1

The presen t book fin ishes abou t this t ime, an d embraces theper iod from Zen o to thedeath of Anas tas ius an d the proclamat ion of Jus t in as empero r. The author also s tates that twoo ther books werewri tten by him, the fi rs t an d the th ird ; thefi rs t begin n in g with the reign of Marcian an d en din g with thatof Zen o, where thesecon d begin s, while the third con t in ues thenarrat iveof thesecond, beginn in g with the reign of Jus tin .

Theauthor ’ s s tyle is rather s loven ly an d uneven . Healsoin troduces a large amoun t of episcopal correspon den ce, theobject of which, he says

,is to prove what he writes ; these

vast ly in crease the bu lk of the book an d con tain but l i tt lehistory, an d that bu ried un der amas s of verb iage. Theclearness of the narrat ive is destroyed by the n umber of

paren theses .

XLI II

Read the treat ise of John Philopon us on the Hexaenzeron .

5

In this his s tyle is purean d clear an d better than usual . He

agrees 1n the main wi th Bas i l the Great, but everywhereOpposes Theodore of Mopsuestia, who, takin g up the samesubject, wrotehis I n terpretation of Genesis , which Philoponusin turn endeavours to refute.

XLIV

Read theeight books of theLifeof Apollon ius of Tyana1468

—

483 2 Patr iarch of Con stan t inop le (4712 The S tammerer , Mon ophys itepatriarch of A lexandria(482 )‘1 Thework thereforecovers theperiod from 450

—

527.5 TheSix Days ’ Work of theCreation .

PHILOSTRATUS OF TYRE 37

Philostratus 1 of Tyre.

2 His s tyle is clear, agreeable, con cise,an d ful l of charm, d ue to his fon dness both forarchaisms an dfor n ovel con struction s .

He tells us that Apol lon ius vis i ted the Indian s , whom hecal ls Brahmin s, from Whom he learn t much of thei r divinewisdom . Healso vis ited the wise men of Aethiopia, whomhe cal ls Gymn i,3 because they pass all thei r l i fe naked an dnever wear clothes even in the most trying weather . But hedeclares that the wise men of Indiaare far

.

super ior to thoseof Aethiopia, s in ce they are o lder in po in t of timeand thei rin tel lect is pu rer an d keener, owing to thei r l iving nearer tothe rays of the sun .

He does not,however

,assert that Apo llon ius worked any

won ders such as legen d ascribes to him ; he merely extolshim as leadin g aphi losophic an d temperate l i fe, in which heexhibits the teaching of Pythagoras, both in man ners anddoctrine. Various accoun ts are given of his death, thecircumstan ces of which areobscure, as hehimsel f des i red 5fordurin g his l i fet imehewas in thehabit of sayin g that thewiseman shou ld keep his l ifeasecret from others , or, i f he couldn ot, should at leas t keep his death asecret . ‘1 The placeof

his burial is un kn own .

Philostratus s tates that Apollon ius had agreat con tempt forr iches 5hegaveup allhe possessed to his brother an d others,an d could never be persuaded toaccept money from those inauthori ty,5al though they pressed i t upon him as deserving it.Heasserts that he lon g foresaw the fam ineat Ephesus an ds topped i t after it broke out. He on ce saw a certain l ion

,

which he declared to be the sou l of Amasis , kin g of theEgyptian s , 6 which had en tered the body of the an imal as a

1 Therewere three soph ists of th is namebelonging to aLemn ian fam i l y( 1 ) who l i ved in thesecon d cen tury (2 ) son of who l ived firs t at A then s ,then at Romean d in the t ime of Ph i l ip the A rab (244 (3) nephewof ( 1 ) , who lived

'

in the t ime of Caracal laan d E lagabalus . The Life ofApollon ius Is by Plavius Philos tratus , who wrote it at thedes ireof theempress Ju l iaDomna

, wifeof Septimius Severus (d ied2 The surname Tyrzus rs probably d ue to a con fus ion of Topics vrith

I rerpteris (of theA then ian deme S tiria) , or Pho t ius has wrongl y iden t ifiedhim with the lexicographer Philostratus Of Tyre (Cod .

3The naked ones , theGymn osoph is ts .

4 The Epicurean max im, Aries Braia'as , 62be Adaec’rrroeaw f

w.

5 Or,“thoseposses sed of largemean s .

’

5570— 526 B. c .

3s ANDRONICIANUS

pun ishmen t for the crimes Amasis had commi t ted d ur in g hisl i fet ime. He also exposed an Empusa, 1 which , under thegu ise ofacourtesan

,preten ded to beenamou red ofMen ippus .

2

He recal led to l ifeaRoman girl who had apparen t ly jus t died,an d loosed his l imbs from his fetters, while boun d in prison .

Before Domi tian he defen ded himsel f an d extol led Nerva(Domitian

’

s successor) 5after which he van ished from thecourt

,an d jo ined Demetr ius 3 an d Dam is ‘1 as had been

ar ran ged, n ot after alon g t ime, bu t in afew momen ts , thoughthey were several days ’ jou rney apart . Such are the fict ion s ofPhilostratus con cern in g Apo l lon ius . He den ies , however, thathe was aw on der -wo rker, i fhe perfo rmed someof thewon dersthat are common l y attributed to him

, but asserts that theywere the resu lt of his phi losophy an d the purity of his l i fe.

On the con trary,hewas theenemy of magician s an d sorcerers

an d cer tain ly n o devotee of magic .

All that he says about the In dian s i s atissue of absurd an din credible s tatemen ts . Heasserts that they have certain jarsfu l l of rain s an d w in ds

,with which in t ime of drought they are

able to water the coun try, an d again to deprive i t of mo isture,after the rain has fal len , s in ce in these casks they have themean s o f con trol lin g the alternate supply of win d an d rain .

He tells s 1m1lar s tor ies , equally fool ish an d preposterous, an dtheseeight books are so much s tudy an d labour los t .

XLV

Read tw o pamphlets by An d ron ician us 5 Again s t theE un onn

’

an s . In the prefacehe prom ises much that he doesn ot perform, at any rate in the secon d book . He shows

1 A sort of hobgobl in or ghoul , suppo sed to devourhuman beings .

2 O f Lycia. Perhaps theCyn ic who l ived in Lucian ’

s t ime.

3 Cyn ic ph i losopher of Sun ium ,who taugh t at Rome under the

emperors Gaius , Nero , an d Vespas ian . He 15 said to ha! emet Apo l lon iusin A then s , but con s ider ing that his ph i losoph ical v iews were opposed tothose o f Apo l lon ius

, the accoun t o f the in t imacy is probably un true.

Demet1 ius had to leave Rome because of the freedom w ith which heattacked theemperor an d theau thori t ies .

O f N ineveh , pupi l an d compan ion of Apo l lon ius , the reputed author ofthe l ifewh ich formed the basis of Philos tratus ’s roman ce. He is said tohave handed over the MS . to the empress Ju l iaDomna, who orderedPhilos tratus to ed i t it.

5 Noth ing is known ofhim.

THEODORET 39

himsel fadevoted s tuden t ofphi losophy in character, sen timen t,

and s tyle. By rel igion he is aChristian .

XLVI

Read twen ty- seven books by Theod oret, bishop of Cyrrhus ,again s t various hereti cal propos i tion s .

1 The fi rs t book is

directed again s t thosewho as sert that theGod -Word was one

naturean d that it took its begin n in g from the seed of David,

an d also again s t thosewho attribute pass ion s to theGodhead .

In the secon d,he supports his con ten t ion s more by argumen ts

from Scriptu re.

2 The thi rd deals with the same subject . Thefourth con tain s the teachings of the holy Fathers con cern in gthe glorious D ispen sat ion (In carnat ion ) 3 of our Lo rd JesusChri st theSon of God . The fifth con tain s acol lect ion of theopin ion s of the heretics , which are compared wi th the opin ionof thosewho d o n ot adm it tw o natures in Chris t an d shownto be nearly akin . The s ixth dis tin ct ly s tates that there isone Son ,

our Lord Jesus Christ . The seven th is in the formof aletter complet in g the firs t book . The eighth is writtenagain s t thosewho judge the truth on ly by theopin ion of themultitude. The n in th is again s t those who as sert that we

shou ld nei ther seek argumen ts n or quote from theScriptures ,but that we mus t be sati sfied with our fai th . The ten th isagain st those who malevolen t ly brin g forward the argumen tthat “the Word was made flesh .

”The eleven th is again s t

thosewho forbid us to assume tw o natures in the In carnat ion .

The twel fth is again st those who assert that hewho says theWord is one thin g an d the flesh an other, as sumes there aretw o Son s . The thirteen th is again s t those who say that toregard Christ as aman is to put one

’

s hopes in man . Thefourteen th is again s t those who say,

“He sufl'

ered wi thou tsuffer ing. The fi fteen th is again st those who say, He

suffered as hewilled .

”The s ixteen th is again st thosewho say

that we ought to accept thewords, wi thout regard to what iss ign ified by them, which is beyon d all men

’

s unders tan din g .

Theseven teen th is again st those who say,“TheWord suffered

1 Various l y ascri bed to Theodoret, A thanas ius , an d Eutherius , bishopof Tyana.

2 Un less 7pa¢mé repov mean s s impl y more picturesquel y,vigorous ly .

5Q ixovoufain theGreek .

more

40 JOSEPHUS

in the flesh . The eighteen th is again s t those who askwhat pun ishmen t the Jews wou ld have suflered , i f they hadn ot c ruc ified God . Then ineteen th is again st thosewho dec larethat hewho does n ot bel ieve that God was crucified is aJew .

The twen t ieth is again s t thosewho as sert that thean gels whoatewith Abraham d id n ot en ti rely put on the natu re of flesh .

The twen ty - firs t is again s t those who depreciateeach of them i racles , by den yin g the flesh . The twen ty- secon d is agains tthosewho in ju reour race, by den yin g that theSaviour beganwith our nature. The twen ty- third is again s t thosewho bidus s imply bel ieve what is said , without con s idering what isseem ly or what is un seemly . The twen ty- fourth is again s tthosewho d o away with thedifferen ce of the tw o natures , afterthePass ion an d theAscen s ion . Thetwen ty - fifthis asummaryof all that has already been s tated in detai l . The twen tysix th deals wi th the subsequen t ly man i fes ted compos ition or

con sub stan tiat ion 5 the twen ty - seven th with the example fromthe o rdinary man (appl ied to Chris t) . The subject alone ineach case is sufficien t to in dicatewhich of theabove con firmthe orthodox fai th , an d which areat varian cewi th i t .Read in the same volume three larger works than -

thosemen t ioned , en t itled E ran is tes (the Beggar) or P olymorphes(mu lti form) . 1 Thefi rs t teaches that theWord is un changeablethe second

,that the un ion is unmixed ; the thi rd, that the

God -Wo rd is impass ible. In afourth book,these statemen ts

are suppor ted by argumen t. The three books were composedbyhim in the form ofadialogue, but the res tare in con t inuousprose. The s tyle is clear, distin ct, an d pu re; n ot wan ting incharm

,an d theworks aboun d in suitable reflection s .

XLVIIRead the work of Josephus theJew 2

on The Calann'

ties ofthejew s . The cap ture of Io tapata

3 (at which Josephus himself was taken prisoner) an d Gischala,3an d the desolation of

1 I t is in the form ofadialogue between arepresen tat ive o f orthodoxy(Theod oret ) an d arepresen tat iveof Monophys i tism ,

compared to abeggarwho gathers scraps ofall k i nds from ear l ier heret ical wri t ings .

2 The wel l - kn own hi storian (37 “the Greek L i vy .

”The Wars

was or iginal l y wr i tten in Hebrew ,an d then tran s lated in to Greek . His

o ther extan t works are : jew ishA n tiqu ities , A utobiography, apolem icaltreat i seA sain st Apion .

2 In Gal i lee.

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42 JOSEPHUS

XLVII I

Read the treatise of Josephus 1 On theUn iverse, elsewherecalled On the Cause of the Un iversean d On the Natu re 0/ theUn iverse. It con s ists of tw o l ittle treatises, in which theau tho rshows that P lato con tradicts himself. Healso refutes Alc inous ,2whose views on the soul

,matter, an d theResurrection are false

an d absurd , an d in troduces his own opin ion s on the subject .He proves that the Jew i sh nation is far o lder than the Greek .

He thinks that man is acompoun d of fire, earth, an d water,an d also of spi ri t

,w hich he cal ls soul . O f the spiri t he speaks

as fo l low s : Taking the chief par t of this,he moulded it

together wi th the body, an d Opened apas sage for it throughevery join t an d l imb . The Spirit

,thus mou lded together wi th

the body an d pervadin g it throughout , is formed in the liken ess of the vis ible body, but its nature is colder, comparedwi th the three other substan ces of which the body is com

poun ded . Theseview saren ot in harmon y with theJew ish ideasof human phys iology, an d are below the cus tomary s tandardof his other wr itin gs . He also gives a summary accoun t of

the creation of the world . Of Chris t the t rue God he speaksl ike ourselves, open ly giving Him the name of God , an d descri bin g, in lan guage to which n o object ion can be taken , Hisin describable generation from the Father . This m igh t, perhaps

,causepeople to doubt whether the treatise is real ly by

Josephus, although in respect of style it does n ot di ffer fromthe res t of his w ri t ings .

I fin d amarginal n ote to theeffect that thework is n ot byJosephus

,but by one Gaius ,2 apresbyter of Rome

,al so the

author o f The Labyrin th,4 an d o f adialogueagain s t P roc lus ,the champion of the Mon tan is ts .

5 The latter, which had n o

1 Theauthor is most probably Hippol ytus of Rome,born in them idd le

of the secon d cen tury , died soon after 235.

2 Platon ic phi losopher, flour ished in the firs t or second cen tury A .D .

2 L ived at thebeginn ing of the th ird cen tury A .D .

O thers as cri be th is al so to H ippo ly tus . I t is a ques t ion whether it isiden t ical w i th Thel ittleLabyrin thmen t ioned by Theod oret .5 The foun der of the sect vias Mon tanus of Ph rygia( lat ter half of the

secon d cen tury ) . He was apries t of Cybele, subsequen tl y con vert ed to

Chr is t ian i ty an d a teacher at Rome. A ccord ing to his fo l lowers,he was

the Paraclete or Ho l y Spiri t prom ised by Chri st . Amongs t o ther thingsthey dis t ingu ished tw o c las ses of s in s , thoseun to death an d those not un to

death ; den ied the val id i ty of secon d marriages ; d id n ot baptiz e in the

CYRIL OF ALEXANDRIA 43

ascription , is attributed by some to Josephus , by others to

Just in Martyr,an d TheLabyrin thto O rigen . But there is no

doubt that thework is by Gaius,theauthor of The Labyrin th,

who at theen d o f this treat isehas left i t on record that hewastheau thor of TheNatureof theUn iverse. But it is n ot qu itec lear to me, whether this is the sameoradifferen t work . ThisGaius is said to havebeen apresbyter of theChu rch at Rome,durin g theepiscopateof V icto r 1 an d Zephyrin us ,2 an d to havebeen ordained bishop of the gen ti les . He wrote an otherspecial work again s t the heresy of Artemon

,

3an d also com

po sed aweigh ty treat ise again s t P roc lus , the supporter o f

Mon tanus . In this he reckon s on ly thi rteen epis tles of S t .

Pau l, an d does n ot in c lude the Epis tle to the Hebrew s .

XLIX

Read the treatise of Cyril , bishop of Alexan dria,Again s t

theBlasphemies of Nes torius , in five books . In thesehe preserves his character ist ic style an d curious phraseology . But

he is clearer than in his letters to Hermeias 4 an d his workOn Adoration in the Spirit. The lan guage i s o rnate an delaborate, forced in to agreemen t with its pecu l iar form,

whichresembles prose poetry that despises metre.

Read the t reatise of N ic ias the mon k 5 Again s t the SevenChapters of Philopon us , which he men t ioned in his work cal ledthe Arbitrator. The style is s imple an d con c ise, sui table forcon trovers ial writings , and free from redundan cies . Also readhis attack On the impious Severus an d tw o books Again sttheHeathen .

nameof theT rin ity , but in memory of Chris t’s death for mankin d ; despisedthe old prophets as posses sed by ev i l spirits an d favoured ah ighly asceticl ife.

“All the as cet ic , r igorous , an d ch 1 ! iastic elemen ts of the Churchcombined in Mon tan ism .

”

11 89

— 20 2 .

220 2 - 2 17.

3 Secon d and th ird cen tury , Adoptian is t , Monarchian oran t i -T rin i tarian .

His v iews were subsequen tl y developed by Pau l of Samosata(flourished260 This work is probably iden t ical w ith The Labyrin th.

Poss ibl y theauthor of atreat i seR id icu leof theHeathen Philosophers ,but the t imeat which he l ived is d isputed .

5 F lourished c. 600 .

44 HESYCHIUS OF CONSTANTINOPLE

Read the four books by Hesychius , 1 presbyter of Con stan tin ople, On the B razen Serpen t. Thework is mean t for show ,

an d is astudied attempt to work upon the feelin gs . I t con

tain s speeches to thepeopleput in to themouth of Moses, an dfict it ious addres ses of the people in reply . There are alsoelaborate speeches of the Deity to Moses an d the people,together wi th thei r replies , in theform of en treaty an d excuse.

A great part of thewo rk , which compri ses abulky volume, isdevoted to these speeches . Theauthor himsel f, so far as one

can judge from this treat ise, is orthodox .

LII

Read the accoun t of the syn od held at S ide2 again s tthe sect of the Messal ian s ,3 Euchites ,3 or Adelphian s .

4

Amphilochius , bishop of Iconium, pres ided, supported bytwen ty- five other bishops . Read in the samealetter of thesyn od to Flavian ,

bishop of An tioch, givin g him an accoun tof theproceedin gs .

In con sequen ce of this letter, Flavian summoned an othersyn od again s t these same heret ics , ass is ted by three otherbishops , Biz us of Seleuc ia, Maru thas, bishop of the Sufaren i,5an d Samus . Therewerealso presen t priests an d deacon s tothenumber of thirty . Thesyn od refused toaccept Adelphius

’

s

profess ion of repen tan ce or to adm it him when he offered to

ren oun cehis heresy; for it was shown that neither his ren un ciat ion n or repen tan cewas s in cere. The foun ders of this sect

wereAd elphius , who was neither amon k n orapriest, but one

of the lai ty, Sabas , surnamed Apohopos (castrated), whoas sumedthe garb of amonk , an other Sabas , Eustathius of Edessa,Dadoes ,an d Simeon ,

the tares of theevi l one, an d o thers whogrew up together with them . Adelphiusan d his followers werecondemned, although they sought opportun ity for repen tan ce,1 Nothing is known of

_

him . I t is sugges ted that hemay have been theHesychius who accused Eunom ias of heresy .

In Pamphyl ia3 Both names mean “

thosewho pray , the firs t being Syriac, the secon dGreek . They bel ieved that perpetual prayer an d as cet ic ism wou ld procurein sp iration from theHo ly Spi ri t .

F rom Adelphius , oneof the first leaders of the sect.5 In Mesopo tam ia.

SYNOD AT SIDE 45

w hich was refused them,s in ce they were detected commun i

cat in g in writing, as i f they shared thei r views , with person swhom they had anathemat ized as Messal ian s .

Flavian wrotealetter to the Osroén ian s , in forming them of

what had been donean d givin g an accoun t of the pun ishmen tand excommun ication o f the heretics . The bishops who re

ceived i t wro teback to F lawan than king him an d express in gthei rapproval . Litoius ,

1 bishop of Armen ia, also wrote in qu iringabout theMessal ian s , an d acopy of thedecreean d sen ten ceof the coun ci l was sen t to him. The great Flavian also wroteto another Armen ian bishop on thesamesubject; in this secon dletter heaccuses thebishop of sympathy wi th theMessalian s .

Att icus,bishop of Con stan t in ople

,also wrote to thebishops of

Pamphyl ia, bidding them everywhere expel the Messal ian s asaccursed an d an abomination . Hewrote in s im i lar terms toAmphilochius , bishop of S ide.

S is in n ius of Con stan t in oplean d Theodotus of An t ioch sen t ajo in t letter to Verin ian us ,2 Amphilochius , an d the res t of thebishops in Pamphylia,addressed To our co l leagues , beloved of

God , Verin ianus, Amphilochius, an d the rest of the bishops inPamphylia: S is inn ius

,Theod otus ,and all the ho ly syn od which

by thegraceofGod wasassembled in them ighty city ofCon s tantin ople to con secrate themos t holy S is in n ius , beloved of God ,an d our emperor Theodos ius, beloved of Chris t, greet you in theLord .

”In this letter from thecoun ci l Neon thebishop declared

that i f anyone,after the excommun icat ion of theMessal ian s,

should at any t imebedetected saying or doing an ythin g whichren dered him suspect of favourin g this heresy,he should not beal lowed to retain his pos i t ion , n ot i fheoffered to payten thousan d t imes the penalty imposed upon thosewho repen t ;an dthatanyonewho supportedhim,

abishop oranyoneelse, shouldbe l iable to the same penalty . John of An t ioch also wrote aletter to Nestorius abou t theMessal ian s . Theholy oecumen ical coun ci l, the third, at Ephesus ,3also issuedadecree, expos in gtheblasphem ies an d heres ies of theMes sal ian book A seetieusan d anathematizin g i t . Archelaus, bishop of Caesarea inCappadocia

,also wrotetwen ty- four anathematisms again s t these

art icles . Heraclidas,bishop of Nyssa, also wrote two letters

again s t them ,in the secon d of which eviden ceis given of the

an t iqui ty of theworship of the holy images .

1 OfMel itene in Lesser Armen ia.

2 Bishop of Perga.

46 SYNOD AT SIDE

Some t ime afterwards , Geron tius , presbyter an d super ior of

themon ks at Glitis , wrote to Alypius , archbishop of Caesareain Cappadocia

,brin gin g various charges again s t Lampetius, 1 a

profane impos tor,who was the firs t of theMes sal ian sect who

succeeded in wormin g his wayin to thedign ity of thepries thood .

Alypius , on receipt of the letter, comman ded Horm isdas,bishop

of Comana, to in ves tigatethe charges again s t Lampet ias . Theheads of the in dictmen t were that hehad been gu i l ty of unlawfu l in tercourse with women ; that he had used obscenelan guage in referen ce to such matters ; that he sneered an ds coffed at thosewho chan ted the hours as being s t i l l under thelaw . He an d the Messal ian s were accused of man y otherimpious words an d deeds an d we ourselves , whileen deavou ring, as far as was in our power, to lead them from the errorwhich was lately begin n in g to sprin g up again , haveseen muchfes terin g pass ion an d vice con sumin g thei r sou ls . But thisLampetius, Geron tius the presbyter bein g his accuser an dbishop Horm isdas his judge, con vic ted part ly on theeviden ceof wi tnesses an d part ly out ofhis ow n mou th, was unan imous lydegraded from the priesthood . Alypius of Caesareawho hadbeen m is led an d had promoted them iscrean t to the dign ity ofpresbyter jo ined in the vote. This thrice s in ful Lampetiuscomposed abook cal led the Tes tamen t

, in which someof hisimpious doctrines are in serted Severus, who usurped the see

of An t ioch , while s t i l l on ly apresbyter, refu ted it . A certainAlpheus

,bishop of Rhin ocoru ra,2 defen ded Lampetius as

inn ocen t in word an d deed of the charges brought again s t him,

an d although , so faras onekn ows ,hein troduces n o blasphem iesin his published work, hewas deprived of his office as asupporter ofLampetius . An other Alpheus , whohad been ordainedpresbyter by Timotheus of Alexan dria

,was removed from offi ce

for thesame heresy,as we learn from arepor t madeby P tolemy,also bishop of Rhin ocoru ra

, to the sameTimotheus .

Read an accoun t of the proceedin gs of the synod held at

1 A Mes salian leader, almost as importan t as Adelphius . His fo l lowersw erecal led Lampetians.

On theborders of Egypt an d Palest ine.

SYNOD AT CARTHAGE 47

Carthage1 in thegreat church, while Faustus 2 Hon orius wasempero r of the Wes t, again s t Pelagius 3 and C0elestius .

‘1

The pres iden t was Aurel ius , bishop of Carthageand Dotian usof Telepte, chief prelate of the provin ce of Byzacena, supported by dist ingu ished Church dign itaries from differen tprovin ces , to then umber of 2 2 4 . This syn od excommun icatedthose who asserted that Adam was created mortal, an d that hedid n ot suffer death as apun ishmen t for his sin ;also thosewho declared that in fan ts newly born had n o need of bapti sm,

because they were n ot l iable to original sin from Adam al sothose who affirmed that there was aplace m idway betweenhel l an d paradise, to which in fan ts dyin g un baptized wereremoved , there to l ive in a s tate of blessedness . Six others im i lar articles , which hold the firs t placein the heresies of

Pelagius an d Coeles tius, werealso anathemat izedThe emperors Theodos ius an d Hon orius also wrote to

bishop Aurel ius con demn in g these' sameheretics . After thisCon stan tius

, thehusban d of P lacidiaan d the father of Valent in ian theYoun ger, sen tadecree toVolusianus , praefec t of thecity, orderin g that Coelestius shou ld beban ished. [This Vo lusianus

,un c le o f Sain t Melena(Melan ia),

5at the t imewas aheathen , but when threatened with death hebecame con vertedto the true fai th an d was baptized by P roc lus 6 of Con stan t in ople, wherehehad been sen t on an embas sy. Perhaps atthe same t imehemet that ho ly woman ,

who had come fromJerusalem to the queen - c ity.]

7 Leo of Rome8 al so wrote14 1 2 or 4 1 1 .

1 If Fau stu s be taken with Honor ius , it wi l l bean ep1thet correspon dingto Fel ix others ren der “in thegreat church of Faus tus .

3e. 370 —

440 . According to some, hewas?aH ibern ian ;according to

others , aWelsh monk named Morgan (“ sea- born ” = Pelagius ) . Heres ided in Rome, A fr ica, and Pales t ine, wherehe is said to havedied .

The Pelagian s rejected the doctr ine of original s in , but bel ieved in theTrin i ty an d thepersonal ity of Chris t.

Coelestius,anat ive of Irelan d , pupi l of Pelagius , younger an d more

v igorous than his master. I t is to him that the in fluence of Pelagian ismwas chiefly d ue. Someauthorit ies makehim an Ital ian .

5 Therewere tw o ho ly women of this name theel der (350 andtheyounger (383 The latter is here referred to . Shewas born atRome, but ear ly in l ife ret ired to H ippo in A frica, where she becameacquain ted wi th S t. Augus t ine, and afterwards to Jerusalem, where sheembraced themonas tic l ifeand d ied .

Patriarch of Con s tan tin ople (4347 Bekker s tates that th is paragraph isan addit ion by alater hand .

11 Leo the Great,” pope440-

46 1 .

48 THE HERESY OF

in regard to the converted Pelagian s that, i f they des i red to

be received in to the Church again , they should anathematizethei r heresyin writing . In the letter of Coelest ine, bishop of

Rome, 1 to Nes tor ius the same heretic s are con demned .

Coeles t inealso wrote to thebishop s of Gau l in defen ceof theteachin g of St. Augus tinean d again s t thosewho wereemboldened to speak rashly by the l icen ce al lowed to the heresy .

Jerome thepriest 2 also wrote to Ctes iphon 3 in refu tation of

those who held the idea of impass ibil ity (in other words ,again st Pelagius) . This Pelagius was amonk and Coelestiuswashis pupil .

LIV

Read awork attackin g the heresy of Pelagius an d Coelestius ,en t itled A Copy of theP roeeea

’zngs tohen again s t theDoctrines

of Nes torius by the s hops of the Wes t. I t s tates that theNestorian an d Coelestian heres ies wereiden tical wi thou t doub t,quotin g as i ts authority aletter of Cyri l of Alexan dria4 to theemperor Theodos ius . The Coeles tian s, speakin g of the bodyor themembers of Chris t

,that is , theChurch, audacious ly den y

that i t is God (that is , theHo ly Spirit) who distributes to eachman several ly, as Hewi lls, faith an d all that is necessary tol i fe, piety, an d salvat ion according to them, the nature of

man as con s ti tu ted — which by sin an d tran sgres sion fel lfrom blessednes s an d was separated from God and handed overto death — both in vitesan d repels theHo ly Spirit in accordan cewith freewill . TheNes torian s hold an d ven ture to assert thesame opin ion con cern in g thehead of the body, Chris t. S in ceChris t shares our naturean d God wishes all men al ike to be

saved, they saythat every oneofhis o n freewill can amen dhiserror an d makehimsel f worthy of God whereforeHewho wasborn of Mary was n ot H imsel f the Word , but, by reason of

the n obi li ty of His natural wi l l, Hehad theWo rd accompan ying, shar in g the condition of son ship by n obleness alonean ds im i lari ty of name.

This Pelagian or Coelestian heresy flourished n ot on ly in theEas t, but also spread over theWest. At Car thage in Africai t142 2

—

432 . S t. Jerome.

3 Supposed to have been a Roman , to whom Jerome wrote fromPalest ine, in repl y tohis reques t foradvice concern ing Pelagian ism .

A rchbishop of Alexan dria(4 1 2

https://www.forgottenbooks.com/join

50 JOHN PHILOPONUS

Gelas ius , bishop ofRome,

1 anathematized n ot on ly thePelagianheresy, but Pelagius an d Coelestius themselves , together w ithJul ian

,

2who was kn own to have succeeded them in the

leadership of this sect .

LV

Read thetreat iseofJohn Philopon us (or ratherMataeoponus )Again s t theHoly F ourthOecumen ical Council.3 The s tyle ischarac teris tic of him . He shameless ly attempts to prove thatthecoun c i l favoured the heresy of Nestorius , an d dec lares thatit acqu iesced in his excommun ication , because i t imagined itwas doin g n o harm to the man 4 by rati fyin g his doctrine,which Nestorius him self, on whom the con demnation fell,fondly cher ished an d regarded as themos t impor tan t thin g ofall; wherein he in dulges in fabrication s an d outrageous s tatemen ts , on apar wi th his men tal capacity an d theun steadinessofhis opin ion s . The audacious an d id le assertion s which hemakes again st the coun cil, acomedy in fou r parts, are in n o

way deserving of credit or even sen s ible.

In the same volume read a t reatise by another John,a

Nes torian ,Again s t thesameHoly F ourthCoun cil. Theauthor

is John of Aegae,

5an impious person,buthis dict ionhas beauty

an d charm,an d is bri l lian t an d perspicuous .

LVI

Read the t reatise of Theod oret ofCyrrhus Again st Heresies ,from the t ime of S imon

6 down to thosewhich spran g up in hisow n age. It is dedicated to acertain Sporacius ,

7who was

fon d of hearin g about such matters . It goes down to Nes toriusan d his heresy, on which he pou rs fo rth unm itigated cen sure

,

an d even farther, to the heresy of Eutyches . In the las t ofthefivebooks which the t reatise con tain s , he gives asummary

1492

—

4962 B ishop of Eclana

,near Beneven tum , aPelagian leader ( fifth cen tury ).

a4SI

1 If this is n o t somewhat ungrammat ical l y for72Wfivepan rou, thesen semaybegeneral , “ to aman ,

i.e. aperson woul d no t feel injured if thepo in t onwh ich he laid most s tres s were con ceded .

5 Cod . XL I. But he is obvious l y aEutychian , n ot aNestorian , un lessthem is take is in Cod . XL I . ,

some o ther John being real l y theauthor.Magus (seeA cts

7 Coun t of thedomes t ics (captain o f thepalaceguards ), con su l 453.

APPIAN r

o f divine an d o rthodox doctrine compared with idle heret icaltalk, show ing that i t is n ot to be con foun ded with the latter,but is purean d i rreprehen s ible. The s tyle is clear an d freefrom redundanc ies .

LVI I

Read . Appian’

s1 Roman His tory, in three par ts an d twen ty

four books . The fi rst treats of the seven kin gs , Romu lus,

NumaPompilius, An cus Hos tilius,

2 An cus Marc ius (grandsonof Numa), Tarq uin ius (Priscus) , Servius Tul l ius

,Luc ius

Tarquin ius , son of Tarquin ius ,3of whose acts an d deeds i t

con tain s an accoun t . The firs t of these,the founderan d oekis t

of the c ity,although his ru lewas rather patriarchal than tyran

n ical,was never theless assas s inated

, or, accord ing to others ,disappeared from view. The second, in n o way in fer ior as aruler to his predecessor, or perhaps even his superior

,died at

the age of The third was struck by l ightn in g . Thefourth succumbed to disease. The fifth was murdered byshepherds . The s ixth was also murdered . The seven th wasdeposed an d driven out of the city forhis tyran n y . After this

,

themonarchywasabol ished,an d its powers tran s ferred to con su ls .

Such is the con ten ts of the fi rst book, which is en ti t led TheBook of the Kings . The secon d book, en titled I talica, givesan accoun t of the his tory of I taly with the exception of thatpart which is s ituated on the Ion ian Sea. The fol lowin g book,Samnitica

,relates thewars of theRoman s wi th theSamn ites

,

‘1 apowerful nation an d an eriemy difficul t to con quer whom it

took the Roman s eighty years to subdue,an d the o ther

nat ion s who fought on thei r s ide. The fourth , Celtica, relatesthewars of theRoman s wi th the Celts (Gauls ) . The remaining books are s im ilarly named . The fi fth con tain s theH is toryof S ic ily an d the o ther I s lan ds, the s ixth gives an accoun t of

1 Of AJexan d ria, l i ved at Rome dur ing the reign s of T rajan , Hadrian ,

an d An ton inus Pius (between 98 Of the twen ty - four book s of theRoman H istory,

which Phot ius had beforehim , on l y eleven (bes ides thePreface) are completely preserved ; the others are en t irely los t , or on l yfragmen ts .

1 Usual ly known as Tu l lus Hos tilius .

3Usual ly known as Tarquin ius Superbus .

“1 Themos t importan t were the th ree fo l lowing : 343— 34 1 326 — 304 , inwh ich the disas ter of the Caud ine Fork s befel l the Roman s ; 298 — 4 90 , in

w h ich theSamn i tes suffered adeci s ive defeat at Sen tinum

52 APPIAN

Iberian affai rs, the seven th of theHan n ibal i c wars, the eighth

of L ibyan affai rs (deal ing with Carthage an d Numid ia), then in th of Macedon ian affai rs , the ten th of G reek an d Ion ianaffai rs , theeleven th of Syrian an d Parthian aflairs , the twel fthof the Mi thradatic war. Up to th is po in t the relat ion s an dwars of theRoman s with foreign nat ion s are set forth in thi so rder . The books that fo l low describe the civi l wars an ddis turban ces amon gs t theRoman s themselves . They are en~t itled the firs t an d secon d books of the Civi l Wars an d so on

down to then in th, which is the twen ty- first book o f thewhole.

The twen ty- secon d book is cal led Hehaton taetia(thehis tory ofone hun dred years ), the twen ty - third , Dacica, on Dacian affai rs ,the twen ty - fourth, A rabica, on Arabian aflairs .

Such are the divis ion s of the en ti rework.,Theaccoun t of

the civi l wars con tain s firs t the war between Mar ius an dSu lla, then that between Pompey an d Ju lius Caesar, after thei rr ival ry took the form of violen t hos ti l it ies , un ti l fortunefavoured Caesar an d Pompey was defeated an d put to fl ight .Next, it describes the proceedin gs of An ton y an d OctaviusCaesar (also kn own as Augustus ) again s t the murderers of

Jul ius Caesar,at

'

the t ime when man y dis t in gu ished Roman swere put to death wi thou t a trial . Las tly, the desperatecon fl ict between An ton y an d Augus tus , accompan ied byterr ible slaughter, in which victory declared for Augus tus .

An ton y, deserted by his all ies, was driven afugit ive to Egypt,w herehe died by his ow n han d . The las t book of the Civi lWars describes how Egypt camein to thepower of theRoman s,an d how Augus tus became the sole ruler of Rome.

The his to ry begin s wi th Aeneas , the son of An chises , theson of Capys , who l ived in the t imeof theTrojan war. Afterthe capture of Troy Aeneas fled , an d after much wan derin glanded on the coas t of I taly at aplace called Lauren tum ,

where his camp is shown,an d the coas t is called after him

Troja. Faun us, son of Mars , who was at the t ime ruler -

of

the original I tal ian inhab itan ts , gavehis daughter Lavin iainmarriage to Aeneas an d a piece of lan d 4oo s tades incircumferen ce, on which Aeneas bu i l t aci ty an d cal led it

Lavin ium after his wi fe Lavin ia. Three years later, Faunusdied

,an d Aeneas, who succeeded to the throne by right of

kin ship, gave the aborigines 1 the name of Lat in s from his1 A ttempts to iden t ify these people have proved un sat isfactory . The

APPIAN 53

father—ih- law Latinus Faun us . After an other three years,Aeneas was killed in battleagain s t theRu tulian s of T jrrhen ia,to whoseking Lavin iahad formerly been betro thed. Hewassucceeded by Euryleon ,

surnamed Ascan ius , the son of Aeneasby Creusathe daughter of Pr iam , who was his wife at Troy .

Accord ing to o thers , however, the Ascan ius who succeededhim was his son by Lavin ia. Ascan ius died four years afterhehad foun ded the city of Albaw i th abody of sett lers fromLavin ium,

an d S i lvius became kin g . The son of this S i lviusis said to have been Aeneas S i lvius , an d the son of AeneasLatin us S i lvius . His descen dan ts were Capys

, Capetus ,Tiber inus , and Agrippa, said to be the father of Romulus

,

who was killed by lightn in g, leavin g a son Aven tin us,who

had a son named Procas . All these are said to havebeen surnamed S i lvius . Procas had tw o children , the eldernamed Num itor, the youn ger Amu l ius . When the eldersucceeded to the throne on the death of his father, theyounger got possess ion of it by force an d c rime

,killed his

brother ’s son Eges tus ,an d madehis daughter Rheaapries tess ,so that shem ight n ot have children . But N umitor

’

s m i ldnes san d gen tleness saved him from the plo t again s t his l i fe.

S i lviabrokeher vows and became pregnan t, 1 an d was seizedby Amu l ius for pun ishmen t, her tw o son s bein g given to some

shepherds to be thrown in to the river Tiber near at han d .

The in fan ts,Romulus an d Romus

,

2 were descended fromAeneas on the mother ’s s ide; the name of thei r father wasun kn own .

3

A s al ready stated , the his tory begin s with arapid accoun tof Aeneas an d his descen dan ts ; but from the t ime of

Romulus,theoekis t 4 of the city, it gives ful l detai ls of even ts

to the reign of Augus tus , an d , here an d there, as late as thet imeof Trajan .

Appian was an Alexandrian by bi rth , an d at fi rs t an advocate

name is various l y der ived from ab on gine, the primeval in habi tan ts ,chi ldren of the so i l = Gk . ai

’

rréxeoyes ; from aberrare, the n omads ; or

from Bopef'

yeyot , moun tain - dwel lers .

1 By thegod Mars .

2 Remus .

3OneMS . has an en larged paragraph : “for, detesting their unknownfather, they rather prided themsel ves on descen t from Aeneas .

”

‘1 The Greek word obtain -hr (oek ist) den otes thefoun der ofaco lony andhead ofaband of co lon is ts .

54 ARRIAN

at Rome, bein g subsequen t ly raised to the dign i ty of aprocu rator 1 un der theemperors . H is s tyle is dry an d free fromredundan cies as an his torian , he is trus tworthy to thebes t ofhis abi lity , an d an excel len t authori ty on m i l i tary matters thespeeches which he in troduces are adm irably calcu lated to

en courage so ldiers when dispiri ted , to res train them when tooarden t

,to express an d faithfu l ly represen t the emo t ion s an d

feel ings . Heflourished in the reign s of Trajan an d Hadrian .

LVIII

Read Arrian ’

s2 Parthica(H is tory of Parthia) in seven teen

books . Hehas also written thebes t accoun t of the campaign sof Alexander of Macedon . An other w ork of his is Bithynica(H istory of Bithyn ia) , relatin g theaffairs of his native coun t ry.

He also wrote an Alan ica (H is tory of the Alan i) .3 In theParthicahegives an accoun t of thewars between Parthiaan dRome during thereign o f Trajan . He con s iders the Parthian sto have been aScythian race, w hich had long been un der theyoke of Macedon ia, an d revol ted , at the time o f the Pers ianrebel l ion ,

4 for the fol lowin g reason . Arsaces an d T 1ridateswere two brothers

,descen dan ts of Arsaces, the son of

Phriapetes . These tw o brothers, with five accomplices, s lew

Pherecles , who had been appo in ted satrap of Parthia by

1 Probably of Egypt . O thers render : Hewas though t w orthy of themanagemen t of theaffairs of theemperors .

1 F lavius Arrian us , flour ished dur ing the latter half of thesecond cen turyA .D . , an d d ied before 1 80 . He was born at N icomediain Bi thyn ia

,

s tud ied ph i losophy un der Ep ictetus an d d is t ingu i shed h imself as aso ld ier .Hewas appo in ted governor of Cappadociain 136, an d con sul in 1 46. Hespen t theres t ofhis l ifein his nat ivec i ty, wherehehel d the l ifelong ofliceofpries t of Demeter an d Kore. In add i t ion to thewo1ks heremen t ioned ,hewas theauthor of A Voyagerou n d theE ux ine

,atreat iseon Tactics , the

Order cf Battle again s t the A lan i (defeated by him w h i le governor of

Cappadocia) , on the Chase, an d an accoun t of I n d ia,perhaps acon tin ua

t ion of the A nabas is ( the accoun t of A lexan der’s campaign s ) , s o namedafter theA nabas is ofhis model Xenophon .

3O f which theOrder of Battleagain st theA lan i, referred to above, is asect ion .

1 Rebellan til-as in theLatin vers ion s o f S cho tt and Mul ler (F rag. H ist .

Gr. i i i . But can naraarpaoe’

ur w v mean th is ? The more naturalren dering wou l d seem to be

“which had long been under the yoke of

Macedon ia, the Pers ian s having been subdued at the same t ime, ‘

i.e. bytheSeleucids .

SYNOD OF“THE OAK

”

55

An t iochus Theos,

1 to avengean in sul t offered to one of them ;they droveout theMacedon ian s , set up agovern men t of thei row n , an d became so powerfu l that they wereamatch for theRoman s in war

,an d somet imes even were victo rious over

them . Arrian fu rther relates that durin g the reign of Sesos tris,

kin g of Egypt,an d Ian dysus, kin g of Scythia, the Par thian s

removed from thei r ow n coun try, Scythia, to the lan d whichthey n ow in habi t . The emperor Trajan reduced them to

subm iss ion but left them free un der atreaty, an d appoin ted akin g over them .

This Arrian ,called the “young Xen ophon ,

aphilosopheran d one of the pupils of Epictetus

,

2 flouri shed durin g thereign s of Hadrian , An ton in us P ius , an d Marcus An ton in us .

Ow ing to his remarkable learn in g he was en trus ted wi th variousoffices of s tate, an d was final ly promoted to the con su lship .

He was also the author of other works : the Lectures of

Epictetus his mas ter, wi th eight books of which we areacquain ted

,an d theCon versation s of Epictetus in twelvebooks .

His s tyleis dry, an d he is agen u ine imi tato r of Xenophon .

I t is said that hewas also theauthor of other works, but theyhave n ot come in to my han ds . Certain ly he does n o t lackrhetor ical ski l l an d power.

LIX

Read the proceedin gs of the syn 0d 3 that was un lawfullysummoned again s t St . John Chrysostom . Thepres iden ts wereT heophi lus, bishop ofAlexan dria, Acacius of Beroea, An tiochusof P tolemais , Severian of Gabala, an d Cyrinus of Chalcedon ,

who wereb itterly host i le to Chrysostom ,an d con s ti tuted them

selves judges , accusers , an d witnesses . T here were thirteensess ion s : twelve again s t Chrysos tom ,

the thirteen th again s tHeraclides, w hom Chrysos tomhad o rdained bi shop ofEphesus .

Ow in g to the pres sure of o ther bus ines s , however, thedepos it ion of Heraclides could n ot be rat ified . His accuserwas Macarius , bishop of Magnes ia. The open enemy an dchief accuser of Chrysos tom was his deacon John . He fi rs t

1 An tiochus II (king 26 1 — 2461 O fH ierapo l is in Phrygia(c. A . D . 60 S to ic ph i losopher.3The synod (403) at the Oak , an es tate near Chalcedon

,o n the

oppos i te s i de of the Bosporus to Cons tan tin ople, belonging to the imperialprefect Rufin us . SeeHefele, Con z iliengeschrchte (Eng.

56 SYNOD OF“THE OAK

”

charged Chrysos tom with havin g w ronged him by ejec tin g himfor havin g beaten his ow n servan t Eulalius the secon d chargewas that acertain mon k named John had been flogged; byo rder of Chrysos tom ,

dragged alon g, an d put in chain s l ikethose posses sed ; the third

,that hehad so ld much valuable

Church property thefour th , thathehad sold themarblewhichNectarius had set as ide for decoratin g the church of St .

Anas tas ia the fifth,thathehad revi led theclergyas dishonou r

able, corrupt, useless in themselves,

1 an d worthless ; the s i xth,that hehad cal led St . Epiphanius 2 afool an d ademon ; theseven th, that hehad in trigued again st Severian ,

an d set thea’ccan i 3again st him ; the eighth, that hehad w ritten abooks lan derin g the clergy ; the n in th , that, havin g called all thec lergy together, hehad summoned three deacon s , Acacius ,Edaphius, an d John ,

on acharge of havin g s to len his hood, ‘1an d had asked whether theyhad taken i t foranyother pu rposethe ten th, thathehad con sec rated An ton ius as bishop, althoughhehad been con victed of robbin g graves theeleven th, that hehad den oun ced coun t John ataseditious meetin g of thetroopsthe twelfth

,that he did n ot pray either when walking to the

chu rch or en terin g it the thirteen th , that he ordained deacon san d pries ts without s tan din g by thealtar ; the fourteen th , thathe con secrated fou r bishops at on ce; the fi fteen th , that hereceived vis its from women by them selves

,after hehad sen t

every oneelse out of the room the s i xteen th, thathehad so ldby theagen cy of Theodulus the in her itan ce left by Thec la theseven teen th, that n o one knew how the revenues of theChurchwerespen t theeighteen th, thathehad ordained Serapion pries tat at imewhen he was un der accusation ; the n ineteen th, thathe paid n o heed to those who belon ged to the commun ion of

theworld , who had been imprisoned by his orders , an d whenthey died in prison did n ot even con descen d to makearran gemen ts for the in termen t of thei r bodies the twen t ieth, that he

1 Airr orrapaxpij'rovs . Another read ing is

in vi ted .

”

2 SeeCXXI I .

3 Monas t ic offi cial s , whohad each ten monks under their con tro l . Thenamewas also given to theCopz

'

ataeor F ossarii (grave- d iggers , un dertakers ) ,who had to bury thepoor for n oth ing.

“1 Mapdprou, acover ing for thehead , cowl , hood , especial l y for females .

A s used by monks , it maypos s i bly be iden t ical w ith thescapu lar. A notherreading is dinocpdpiov, shoulder - cape ( theLatin pal/item).

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58 SYNOD OF“THE OAK

”

Chrysos tom : ( 1 ) That themon k John,al ready men tioned, had

been flogged an d put in chain s through the O rigen is ts ( 2 )that Epiphan ius refused to hold commun ion with him on

accoun t of his connexion wi th the O rigen ists Ammon ius ,Euthymius, Eusebius , Heraclides , an d Pallad ius ; (3) that heneglec ted the duties o f hospital i ty an d always ate alone; (4)that in chu rch heused such lan guageas “the table is ful l offur ies ”

; (5) that he loudly exclaimed ,“I am in love

,I am

mad (6) that heought to explain what furies he referredto ,an d what hemean t by “I am in love, I am mad , expres

s ion s unknown to theChu rch (7) that he l icen sed people tosin

,s in cehe taught

,

“If thou sin again,repen t again ,

” an d ,As often as thou s in nes t, come to mean d I will heal thee

”

(8 ) that he u t tered blasphemy while in the Church , assert ingthat the prayer of Christ was n ot heard , s in ceHedid n ot prayin aproper manner ; (9) that he s ti rred up the people to

reject theau thority of the syn od ; ( 1 0 ) that hehad welcomedan umber of heathen s who had Oppres sed theChris t ian s , keptthem in the church

,an d afforded them protection ; ( 1 1 ) that

hehad en croached upon the provin ces of others , an d con se

crated bishops there; ( 1 2 ) that hehad in su lted the bishops,an d ordered the bishops an d .

1 to be ejected from hishouse; ( 13) that hehad subjected the clergy to un heard — of

in su l ts ( 1 4) thathehad violen tlyappropriated sums ofmoneyleft to others ; ( 1 5) that he performed o rdination s wi thout ameet ing of the clergy an d con trary to thei r wish ; ( 1 6) that hehad received the O rigen is ts , but al lowed those who were incommun ion wi th theChurch an d had come to him with let tersof recommen dation to be cas t in to prison withou t obtainin gthei r release

,an d even i f they d ied there

,took n o further n o tice

of them ; ( 1 7) that he had con secrated as bishops foreigns laves n ot yet eman cipated an d , in some cases , un der accusat ion ; ( 1 8 ) that he himsel f (Isaac) had often been i l l- treatedby him.

Of these charges the fi rs t, havin g been already discussed ,did n ot seem to requ i re fu rther examinat ion , but the secon dan d seven th

,an d then the thi rd of the charges brought by

deacon John , were in vestigated . In th is las t the archpresbyter1 Theword om itted is éxmyyair ov s , themean ing of wh ich the tran s latorhas been unab‘

e to discover. Ducange explain s it by Cortt ilitzbttlttm asspec ial ly used of the syn od of theOak .

HERODOTUS 59

Arsacius,the succes sor of Chrysostom,

an d the presbytersAtticus an d Elpid ius somehow or other came forward aswitnesses again s t that holy man . Theyo an d the presbyterAcacius also gave wi tness again s t him on the fourth charge.

After these had been in ves tigated,the above-men tioned

presbyters , with Eudaemon an d Ones imus, demanded that thesyn od shou ld hasten its decis ion . Accordingly, Pau l, bishopof Herac lea, cal led upon all to give thei r vote. Thememberspresen t, forty- five in all, then recorded thei r opin ion , beginn in gw ith bishop Gymnasius

'

an d en ding with Theophilus of Alexan dria. I t was . unan imous ly decided that Chrysos tom shouldbedeprived ofhis episcopate. A letter on his depos it ion wassen t on the part of the syn od to the clergy of Con s tan t in ople,an d areport was made to theemperors . Geron tius , Faus tinus ,an d Eugn omon ius also presen ted three peti tion s , complain in gthat they had been -

un just ly deprived of thei r episcopates byChrysostom . Theemperors in reply sen t an imperial rescriptto the syn od . These were the proceedin gs of the twel fthsess ion ; the thirteen th , as has been s tated , was occupied withthe caseof Heraclides, b ishop o f Ephesus .

Read the n ine books of thefi is tory of Herodotus, 1 in namean d n umber iden t ical with the n ine Muses . He may be

con s idered the best represen tativeof the Ion ic, as Thucydidesof theAttic d ialect . He is fon d of old w ives ’ tales an d d igress ion s

,pervaded by charmin g sen t imen ts , which, however,

sometimes obscure the d ue‘

appreciat ion of history an d its

correct an d proper character . T ruth does not al low heraccuracy to be impai red by fables or excess ive digress ion sfrom the subjec t .He begin s his history wi th Cyrus , the fi rs t kin g of Pers ia

,

desc ribin g his birth, education ,man hood

,an d reign an d goes

down to the reign of Xerxes — his exped ition again st the

1 Of Ilalicarnassus (c. 484—

424 B .C the so - cal led “father of his tory .

His history , in n ine books , each named after one of the Muses , gives anaccoun t of thePers ian wars from the reign of Cyrus down to the batt le of

Mycale in the reign of Xerxes , aperiod of 1 2 6 years . I t al so con tain sd igress ions on the earl y h is tory an d man ners an d cus toms of d ifleren t

peoples . It is curious that Photius has not devo ted more at ten tionto him .

6o AESCHINES

Athen ian s,an d subsequen t retreat . Xerxes was the third who

succeeded Cyrus , the firs t bein g Cambyses , the second Darius .

Smerd is theMagian is n ot reckoned amon g these, as atyran twho craft ily usurped the throne that did n ot belon g to him .

Darius was succeeded by his son Xerxes , with whom thehis tory con cludes

,al though it does n ot go as faras theen d of

his reign . Herodotus himsel f, accordin g to the eviden ce of

Diodorus Siculus ,1 flourished durin g these t imes . I t is said

that,when he read his work,2 Thucydides , then very young,

who was presen t with his father at thereading, burs t in to tears .

Whereupon Herodotus exc laimed,“Oh, Olorus ! how eager

your son is to learn ! ”

LXI

Read the three o rat ion s of Aeschines ,3Again s t Timarchus(the fi rs t of his speeches) , On the FalseEmbassy, an d Again s tCtesiphon (the third an d las t) . These three speeches an d n ineletters are said to behis on ly gen u ineworks for which reasonthe oration s were sometimes cal led thethreeG races, from thei rnumber an d the charm of thei r s tyle, an d the letters the n ineMuses . An other orat ion , the Delian law ,

was kn own un derhis name but Caecilius 4 den ies its gen u ineness an d ascribesi t to another Aeschines , an Athen ian an d con temporary.

Aeschines was one of the “ten

” Attic o rators . He wasaccused by Demos thenes of havingm iscon ducted an embassy,

5

but was n ot con victed , s in ce the demagogueEubulus , in whoseserviceAeschines had formerly been ,

6s ided wi th him again s t

1 SeeLXX.

2 To an assembly of theGreeks at O lympia.

3A t t ic orator (c. 390 —31 4 B .C . r ival ofDemos thenes . Hehad avariedcareer as secretary, third - rateactor, orator, an d s tatesman . A t first anopponen t of Phi l ip of Macedon ,

hewas i nduced by bribery to favour hiscause. Afterhis unsuccess fu l attack on C tes iphon for propos ing to bes towacrow n on Demos thenes forhis publ ic services ,heret ired , firs t to Ephesus ,then to Rhodes , and las tl y to Samos , wherehe d ied . The three speecheshave come down to us the letters are los t.

4 Caecilius Calactin us ( from Kale Ak te in S ici ly) : Greek rhetor ic ian ,flourished at Rome in the t ime of A ugus tus . He wro te a number of

rhetorical, grammat ical , an d h i s torical works , the ch ief being On the

Character of the Ten (Att ic ) Orators , but none of them has come downto us .

5 To Phi l ip of Macedon .

A s secretary . Eubu lus was ad ist ingu ished finan cier, an d a bitteropponen t ofDemos thenes .

AESCHINES 6 1

Demosthenes, an d caused the jury to rise before Demos theneshad finished his speech . Subsequen tly, when heattacked theproposal of Ctes iphon on behal f of Demosthenes as i l legal,1having himsel f settled theamoun t of thefinehewas preparedto pay i f he did n ot make good the charge, he fai led to d o so,

an d left h is coun t ry . He first set out for As ia, in ten din g to

seek refugewith Alexan der, the son of Philip,who was then on

his Asiat ic expedition ,but when he heard of his death an d

that his successors were quarrel l in g amon gst themselves,be

sai led to Rhodes , where he remained for some t ime, givin gyoun g men lesson s in rheto ric . When his adm irers wereat aloss to un ders tan d how so great an orator cou ld have beendefeated by Demosthenes , he replied, “If you had heard thatbeas t (mean in g Demosthenes ), you wou ld n ot be surprised .

”

He is said to have been the fi rst to compose imaginaryspeeches an d what are cal led “declamat ion s in his leisu rehours . In his old agehe removed to Samos , wherehe died .

He was of humble origin ;2 his father was A trometus hismother Glaucothea, apriestes s . Hehad tw o brothers

,Apho

betus and Philochares . A t first, being posses sed of a loudvo ice, he becameathird - rateacto r then hewas copyin g- clerkto theCoun c i l an d soon afterwards came forward as apublicspeaker . He belon ged to the phi lippiz in g party at Athen s ,an d was con sequen t ly apo l it ical opponen t of Demos thenes .

He is said to haveatten ded P lato ’

s lectu res , an d to havebeenthe pupi l of An talcidas ,3s tatemen ts which are supported by thegran deu r of his lan guage an d the dign ity of his in ven tion s .

4

The Sophis t D ionys ius ,5 when he came across the orationAgain s t Timarchus , after hehad read the open in g —

“I havenever yet publicly in dicted aci ti zen n or harassed him when hewas ren derin g an accoun t of his office — is reported to havesaid ,

“Wou ld that you had indicted or harassed man y, that so

1 The text is corrupt here. The sen se required is given in thetran s lat ion .

2 Accord ing to his ow n accoun t , hewas ofgood fam i ly .

4 Theon l y A n talcidas appears to be theauthor of the hum i l iat ing peacewi th Pers ia (387 who is no t famous as arhetoric ian or teacher.Suiclas says that Aesch ines was apupi l of A lcidamas of E laea(in Aeo l is inAs iaMinor ) , apupi l of Gorgias .

4 Theword radauaraperhaps refers here to the moul ded form of

s tyle, n ot , as above, to imaginary, fict i tious speeches .

Of Miletus . He l i ved in the t imeof theemperor Hadr ian .

62 PRAXAGORAS

you m ight have left us more speeches of thekin d,

so del ightedwas bewith this orator ’s style.

His language appears natural an d extemporaneou s, an ddoes n ot c reate so much admi rat ion for the writer ’s art as forhis natu ral gifts . Abundan t proofs of his cleverness an dabi l ity are to be foun d in his orat ion s . In his cho ice of wordsheaims at s impl ic i ty an d dis tin ctness

,an d in the structure of

his periodsheis nei ther so feebleas I socrates , n or so compres sedan d con c i se as Lys ias

,whi le in verve an d energy he is n ot

in ferior to Demos thenes . He employs figures of thought an dspeech , n ot to create the impres s ion of us ing ar tis tic lan guage,but in con formi ty with the necess i ties of the subject . Hen cehis s tyle appears direct an d s traightforward

,wel l adapted for

speaking in public an d for private con versat ion ; for he doesn ot make con s tan t use of proofs an d argumen ts

,an d is n ot

over elaborate.

Aeschines,

1 the son of Lysan ias, cal led Socraticus,is

reckoned by Phryn ichus an d others one of the greates to rators , an d his speeches as models of Attic s tyle

, on lysecon d to thoseof its bes t represen tatives .

LXII

Read the[f istory o] Con stan tine theGreat by P raxagoras of

Athen s,

2 in tw o books . In this he tel ls us that Con stan t ine’sfather, Con s tan t ius, was govern or of Bri tain an d Spain ;Maximin 3 of Rome

,the res t of Italy, an d S ici ly ; the o ther

Maximin 4 of Greece, As iaMin or, an d Thrace D iocletian , asthe eldes t, governed Bithyn ia, Arabia, Lybia, an d that par t ofEgypt that is watered by the N i le. Con s tan tine was sen t byhis father to D ioclet ian in N icomedia to be educated . Atthat t imeMaxim in

,

5 govern or of As iaMin or, who happened tobe there, determ ined to layaplot again s t the youth an d

1 Pupi l o f Socrates . He spen t some t ime at the court of Dionys iustheYounger of Syracuse, an d then sett led in A then s an d wrote speechesfor the law —courts . Heal so composed an umber of Socrat ic d ialogues , of

which seven were supposed to be gen u ine. The three that pas s un der hisnamean d some letters are certain ly n ot by him .

1 F lourished in the fourth cen tury B .C. Bo th works men t ioned byPhot ius are en t irely lost .

3 Shoul d beMaximian (Marcus Aurel ius Valerius Maxim ianus ) .4 Shoul d al so beMaximian (Galerius Valerius Maximian us ) .5 Galerius .

PRAXAGORAS 63

set him to fight with asavage l ion . But Con s tan tine overcamean d s lew thebeas t, an d havin g discovered the plo t, tookrefuge with his father, after whose death he succeeded to thethrone.

Soon after his access ion ,he subdued theCel ts an d German s ,

neighbou rin g an d barbarous nation s . Having learn t thatMaxen tius

,who had made him sel f mas ter of Rome after

Maxim in ,

1 treated his subjects wi th cruelty an d brutali ty, hemarched again s t him ,

to pun ish him forhis con duct . Hewasspeedily victor ious an d put his enemy to fl ight, who fel l in tothe pit which hehad prepared for others an d met the deathwhich hehad des igned forhis enemies . The Roman s cut offhis head, hun g it on aspear, an d carried i t through the city.

This part of the empi re with joyfu l eagerness subm i tted to

Con stan t ine.

In the mean t ime, Maximin (who had plotted again s tCon stan tine) had died an d was succeeded in his governmen tby L ic in ius . Con s tan t ine, hearin g that he also treated hissubjects with cruelty and inhuman i ty, unable to tolerate suchbrutal i ty towards those of the same race, marched again s t him ,

to put an en d to his tyran n y an d replace it by con st itut ionalgovernmen t . L icin ius

,bein g in formed of the expedit ion ,

becamealarmed, attempted to disgu isehis cruelty un der thecloak of human i ty

,an d took an oath that hewou ld treat his

subjects kindly an d wou ld s tric tly keep his promise.

Con s tan tine accordin gly for the t imeaban doned his expedit ion . Soon afterwards , however, s in ce the wicked can n o tremain qu iet

,L ic in ius brokehis oath an d aban doned himsel f

to every k in d of vi llain y . Whereupon Con s tan tineattackedan d defeated him in several great battles an d shu t him upan d bes ieged him in N icomedia, when ce he approachedCon stan t ine in the garb of asuppl ian t . His kingdom wastaken away from him an d bestowed upon Con s tan tine, whothus secured an d became soleruler of thedifferen t parts of thegreat empi re, which had lon g des i red an emperor wo rthy of i t .He in herited his father ’ s kingdom an d that of Rome after theoverthrow of Maximin

,

2 an d obtained posses s ion of G reece,Macedon ia, an d As iaMinor by the depos ition of L icin ius .

He further assumed con tro l of that par t which had belon gedto Diocletian , an d had been held by L icin ius, who had

1 Valerius .

2 Shoul d beMaxen tius .

64 PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

seized i t by righ t of war from Maxim in ,1 D ioclet ian ’

s

successor .Bein g thus sole mas ter of a un ited empi re, he founded

Byzan tium an d cal led i t after his ow n name. P raxagoras saysthat al though Con s tan tine was aheathen

,in virtue

,goodness

,

an d prosperi ty befar excel led allhis predecessors on thethrone.

Wi th thesewords thehis tory con cludes .

Praxagoras, acco rdin g to his ow n statemen t, was twen ty- tw o

years old when hewro te this his to ry. Hewas al so theauthorof two books on The Kings of A then s , written when hewasn ineteen

,an d six books on Alexan der King of Macedon , written

when hewas th irty- one. His s tyle is clear an d agreeable, butsomewhat wan t in g in vigour . Hewrites in the Ion ic dialect .

LXII I

Read the H istory of P rocopius 2 the rhetor ician in eightbooks . He relates the wars of the Roman s in the reign of

Just in ian again st the Van dals , Pers ian s ,‘

an d Goths , chieflycon ducted by Bel i sar ius , whose in timate fr ien d the writerwas an d whom beaccompan ied on his campaign s, sett ing downin writin g even ts of which hewas an eye

-witnes s .

The fo l lowing is the con ten ts of thefirs t book. Arcadius,emperor of the Roman s

,in his wil l appo in ted Yez degerd , kin g

of Pers ia,guardian ofhis son Theodos ius . Yez degerd accepted

the trust,fulfi lled his dut ies as guardian con scien t ious ly an d

kept his ward ’

s throne in tact . On the death of Yez degerd ,Vararanes his successor made war again s t the Roman s, butafter Anatolius

,master - general of the East, had been sen t by

Theodos ius on an embas sy to Pers ia,he con cluded atreatyan dreturned home. After th is Perozes , king of Pers ia, who suc

ceeded an other Yez degerd , son of Vararanes , waged war on the1 Valer ius Maxim inus cal led Dazaor Daia, emperor 31 1 - 314.

2 Of Caesareain Palest ine, died some t imeafter 562 . In add i t ion to theeigh t books of TheWars hewas theauthor of adescript ion of TheB u ild

erected by Jus tin ian , an d of an A n ecdotaor Chron iq ue Scan daleuseattacking the pr ivate l i fe of Jus t in ian an d his n otorious wife Theodora.Thegenu inenes s of the las t has been d isputed . I n s tyle Procopius is animi tator of Herodo tus an d Thucydides . The t i t le rhetor ician given himby Phot ius better sui ts Procopius of Gaza

,aChris t ian teacher of rhetoric

(465 For the history of theperiod , seeG ibbon , ch. 40 J . B . Bury,

Later Roman E mpire T . Hodgkin , I talyan d her I n vaders G . Rawl inson ,The Seven thOrien tal IlIonarchy.

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66 PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

agross in su lt on the part of somewomen amon g the bes iegedi nduced him to turn back an d con tin ue operation s . He

attacked with furious impetuos ity, took the city by storm,

an d carried off the in habi tan ts as s laves . A large n umberof them were subsequen t ly released without ran som,

an dtreated w ith great kin dness by Anastas ius .

Anastas ius,hearin g that Am idawas bes ieged

,sen t avery

large force again st the Persian s, un der four comman dersAreobin dus , master - general of theEas t (son - in - law of Olybrius ,the former emperor of the Wes t), Celer, captain of theimperial household, Patricius the Phrygian

, an d his ow n

nephew Hypatius . With them were as soc iated Just in , whosucceeded Anas tas ius, an d man y other experien ced soldiers .

I t is said that so largean army had never been brought in tothe field agains t thePers ian s, but owin g to its delay in arr iving,the ci ty was taken ; further, there was n o unity of operat ionan d the differen t detachmen ts acted indepen den t ly, with theresu lt that they were ign om inious ly defeated with heavy lo s s .

A t last they reached Am idaan d bes ieged the city, but whilethey wasted t ime, thePers ian s w ithin , who werein great straits,con cluded aseven years ’ treaty, which was arran ged by Celeran d Asperedes as represen tatives of Pers iaan d Rome.

Moun t Taurus in Cil iciafi rs t pas ses through Cappadocia,Armen ia, Persarmen ia, Alban ia, Iberia, an d all the o therin depen den t coun tr ies which had become subject to Pers ia.

Jus t over the fron tiers of Iber iathereis anarrow path aboutfifty stades in len gth

,en ding in as teep an d inacces s ible height

there is apparen tly n o way through,except by mean s of a

natu ral exit which looks as if i t had been madeby the han d of

man, cal led in an cien t t imes the Caspian gate. Beyon d this

gate there are plain s suitable for ridin g,an d full of natural

sprin gs , an d there is an exten s ive tract of gen tly- s lopin g coun trywhich provides an excel len t pas tu rage for horses ; it i s nearlyall in habited by Hun s as faras thePalus Maeotis .

1 Wheneverthey in vade Pers ian or Roman terri tory through the Caspiangate, they rideat fu ll speed on vigorous horses , s in ceall whodes i re to en ter Iberia have on ly to con ten d with difficu ltcoun try for thefi fty stades men t ioned if

,on the o ther hand ,

they choosean other passage, it is only with great trouble thatthey reach their dest inat ion . Alexan der, the son of Phil ip,

1 The Seaof Az ov .

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA 67

perceivin g this, bu i lt gates there an d erec ted a fo rtress .

Dur ing the reign of Anastas ius , this fortress was occupied by aHun named Ambaz uces, afrien d of theRoman s an d Auastas in s

,to whom he offered to han d over con tro l of the gates .

1

Anastas ius thanked him for his goodwill,but refused to accept

the respon s ibi lity . After the death of Ambaz uces, Cabadesforc ibly ejected his son s an d took pos sess ion of the gates .

Thereupon Anas tas ius , after the t reaty had been con cludedwith Cabades , bu i lt a stron gho ld in the neighbourhood of

Daras,in spite of the object ion s of the Pers ian s

,an d also

another ci ty in Armen ia, on the fron tiers of Persarmen ia, whichwas formerly cal led Theod osiupolis , s in ce Theodos ius hadbes towed upon it the ran k ofac ity in s tead ofavi llage.

On the deathof Anastas ius, although man y of his kin smenwere worthy to succeed him

,they were rejected an d Jus t in

elected emperor. Soon after his access ion , Cabades , in o rderto secure the throne for his youn gest son Chosroes , wrote aletter to Just in propos ing that he shou ld adopt Chosroés .

Justin an d his s is ter ’s son Just in ian; the hei r - presumptive,wel comed the proposal , but in con sequen ce of theadvice of

Proclus the quaes tor, who argued that son s were the lawfu lhei rs an d successors of thei r fathers ,2 they chan ged thei r m in dsan d theadoption was n ot ratified . Subsequen t ly, Seoses (whohad on ce saved the l i fe of Cabades ) an d Beodes 3were sen t

by thePers ian s , an d Rufin us an d Hypatius by theRoman s , todiscuss the terms of peace an d the adoption of Chosroés .

Seoses was accused of various offen ces by Beodes, t ried by hiscoun trymen an d con demned to death . Rufinus also accusedHypatius to theemperor, who deprived him ofhis office.

The coun try between Bosporus an d Cherson ,which are a

twen ty days’ journey apart

,is in habited by Hun n ish tribes

,

who were formerly in dependen t but had recen t ly subm itted toJustin

,Cherson bein g the las t c ity in Roman territory. The

Iberian s also,bein g i ll - treated by the Pers ian s, declared them

selves vassals of Jus tin together with thei r kin g, Gurgenes .

This was the cause of war between the Roman s an d thePers ian s .

1 On cond ition ofasum of money being paid to him .

1 Hewas afrai d that , as Jus ti n had no natural son ,an adopted son m igh t

claim to behis heir an d succes sor.1 OrMebodes .

68 PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Dur in g his l ifetime, Jus t in had madeJus tin ian his partner inthe empire, who , after his un cle’

s death,became so le ruler.

Bel isarius an d S ittas were the tw o army commanders un derJus t in ian . Bel isarius had been appo in ted to the command of

the troops in Daras , when P rocopius, thew ri ter of this his tory,became his secretary . When Jus tin ian was sole emperor,Bel isarius was made general of theEast an d ordered to un dertakean expedit ion again s t thePers ian s . Pero zes , themirron ,

1

had been appo in ted to the comman d of the Pers ian army byCabades . While both armies were en camped near Daras ,Ferozes sen t amessage to Bel isarius , biddin g him prepareabath in the city

,s in cehe in ten ded to bathe there on the

followin g day. The Roman s accordin gly prepared vigorouslyfor batt le. Durin g theen gagemen t, oneAn drew, aByzan t ine,agymnas t ic in s tructor, mas ter of awres tl in g school in Cons tan tin ople, an d oneof the bath-atten dan ts of Buzes (who wasassoc iated with Bel isar ius in the comman d), when chal lengedto aduel, made his way through the ran ks unn o ticed , an ddefeated an d s lew his challen ger . Then the battlewas d iscon t in ued . In asubsequen t engagemen t, thePers ian s , hav ingbeen completely defeated with heavy losses , decided n ot to

r isk anymorepitched bat tles with theRoman s, an d both sidescon fined themselves to skirm ishes .

Cabades then sen t an other army in to Roman Armen ia,con s is tin g of Persarmen ian s , Sun ites an d Sabirites , un der thecomman d of Mermeroe

'

s . Dorotheus , general of Armen ia, an dS i t tas , who was in comman d of thewholearmy, jo ined battle,an d although greatly in ferior in n umbers

,defeated thePers ian s,

who thereupon retu rn ed home. The Roman s then tookpossess ion of some Pers ian terr i tory, in cluding the dis tri c t ofPharangium,

the gold m ines of which furn ish arevenuefor thekin g. The T zan i (formerly cal led San i), an independen tpeoplewho lived by plun derin g thei r neighbours, weredefeatedby S ittas an d submitted to Rome. They embraced Chris tiani ty

,an d weredrafted in to the ran ks of theRoman army .

After the defeat of both his armies , Cabades was at alosswhat to d o . Then Alamun darus , chief of thePers ian Saracen s ,an exper ien ced an d vigorous sold ier, who for fi fty years hadharas sed theRoman s, sugges ted to him that he should attack1 Some take th is to beaproper name, Others the t itleof thecomman der

ih-ch ief of thePers ian army.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA 69

An tioch, which was unprotected, an d ravage the neighbourin gcoun try. But Bel isarius , hearin g of his in ten t ion , set out withall speed again s t him wi th aforce of Isaurian s an d Saracen s ,the latter un der Arethas , aSaracen chief who was on the s ide of

Rome. Alamun darus an d Azarethes reti red in alarm , closelyfol lowed by Bel isarius , who did n o t in ten d to forcean engagemen t, but on ly preten ded to be pursuin g them . But theso ldiers reproached him,

at firs t secret ly an d then open ly,so

that again s t his wil l he con sen ted to give battle. At fi rs t,after

both s ides had suffered heav i ly, the i ssue remained in doubt ;but after the fo rces of Arethas an d the Isaur ian s had givenway, thePers ian s gained adecided vic tory . Had n ot Bel isar iusd ismoun ted an d gone to theass istan ce of thosewho remained ,they wou ld all have been des troyed . A zarethes , the Pers iancomman der, on his return received n o thanks from Cabadesfor his victory . For he himsel f had los t alarge n umber of

men , although the enemy ’s los ses had been greater, an d wasaccordingly regarded as disgraced .

Bel isarius was recalled to Byzan t ium by Jus tin ian to com

man d theexpedition again s t theVandals, the protection of theEas t bein g en trus ted to S i ttas . At this t ime, whilethePers ian swereattackin g theRoman s , Cabades died an d was succeededby Chosroe

'

s . Hearing of thi s,the Roman s sen t Rufin us ,

Alexan der, Thomas , an d Hermogenes on an embassy to him ,

with offers to con c ludean “en dless peace” an d also to paya

sum of 1 1 0 cen tenars .

1 At firs t the negotiat ion s were un

success ful,an d i t was n ot t i l l later that the “en dless peace

was con cluded in the s ixth year of the reign of Justin ian .

Accordin g to its terms,thePers ian s received themoney agreed

upon , and the d ist rict of Pharangium an d the fortress of Bo lonwere res tored to them on the other hand

,theyabandoned the

fortresses captured in Lazica,an d exchanged Dagaris , an

excellen t sold ier, foraPers ian of ran k .

Soon afterwards, thei r subjects con spired again s t bothChosroes an d Jus tin ian . The Pers ian s hated Chosroés asturbu len t an d restless

,an d were m in ded to bes tow the crown

on Cabades , the son of Chosroe'

s’ brother Zames . But the

plot was discovered, an d Chosroés pu t to death Zames an d hisother brothers, an d all who had taken part in it . Thus thecon spiracy was put down . Cabades the son of Zames , who

1 pounds of go l d , about

70 PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

was very young, escaped death through the pruden ce an d

compas s ion of Khanaranges Adergad unbades ,1 who was afterwards pu t to death 0 11 this accoun t by Chosroes .

Thepeopleof Romealso roseagain st Jus tin ian an d declaredHypatius , the nephew of Anastas ius

,emperor again s t his w i l l .

The ris in g had its or igin in the circus faction s .

2 Bel isariusan d Mun dus

,by order of Justin ian , put Hypatius to death

together with an umber of con spirators an d of thepeople. Just in ian also had the support of his nephewsBorai

’

des an d Jus tus . In the same book P rocopius gives anaccoun t of theavaric ious an d wily Tribon ian ,

aPamphylian bybirth, who held the officeof quaes tor, an d also of John

,prefect

of- Cappadoc ia,n otoriou s for villain y

,greed, drun ken ness , an d

vice of every kin d . He relates how An ton ina,the wife of

Bel isarius , makin g use of John ’

s daughter Euphemia,deceived

him an d convicted him of con spi ring again s t theempero r ;alsohow , when Eusebifi s , bishop of Cyzicus , was treacherous lymu rdered

,John

, bein g suspected of the crime, was scourgedan d ign om in ious ly ban ished .

The con ten ts of the secon d book is as fo llows . Chosroes ,bein g an xious to break the treaty with the Roman s

,whose

con quest of L ibyahad roused his jealousy, was further in ci tedby Witigis, kin g of the Goths , who sen t an embassy to him,

composed of certain L igu rian san d Bas sacus ,an Armen ian chief.TheArmen ian shad revo lted from Romean d jo ined thePers ian s ,an d the Roman commander S ittas had been ki lled whi lefighting again s t them . Chosroes thereupon decided to breakthe“en dless t rucean d makewar on theRoman s . When heheard of this

,Jus tin ian sen t Anastas ius to Chosroes to advise

him n o t to d o so . In the mean timeWitigis had been takenprisoner by Bel isarius , an d sen t to Con s tan t inople. Chosroes

,

however, c ros sed theRoman fron tiers , took the town of Su ra,an d made the in habi tan ts s laves . Soon afterwards , Can didus ,bishop of Sergi0polis , hav in g offered to ran som the captives ,1 20 0 in n umber

,he let them go free on receipt of abon d for

tw o cen tenars . But Can didus , fai l ing to keep his promise, wasjus tly pun ished . Chosroes next marched again s t H ierapo l is ,an d was preparin g to lay s iege to it, w hen the bishop o f Beroeao ffered him 2 ooo poun ds of s i lver i f he wou ld aban don theblockade. Chosroes con sen ted, an d even prom ised to evacuate

1 A Pers ian t i tle.

1 TheN ikased i tion

PROCOPIUS or CAESAREA 71

thewhole of the Roman territory in theEas t for 1 0 0 0 poun dsof go ld . MeanwhileBuzes , general of theEas t, n ot thinkinghim sel f s tron g en ough to oppose Chosroes , kept movin g fromplace to place. Chosroes then advan ced to Beroea

,from

whose inhabitan ts he deman ded aran som of 2 0 0 0 poun dsof s i lver, afterwards in creased to tw ice that amoun t when theyfailed to pay, he laid vigorous s iege to the ci ty . But Megas

,

bishop of Beroea, appealed to Chosroes an d in duced him to let

the in habitan ts go free, wherever they wished . Mos t of thesoldiers vo lun tari ly wen t o ver to Chosroes , because thei r paywas greatly in arrears . In l ike man ner Chosroés deman dedran som from the in habitan ts of An t ioch,an d when they refused ,bes ieged it . Whilehe was vigorous ly attackin g, Theoctistusan d Malatzes , 1 with theso ldiers from theLeban on , secretly madethei r wayout of the city an d fled . Thu s Chosroes eas i ly compelled An tioch to su rren der an d reduced the in habitan ts to

s lavery . Ambassadors from Rome were then sen t to him ,

John the son of Rufin us an d Ju l ian his pri vate sec retary .

After alon g discuss ion as to terms,it was agreed that the

Roman s shou ld payChosroes 50 0 0 pounds of gold down , an d

500 pounds every year in the futu re by way of t ribute, on hispromise to cease ravagin g thei r terri to ry an d that ambas sadorsshould be sen t from Justin ian to con firm theagreemen t . But

in spite of this arran gemen t, Chosroes proceeded to Apamea,an d deman ded alarge sum of money from its bishop

,Thomas

finally,hecarried offall thesacred ves sels an d offerin gsand left

the town . I t was here that the m iracle o f the precious an dl ife- givin g cross took place.

2 Chosroes is also said to haveatten ded the circus games in the same place. He then wen ton to Chalcis , - an d after exacting from the in habitan ts 2 00

poun ds of go ld , reti red without bes ieging it . He next vis itedEdessa, from which he exacted the same amoun t, but, bein galarmed by certain divine warn ings

,left this c i ty also uh

bes ieged. Edessa is the c i ty which is con nected w ith thes to ry of Augarus

3 an d the m i racle performed by Chris t .1 Or Molatzes .

1 Apameawas supposed to be theposses sor ofafragmen t o f thetruecros s .

1 Usual l y known as Abgar(us ) , probablyat i t le. TheAbgar here referredto ruled from 4 B . C to A . D . 50 ,

wi th an in terval during which he wasdeposed . I t is said that hewrote a let ter to Chris t begging Him to curehim of ad isease. Chris t prom ised to send one of His d is ciples after Hisascen s ion , an d Thaddeus w as sen t by Thomas , bywhom Abgar was cured .

72 PROCOPIUS or CAESAREA

Augarus was agreat frien d of Augustus , at whose court heremained some t ime, an d on ly succeeded by s tratagem in

obtain ing perm iss ion to retu rn to his ow n coun try. Chosroésthen left Edessa. At the same t ime Just in ian wrote to hisambassadors , express in g himsel f ready to con firm the treaty.

Nevertheless , Chosroés exacted ran som from Con s tan t ina,

an d,go in g on to Daras, proceeded to bes iege i t. I ts com

man der, Martin ,prepared to defen d i t,an d Chosroés, seeing n o

h0peof takin g it by siege, ret ired to his ow n coun try on paymen t of 1 0 0 0 poun ds of s i lver . The in habitan ts of An t iochwereall tran sferred to aci ty cal led An t ioch o f Chosroes

,which

hehad bu i l t in As syria, aday’s journey from Ctes iphon . He

t reated them with great kindness an d favour, o rdered that theyshould beexempt from all jurisdiction but his ow n ,

con s tructedahippodrome, an d provided them wi th o ther amusemen ts .

Belisar ius , who had been recalled from I taly to takecomman d

,set out again s t Chosroes at the beginn in g of spring .

On his arr ival in Mesopotamia, bearmed an d en couraged thesoldiers

,who werealmos t withou t equ ipmen t an d dreaded the

name of the Pers ian s . Chosroes , on the in vitat ion of theLaz ian s

,who with thei r ruler Gubazes 1had jo ined thePers ian s

,

owin g to the extortion s an d jobbery of John , Roman com

man dan t,

2 rapidly advan ced again s t Petra, aci ty of Co lchis onthe shore of the Euxine. A s lon g as John was in comman dof the fort ress , the s iege was un succes s ful , but after hehadbeen ki lled by ashot in the neck, it surren dered . The inhabitan ts wereal lowed to depart un harmed, subject toan agreemen t .On ly the largeamoun t of money accumu lated by John throughthe mon opoly was sei zed by Chosroes . In the mean timeBel isarius

,after an abortiveattack on N is ibis , laid s iege to the

fo rtress o f Sisauran um an d compel led i t to surrender . I ts

comman der Blischames 3an d themos t dis tin gu ished Pers ian swere made prisoners and sen t to Byzan t ium . Arethas also

,

who had been sen t wi th an armyagain s t theAs syrian s, ravagedthei r coun try ; but his compan ion s , who had secured largesums of money

,refused to retu rn to Bel isar ius . The latter

,

whosearmy had been attacked by s ickness , was in ign oran ceof what Arethas had done Recithangus an d Theoctistus wereeager to return home to defen d Phoemcra

,which was bein g

1 Or Gunazes .

1 Hehad established amonopo ly of corn and salt .1 Thereareseveral variants of this name,

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74 THEOPHANES OF BYZANTIUM

Byzan t ium,explained to theemperor theart of rear i ng s i lk

worms,hitherto unkn own to the Roman s . This Pers ian

,who

had come from the lan d of the Seres ,1 con cealed the eggs of

the s i lkw orms in a hol low cane an d con veyed them to

Byzan t ium . A t the begin n in g of sprin g,theeggs were placed

upon mu lber ry leaves,on which the worm s fed when hatched

,

afterwards turn in g in to moths,which spun the s i lk . When

kin g Justin afterward s showed theTu rks how the worms werebred an d how s i lk was made

,hegreatly su rprised them , s in ce

at that t ime they had pos ses s ion o f the markets an d harboursof the Seres

,formerly held by the Pers ian s . Ephthalan us ,

king of the Ephthal ites,from whom the t ribe derived its

name, havin g defeated Perozes an d the Pers ian s,drove them

ou t of their terri tory an d took pos sess ion of it , bein g themselves shortly afterwards in tu rn defeated an d dispos sessed bythe Turks . Zemarchus

,an ambassador sen t by Just in to the

Tu rks, en tertained them at amagn ificen t ban quet an d havin gbeen received with every kin dness return ed home. Chosroésthereupon marched again s t the Aethiopian s (formerly calledMacrobii

,

2 an d at that time Homerites ) , who were on friendlyterms w ith theRoman s wi th theaid of Miranes ,3the Pers iangeneral

,be captu red Sanaturces , kin g of theHomerites

,sacked

their c ity an d en s laved the inhabi tan ts . The author alsorelates how the Armen ian s

,being il l- treated by Surenas ,

especial ly in the matter of religion , en tered in to acon spiracywith Vardanes (whose brother Man uel had been put to deathby Surenas ) an d acertain Vard us , s lew Surenas , revo lted fromthe Pers ian s an d wen t over to the Roman s , aban don ing thetown of Dubios where they l ived an d cross in g in to Romanterri tory . This was the chief. reason why the Pers ian s brokethe treaty wi th the Roman s . Immediately afterwards theIber ian s also revolted an d wi th thei r kin g, Gurgenes , desertedto the Roman s . A t that t ime T iphilis was the capi tal ofIberia.

Marcian ,cous in of the emperor Jus tin ,

who had been appoin ted comman der in theEas t

,was sen t again s t Chosroes in

theeighth year of Just in ’

s reign . John,thegeneral of Armen ia,

an d Miranes,the Pers ian leader (who was also called

Baramaanes), col lected an army to oppose them . The1 China.

1 The “ long- l ived .

3Apparen tl y hereaproper name, n ot atitle.

THEOPHYLACT SIMOCATTA 75

Armen ian s were jo ined by the Co lchian s,the Abasgi , an d

Satoes , king of theAlan i Miranes by the Sabiri , Daganes , an dthe tribeof theDilmain i. 1 Marcian defeated Miranes at N is ibisan d put him to fl igh t ; 1 2 0 0 Pers ian s were killed an d seven tytaken prisoners , while the Roman loss was on ly seven .

Marcian also laid s iege to N is i bis . Chosroes , when he heardo f this got together cavalry an d more thanin fan try, an d hastened to its as s is tan ce to attack theRoman s .

In themean timeMarcian was accused to theempero r ofaim in gat the throne. Justin , persuaded of the truth of the charge

,

dismissed him from the comman d an d appoin ted Theodore,the son of Justin ian surnamed T z irus

,in his s tead . This led

to d is turban ces , the Roman s raised the s iege, an d Chosroesbes ieged an d reduced Daras .

LXV

Read the H is tories of Theophylact, 2 prefect an d imperialsecretary, in eight books . Hewas an Egypt ian by bi rth . His

s tyle is n o t wi thout grace, bu t owing to his exces s i ve use of

figurati veexpress ion s an d al legorical ideas is frigid an d showsapuerilelack of taste further

,his frequen tly i l l- t imed in sertion

of moral sen t imen ts betrays afon dnes s for exces s i vean d superfl uous display . In other respectsheis less deservin g of cen su re.

Thehis tory begin s with the reign of Maurice, an d goes downto theaccess ion of Phocas .

In the fi rst book hegives an accoun t of the proclamation of

Mauri ceby theemperor Tiberius as his successor at the t imewhen John was patriarch o f Con s tan tinople. Tiberius bes towedgood advice upon Maur ice through the mouth of John thequaestor, who was deputed to address Maur icean d the peoplein place of the emperor . Tiber ius betrothed his daughter toMauricean d died the dayafter the proclamation . Just before

1 Probably the sameas theD ilimn itae.

2 Theophylactus Simocatta. TheHis tories or Oecu n zen z’

cal H istory con

tains the reign of theempero r Maurice (582 an d is the o ldes tan d bes tauthori ty for the period . The complr te work is extan t . Simocattawasalso theau thor ofatreat ise on certain problem s of natural h is to ry an d theirsolu t ion , an d o faco l lectio n o f rhetorical exerc ises in the form o f let ters on

various s ubjects . As Pho t ius says , his s tyle is extremely far- fetched . Hehas been descri bed as arepresen tat i ve of Byzan t ine euphu ism . For thehis tory see G ibbon , ch. 45, 46 ; J. B Bury , Latcr Roman E mpire; G .

Rawl in son , TheSeven thOrien tal ll/onarchy.

76 THEOPHYLACT SIMOCATTA

his death, he saw a vis ion an d heard avo ice sayin g,“Thus

sai th the Trin ity to thee, O Tiber ius ; the tyran n ous times ofimpiety shal l n ot come durin g thyreign . T hesewords wereapredict ion of the tragedy of the impious an d tyrann ical reign of

the accu rsed Phocas . Mauri ce made peacewith the Avars ,who al i ttlet imebefo rehad laid s iege to S i rm ium ,an d agreed topaythe barbarian s pieces of gold yearly in con s ignmen tsof garmen ts an d money . The treaty was kept for tw o years ,but was broken owing to the greed of the barbarian s , who demanded more pieces of gold . Thi s led to the ruptureof the t ruce S ingid um,

Augusta,an d V im inacium were taken

by the barbarian s an d An chialus bes ieged . Elpid ius an dComen tiolus , who were sen t as ambas sadors from Rome to thechagan 1

of theAvars , were treated with in sul t on the groun dthat Comen tiolus had spoken too freely to the barbarian . In

the fol lowin g year Elpid ius was again sen t to the chagan withan offer to paytheadditional pieces of gold ,an d returnedto Byzan t ium with Targitius , the represen tativeof theAvars , torati fy theagreemen t . After the barbarian shad plundered muchRoman terr itory

,Targitius was ban ished to the is lan d of Chalci s

for s ix mon ths . Comen tiolus was afterwards appoin ted to

comman d again s t the S lavs , an d greatly dis t ingu ished himsel f.The chagan again vio lated the t ruce on accoun t of theaflair ofBoukolobras 1 the magian

,an d man y Roman town s were

devas tated .

The batt le between theRoman s an d Pers ian s at the r iverNymphius an d the marr iage of Mauricean d Con s tan t ina

,the

daughter of T iberius,are next described . Then the fire that

brokeout in the forum at thebegin n in g of Maurice’s reign theexecution o f Pau lin us an d them i rac le of the bas in of G lyceriathe martyr 3 how the patriarch John

,when the emperor

seemed in c l ined to len ien cy, himsel f in s is ted that themagicianshould begiven over to the flames

,appeal in g to the words o f

theapostle how Paul in us an d his son , who had taken part inthe crime, wereput to death .

4 The affai r of the fortres ses ofAphumon an d Achas . The bat tle between the Roman s and

1 The namegi ven to thepr in ces of theAvars and other Turkish tribes .

1 Or Bucolabra.

1 The ho ly o in tmen t or oil which trickled from the bones of themartyr,

ceased to fl ow when the bas in i n to which it dripped was exchanged foran o ther oneby the bi shop of Heraclea.4 Paul inus was crucified an d his son ’

s head cut off.

THEOPHYLACT SIMOCATTA 77

Pers ian s, an d how John was defeated by the cun n in g of thebarbarian s . The great earthquake which took place at thebegin n in g of Maurice’s reign , an d an accoun t ofhis con sulship .

Theappo in tmen t of Philippicus , thehusban d of theemperor ’ss is ter, to becommander in theEas t,an d his valian t deeds . Thewi thdrawal of theRoman s from Media, dur ing which thearmysuffered greatly from wan t of water . How Philippicus han dedover the distr ict of Arzanene to his army to plunder ; thebravery of theRoman s . Thedevastat ion of the coun try roun dMartyropolis by thePers ian s, an d thei r firs tan d secon d embassyto theRoman s . Such is the con ten ts of the firs t book.

The second book describes moun t I zala the haughtines s ofCardarigan

1 the Pers ian comman der ; the battle between theRoman s un der Philippicus an d thePers ian s un der Cardariganat Arzamon how Philippicus, carryin g the image

“n ot made

wi th han ds marched through the camp an d con secrated thearmy ;how theRoman s won aglorious victory how the imagewas sen t w ith all d ue reveren ce to S imeon , bishop of Am ida.

’

The ter ritory of the barbarian s plundered by the Roman s ;Cardarigan flees for refuge to Daras, but the in habitan ts refuseto admit him for havin g been defeated . HowaRoman so ldierbelongin g to the Q uarto—Parthian legion (as thosewere calledwho were quartered at Beroeain Syria) was brought in to campdyin g of woun ds . The expedit ion of the Roman s again s tAzarnene

,an d the desertion of its comman ders Maruthas an d

Iobius (Jovius ) to Philippicus . The private forces raised byCardarigan to deceivetheRoman s . Themarvel lous escape of

Heracl ius (father of Heraclius who was afterwards empé’

ror) ,who was sen t by Philippicus on arecon n o i trin g expedition .

Zabertas the Pers ian an d the aban donmen t of the s iege of

Chlomaron by theRoman s . Theheadlon g an d un in tel ligiblefl ight of Philippicus , an d the subsequen t con fus ion in theRoman army. Philippicus attacked by diseasean d the comman d taken over by Heraclius . The Roman vice— commanderattacks the Southern Pers ian s an d at the begin n ing of springthe Roman s invade Pers ian territory. Comen tiolus sets out

again st the Avars,havin g un derhim Martin an d Cas tus , who

distin gu ished themselves again st the enemy . Castus takenprisoner. Ans imuth

,comman der of the in fan try in Thrace,

captured by the Avars, who overrun Thrace. Comen tiolus

1 Moreprobably aPers ian title, n ot aproper name.

78 THEOPHYLACT SIMOCATTA

hes itates to attack the enemy ; speeches foran d again st at acoun ci l of war. A falsealarm, which also spread to the ran ksof the enemy, frustrates Comen tiolus

’

s plan of attackin g thechagan . How asoldier named Busas

,who had been captured

by theenemy whilehun tin g an d left to his fateby his coun trymen , taught thebarbarian s to makes iege- en gines . Theun suc

cessful s iege of Beroeaan d Diocletian opolis by the chagan .

Theemperor Maurice in su lted by the Byzan tinemob becauseof the calam ities brought upon Europe by the ravages of

the barbarian s . John,surnamed Mys tacon ,

appo in ted byMaurice to the comman d in Thrace, with Drocton as secon din comman d , who when Adrianoplewas bes ieged by theAvars,attacked them an d saved the ci ty . Heraclius attacks aPers ians tronghold. Thefortres s of Beiudaes taken by thedis tingu ishedvalou r of Sapi r. Thereturn of Philippicus to theimperial c i ty.

The third book begin s with the appo in tmen t of Priscus tothe comman d of theEas t in place of Philippicus . The latter

,

jealous of Priscus, persuades the emperor to an n oun ce areduct ion of the rat ion s of the army . Priscus , when heapproached the camp, did n ot get off his ho rse, as was theusual cus tom

,in order to salute thearmy. This s light an d

the reduct ion of thei r rat ion s caused amut in y amon gs t thesoldiers . Priscus then gave the image madewithou t han dsto Elifredas 1 an d en deavou red to calm the soldiers by exhibiting it , but they pelted i t with s tones . Priscus takes refuge inCon s tan t ina

,an d German us again s t his wi ll is chosen

commander by the army. While these disturban ces weretakin g place, thePers ian s great ly harassed theRoman s . Theemperor accord ingly deprived Priscus of his command andreappoin ted Philippicus . But the army mu tin ied again s thim also . Con stan tina is bes ieged by the Pers ian s butrel ieved by German us . At the battle of Martyroliolis “

theRoman s gain abri l lian t victory over thePers ian s , thei r generalMaruzas an d 30 0 0 bein g ki lled, an d 1 0 00 taken prisoner s .The army is recon ci led to the emperor by the efforts

’

of

Aris tobu lus . Gallan try of theRoman prisoners in the fortressof Giligerd on . G regory, patriarch of An t ioch, re-establishesfr ien dly relation s between Philippicus an d thearmy. Martyr0po l is captured by the Pers ian s owing to the treachery of

1 O thers take theword to mean the image. Elifredas (or Ilifredas)W i l frid .

THEOPHYLACT SIMOCATTA 79

S i ttas . Philippicus superseded in the comman d again s tPers ia by Comen tiolus . The Getae or S lavs ravage theborders of Thrace. Rome takes up arms again st the Lombards . L ibya1 defeats the Maurusii. 2 Un der the comman dof Comen tiolus , the Roman s engage the Pers ian s at Sisarbanum near N isibis theRoman s , fightin g w ith great bravery,arevictorious . Herac l ius greatly dist in gu ishes himsel f in theen gagemen t . The Pers ian comman der Phraates is s lain an dmuch booty taken from theenemy . The defeat of theTu rksby Baram

,

3who secu red great an d valuable spo i l for kin g

Horm isdas . Baram then takes up the sword again s t Suan ia.

The Roman s under the comman d o f Romanus attack Baraman d his army

,an d in fl ictaseveredefeat upon him . Thereupon ,

Hormisdas in sul ts Baram by sen din g him awoman ’

s garmen t ;Baram return s the in su l t by address in g aletter to Horm isdasas daughter, n ot son , of Chosroes . TheArmen ian s, promptedby Symbatius , kill thei r commander John an d prepare to go

over to thePers ian s . Comen tiolus , bein g sen t by theemperor,puts down themutin y an d carries off Symbatius to Byzan tium .

Heis con demned to be thrown to the w i ld beasts , but his l i feis spared by the clemen cy of theempero r. Hormisdas sen dsSarames again st Baram . Baram defeats Sarames

,causes him

to be trampled upon by an elephan t,an d open ly revo ltsagain stthe king . Baram, beforehe meditated revo lt, had becomeso powerfu l that hewas con s idered n ext in ran k to the kin gan d held what theRoman s cal l theoffi ceof curopalates .

4 Thenarrat ive return s to the even ts of earl ier t imes

,an d a brief

accoun t is given of what took place in the reign s of Jus tin an dTiberius , of the cruelty of Horm isdas thePers ian kin g, an d theorigin of the fam i ly . Such is the con ten ts of the third book .

The fou rth book relates the spread of civi l war amon gs tthe Pers ian s

,thei r victories an d succes ses du rin g the ruleof

Baram. Themurder of Pherochanes . Zadespras5 goes over

to theenemy . Horm isdas,deprived of the throneby Bin d o

'

e'

s ,

is al lowed to plead his cause in chain s . After Bin d oés hasrepl ied, the son of Horm isdas an d the queen areput to deathan d cut to pieces before his eyes he himsel f is bl in ded an dsubsequen tly beaten to death by o rder of his son Chosroes ,who was chosen to succeed him . Thevigorous ruleof Baram .

1 Theprovin ceof A frica.

1 TheMoors .

1 Bahram orVarahran .

Major domo of the imper ial palace.

5 A lso Zadesprates .

80 THEOPHYLACT SIMOCATTA

The fl ight of Chosroés, king of'

Persia, to Circen sium ,when ce

he sen ds a letter an d an embas sy to the emperor Mauri ce.

How Baram schemes to get himsel f madekin g by thePers ian s ,but

,unable to persuade them to elect him

,proclaims himsel f.

The emperor removes Chosroes to H ierapol is , accompan iedby asu ite worthy of his ran k . What took p lace betweenBaram an d Chosroes , befo re the lat ter madean al lian cew iththe Roman s . The ambas sadors sen t by Baram to Mau riceare dismissed, while those of Chosroes are welcomed . Theempero r sends the bishop of Meli tenean d Gregory, bishop of

An tioch, to Chosroes . The t reacherous murder of Baram byZamerdes , Zoanambes , an d others . Bin d oés , who had takenpart in the plot again s t Baram, flees to Pers ia. Martyropolisres tored by Chosroes to the Roman s . The traito r S ittasburn t to death The fes tal orat ion del i vered by Dometian ,

bishop of Mel itene, on the occas ion of the recovery of thec ity . Such is the con ten ts of the fourth book .

The fi fth book relates how Chosroes , king of the Persian s,bein g dejected an d s ick at heart, sen ds ames sage to the shrineof Sergius the martyr, 1 theobject of devotion also of the restof the barbarian s , en treatin g him to show him away out of

misfortune, an d prom is ing him the gift of ago lden c ross set

with gems . Zadespras t reacherous ly ki lled by Rosas at thein st igat ion of Blischames, an d other even ts favourable to

Chosroes . Chosroes gives a bon d for money len t by theempero r Maur ice, an d sen ds an embassy reques tin g thatComen tiolus bedism issed from thecommand theappo in tmen tof Narses in his stead, an d theall ian cewi th theRoman s again s ttheusurper Baram . Theroyal gi fts sen t by MauricetoChosroes.

The keys of Daras han ded over to theemperor by the Pers ianambassador Dol(a)bzas . The speech of Dometian ,

bishop of

Mel itene, exhor tin g the Roman s to make an al l ian ce withChosroes again s t Baram . The successes of Chosroes beforethecol lis ion between theRoman san d Pers ian s . How Chosroésrecovers his throne an d the royal t reasures with the aid of

Bin d oes . Jun ction of theRoman forces in Armen iaand theEast, battle wi th Baram,

an d bri ll ian t vi ctory of the Roman s .

In th is battle, in which Narses was in comman d, some Turks

1 A celebrated martyr of theEastern Church who suffered at Sergiopolisor Rasaphe in Syriaat the beginn ing of - the fourth cen tury . Hean dan o ther martyr named Bacchus werecon s idered thepatron sain ts of Syria.

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8 2 THEOPHYLACT SIMOCATTA

the tr ibune Alexan der an d the Roman s,the massacre of the ‘

S lovenes ,an d their coun ter-attack on theRoman s . Con cern in gthe mon sters bo rn in the queen - c i ty, achi ld with fou r feet,an other w i th tw o heads . Priscus deprived ofhis comman d forsharin g wi th the Pers ian s the booty taken from the S lovenes,an d succeed ed in theEuropean comman d by Peter . An accoun tof the learn in gan d shrewdness of Theod ore, 1 who was sen t asan ambas sador to the chagan by Priscus . Such is the con ten tsof the s ixth book .

The seven th book relates the dis turban ces amongs t thesoldiers an d thei r bravery again s t the S lavs (or Getae, as theywere formerly cal led) . What happened to Peter an d thecitize 1 5at theThrac ian ci ty of A semus . How Pirigas tus, theS lovene comman der, was s lain . The bravery of the Roman s ,al though suffer in g great ly from lack of water. How Peter,bein g defeated by theSlovenes, is superseded by Priscus . Thedeath of John the Fas ter, patriarch of Con stan tin Ople.

2 Con

cern in g the money len t him by Maurice, for which he gaveabon d . The great respect shown by the tru ly pious emperorto the ragged ves tmen ts left by the patriarch . Theexpeditionof theMaurusiiagain st Carthage, an d how i t was s topped bythebravery ofGen nad ius . Ofthecomet that was seen for severaldays . TheTurkish civi l war. An accoun t of thei r con s titu t ion ,

man ners,an d cus tom s . How the chagan of the Turks s lew

the ethnarch 3 of the Ephthal ites , en slaved the people,an d

also s lew Ogors an d Co lchian s . How he also s lewTurum

,who rebel led again s t him

,an d sen t aletter to the

emperor Maurice an n oun c ing his victory . He also en s lavedtheAvar s . Thein habitan ts o f Taugast an d the tribeof Mueri ,wi th whom the defeated Avars took refuge. Con cern ing theQ uars an d Hun n i

,agreat n umber of whom have inhabi ted

Eu rope s in ce the reign of Justin ian,an d cal l them selves Avars .

The Turkish empire free from earthquakes an d pes ti len ce.

The moun tain of gold an d the city of Tan gast . Si lkworms,

the mode of rearin g them,an d the exten s ive man ufacture of

s i lk at Chubda. The white In dian s . The chagan ’

s con versa1 Hewas aphys ic ian .

1582

—

595. Of humble origin , he was d is tingu ished for his piety andascet ic ism ,

but was aman of cruel d ispos i t ion . His assumpt ion of the t i t leof “ecumen ical patriarch ”

led to trouble wi th Pelagius I I an d Gregory I ,bishops of Rome. Four extan t works areattri buted to him .

1 Namegi ven to theprin ces or ch iefs of the S lovenes an d other tri bes .

THEOPHYLACT SIMOCATTA 83

tion with Priscus con cern in g theen s lavemen t o f thein habi tan tsof Singid um Priscus

’

s an swer,an d how he saved thec i ty . Theravages of the barbarian s in Dalmat ia, an d the great succes sof Gun d uis ,

1who had been sen t again s t them by Priscus . In

then ineteen th year ofMaurice’s reign acertain mon k prophes ieshis death an d that o f his children . Run n in g w ith adraw nsword from theforum to thevest ibu leof thepalace

,heproclaims

that Mauricean d his ch ildren wil l be s lain with the sword . Acertain Herodian also foretel ls what was about to happen .

The fam ine in the Roman camp . How the chagan ,wi th

remarkable human ity, gran ted asuspen s ion o f hos ti l ities forfive days

,during which the Roman s were to be supplied by

the barbarian s with provis ion s wi thout fear of mo lestation .

How Priscus sen t him gifts of spices in retu rn . The chagan ’s

advan ce in to Moes ia. Battle with Comen tiolus in Moes ia, inwhich

,by the treachery of Comen tiolus , the Roman army is

cut to pieces by the barbarian s . Flight of Comen tiolus to

Driz ipera, but the in habi tan ts refuse to adm i t him as being arunaway

,an d he goes on to the lon g wal ls .

2 The barbarian sin close pursu i t fi rs t capture Driz ipera, burn the church of

Alexan der the martyr,drag his body from the tomb an d

in sul t it. But divine jus tice overtakes his in su l ters ; the sevenson s of thechagan d ieof bubo in oneday. During thesedis turbauces Comen tiolus res ides in Con s tan tin ople the barbarian s inthe mean t ime approach the long wal ls . The inhabitan ts of

Byzan tium are so alarmed that they con templateaban d on in gEuropean d cross in g over in to As ia. However, thekin g sen dsHarmaton as ambassador to the chagan

,who by splendid gi fts ,

to which areadded pieces of gold,is with difficulty

persuaded to make peace, declarin g,“God judge between the

chagan an d Maurice,between the Avars an d the Roman s .

”

Themon sters in human fo rm seen in thewaters of theN i le,an d the various Opin ion s as to ther is ing of theriver. Theophylac t agrees wi th Agatharchides of Cn idus .

3 Hesays that in thecoun tries of Aethiopiathereis aheavy an d con tin uous downpour of rain every year from the summer sols ticeto theautumnal

1 A lso Gud uis orGud w in .

1 O f Byzan t ium .

3 Geographer an d his torian , grammar ian an d phi losopher, flour i s heddur ing the reign of Ptolemy Philometor ( 1 8 1 but was s t i l l l i v ingafter131 . Hewro te on theh i s tory of European d A s ia, an d the geography of

theRed Sea. Fragmen ts of the h is tory are preserved , an d Pho tius givesexcerpts from thegeography in Cod . CCL .

84 THEOPHYLACT SIMOCATTA

equinox ; hen ce i t is natu ral that the river should con tract inwin ter

, s in ce its waters are on ly fed from its ow n sources,whereas in summer it is greatly in creased by the rain s fromAethiopia. Such is the con ten ts of the seven th book .

The eighth book relates how Chosroes , in con sequen ceofthe raids of the Saracen s who were subjec t to the Roman s ,des i res to break the t reaty, but is pers uaded by George, whowas sen t as ambas sado r

,n ot to d o so . George, however,

in curs thedispleasureof the emperor, s in ceChosroes declaresthat hehad kept the treaty un broken n ot for the sake of theempero r, but for the sake of George. The charge of treacheryagain s t Comen tiolus , his recon ci liat ion wi th the so ldiers an dreappo in tmen t as comman der hy theemperor. Battle betweenthe Avars an d the Roman s commanded by Priscus an dComen tiolus The latter excuses himsel f from takin g part inthe battle, 1 but the army, un der the leadership of P rison s ,behaves wi th the greates t gal lan try an d s lays 40 0 0 of theenemy . In asecond engagemen t, theAvars lose 90 0 0 , in athird men . In a fou rth battle the R oman s gain abri l lian t victory

,in which Avars an d Gepidaeare s lain .

In afi fth an d las t battle,theAvars are u t terly defeated, 30 0 0

of them being taken prisoners , together with 40 0 0 o therbarbarian s , 2 2 0 0 o f o ther nation s , an d 80 0 0 S lavs . Thechagan cun n ingly persuades theempero r to res tore the captiveAvars . Thedeject ion o f Comen tiolus , by whose carelessnes s an umber of the so ldiers , on the way to Philippopol is , are frozento death . Peter again appo in ted to the command in Europeby the empero r . The marriage of Theodos ius the son of

Maurice ‘

to the daughter of German n s . The fam ine in thequeen - c i ty

,the disorderly con duct of the demes 2 while the

emperor was attendin g divine service,his clemen cy, theban ishmen tan d return of theso ldiers on thesameday. Peter en jo inedby Mau rice at all cos ts to keep the Thracian forces on theother s ide of the Is ter (Dan ube) ; thedivine vo ice heard byPeter . Mutin y in the Roman army an d a ri s in g again s tMaur ice

,Phocas bein g proclaimed exarch (captain ) by the

soldiery. Fligh t of Peter ; the emperor in formed of themut in y . Thedemes , urged on by the demarchs Sergius an d1 Hepurposely mut i lated his han d .

1 Deme people) was the name by wh ich the circus faction swerekn own , their leaders being cal led demarchs .

THEOPHYLACT SIMOCATTA 85

Co smas,for the fi rs t timemeddle in s tateaffai rs , 1 50 0 G reen s

an d 90 0 Blues . Maurice bes tows largess on the demesmen ,

an d sen ds an embas sy to the n iu tin ous so ld iers , who refuse toreceive it . Byzan t ium put in as tate of defen ce. The armysen ds amessage to Theodos ius , demanding that ei ther heor his father- in - law shou ld be proc laimed emperor . WhenMaurice hears of this, suspect ing that Germanus is the causeof the revo lt, he threaten s his l ife. German us , bein g warnedby his son - ih- law Theodos ius

,takes refugein thechurch of the

Mother of God that had been bu i l t by Cyrus .

1 Stephen theeunuch

,thetutor of thekin g ’s son s , sen t to German n s to induce

him to leave the church , but his m iss ion is un successful .Theodos ius flogged byhis father for in form in g his father- in - law .

German us removes from the chu rch of the Mother of God toSt . Sophia, an d being again summoned to come out, is pre

ven ted from leavin g the church by Andrew, acon s tan t attendan t at the services . D is turban ces in the ci ty an d burn ing of

the houseof Con s tan t ineLardys thepatr ic ian . Perplex ity an dfl ight of Maurice, which is hin dered by as torm . Mis s ion of

Theodo s ius to Chosroes his depar ture from N icaeaon bein gshown the rin g, which his father had arran ged shou ld be thes ign an d s ignal for his return . The inhabitan ts of the c i ty

,

amon gs t them acertain Hebd omites , go over to theusurper .Vain attempt of German us to get himsel f dec lared emperor,the Green s refus in g to support him on the groun d that hefavoured theBlues . Phocas proclaimed emperor in the churchof St. John in Hebd omon ,

2 while Cyriacus was patriarch o f

the royal ci ty . En try of Phocas in to the palaceand proclamat ion of his wife Leon tiaas Augusta,

D isputeamongs t thedemarchs abou t thei r places durin g the process ion . Cosmas ,demarch of the Blues , assaulted by Alexan der, who is in histurn in sulted . A reminder that Mauricewas n ot yet dead decides theusurper to murder the emperor . Mau rice’s childrenkilled before his eyes in the harbour of Eutropius . Phi losophical res ignation of Maurice, an d his murder by L i l ius .

Wi l l of Maurice foun d durin g the reign of Heraclius . Thebodies of thekin g an d his son thrown in to the sea. Funeral

1 Prefect of the c ity, who bu i l t the church by order of Theodos ius I I ,emperor 408—

450 .

1 TheF iel d o f Mars near Con stan t inople. Someauthorities place it atBlaclrernae, o thers on thePropon tis (Seaof Marmo 'a).

86 THEOPHYLACT SIMOCATTA

oration on Maurice. The so ldiers pun ished by the judgmen tof divineproviden ce for thei r crime again s t Mau rice, n ot oneof all thosewho had taken part in the r is in g being left al ivesoon afterwards ; they per ished to aman

,some by disease,

others by fire from heaven ,others by the swo rd . When

Heraclius resolved to dec lare war again s t Razates , kin g of thePers ian s , an d mus tered his army

,he foun d on ly tw o left of

thosewho had s upported theu su rper . After that theRoman sbegan to show themselves superior to the Pers ian s

,whereas

as lon g as any of the mutineers survived,victory always re

mained wi th the enemy . T heodos ius , Maurice’

s son,s lain

by Alexan der at the comman d of Phocas , together with Peter,Comen tiolus , an d Con s tan tine Lardys . A false repor t thatTheodos ius was n ot put to death . How the s tatues at Alexandria

,in the dis tr ic t cal led Tychaeum, movin g from

thei r places of thei r ow n accord,an noun ced what had hap

pened in Byzan t ium to acopyis t,as he was return in g home

after supper . Maurice said to have remi tted the thirdpart of the tribute to his subjects an d to have given thir tytalen ts to the Byzan tines for the repai r o f the aqueducts .

His generous treatmen t of scholars an d s tuden ts . Thes trange things that happened in regard to the bloody fl ux of

Euphem iathemartyr ;how Maurice, who tes ted the m iracles in cehe was at firs t in credulous

,foun d it con fi rmed . How

Phocas shut up the wife of Maurice wi th her daugh ter inaprivate house. His un success ful embassy to Chosroes , kin gof Pers ia; the treaty w i th Pers ia broken byChosroés , whopreten ded that it was his solemn duty to aven geMaurice. So

L i lius,who was sen t as ambas sador

,returned wi thout havin g

succeeded in his m is s ion . Murder of Alexan der,who had

conspired wi th Phocas again st Maurice, on susp icion of havin gsaved the l ife of T heodos ius, w hereas hehad reall y mu rderedhim. This en ds thehis tory.

LXVI

Read the His torical Epitome of Nicephorus patr iar ch of

Con stan tin ople.

1 ‘

I t begin s with the death of Mau ri cean d

1 806— 8 15. Hebegan his career as ac ivi l ian ,an d al thoughalayman ,

was chosen patr iarch . His con c i l iatory dispos i t ion brought upon him thehatred of the extrem is ts . During the campaign of Leo again s t imageworship , he energet ical l y defended the orthodox v iew . He was finall y

SERGIUS CONFESSOR 87

goes down to the marriage of Leo an d I rene. H is s tyle isc lear an d free from redun dan cies , his cho ice of words excellen t ; an d the compos ition neither too loose n or too com

pressed, but such as the real an d perfec t orator wou ld employ .

He avo ids in n ovation s, but at the same time is too fon d of

employin g what is old - fashioned an d affectedly elaborate. His

lan guage is pleasan t an d n ot without charm . Speakin ggeneral ly, he throws in to the shade all his torian s who havepreceded him ;his on ly fau l t is exces s ive brevi ty, which mayappear to some to preven t his work bein g completelyagreeable.

LXVIIRead theIIis tory of Sergius the Con fessor . 1 I t begin s wi th

the reign of theemperor Michael,

2 an d then goes back to thelawless an d abominableacts of Copronymus .

3 Pol i tical an deccles iastical even ts down to the eighth year of Michael ’sreign arenarrated in o rder his m i l itary achievemen ts an d hisviews on rel igious matters are set forth in detai l .The s tyle is part icularly clear an d s imple

,both as regards

the mean in g of words , compos ition ,an d the general arran ge

men t, which gives the impress ion of spon tanei ty. Thelan guage, ful l of natu ral charm,

is n ot characterised by s tudiedchanges of form d ue to excess ive care. In accordan ce withhis des ign

,he has preserved the s tyle best adapted for

eccles iastical h is tory.

LXVII IRead the II is torical Epitomeof Cephalion 4 It begin s w i th

depo sed an d ban ished . In addi tion to the h i s tor ical ep i tome of even tsfrom 602 — 769 here referred to , he was theauthor of tables of Un iversalH istory from Adam to the death of N icephorus m uch used by theByzan t ines , and of threeA n tirrhetici, wri tten again st the icon oc las ts .

1 The work is los t. The name Con fessor an d theepithets appl ied to

theacts of Copronymus show that Sergius was an opponen t of the icon oclas ts an d achamp ion of orthodoxy . Heis perhaps the Sergius exi led byLeo I II .

1 Michael II Balbus , the S tammerer (8201 “Man of Dung,

” Con s tan t ineV (74 1 An in flexi ble opponen tof image-worsh ip, he was vio len t ly assai led by the orthodox , but was inreal ity amost capable ruler.

4 F lourished in the reign ofHadrian ( 1 17 Some fragmen ts havebeen preserved in Eusebius an d s ome of the By zan tine chron iclers (e.g.

John Malalas, Syn cel lus ) .

X

88 HESYCHIUS ILLUSTRIUS

the reign of N in us an d Sem i ram is 1 an d goes down to the timesof Alexan der the Great . The en t i re history compri ses n inebooks , cal led after the n ineMuses — Clio

,Thal ia

,Polyhymn ia,

Melpomene, Terps ichore, Euterpe, Cal l iope,E rato, an d

Uran ia, in which the ac ts of Alexan der, kin g of Macedon ,are

also related .

He writes in the Ion i c d ialect . The excess ive brevi ty withwhich he descr ibes the bare facts of history leaves no room for

adm i rat ion or im itat ion . He says n othin g about his race or

fam i ly, but passes them over in s i len ce, l ike Homer, as hehimself says . However

,it appears that he wrote the work

dur in g his exile in S ic i ly . While saying n othin g about hisrace or fam i ly, as he ough t to have done

,he men t ion s his

exile,an in dicat ion of mean ness of spirit . His boast of the

n umber o f authors con su lted by him in compi l in g his his toryshows am in d in capable of shakin g off apetty an d chi ldishloveof display . He says that the fi rs t book of his his tory wascompi led from 570 books, of31 of which hegives theauthors ’

names ; the secon d book from 2 0 8, with 25authors’names ;

the third from 60 0,wi th 2 6 authors ’ names ; the fourth from

850 , wi th 36 authors’

names ; the fi fth from 2 00,with 2 6

au thors ’ names , an d so on . Such is the IIis tory of Cephalion .

LX IX

Read the H is tory of Hesychius 2 Illustri(u)s , son of

Hesychius an d Sophia, aMiles ian by birth . I t is asort ofsyn ops is of the his tory of theworld , as is shown by the titleH is tory of R oman an d General His tory. I t begin s with thereign of Belus

,kin g of Assyria, an d goes down to the death

of Anas tas ius , emperor of Rome.

His s tyle is con cise an d elegan t, the language perspicuousi f florid , an d the compos it ion elaborate in proportion . Heisespecial ly carefu l in the cho ice of words . His mode of

expres s ion is dist in ct an d emphatic, an d he charms 3the reader1 Themyth ical founder an d foundress of N ineveh .

1 L i ved dur ing the reign of Jus tin ian . He was the author of aH is toryof the !Vorl d down to thedeath of Anas tas ius of wh ich part relat ingto theearly h i s tory of Con s tan t inople is preserved of works on Jus tin an dthebegi nn ingof the reign ofJustin ian o fan On on tatologos ( l i st) of famous

l i terary pers on s , ageneral h is tory of an c ien t l i terature. I llustrius is ades ignat ion of rank .

1 The reading is un certain here.

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90 D10 CASSIUS

k in d of his tory of the world . Heis fu ller than Cephalion an dHesychius Illus trius in his description of the same periods .

His s tyle is clear, unadorned,an d adm i rably adapted for

history. Heneither excess ively affects att icisms or an t iquatedmodes of express ion , n or on the other han d does heal togetherdescend to the level of everyday lan guage. He rather takespleasure in as tyle m idway between the two, avo idin g figuresof speech an d the l ikeaffectation s ,an d on ly us in g the lan guageof fable, after the man ner of poets, w here he relates thelegen ds of gods an d heroes .

He begin s his his tory with the mythical ages of the Greeksan d barbarian s, an d goes down to the begin n in g of the warbetween theRoman s an d Celts , at the t imewhen Gaius Jul iusCaesar (cal led

“divine by the Roman s on accoun t of hism ighty deeds ) subdued mos t, an d those the mos t warl ike, oftheCelt ic nat ion s . He spen t thirty years over the his tory , ashe tells u s himsel f

,vis i tin g several di fferen t coun t ries for the

sake of obtain ing in formation,an d expos in g himsel f to man y

dangers . He was a S ic i lian from Agyrium ; from his longin tercou rse with the Roman s hehad become fam i l iar withthat peoplean d thei r lan guage, an d diligen tly col lectedaccoun tsofall thei r chief successes an d fai lures .

Theen t i rehistory is comprised in forty books . In thefirs ts ix theeven ts precedin g theTrojan war an d other legen ds aredescr ibed in thenext eleven , theeven ts of theworld from thetaking of Troy to the death of Alexan der the Great ; in theremain in g twen ty- three, the even ts up to the t ime w hen warbroke out between theCelts an d Roman s un der the leadershipof Jul ius Caesar . He subdued mos t of, an d themos t warlike,of their nat ion s an d exten ded the Roman empire to theBritish i s lan ds

,at w hich po in t thehis tory en ds .

LXXI

Read the His tory of Cassian us Coccian us (or Coccius )Dio,

1 in eighty books . He begin s with thearr ival of Aeneas

certain l y l i ved t i l l after 2 1 B . C. H is His torical L ibrary in forty books was ah is tory of theworl d down to Caesar ’s Gal l ic wars . O n l y book s 1 —

5and1 1 - 20 areex tan t. The chief value of the work con s is ts in theemploymen tofauthori ties whosew orks are now los t

,the preservat ion of old tradition ,

and especial ly of chrono logical material .1 Cas s ius Dio Cocceian us (c. 155 born at N icaeain Bi thyn ia,

DIO cassms 9 1

in I taly from T roy,the foun dation of Albaan d Rome, an d

goes down without abreak to themu rder of An ton in us namedE lagabalus , who was also cal led Tiberin us

,Sardanapalus

,

Pseudan ton inus , an d Assyrius on accoun t of his vices . He

also says something about the reign of Alexan der who,after

the death of An ton in us , who had adopted him as his co lleaguein the empire, escaped the danger that threatened him an dsucceeded to the throne. The wri ter tells us that thisAlexander was con sul for the secon d time together with himself, an d that theemperor, des i rous of honourin g his co l league,himself defrayed the neces sary expen ses in connexion wi th hisoffice. Theautho r was appo in ted governor of Pergamum an dSmyrnaby Macrin us , an d was afterwards comman der of thefo rces in Africa. Soon afterwards he was governo r of

Pan n on ia. E lected con sul for the secon d time,he was

al lowed to return home owin g to bad feet, to spen d the res tofhis l i fe in Bithyn ia

,as his “gen ius ” had predicted, “beyon d

the reach of s laughter, bloodshed , an d tumu lt .” 1

He was born at N icaeain Bithyn ia,which in one part is

su rroun ded by the lake cal led Ascan ia. His s tyle is gran diosean d bombas tic , reflec ting the con sc iousnes s of m ighty even ts .

His lan guage is ful l of an t iquated con s truct ion s , an d of wordsin keepin g with the impor tan ce of the even ts described .

His periods are ful l of pro trac ted paren theses an d i ll - t imed 2

invers ion s . The rhythm an d the abrupt in terrupt ion s,bein g

carefully employed , owin g to the general c learness , escapethen otice of the casual reader. The speeches , after the s tyleof those in Thucydides , but c learer, are excel len t . In almos teverythin g elsealso Thucydides is his model .

senator and ho lder of various offices under Commodus an d succeedingemperors , being twice con sul . In 2 29 he ret ired in to pr ivate l i fe. Hishi s tory of Rome in eigh ty books , s tart ing from themyth ical period

, goes

down to the reign of A lexander Severus O f these eigh ty books37— 60 have come down almos t complete, 36 — 80 ex is t in an eleven thcen tury abridgmen t by themon k John Xiphilinus . In the ten th cen turyexcerpts weremadefrom it by order of Con s tan tineVI I Porphyrogen i tus ,an d Zoharas (twel fth cen tury ) madean abridgmen t o f books 1 — 20 . Hispo in t of view is that o f aloyal imperial offic ial , who does not unders tan d ,an d has l i tt lesympathy wi th

,earl ier pol i t ical s truggles . His superst it ion is

pronounced .

1 I /iaa’, x i . 1 64 .

1 Read inganatpos for eb’xarpos .

92 CTESIAS

LXX I I

Read the Persica o f Ctes ias 1 of Cn idus in twen ty- threebooks . In the fi rs t six he treats of As syrian aflairs an d of

even ts before the foun dat ion of the Pers ian emp ire, an d on lybegin s to treat of Pers ian affai rs in the seven th book . In

books 7— 13he gi ves an accoun t of Cyrus , Cambyses , theMagian

,Darius

,an d Xerxes , in which he differs almo s t

en t i rely from Herodotus , whom he accuses of falsehood inman y passages an d cal ls an in ven tor of fables . Ctes ias islater than Herodotus, an d says that hewas an eyewitnes s _of

mos t of what he descr ibes , an d that,where this was n ot the

case, he obtained his in formation direct ly from Pers ian s, an din this man ner he composed his his to ry . He n ot on ly d isagrees wi th Herodotus

,bu t also in some respec ts with

Xen ophon the son of Gryl lus . Ctes ias flourished in thet ime of Cyrus

,son of Darius an d Parysatis , brother of

Artoxerxes 2 who succeeded to the throne.

He begin s 3 by s tat in g that As tyages (whom he also callsA styigas ) was n ot related to Cyrus ; that he fled from himto Agbatana,

4 an d hid himsel f in the vau lts 5 of the royalpalacewith theaid of his daughter Amytis an d her husban dSpitamas that Cyrus , when hecameto the throne, gave o rdersthat n o t on ly Spitamas an d Amytis , bu t also thei r son s Spitacesan d Megabernes should be put to the torture for ass is tingAs tyigas ; that the latter, to savehis grandchildren from bein g

1 O f Cn idus on the coas t of Cariain A s iaMinor. Hewas for seven teenyears (40 1 — 384 ) court ph) sician to A rtaxerxes Mnemon , whom he treatedforawoun d recei ved at the batt le of Cunaxa. He accuses Herodo tus ofbeingal iar, but often lays him sel f open to the same charge. It shou ld heremarked that in wri t inghis PersicaC tes ias had theopportun i ty of consul ting the Pers ian arch ives an d nat i ves , whereas in regard to the I na’icahehad n o such advan tages . He was also the author of an accoun t of thePers ian imperial revenues , and o f s ome books of travel and geograph icalvvorks .

1 Morecommon l y A rtaxerxes .

3 For the h is torical even ts see G . Rawl in son ,F ive Great Monarchies

,

i i i an d foran est imateof C tes ias as an h is torian his tran s lat ion of

Ilerod otus , i. 71 .

4 Ecbatana.5 “Vau l ts is used to express the sen segeneral ly, n ot as atran s lat ion of

thevar ious read ings xpfarcpaua, explained as “houseof refuge mbxpaua,mov pava

“capi tal s ”

of column s in the form of “ramsheads .

CTESIAS 93

tortured on his accoun t, gave himsel f up an d was taken an dloaded w ith chain s by Oebaras ; that shortly afterwards hewas set free by Cyrus an d hon oured as his father ; that hisdaughter Amytis was treated by him as amother an d afterwards becamehis wife. Her husband Spitamas , however, wasput to death, because, w hen asked , hehad falsely dec laredthat he did n ot kn ow where Astyigas was . In his accoun t ofthese even ts C tes ias differs from Herodo tus . He adds thatCyrus made war upon the Bactrian s

,withou t obtain in g a

decis i ve victory ; bu t that when they learn t that As tyigas hadbeen adopted by Cyrus as his father, an d Amytis as hismother an d wife

,they volun tar i ly submi tted to Amytis an d

Cyrus .

He also relates how Cyrus made war on the Sacae, an dtook prisoner thei r k ing Amorges , the husband of Sparethra,who after her husban d was captured co l lec ted an army of

men an d women,madewar upon Cyrus an d

defeated him. Amongst the largen umber of prisoners takenby the Sacaewere Parmises , the brother of Amytis , an d histhree son s

,who were subsequen tly released in exchange for

Amorges .

Cyrus,ass is ted by Amorges , marched again s t Croesus an d

the ci ty of Sardes . By- the advice of Oebaras he set up

wooden figures represen t ing Pers ian s round the walls , thes ight of which so terrified the in habitan ts that the c ity waseas i ly taken . Befo re this

,the son of Croesus was han ded

over as ahos tage,the king himsel f having been decei ved by

adivine vis ion . Sin ce Croesus was eviden tly meditatingt reachery, his son was put to death before his eyes ; hismother

,who was aw i tness ofhis execut ion , committed su ic ide

by throwing hersel f from thewal ls . After the ci ty was takenCroesus fled for refuge to the temple of Apo l lo ;hewas threetimes put in chain s

, an d th ree t imes loosed invis ibly from hisbond s, although the templewas shut an d sealed, an d Oebaraswas on guard . Thosewho had been prisoners wi th Croesushad thei r heads cut off, on suspic ion of havin g con spi red to

releasehim . He was subsequen tly taken to the palace an dboun d more securely, but was again loosed by thunder an dl ightn ing sen t from heaven . Final ly Cyrus , again st his will ,set him free, treated him kindly from that t ime, an d bes towedupon him alarge c i ty near Agbatana, named Barene, in which

94 CTESIAS

there were 50 0 0 horsemen an d peltas ts,

1 javel inthrowers , an d archers .

Cyrus then sen t Petisacas the eun uch , who had greatin fluen ce wi th him,

to Pers ia to fetch A s tyigas from theBarcan ian s , he an d his daughter Amytis bein g an xious to see

him . Oebaras then advised Petisacas to leave A styigas insome lonely spot, to perish of hun ger an d thirst ; which hedid . But the crime was revealed in adream,

an d Petisacas,

at theurgen t reques t of Amytis , was handed over to her byCyrus for pun ishmen t . She ordered his eyes to be d ug out

,

had him flayed al ive, an d then crucified . Oebaras , afraid of

sufferin g the same pun ishmen t,al though Cyrus assured him

that hewould n ot al low it,starved himself to death by fast in g

for ten days . Astyigas was accorded asplen did funeral ;hisbody had remained un touched by wild beas ts in thewildernes s , some l ion s havin g guarded it un t i l it was removed byPetisacas .

Cyrus marched again st theDerbices (Derbikes) , whosekin gwas Amoraeus . The Derbices sudden ly brought up some

elephan ts which had been kept in ambush , an d put Cyrus’

s

caval ry to fl ight . Cyrus himsel f fel l from his horse, an d anIn dian woun ded him mortal ly wi th ajavel in un der the thigh .

The In dian s fought on the s ide of the Derbices an d suppl iedthem with elephan ts . Cyrus ’s frien ds took him up whilehewas s ti l l al ive an d returned to camp . Man y Pers ians an dDerbices were s lain

,to the n umber of on each s ide.

Amorges , when he heard of what had happened to Cyrus,

in great has te wen t to the ass is tan ce of the Pers ian s wi thSacan cavalry . In a subsequen t engagemen t, the

Pers ian s an d Sacae gained abri l lian t victory , Amoraeus,the

kin g of the Derbices, an d his tw o son s being s lain . Thirtythousan d Derbican s and 90 0 0 Pers ian s fel l in the battle.

The coun try then subm i tted to Cyrus .

Cyru s,when near his death , declared his elder son

Cambyses king, his youn ger son Tanyoxarces (Tanyoxarkés)govern o r of Bactria, Choramn ia, Parthia, and Carman ia, freefrom tr ibute. Of the children of Spitamas , he appoin tedSpitaces satrap of theDerbices, Megabernes of theBarcan ian s ,biddin g them obey thei r mother in every thin g . He also

1 Pel tas ts , l ight -armed troops,

who carried the smal l sh iel d cal ledpelta.

CTESIAS 95

en deavoured to make them friends with Amorges, bes towinghis bless ing on thosewho should remain on frien dly terms withone an other, an d a curse upon those who firs t did w rong .

Wi th these words he died , three days after he had beenwounded , after areign of thirty years . This is the en d of

the eleven th book .

The twel fth book begin s wi th the reign of Cambyses .Immediately after his access ion he sen t his father ’s body bythe eun uch Bagapates to Pers iafor burial , an d in all otherrespects carried out his father ’s wishes . The men who hadthe greates t in fluen cewith him wereArtasyras theHyrcan ian ,

an d theeun uchs Izabates , Aspadates , an d Bagapates , who hadbeen his father’s favouriteafter the death of Petisacas . Bagapates was in comman d of the expedition again s t Egypt an d itskin g Amyrtaeus , whom he defeated, through the treachery of

his chief coun sel lor Combaphis the eun uch , who betray,ed

the bridges an d other importan t sec rets , on con dition thatCambyses made him governor o f Egypt . Cambyses fi rstmade this arrangemen t wi th him through I zabates, the cous inof Combaphis, an d afterwards con firmed it by his personalpromise. Having taken Amyrtaeus al ivehe did him no harm ,

but merely removed him to Susawith 6000 Egypt ian s chosenby himself. The whole of Egypt then became subjec t toCambyses . TheEgyptian s los t men in the battle

,the

Pers ian s 70 0 0 .

In the mean time a certain Magian cal led Sphen dadates , 1who had been fl 0gged by Tanyoxarces for someoffen ce, wen tto Cambyses an d in formed him that his brother was plot tin gagain s t him. In proof of this he declared that Tanyoxarceswould refuse to come i f summoned . Cambyses thereuponsummoned his brother , who , bein g en gaged on an other mat ter,put off com in g. The Magian thereupon accused him morefreely . His mo ther Amytis , who suspected the Magian

,ad

vised Cambyses n ot to l is ten to him . Cambyses pretendedn ot to bel ievehim

,while in real ity he did . Being summoned

by Cambyses athird t ime, Tanyoxarces obeyed the summon s .His brother embraced him

, but nevertheless determ ined to puthim to death

,an d ,

unknown to his mother Amytis , tookmeasures to carry out his plan . TheMagian made the following sugges tion . Being himsel fverylikeTanyoxarces,headv ised

1 Various l y cal led Smerd is , Mergis , Merd is .

96 CTESIAS

the kin g publi cly to order that his head should be cut off ashavin g falsely accused the king’ s brother ; that in the meantimeTanyoxarces shou ld secretly be put to death , an d he (theMagian ) shou ld be dressed in his clothes , so that Tanyoxarcesshould be thought al ive. Cambyses agreed to this . Tanyoxarces was put to death by bein g forced to drin k bull ’s blood ;theMagian put on his clothes an d was m istaken for him bythe people. The fraud was n ot kn own for along time exceptto Artasyras , Bagapates ,an d I zabates , to whom aloneCambyseshad en trusted the secret .Then Cambyses , havin g summoned Labyz us , the chief of

Tanyoxarces’

s eun uchs, an d the o ther eun uchs,showed them

the Magian seated an d dres sed in the gu i se of his brother,an d asked them whether they thought he was Tanyoxarces .

Labyz us , in aston i shmen t, replied,“Whom else should we

think him to be?”the l i kenes s bein g so great that he was

deceived . TheMagian was acco rdingly sen t to Bactria, wherehe played the part of Tanyoxarces . Five years later Amytis,havin g learn t the truth from the eun uch T ibethis , whom theMagian had flogged

,deman ded that Cambyses shou ld han d

over Sphen dadates to her, buthe refused . Whereupon Amytis ,after heaping curses upon him ,

dran k poison an d died .

On acertain occas ion , while Cambyses was offer in g sacrifice,n o blood flowed from the s laughtered victims .

'

Ihis greatlyalarmed him,

an d thebi rth ofason wi thou t ahead by Roxanain creased thi s alarm . This por ten t was in terpreted by thewise men to mean that he would leave n o successor. His

motheralso appeared tohim in adream, threaten in g retri butionfor themurderhehad comm itted, which alarmedhim st i l l more.

At Babylon,while carvin g apiece of wood with akn ife forhis

amusemen t, heacc iden tal ly w oun ded himself in the thigh, an ddied eleven days afterwards , in theeighteen th year ofhis reign .

Bagapates an d Artasyras , before the death of Cambyses ,con spi red to raise theMagian to the throne

,as they afterwards

did . Izabates , who had gone to con vey the body of Cambysesto Pers ia

,fin din g on his return that the Magian was reign ing

un der the name of Tanyoxarces , disc losed the truth to thearmy an d exposed theMagian .

1 After this he took refuge inatemple, wherehewas seized an d put to death .

1 Th is seem s apos s iblemean ing of OptauBeéo-as

,combined wi th the idea

o f.

apersonal triumph .

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98 CTESIAS

each other abow in turn . Dar ius,seein g that the bow of the

Scythian s was s tron ger, turned back an d fled across thebridges,des troying some of them in his has te before the en ti re armyhad c rossed . E ighty thousan d of his men , who had beenleft behin d in Europe, were put to death by the ruler of theScy thian s . Dar ius , after hehad crossed the bridge, set fire tothe houses an d temples of the Chalcedon ian s, because theyhad attempted to break down the bridges which hehad madenear thei r city an d had also destroyed thealtar erected byhim,

when cross in g, in hon ou r of Zeus Diabaterios .

1

Dat is,the commander o f the Pers ian fleet

,on his retu rn

from Pon tus , ravaged Greecean d the is lan ds . At Marathonhewas met by Miltiades ; the barbarian s were defeated an dDatis himsel f s lain

,the Athen ian s afterwards refus in g to give

up his body at the reques t of thePers ian s .Dar ius then retu rned to Pers ia, where, after having offered

sacrifice, hedied after an i llnes s of thirty days, in the seven tysecon d year of his agean d the thirty - firs t of his reign . Artasyras an d Bagapatesalso died, the latter havin g been for sevenyears the keeper of the tomb of Darius .

Dar ius was succeeded by his son Xerxes , over whomArtapanus the son of Artasyras had as great in fluen ceas hisfather had had over Darius . His other con fiden t ial adviserswere theaged Mard on ius an d Matacas the eunuch . Xerxesmarried Ames tris , the daughter of On 0phas , who borehim ason ,

Dariaeus, tw o years afterwards Hystaspes an d Artoxerxes ,and two daughters, onenamed Rhod ogunean d an other calledAmytis after her gran dmo ther .Xerxes decided to make war upon Greece, because the

Chalcedon ian s had attempted to break down the bridgeasal ready s tated an d had des troyed the al tar which Darius hadset up, an d because theAthen ian s had s lain Datis an d refusedto giveup his body . But fi rs t he visi ted Babylon ,

being desirous of seein g the tomb of Belitanes ,2 which Mard on iusshowed him . But he was unable to fi l l the vessel of oil, ashad been writ ten .

Then cehe proceeded to Agbatana, wherehe heard of therevol t of the Babylon ian s an d the murder of Zopyrus thei r

1 Zeus as the god of cross ing. The “al tar was probably aco lumn

set up to commemoratehis pas sage.

2 Belus or Bel. F or the story seeAelian,Var. H ist , xi i i . 3.

CTESIAS 99

satrap. Ctesias’

s accoun t i s d ifferen t from that of Herodotus .

What the latter relates o f Zopyrus is attribu ted by Ctes ias , withtheexcept ion of his mule givin g birth to afoal, to Megabyz us ,the s on —in - law of Xerxes an d the husban d of his daughterAmytis . Babylon was taken by Megabyz us , upon whomXerxes bestowed, amongs t o ther rewards

,ago lden han d -m i l l

,

weighing six talen t s , the mos t honourable of the royal gi fts .

Then Xerxes , having col lected aPers ian army, men

an d 1 000 tr iremes wi thou t reckon in g the chariots, set out

again s t Greece, havin g fi rs t thrown abridgeacros s at Abydos .

Demaratus the Spartan , who arrived there fi rs t an d accompan ied Xerxes across, dissuaded him from in vadin g Sparta.

His general Artapan us, with men, fought an engage

men t with Leon idas, theSpartan general, at T hermopylae thePers ian hos t was cut to p ieces, while on ly tw o or three of theSpartan s were slain . The king then ordered an attack with

but thesewere defeated, an d although flogged to thebattle, were rou ted again . Thenext dayheordered an attackwi th but withou t success

,an d accordin gly ceased oper

ation s . Thorax theThes sal ian an d Calliades an d Timaphemes ,the leaders of the Trachin ian s , who were presen t wi th theirforces , were summoned by Xerxes together with Demaratusan d Hegias the Ephes ian , who told him that the Spartan scould never be defeated un less they were surroun ded . APers ian army o f men was con ducted by the tw o leadersof theTrachin ian s over an almost inaccess ible moun tain - pathto the rear of the Lacedaemon ian s, who were surroun ded an ddied bravely to aman .

Xerxes sen t an other army of men again s t P lataeaun der the comman d of Mard on ius, at the in stigat ion of theTheban s . He was opposed by Pausan ias the Spartan

,w i th

on ly 300 Spart iates,11 0 00 perioeki,

2 an d 600 0 from the o therc it ies . The Pers ian s suffered a severe defeat, Mard on iusbeing woun ded an d obliged to take to fl ight . Hewas afterwards sen t by Xerxes to plun der the templeof Apol lo, wherehe is said to have died from in juries received durin g aterr iblehai lstorm

,to the great grief of Xerxes .

Xerxes then advan ced again st Athen s itsel f, the inhabitan ts1 The9000 ful l c i t iz en s of Sparta, who formed akin d of n obi l ity.

1 The free inhabi tan ts of the town s (except Sparta) who en joyed c ivi lbut no t po l i tical l iberty .

1 00 CTESIAS

o f which manned 1 1 0 tri remes an d took refuge in Salam is .

Xerxes took po sses s ion of theempty ci tyan d set fire to i t, w iththeexception of theAcropo l i s, which was defen ded by asmal lban d ofmen who had remain ed at las t, they also made thei rescape by n ight, an d the Acropol is was fired. After this ,Xerxes proceeded to anarrow strip of lan d in Attica calledHeracleum,

an d began to con s truct an embankmen t in thedirection of Salam is , in ten din g to cros s over on . foot . By theadvice of the Athen ian s Themis tocles an d Arist ides archerswere summoned from Crete.

1 Then anaval en gagemen ttook place between the G reeks with 70 0 ships an d thePers ian s wi th more than 1 000 un der On ophas . TheAthen ian swere victorious, thanks to theadvice an d clever s trategy of

Aris tides and Themis tocles the Pers ian s lost 500 ships, an dXerxes took to fl ight . In theremain in g batt les Pers ian swerek i l led .

Xerxes, hav ing crossed over in to As ia an d advan cedtowards Sardes, despatched Megabyz us to plunder the templeat Delphi . On his refus in g to go, the eunuch Matacaswas sen t in his place, to in sult Apollo an d plun der the temple.

Having carried out his orders he returned to Xerxes , who inthe mean time had arrived in Persia from Babylon . HereMegabyz us accused his wifeAmytis (thedaughter of Xerxes) ofhavin g comm i ttedadultery . Xerxes severely repriman dedher,but she declared that she was n ot guil ty. Artapan us an dAspamitres the eun uch

,the con fiden tial advisers of Xerxes ,

reso lved to kill thei r mas ter. Havin g done so, they persuadedArtoxerxes that his brother Dariaeus had mu rdered him .

Dariaeus was taken to thepalaceof Artoxerxes, an d , althoughhevehemen tly den ied theaccusat ion ,

hewas put to death .

Thu s Artoxerxes became king,than ks to Artapanus , who

en tered in to a con spi racy again st him with Megabyz us (whowas bi tterly aggrieved at the suspicion of adultery again s t hiswife) , each taking an oath to remain loyal to the other.Nevertheles s , Megabyz us revealed theplo t, thegui l ty con ductof Artapanus came to l ight

, an d he met the death which hehad in ten ded for Artoxerxes . A spamitres, who had taken partin the murders of Xerxes and Dariaeus was cruel ly put todeath, bein g exposed in the t rough .

2 After the death of

1 Apparen t l y to h inder thecon struct ion of theembankmen t.1’ The c rim inal was exposed to the heat of the sun in tw o boat - like

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1 02 CTESIAS

Havin g appo in ted Sarsamas satrap of Egypt,Megabyz us

took Inarus an d the G reeks to Artoxerxes , who was greatl yen raged with Inarus because he had s lain his bro therAchaemen ides . Megabyz us to ld him what had happened,howhehad given his word to Inarus an d the G reeks when heoccupied Byblus , an d earn estly en treated the kin g to sparethei r l ives . The kin g con sen ted, an d the news that n o harmwould come to Inarus an d theG reeks was immediately repor tedto thearmy.

But Amestris , aggrieved at the idea that Inarus an d theGreeks should escape pun ishmen t for the death of her son

Achaemen ides , asked thek in g [to give them up to her] , but herefused she then appealed to Megabyz us , who also dism issedher. At las t, however, through her con s tan t importun i ty sheobtained her wish from her son , an d after five years the kinggaveup Inarus an d the Greeks to her. Inarus was impaledon threes takes fifty of theGreeks , all that shecou ld layhandson , were decapitated . Megabyz us was deeply grieved at this ,an d asked perm iss ion to reti re to his satrapy

, Syria. Havin gsecretly sen t the res t of the Greeks thi ther in advan ce, on hisarrival he co l lected alargearmy n ot in cludin g caval ry)an d raised the stan dard o f revo lt . Usiris w ith men

was sen t again s thim abattle took place, in which Megabyz usan d Usiris wounded each other. Usiris in fl icted awoun d wi thaspear in Megabyz us

’

s thigh two fin gers deep ; Megabyz us inturn firs t woun ded Usiris in the thigh an d then in theshoulder,so that he fel l from his horse. Megabyz us , as he fell, protectedhim

,an d o rdered that he should be spared . Many Pers ian s

were s lain in the battle,in which Zopyrus an d Artyphius , the

son s of Megabyz us, di stin guished themselves , an d Megabyz usgained adecis ivevictory . Usiris received thegreates tatten tionan d was sen t to Artoxerxes at his request .An other army was sen t again s t him un der Men os tanes the

son of Artarius , satrap of Babylon an d brother of Artoxerxes .

An other battle took place, in which the Pers ian s were routedMen ostanes was sho t by Megabyz us , firs t in the shoulder an dthen in the head, but the woun d was n o t mortal . However,he fled wi th his army an d Megabyz us gained abril lian t victory .

Artarius then sen t to Megabyz us,advis inghim to cometo termswi th theking . Megabyz us repl ied that he was ready to d o so,

but on con dition that he should n ot be obliged to appear at

CTESIAS 1 03

court again ,an d should beal lowed to remain in his satrapy.

When his an swer was reported to the kin g,the Paphlagon ian

eun uch Artoxares an d Amestris urged him to make peacewithout delay. Accordingly, Artarius

,his wife Amytis ,

Artoxares (then twen ty years of age) , and Petisas,the son of

Usiris an d father of Spitamas , were sen t for that purpose toMegabyz us . After man y en treat ies an d solemn prom ises , w ithgreat d ifl‘iculty they succeeded in persuading Megabyz us to vis itthe kin g, who final ly pardoned him forallhis offen ces .

Some t ime afterwards , while the king was out hun t in g hewas attacked by al ion , which Megabyz us s lew as i t reared an dwas preparin g to rush upon him. Thekin g, en raged becauseMegabyz us had s lain thean imal fi rs t

, ordered his head to becut off, but owin g to the en treaties of Amestris , Amytis , an dothers his l ife was spared an d he was ban ished to Curtae, atown on the Red Sea. Artoxares the eunuch was alsoban ished to Armen iafor havin g often spoken freely to thekin g in favour of Megabyz us . After hav in g passed five yearsin exi le, Megabyz us escaped by preten ding to bealeper, whomn o one might approach, an d returned home to Amytis , whohardly recogn ized him . On the in terces s ion of Ames tris an dAmytis , the kin g became recon c i led to him an d admitted himto his tableas before. Megabyz us died at theageof seven tysix

,deeply mourned by the kin g .

After his death , his wife Amytis , l ikeher mo ther Ames trisbeforeher, showed great fondness for the society o fmen . Thephys ician Apollon ides of Cos , when Amytis was suffer ing fromas light i llnes s, being called in to atten d her

,fel l in lovewith

her. For some t ime they carried on an in trigue, but final lyshe told her mother. She in turn in fo rmed thekin g

,who left

her to d o as she would with the o ffender . Apollon ides waskept in chain s for tw o mon thsas apun ishmen t,an d then buriedal iveon the sameday that Amytis died .

ZOpyrus , the son of Megabyz us an d Amytis , after thedeathof his father an d mother revol ted again s t the king . He

vis i ted Athen s , where he was wel l received owin g to theservices his mother had ren dered to the Athen ian s .

1 FromAthen s he sailed w i th some Athen ian troops to Caunus an dsummoned i t to surren der. The in habitan ts expressed them

1 Referring to the efforts of Megabyz us and Amytis on behalf of theGreek prisoners .

1 04 CTESIAS

selves ready to d o so, provided theAthen ian s whoaccompan iedhim were n ot admitted . While ZOpyrus was moun tin g thewal l

,aCaun ian named Alcides hit him on the head wi th a

s tonean d ki lled him . The Caun ian was cruc ified by o rdero fhis gran dmother Ames tris . Some t imeafterwards , Ames trisd ied at a great age, an d Artoxerxes also died after havingreigned for ty- tw o years . Here the seven teen th book en ds .

A rtoxerxes was succeeded by his son Xerxes , his on lylegi timate son by Damaspia, who died on the same day asher husban d .

1 The bodies o f the kin g an d queen were con

veyed by Bagoraz us to Pers ia. Artoxerxes had seven teeni l legitimate son s

,amongs t them Secyd ian us by Alogune the

Babylon ian , Ochus (afterwards king) an d Arsites by Cosmart idene, also aBabylon ian . Bes ides these three, he also hada son Bagapaeus an d a daughter Parysat is by Andria, alsoa Babylon ian ,

who became the mo ther of Artoxerxes an dCyrus . Durin g his father ’s l i fetime

, Ochus was made satrapof Hyrcan ia, an d given in marr iage to Parysatis, the daughterof Artoxerxes an d his ow n s ister .Secydianus, having w on over the eun uch Pharnacyas, whohad the greates t in fluen ce over Xerxes next to Bagoraz us ,Menos tanes , an d some others

, en tered the palace after afes tival

,while Xerxes was lying in adrun ken s leep an d put

him to death,for ty- five days after the death of his father .

The bodies of both father an d son were con veyed togetherto Pers ia, for themules which drew the chariot in which wasthe father’s body, refused to move

,as i f waitin g for that of

the son ; an d when it arri ved ,2 they at on ce wen t on rapidly .

Secyd ian us thus became kin g an d appoin ted Men ostaneshis azabarites .

3 After Bagoraz us returned to court, Secyd ianus ,

who cherished a lon g - s tan din g enm ity again s t him, on thepretext that hehad left his father ’s body in Pers iaw i thou this perm iss ion , o rdered him to be s toned to death . Thearmy was greatly grieved , an d , al though Secyd ian us dis tributedlarge sum s amongs t the soldiers , they hated him for themurder of his brother Xerxes an d n ow for that of Bagoraz us .

1 Reading ’Apro§épfns , n ot Ee

’

pfns o

1 Kar e’

AaBe. O thers ren der when it (i. e. death ) overlook him,when

the son also d ied .

A Pers ian t it le, perhaps i den tical w i th Azarapates , asort ofgen tlemanusher of thecourt .

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1 06 CTESIAS

promised him that his l i fe shou ld be spared . The king wasan xious to put Artyphius to death, but Parysat is advised himn ot to d o so at on ce, in order to decei ve Arsites an d in ducehim also to subm i t ; when bo th had surren dered, she saidthey cou ld bo th be put to death . The plan succeeded,Artyphius an d Arsites surren dered, an d were thrown in to theashes . The king w ished to pardon Arsites, but Parysatis byher importun ity persuaded him to put him to death . Pharnacyas , who had ass isted Secyd ian us to ki l l Xerxes , was s tonedto death . Men os tanes was also arres ted an d con demned, butan t icipatedhis fate by su ic ide.

Pis suthnes also revol ted, an d T issaphernes, Spithradates , .

an d Parmises were sen t again s t him . Pissuthnes set ou t to

meet them with Lycon the Athen ian an d abody of G reeks ,who were bribed by the king ’s generals to desert him .

Pissuthnes then su rren dered , an d , after havin g recei ved as suranec s that his l i feshould be spared, accompan ied T issaphernesto the cour t . But the kin g o rdered him to be thrown in totheashes an d gavehis satrapy to T issaphernes . Lycon alsoreceived several town s an d dis tr ic ts as the reward of histreachery.

Artoxares the eun uch, who had great in fluen ce wi th theking, des i ring to obtain possess ion of the throne himsel f,plotted again s t his mas ter. He ordered his wife to makehim a false beard an d mous tache, that he might look l ikeaman . His wife

,however, betrayed him ; he was seized ,

handed over to Parysat is , an d put to death . Arsaces theking ’s son , who afterwards chan ged his name to Artoxerxes ,

marr ied Statira, daugh ter of Idernes, whose son Teritukhmes,

who had been appo in ted to his father’s satrapy after his death ,married the king ’s daughter Amestris . Teritukhmes had ahal f— s is ter Roxana, of great beauty an d very ski lfu l in ben din gthebow an d hurl ing the spear. Teritukhmes havin g fallen inlove with her an d con ceived ahatred of his wife Amestris ,in o rder to get r id of the latter, reso lved to put her in toasack

,where she was to be s tabbed to death by 30 0 accom

plices , wi th whom hehad en tered in to acon spiracy to raisea revol t . But acertain Ud iastes, who had great in fluen cewith Teritukhmes, having received letters from the kin gprom i sin g to reward him generous ly i f he could save hisdaughter, attacked an d murdered Teritukhmes , who courage

CTESIAS 1 07

ouslydefended himsel f an d s lew (it is said) thirty- seven ofhisassai lan ts .

Mitradates, 1 the son of Ud iastes , the armour - bearer of

Teritukhmes , took no par t in this affai r,an d when he learn t

what had happened,he cursed his father an d sei zed the city

of Zaris to hand over to the son of Teritukhmes . Parysat isordered the mother of Teritukhmes , his brothers Mitrostesand Helicus, an d his s is ters except Statirato beput to death .

Roxanawas hewn in pieces al ive. The kin g to ld his wifeParysat i s to in fl ic t the same pun ishmen t upon the wife of

his son Arsaces . But Arsaces by his tears an d lamen tat ion sappeased thewrath ofhis fatheran d mother. Parysatis havin grelen ted, Ochus spared Statira

’

s l i fe, but at the same t imetold Parysatis that she would one day greatly regret i t.In the n ineteen th book the author relates how Ochus

Dariaeus fel l s ick an d died at Babylon , havin g reigned thirtyfive years . Arsaces , who succeeded him,

changed his nameto Artoxerxes . Ud ias tes had his ton gue cut ou t an d torn out

by the roots behind ; an d so he died . His son Mitradateswas appo in ted to his satrapy . This was d ue to the in s tigat iono f S tatira, whereat Parysatis was greatly aggrieved . Cyrus ,being accused by T is saphernes of des ign s on the l ife of hisbrother Artoxerxes , took refuge with his mother, by whosein terven t ion hewas cleared of the charge. D isgraced by hisbrother, he ret i red to his satrapy an d lai d his plan s for revo lt .Satibarzanes accused O ron tes of an in trigue with Parysatis ,although her conduct was i rreproachable O ron tes was put todeath , an d his mother was greatly en raged again s t the kin g,because Parysatis had po isoned the son of Teritukhmes .

Theauthor also men tion s him who cremated his father con traryto the law ,

Hellan icus an d Herodotus being thus con victed of

falsehood .

2

Cyrus having revo l ted again s t his brother 3 col lected anarmy composed of both G reeks an d barbarian s . Clearchuswas in comman d of the G reeks ; Syen nesis , kin g of Cil ic ia,ass is ted both Cyrus and Artoxerxes . Theauthor then reports

1 Io n ic form of Mithradates .

1 Theexces s i vebrevity of Phot ius ' s abs tract makes it uncertain what theal lus ion is , an d how Hellan icus and Herodotus are con victed of falsehood .

Perhaps there is areferen ce to the s tatemen t of Herodotus that Croesuswas burn t on the funeral pi le.

1 Theexped it ion forms thesubject of Xenophon’

s A naéasz’

s .

1 08 CTESIAS

the speeches of the tw o prin ces to thei r troops . Clearchus theSpartan ,

who was in comman d of theGreeks , an d Menon theThessal ian , who accompan ied Cyrus , werealways at var ian ce,because Cyrus took the advice of Clearchus in everythin g,while Men on was dis regarded . Largen umbers deserted fromArtoxerxes to Cyrus, n one from Cyrus to Artoxerxes . For thisreason Artabarius , who medi tated desert ion ,

was accused an dthrow n in to the ashes . Cyrus attacked the king ’s army an dgained the victory

,but los t his l ife by neglectin g theadvice of

Clearchus . His body was mu ti lated by Artoxerxes , who orderedhis head an d the han d with which hehad s truck him to be

cut off,an d carried them abou t in tr iumph . Clearchus the

Spar tan withdrew durin g the n igh t with his G reeks , an d afterhehad seized one of the c ities belon gin g to Parysatis , the kingmade peacewith him .

Parysati s set out for Babylon , mourn ing for the death of

Cyrus,an d havin g with difficu lty recovered his head an d han d

sen t them to Susafor burial . I t was Bagapates who had cut

off his head by o rder of Artoxerxes . Parysat is, when playin gat dice with the kin g, w on the game an d Bagapates as theprize, an d afterwards had him flayed al ivean d crucified . Atlen gth shewas persuaded by the en treaties of Artoxerxes to

give up mourn in g forher son . Thekin g rewarded the soldierwho brought him Cyrus ’s cap, an d the Carian who was supposed to havewoun dedhim, whom Parysat is afterwards torturedan d put to death . Mitradates havin g boas ted at table of

havin g ki l led Cyrus , Parysat is deman ded that he should beg iven up to her, an d havin g got him in to her han ds , put himto death with great cruelty. Such is the con ten ts of then ineteen than d twen tieth books .

The twen ty - firs t,twen ty - second, an d twen ty- thi rd books

con clude thehistory. T is saphernes began to plo t again s t theG reeks , with the ass is tan ce of Men on the Thessal ian ,

whomhehad w on over . In this man ner

,by cun n in g an d so lemn

prom ises, he got Clearchus an d the other generals in hispower, although Clearchus suspec ted an d was on his guardagain s t treachery an d en deavoured to avert it but thesoldiers,being deceived by the words of Men on

,compel led the um

wi llin g Clearchus to vis i t Tis saphernes . P roxen us theBoeot ian ,who had been al ready deceived, also advised him to go .

Clearchus an d the other general s were sen t in chain s to

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1 1 0 CTESIAS

to the king,an d the givin g of the letters to Ctes ias . Speech

of Ctes ias to the kin g about Con on an d the letter to him.

The presen ts sen t by Evagoras del ivered to Satibarzanes thear rival of the messengers in Cyprus . The letters of Cononto theking an d Ctes ias . The deten t ion of the Spartan ambassad ors to the kin g . Letter from the kin g to Con on an dthe Spar tan s, del ivered to them by C tes ias himsel f. Con onap poin ted comman der of thefleet by Pharnabaz us .

Thevis i t of Ctes ias to Cn idus,his nat ive city, an d to Sparta.

P roceedingsagain s t theSpartan ambassadorsatRhodes,an d thei r

acqu i t tal . 1 The n umber of s tation s,days , and parasangs from

Ephesus to Bactriaand In dia. Thework con cludes wi th al is tof theAssyrian kings from N in us an d Sem i ram is to Artoxerxes .

This wri ter ’s s tyle is clear an d very s imple, which makes thework agreeableto read. Heuses theIon ic d ialect, n ot throughout, as Herodotus does, but on ly in certain express ion s , n or doeshe, l ike Herodotus , in terrupt the thread of his narrative byi ll- t imed digress ion s . Although he reproaches Herodotus forhis old wives ’ tales , he is n ot free from the same defect,especial ly in his accoun t of In dia. The charm of his his torychiefly con s is ts in his man ner of relatin g even ts, which is s trongin the emo tional an d unexpected, an d in his var ied use of

mythical embel l ishmen t . The s tyle is more careles s than i tshould be, an d the phraseology often descends to thecommonplace, whereas that of Herodotus

,both in this an d other

respects as far as vigour an d art are con cerned, is the modelrepresen tativeof the Ion i c d ialec t .

History of In d ia.

2

Also read the same author ’s His tory of I n dia, in one book,

in which he employs the Ion i c dialect more frequen tly. In

regard to theri ver Indus , he says that , where i t is narrowes t, itis forty, where i t i s wides t, two hun dred s tades broad .

3 He

declares that the population of Indiais almos t greater thanthat of thewhole world . Healso men t ion s aworm found in

1 Thepun ctuat ion an d mean ingareobscure.

2 See tran s lat ion by J. W. Mccr in d le wi th In troduct ion and Notesto which the presen t tran s lator des ires to ackn owledge his ob

l igat ion s ; H. H . W i lson , “Notes on the Indicaof Ctes ias ”

(Ashmo leanSoc iety T ran sact ion s , i— x i .3 A s tade is about an E ngl ish fur long.

CTESIAS 1 1 1

this river, theon ly living c reaturewhich breeds there. Beyon dIn diathereare n o coun tries inhabited by men . I t never rain sthere, the coun try bein g watered by the river . He says of thepan tarba,

1 akin d of seal - s tone, that 477seal - s tones an d otherprec ious s tones, belongin g to aBactrian merchan t, which hadbeen thrown in to the ri ver, weredrawn up from thebottom,allc l inging together, by this s tone.

He also Speaks of elephan ts which kn ock down wal ls, of

l ittle2apes wi th tai ls four cubits long,an d of cocks of very larges ize; of the parro t about as large as ahawk, which has ahuman tongueand vo ice

,adark—red beak, ablack beard , an d

blue feathers up to the neck, which is red like C in nabar .3 I t

speaks In dian l ikeanative, an d i f taught Greek, speaks Greek .

He next men t ion s afoun tain which is fi lled every year wi thliqu id

.

gold, from which a hun dred pitcher fu ls are drawn .

These pitchers have to be made of earth, s in ce the goldwhen drawn off becomes so l id, an d i t is necessary to breakthe vessel in o rder to get i t out . The foun tain is square,s i xteen cubits in ci rcumferen ce, an d a fathom deep . Thego ld in each pitcher weighs atalen t . At the bottom of thefoun tain there is i ron , an d the author says that he pos sessedtwo swo rds made from i t

,one given him by the king, the

o ther by his mother,Parysatis . If this i ron ‘1 be fixed in the

ground,it keeps off clouds an d hai l an d hurricanes Ctes ias

declares that the kin g twice proved its effi cacy and that hehimsel f was awitness to it .The In dian dogs are very large an d even at tack lion s .

There are great moun tain s , from which are d ug sardon yx ,on yx, an d other seal - s tones . I t is in ten sely hot an d the sun

appears ten t imes larger than in o ther coun tries largen umbersof peopleare suffocated by the heat . The seais as largeasthat of Greece; i t is so hot on the surfacean d to adepth of

four fin gers that fishcan n o t l ive near i t, but keep on the

bottom.

The river In dus flows across plain s an d between moun tain s ,where the so- cal led In dian reed grows . I t is so thick that two

1 Supposed to be the hydrophane (als o cal led ocu lus muna' z'

, eyeof theworl d ) , akind of opal which absorbs water on immers ion an d exhibi ts achangingplay of co lours .

1 Rather read paxpc ( large) for ytk pav (smal l ) .1 The tex t is corrupt here.

1 Themagnet maybe referred to.

1 1 2 CTESIAS

men can hardly get thei r arms roun d it, an d as tal l as themas tof amerchan t- ship of larges t ton nage. Somearelarger

,some

smal ler, as is natural con s iderin g the s ize of themoun tain . Of

these reeds someare male, others female. The malehas n opi th an d is very s trong, but the femalehas .

Themartikho mis an an imal foun d in this coun try . I t has aface l ikeaman ’

s,askin red as cin nabar

,an d is as largeas a

l ion . I t has three rows of teeth,ears an d l ight- blueeyes like

those ofaman ; its tai l is l ike that of alan d scorpion,con tain

ingast in g more than acubit long ‘at the en d . It has others tin gs on each s ide of its tai l an d one on the top of its head ,l ike the scorpion ,

wi th which it in fl icts awoun d that is alwaysfatal . I f it is attacked from adis tan ce, i t sets up its tai l infron t an d discharges its stin gs as i f from abow ; if attackedfrom behind

,it s traighten s it out an d laun ches its s tings in a

direc t l ine to the distan ce of ahun dred feet . Thewoun d infl icted is fatal to allanimals except theelephan t. Thest ings areabout afoot lon g an d abou tas thick as asmal l rush . Themartikhora1 is called in Greek an thropoplzagos (man -eater) , because,although it preys upon other an imals

,it kills an d devours a

greater n umber of human beings . I t fights with both its clawsan d stin gs , which, according to Ctes ias, grow again oafter theyhave been discharged . There is a great number of thesean imals in In dia, which are hun ted an d killed with spears orarrows by nat ives moun ted on elephan ts .

Observing that the In dian s are extremely just, Ctesias goeson to des cribe thei r man ners an d custom s . He men t ion s asacred spot in an un in habited dis tr ict, which they hon our underthe name of the Sun an d the Moon . It is afi fteen days ’

journey from moun t Sardo .

2 Here theSun is always cool forthirty- fivedays in the year

,so that his votaries mayat tend his

feas t and after its celebrat ion may return homewi thout beingscorched . In In dia there is nei ther thun der, l ightn in g, n or

rain, bu t win ds an d hurricanes , which carry along everything

that comes in thei r way, are frequen t . The sun , after ris in g, iscoo l for hal f the day, but for the remain der 1s excess ivelyhot inmost parts of the coun try. I t is n ot the heat of the sun thatmakes the In dian s swar thy they are so naturally . Some of

1 Pers ian2 It is n ot clear whether Sardo is merel y aproper nameor mean s themoun tain of theJam’

o (aprecious s tone) .

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1 1 4 CTESIAS

sesamum an d n ut- oil,but the oil from the lake 15 bes t . The

lakealso aboun ds in fish.

The coun try produces much s i lver an d thereare numerouss i lver mines, n ot very deep, but thoseof Bactriaare said to bedeeper . Thereis also go ld, n ot foun d in rivers an d washed,as in the river Pac tolus, but in man y large moun tain s whichare inhabited by griffin s . Theseare four- footed birds as largeas awo l f, thei r legs an d claws resembling thoseofal ion thei rbreas t feathers are red , those o f the rest of the body black .

Although there is abundan ce of gold in the moun tain s,it

is difficu l t to get it because of these birds .

The In dian sheep an d goats are larger than asses , an d as aru le have four youn g ones , somet imes six

,at at ime. There

areneither tame n or wild pigs . The palm trees an d dates arethree times as largeas those of Babylon . Thereis ariver ofhoney that flows from arock .

Theauthor speaks at len gth of the Indian s ’ love of jus t ice,thei r loyalty to thei r k ings an d thei r con tempt of death . He

also men tion s afoun tain,the water from which, when drawn

off, thicken s l ike cheese. If three obo ls ’ weight of this thickmas s be crushed

,m ixed with water, an d given to anyone to

drink, he reveals every thing that hehas ever done, being inas tate of fren zyan d del i rium thewhole day. The king makesuseof this test when he des i res to discover the t ruth about anaccused person . If he con fesses , he is ordered to s tarvehimsel f to death ; i f he reveals n o thing

,he is acquitted .

The In dian s are n ot subject to headache, ophthalm ia, or

even toothache to ulcers on the mou th, or sores in anyo therpart of thebody . They l ive 1 20

,130 , 1 50 , an d someeven 2 00

years .

There is aserpen t aspan in length, of amos t beaut i fu lpurple co lou r

,with avery white head, an d w ithou t teeth . I t

is caught on the burn ing moun tain s, from which the sardon yxis d ug. I t does n ot s ting, but its vom i t rots the place wherei t fal ls . If i t is hun g up by the tai l i t discharges two kinds of

po ison ,one yel low likeamber, w hen i t is al ive, theother black,

when i t is dead . If one drin ks on ly as much of the formerasagrain of sesamum dissolved in water, his brain run s out

th rough his n osean d hedies immediately ; i f theo ther poisonis adm in is tered , i t brin gs on con sumpt ion , which does n ot

prove fatal for at leas t ayear.

CTESIAS 1 15

Thereis abird cal led a’z'

kaerum (mean ing in Greek“jus t

the s ize of apart ridge’s egg. I t buries its excremen t in thegroun d in order to hide it . Ifanyonefinds i t an d takes on lyamorsel of i t about the s izeofagrain of sesamum in the morning, heis overcome by s leep, loses con sciousness , an d dies atsun set .There is also atree cal led pareéum,

about the s i ze of ano live, which is on ly foun d in the royal garden s . It bearsnei ther flowers n or fru it, an d has on ly fifteen very stou t roots

,

the smal les t of which is as thick as aman ’

s arm . Ifapieceofthis roo t, abou t a span in len gth , be put near any body of

matter,gold

,s i lver, brass, s tones , in fact, everything except

amber,it attracts i t i facubit’s len gth of it be used

,it attrac ts

lambs an d bi rds , the latter being general ly caught in th is way.

If you wish to so l idi fy agal lon of water, you need on ly throw

in apiece of the root theweight of an obo l the samewithwine, which can behan dled likewax,although on the next dayit becomes l iquid again . The root is also used as aremedy forthose suffer in g from bowel complain ts .

There is a r iver that flows through In dia,n ot large

,but

about two s tades broad . I t is cal led liyparr/zufl in In dian,

mean in g in G reek “bes tow ing all bless in gs .

”Durin g thi rty

days in the year i t br in gs down amber. I t is said that in themoun tain s there are trees on the banks of the r iver wherei t passes through , which at acertain season o f the year shedtears l ike thealmon d, fi r, or anyother tree, espec ially duringthese thirty days . T hese tears drop in to the river an d becomehard . This tree is called in In dian S z

'

pfakizora,2 mean in g in

G reek “sweet,” an d from it the in habitan ts gather amber . It

also bears fru it in c lusters l ike grapes , the s tones of which areas largeas then uts of Pon tus .

On thesemoun tain s there l ive men with thehead of ad og,w hose clothin g is the skin of wild beas ts . They speak n o

lan guage, but bark l ike dogs , an d in this manner make them

selves un ders tood by each other . Thei r teeth are larger thanthoseof dogs

,thei r nai ls l ike thoseof thesean imals , but longer

an d roun der. They inhabi t the moun tain s as far as the r iverIndus . Thei r complexion is swarthy. They are extremelyjus t

,l ike the res t of the In dian s with whom they associate.

1 Pers ian aver -kilos ]; bringinggood1 Pers ian slz z

'

f teizklzor ( agreeable to eat

1 1 6 CTESIAS

They un derstan d the In dian language but are unable to

con verse, on ly barkin g or makin g s ign s with thei r han ds an dfingers by way of reply, l ike the deaf an d dumb . They arecal led by the In dian s Calys tn

'

z'

,in Greek Cynorep/za/z

'

(“d og

[They l ive on raw meat ] They n umber about

Near the sources of this r iver 1 grows apurple flower, fromwhich is obtained apurpledye,as good in qual ity as theG reekan d of an even more bri ll ian t hue. In the samedis trict thereis an an imal abou t the s i ze of abeetle

,red as cin nabar

,wi th

very lon g feet,an d abody as soft as that ofaworm . It breedson the trees which produce amber , eats thei r fru it an d kil lsthem

,as the woodlouse des troys the vines in Greece. The

Indian s crush these in sects an d u se them for dyeing thei r robesan d tun ics an d an ythin g else they wish .

2 The dye is super io rto thePers ian .

TheCynorep/zalz’

l iving on themoun tain s d o n ot practiseanytradebut l ive by hun t in g. When they have killed an an imalthey roas t it in the sun . They also rear n umbers of sheep

,

goats,an d asses

,drinkin g them i lk of the sheep an d whey made

from i t . They eat the fru i t of theSiptakhora, when ceamber isprocu red , s in ce i t is sweet . They also dry i t an d keep it inbaskets

,as the G reeks keep thei r dried grapes . They make

rafts which they load wi th this fru i t together wi th wel l - cleanedpurple flowers an d 2 60 talen ts ofamber

,with thesamequan t ity

of thepurple dye, an d 1 000 additional talen ts of amber, whichthey sen d an nual ly to the king of India. They exchan ge theres t for bread, flou r, an d cotton s tuffs with the In dian s

,from

whom they also buy swords for hun tin g wild beas ts , bows , an darrows

,being very ski lful in drawin g the bow an d hurl ing the

spear . They can n ot be defeated in war,s in ce they in habit

lofty an d inaccess ible moun tain s . Every five years the kin gsen d s them apresen t of bows

,as man y spears,

shields,an d swords .

They d o n ot l i ve in houses , but in caves . They set out forthe chasewith bows an d spears , an d as they are very swift offoot, they pursuean d soon overtake thei r quarry . Thewomenhaveabath on ceamon th , the men d o not haveabath at all,but on ly wash thei r hands . Theyano in t themselves threet imesamon th with oil made from mi lk an d wipe themselves w i th1 TheHyparchus .

2 The coch ineal in sect is mean t.

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1 1 8 CTESIAS

bite, an d kil l man y men an d ho rses . They are at las t taken ,

after they have been pierced wi th arrows and spears ; for i t isimposs ible to capture them al ive. T hei r flesh is too bitter toeat

,an d they are on ly hun ted for the sake of the horn s an d

buckle- bones .

In the river In dus aworm is foun d resemblin g thosewhichare usually foun d on fig

- trees . I ts average length is sevencubits

,though someare longer, others shorter . I t is so th ick

that achild ten years old cou ld hardly put his arms roun d itfI t has two teeth, one in the upper and one in the lower jaw .

Everything it sei zes wi th these teeth it devours . By day itremain s in the mud of the r iver, but at n ight i t comes out

,

seizes whatever i t comes across , whether ox or camel,drags i t

in to the ri ver, an d devours i t all except the in test ines . I t is

caught with alargehook baited wi th alamb or kidattached byi ron chain s . After i t has been caught, i t is hun g up for thirtydays wi th vessels placed un derneath, in to which as much oil

from the body drips as wou ld fi l l ten Attic km‘ylae. 1 At theen d of the thirty days , theworm is thrown away

,the vessels of

oil are sealed an d taken as apresen t to thekin g of In dia,

- whoalone is al lowed to use it. This oil sets everything al igh twood oran imals — over wh ich i t is poured

,an d the flame can

only beextin gu ished by throwin g aquan t ity of thick mud on i t .Thereare trees in In diaas high as cedars or cypres ses, wi th

leaves l ike those of the palm- tree, except that they areal i ttlebroader an d have n o shoots . They flower l ike themale laurel

,

but haven o fru i t . The tree is' called by the In dian s fearpion’

,

by the Greeks myrorodon (un guen t- rose) i t is n ot common .

Drops of oiloozeout of i t, which arewiped off with wool an dthen squeezed in to s tonealabas ter boxes . The oil is reddish,rather thick, an d so fragran t that i t scen ts theair to adis tan ceo f five s tades . On ly the king an d his fami ly are al lowed to

useit. The king of In diasen t some to the kin g of Pers ia,an d Ctes ias

,who saw it, says that he can n o t compare the

perfume wi th any other.The In dian s also have very excel len t cheesean d sweet wine,

both of which Ctesias tested himsel f.There is a square foun tain in India

,about five el ls in

circumferen ce. The water is in arock, about three cubits ’

depth down , an d thewater itsel f three fathoms . TheIn dian s1 About fivepin ts .

CTESIAS 1 1 9

of highes t ran k— men , women ,an d chi ldren — bathe in it [n o t

on ly for c lean l ines s, but as apreven t ive of disease] . Theyplunge feet foremos t in to the water

,an d when they jump in to

it,it throws them ou t again on to dry lan d

,n ot on ly human

bein gs , but every an imal, l ivin g or dead , in fact, everyth ing thatis thrown in to i t except i ron , s i lver, gold , an d copper, whichs in k to thebottom. Thewater is very cold, an d agreeable to

drink ; i t makes aloud n oise l ike that of water boi l in g in acaldron . I t cures leprosy an d scab . In In dian i t is calledballadé

,an d in Greek oplzelz

'

mé (useful) .In themoun tain s where the Indian reed grows there dwel l s

apeopleabou t in n umber . Thei r women on ly havechildren on ce in thei r l i fe, which are born with beaut i ful teethin theupperan d lower jaw . Both malean d female childrenhavewhite hai r on the head an d eyebrows . Up to theage of

thirty the men have white hai r all over the body ; i t thenbegin s to turn black , an d at theage of s ixty i t is qui te black .

Both men an d women haveeight fin gers an d eigh t toes . Theyare very warl ike, an d 50 0 0 of them — bowmen an d spearmenaccompan y the kin g of In dia on his m i l itary expedi tion s .

Thei r ears are so lon g that thei r arm s are covered with themas faras theelbow,

and also thei r backs , an d one ear touchesthe o ther .[In Aethiopiathere is an an imal cal led armor/(15

,

1 vulgarlykynolykos (d og-wo lf), of amazin g s tren gth . I t is said to

im itate the human vo ice, to cal l men by nameat n ight, an dto devour thosewho approach it . It is as braveas al ion ,

asswift as ahorse, an d as s trong as abul l . It can n ot beovercomeby anyweapon of s teel . In Chalci s in Euboeatherearesheep which have n o gal l - bladder, an d thei r flesh is so bitterthat even thedogs refuse to eat i t . They also say that beyon dthe gates of Mauretan iathe rain is abun dan t in summer

,an d

that i t is scorching hot in win ter . Amon g the Cyon ian s thereis afoun tain which gives out oil in stead of water, which thepeopleuse in all thei r food. In Metad ridathere i s an otherfoun tain , some l i ttledis tan ce from the sea, the fl ow of which isso violen t at m idn ight that i t cas ts up on lan d fishes in suchnumbers that the inhabitan ts , unable to pick them up, leavemos t of them to rot on the groun d ] 2Ctes ias relates these fables as per fect truth, addin g that he1 Thejackal or hyena.

1 Th is pas sageis probably not byC tes ias .

1 2 0 HELIODORUS

himsel f had seen with his ow n eyes some of the th ings hedescribes , an d had been in formed of the res t by eye- witnes ses .

He says that hehas omi tted man y far more marvel lous thin gs ,for fear that thosewho had n ot seen them m ight thin k that hisaccoun t was utterly un t rus tworthy.

LXXII I

Read theAefl zz’

op z’

m of Heliod oru s .

1 The work is dramati c,

an d the s tyle employed is su ited to the subject, bein g ful l ofs implici ty an d charm . The narrative is divers ified by actual

,

expected,or unexpected in c iden ts that appeal to the feel ings,

by s tran geescapes from dan ger, by clear an d pure dict ion . If,

as is on ly natural, there 15aten den cy to use figu res of speech,

they areeasy to un ders tan d , an d vividly i l lustrate the subjectmatter . The periods are symmetr ical , an d con cisely arran gedwith a view to brevi ty . The compos it ion in other respectscorrespon ds to the subject . The s tory is abou t the love of aman an d awoman ,

an d shows ades irefor the s tric t observan ceof propriety.

The characters are Theagenes an d Chariclea, tw o chas telovers who

,through all thei r wan derings an d frequen t

captivit ies , keep their modes ty in tact . Thei r names, an d a

briefaccoun t of thei r fortunes an d sufferin gs , are given . TheAthen ian fest ival

,at which Chariclea is a pries tess an d

Theagenes acompet itor in the s tadium. How they fal l inlovew i th each o ther at s ight ; Chariclea

’

s con sequen t i llness ;how she is carried off

,with her con sen t

,by Theagenes an d

Calasiris from the hou se of her repu ted father Charicles .

Voyage to Zacyn thus,du rin g which the captain of the ship is

sm itten with love for Chariclea Calasiris preten ds to accepthis offer of marriage. Charicleaan d her party are hospi tably

1 Heliod orus of Emesain Syria, belonging to afam i l y of the priests of

theSun ,flourished in the third cen tury A .D . This v iew is supported by the

men t ion of the Blemmyes ( first prom inen t in traces o f neo - Pythagorean in fluen ce, an d the s tress laid on Sun -worsh ip. Theeccles ias t icalh is to rian Socrates wrongl y iden t ifies him wi th abi shop of T riccain thereign of Theodos ius

,the lat ter probably con fused wi th Theodos ius the

father of the author of theAetlz z'opz'

crz . The s tan dard work on theGreekroman ce-writers is E . Rohde, Der grz

'

er/lz'

sclze R oman seeal soBlackw ood

'

: Alagaz z’

ne,x l i v . The who le work is preserved , an d it

wou l d be diffi cu l t to understan d the compl icated p lot from Phot ius ’sabstract.

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1 2 2 HELIODORUS

han ds of Thyamis . Nausicles , with whom Calasiris is l ivin g,brin gs in Chariclea in the name of Thisbe. Hearin g th isname

,Cnemon ,

knowing that Thisbe is dead,is puzzled but

his perplexi ty chan ges to joyat the discovery that Charicleaisal ive. Firs t search for Theagenes , an d marriage of Cnemon

an d Nausiclea. Calasiris sets out with Chariclea to fin d

Theagenes . An old woman is foun d lamen t in g over her son

who has fal len in battle, an d address in g him with the aid of

magic arts , Calasiris an d Charicleameanwhile lookin g on . Theold woman en treats the corpse to tel l her whether her o therson wil l return . The son

,curs ing his mo ther as gui lty of

violen t an d un lawfu l acts , in forms her that her son wil l beki l led, but that shewill d ie beforehim,

for havin g in su lted thedead . Her death from acciden tal ly fal l in g on afragmen t of aspear .Thyamis , Theagenes , an d the rest '

of therobber ban d set

out for Memphis,the first- named des i r in g to recover the

pries thood which his youn ger brother,Petosiris , has seized .

This causes agreat dis turban ce in the city . Arsace,

1who is in

comman d of thec ity, en deavours to put an en d to the s tri feby

o rdering the tw o bro thers to con ten d in s ingle combat, thepries thood to be given to the victor. The combat takes placeagain s t the wish of Petosiris, who is un skil led in the use of

arms , w hereas Thyamis i s an experien ced so ldier . Thyamis aton ce scares his brother , who fl ings away his arms an d takes tofl ight, bein g twice pursued roun d the wal ls of the ci ty byhis brother . Theagenes — with whom Arsace

,the wi fe of

O roon dates , has fallen in love— is atten din g on Thyamis .

Calasiris an d Charicleacome on the scene. Calasiris , seeinghis son s en gaged in mortal combat, run s up to them with ashout an d wi th difficul ty succeeds in s toppin g the figh t, s in cethey d o n ot recogn izehim. Charicleafalls in to the arms of

Theagenes . The brothers lay down thei r arms, an d Thyamis

is appo in ted to the priesthood by his father, who soon

afterwards dies .

P lo t of Arsace again s t Theagenes an d Chariclea, in whichsheis zealous ly ass is ted by her maid Cybele, who in vites themto the palace. Arsace’s un con tro llable love for Theagenes,her schemes

,methods of i l l - t reatmen t

, al lu remen ts , an d plots .Cybele, who in ten ds to give a cup of poisoned wine to

1 Her husban d, Oroondates, beingabsent on ami l itary exped it ion .

HELIODORUS 1 23

Chariclea, by m is take drinks it herself an d dies . Theagenesan d Charicleaare cruel ly t reated an d tortured because T heagenes rejects theadvan ces of Arsace. Charicleais condemnedto be burn t, but the flames are extin gu ished by the s tone

pan tarbé.

1 Thus Chariclea escapes for the momen t , butArsace, in her rage, prepares to haveher put to death the nextday. Arsace’

s husban d, Oroon dates , sen ds [his eun uch Bagoas ]to bring the lovers by n igh t to his camp , Cybele

’

s son, d is

appo in ted in his des i re to marry Chariclea, havin g has tened toin form his mas ter ofhis wife’s m isconduct.Attack . by the Aethiopian s ; Theagenes an d Chariclea

carr ied ofl to Hydaspes , kin g of Aethiopia. Their con se

c ration for sacrifice— L'

I‘heagenes to the sun , Chariclea to .

themoon . Games an d sacrifices in the presen ce of Sisimithres

,

chief of the gymn osophists , 1 an d Persine, the kin g ’s wife.

Charicleademands to beal lowed to plead her causebefore thekin g. Her deman d is gran ted , Sisimithres bein g appoin tedjudge it is proved by theeviden ce of w i tnesses that Charicleais really the daughter of Hydaspes an d Persine. Hydaspes iswi th difficul ty persuaded of the truth of th is, but in obedien ceto the cus tom of the coun try is s ti l l determ ined that she shal lbe sacrificed . Oppos it ion of the peoplean d release of Charic lea, to the joy of all. Chariclea threatened wi th an otherdanger. Theagenes is s t i ll boun d for the sac r ificean d in spiteof her earnes t en treat ies an d various pleas, her father refusesto releasehim . Chariclea, in great distress of m in d

,tells her

mother all that has happened to hersel fan d Theagenes . Thelatter ’s exploi t with thebu l lan d thedel ight of the people. He

also defeats them ighties t wrestleramon g theAethiopian s am ids tshouts o f applause. Nevertheless, he is c rowned an d led to

the sacrifice. Charicles , who happen s to be presen t, havingcome from Athen s , begs the kin g to restore to him his supposed daughter . The k ing promises

'

to d o so i f he can fin d

her, but he is unable to d o so. Charicles seizes Theagenes1 Which sheworeon her finger (seeC tes ias , I n d ica, p . 1 1

1 An In dian sect of phi losophers who l ived an extremely ascetic l i fe.

Their doctrine was akind of Pan theism , an d they bel ieved in the tran sm igration of souls . By mort ifying the body they hoped to purify theirsou ls . They woreno c lo thing, hen ce their name(Q M/m os , naked , sop/ultras ,wiseman ). Their in fluen ce in theorien tal (an d even in theGreek world )was great, an d A lexander theGreat, duringhis campaign s , en deavoured topersuad ethem to jo in his suite.

1 24 THEMISTIUS

an d d rags him before the king, exc laim ing, This is theman who s to le my daughter from Athen s .

”An in vestigation

is held, Theagenes is declared n ot gu ilty wi th theapproval ofSisimithres , who secures the abo l it ion of human sacrifice forthe fu ture

,am id general rejo ic ing . T hus Theagenes an d

Chariclea, after all thei r trials an d perils , become man an dwife. Charicleacrowned with the m itre of the pries thood byher mother

,an d Theagenes by his father - in - law . Sacrifice

o ffered an d preparat ion s made for themys t ic nupt ial r ites .

This roman cewas written by Heliod orus , son of Theodos ius,aPhoen i cian of Emesa. It is said that he was afterwards abishop .

LXXIV

Read the thirty - six pol i t ical oration s of Themis tius .

1 Some

are addressed to the emperor Con s tan tius , o thers to Valen s ,the youn ger Valen tin ian , an d T heodos ius , an d con tain en

comiums an d panegyrics of theseemperors . The s tyleIS clear,

free from redun dan cies , but somewhat flor id . The language 15

official,

2 with aten den cy to solemn ity. Themis tius flour ishedin the reign of Valen s , as is clear from his works . Hewass ti ll ayoun g man in the time of Con s tan t ius , by whom hewaselec ted amember of the senate, as is eviden t from the letteraddres sed by the emperor himsel f to that body on behal f ofThemis tius . His father

,who was also a philosopher, was

named Eugen ius . We have seen his commen taries on all theworks of A r istotle, an d con c isean d usefu l paraphrases of theAnalytics , the S oul, the Physics , an d s im i lar works . He alsodid somethin g for the in terpretat ion of P lato

,an d , in fact, was

alover an d s tuden t of philosophy .

1 Cal led E uplzrades beaut ifu l speaker neo -P laton is t an d soph is t(c. 317 born in Paphlagon ia, then res iden t at Con stan tinople, whereheen tered the service of the s tate, final ly becom ing prefect of the c i ty .

O ne of his special dut ies was to del iver official orat ion s greet ing theemperors , under six of whom he l ived . In add i t ion to the oration s herereferred to

,hewas apro l ific wri ter on phi losophical subjects . When qu ite

ayoung man , he gained con s iderable reputat ion as theauthor of acommen tary on A r istot le. Hewas on fr ien dly terms wi th famous l i terary men ,

orators and ph i losophers , Chris tian as wel l as heathen , an d Gregory of

Naz ian z us cal ls him thek ing of argumen ts .

”O f the th irty - six speeches

men t ioned by Phot ius , w e possess th irty - four (one on ly in a Lat intran s lat ion ), an d some of his work on Aris to tle.

1 “S tate-paper - l ike”

(T . Hodgkin ) .

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1 2 6 JOSEPHUS

LXXVI

Read theAn tiquities o/ the jew s , by Flavius Josephus ,1 intwen ty books . He begin s with the Mosaic cosmogon y, an dalthough his accoun t agrees in the main with that generallyaccepted, he sometimes differs . The work en ds with the warbetween the Jews an d Roman s

,at the t imewhen Agrippa, 1 son

of thegreat Agrippa,

1who deprived Jesus , son of Gamal iel

,of

the high priesthood,an d bes towed it upon Matthias , son of

Theophilus,

was kin g of the Jews . An t iochus ’1 an d hisgeneral Lys ias were the fi rs t to in troduceabold in n ovat ion inreferen ce to the tenureof thehigh pries thood . They removedOn ias named Menelaus from that office, put him to death,an d deprived his son of the right of success ion ,

appo in t in g inhis place Alcimus called Iacimus, of the tri be of Aaron

,but

belon gin g to adi fferen t fam i ly . Before this it had been thelaw from the timeof Aaron that the high pries t shou ld ho ldoffice for l i fe, an d that the son should succeed thefather . But

w hen Alcimus died,after havin g been high pries t for three

years , the office remained in abeyan ce for seven years . AfterMatthias an d his son s of theAsmonean fam i ly were en trus tedwith the leadership of the Jewish people, an d madewar on theMacedon ian s

,Jonathan was appoin ted high pries t . T o this

fami ly also belon ged Judas,who was cal led Aris tobulus , who

firs t placed the diadem on his head, thus fil l in g the office of

both high pries t an d k in g. A year later hedied, an d left hisbrother Alexan der his succes sor in the kingdom an d pries thood, who held these dign it ies for twen ty- seven years . Fromthis time the kin gship an d pries thood combined remained inthe Asmonean fam i ly un ti l the time of Hyrcan us , whomPompey , after the conques t of Jerusalem ,

deprived of hiskin gdom , but al lowed him to hold the office of high pries t .After thirty - three years hewas taken prisoner by theParthiangenerals Barzapharnes an d Pacorus

,who appo in ted as k in g

An tigon us, the son of thebrother of Aris tobulus . After An t i

1 Cod . XLV I I.127 1 00 . He 15 theAgrippaberorewhom S t. Pau l was brought.

1 Gran dson of Herod theGreat . He is notorious forhis persecut ion or

theChr is t ian s He is said to have d ied of aterrib le disease (Ac tsx i i .

An t iochus Epiphanes , king of Syr ia175— 1 64 . He was adeterm inedadvocateof eradicat ing Judaism an d o f thehel len ization of thepeople.

JOSEPHUS 1 27

gon us had reigned three years an d three mon ths , the Romangeneral Sosius an d Herod the Firs t, the son of An tipater, apries t of Ascalon ,

an d of Cypris the Arabian , overthrew him,

an d took him to An t ioch, where he was put to death byAn ton y . This was the en d of the Asmonean dynasty, an dHerod was made king of the Jews by the Roman s . He

bestowed thehigh pries thood upon anyonewithou t dis t in ction ,

sett in g an example for his successors to fo l low . A s s tatedabove, the author , in his twen ty books , begin n in g from thecreation of the world, goes down to the begin n ing of the las twar between the Jews an d the Roman s, at the t ime whenAgrippa, son of Agrippa, had been appo in ted kin g of the Jewsby theRoman s an d Gessius Florus 1 had succeeded Albin us asgovern or of Judaea. The Jews , unable to en du re Florus ’swickedness an d c ruel ty, revolted, thinkin g it better to perish aton ce together in freedom than gradual ly an d in s lavery. I t

was in thesecon d year of Florus ’s govern orshipan d the twel fthyear of the reign of Nero, that thewar broke out, with whichthe hi s tory of Josephus en ds . Of his s tyle we have al readyspoken .

Josephus was by birth aJew an d apries t, belongin g to afam i ly descen ded from alon g line of priests on the father ’ss ide. On the mother ’s s ide he was of royal blood, for thechi ldren of A smoneus

,from whom her fam i ly was derived, had

foralon g t imeheld both the high priesthood an d the ran k of

king. His father ’s namewas Matth ias . Hewas born in thefi rs t year of thereign of theemperor Gaius ,2an d from boyhoodwas an earnes t studen t . In his s ixteen th year, he began to

devote his atten t ion to the three sects of theJews, an d con

scien tiouslyexam ined them , so that after havin g tried them allhe m ight be able to choose the bes t . These sects are thePharisees , Sadducees , and Essenes . Havin g gone throughthem all, he reti red in to thewilderness, l ivin g there for threeyears with aman 1

who led asol itary an d ascetic l i fe. Thisman ’

s clothes weremade of the leaves of t rees , his food con

s i sted of natural herbs an d fru i t,an d hebathed frequen tly both

by n ight an d day, to keep himsel f chas te. When he wasn ineteen , Josephus returned to the city and joined the sect ofthe Pharisees , which i s said to resemble the sect called Sto ic

1 64- 65.

1 Cal igula, emperor 37-

4 1 .

1 Accord ing to Josephus , his namewas Banus .

1 28 EUNAPIUS

amon g the G reeks . In his thirtieth year,he was sen t by the

people of Jerusalem to in vest igate the con dition of affairs inGal i lee, where therewas great con fus ion an d thin gs werein avery un settled s tate. Hewas then appo in ted commander - inchief of Gal ilee, an d showed himsel fan efficien t adm in istrato r .He successfu l ly escaped plots of differen t kin ds laid again s thim byhis pol iti cal r ivals , an d by showin g asp iri t ofmoderationin dealin g wi thhis enemies often brought them over to his s ide.

Havin g taken up arms again s t the R oman s again s t his will,

after abrave res is tan ceat Iotapatahewas taken prisoner byVespas ian

,who treated him kin dly at thet imean d sti ll more so

afterhebecameemperor . Not on ly Vespas ian, buthis son s an d

successors , Titus an d Dom it ian,en tertained thehighes t regard

forhim the Roman c itizen ship was bes towed upon him,an d

he became very wealthy . He fin ished his H is tory in thefifty

- s ixth year of his age, in the thirteen th year of the reignof Dom it ian .

LXXVI I

Read the new edit ion of the con t in uat ion of the Chron icleof Dexippus

1 by Eunapius ,1 in fourteen books . It begin s wi th

the reign of Claudius Caesar, when the his tory of Dexippus

en ds , an d goes down to the t ime of Hon or ius an d Arcadius ,the son s of Theodos ius . Thework actually en ds at the t imewhen Arsacius

,after the banishmen t of John Chysos tom,

wasraised to the archbi shopri c of Con s tan tin ople,1 an d the wifeof Arcadius died of am iscarr iage. This Eunapius was anat ive of Sardes in Lydia, an d an impious heathen . He

s lan ders‘

an d abuses in every way an d withou t restrain t allwho have adorned the empire by thei r p iety, espec ial ly Constan tine theGreat on the other han d

,heextols the impious ,

aboveall Ju l ian the Apostate. In deed, it almost seems as i fthework was wri tten as an elaborate panegyri c upon him .

1 SeeCod . LXXX II .

1 Of Sardes (e. 345 educatedat A then s , an d spen t theres t ofhis lifein his nat ive town as a phys ician an d rhetoric ian . His “h is tor icalmemo irs ” deal w i th even ts from 270 to 4 14 . Hewas al so theauthor of

some extan t Lives of the S op/lists . He was abi t ter enemy of Christian ity, an d a devo ted adheren t of neo - Platon ism . In the “

secon ded i t ion of the Chron icle much that was offen s ive to Ch ris tian i ty wasom i tted .

1404

—

405

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I30 CANDIDUS

empero r Leo in the seven teen th year ofhis reign . Theau thorgives an accoun t of theproclamat ion an d access ion of Zen o,hisexpuls ion from the thronean d l ifeas aprivate in dividual, theaccess ion an d abdicat ion of theusurper Bas iliscus . Therestorat ion ofZen o to the thronean d -

themurder of Bas i liscus,his wifean d children bein g un justly put to death at the same t ime.

Harmatius,who had res tored Zen o, met with as im i lar recom

pen se,bein g put to death by Oriulphus . The au thor also

gives an accoun t of the rebel l ion of Theodor ic the son of

Triarius ; thefrien dship of Theodoric theson of Malami r,

1 an dhis war with Theodo ric the son of Triarius the secon d revo l tagain s t Zen o, the rebell ion of Marcian , the con spiracy 1 of

Zen o ’

s mother - ih—law ,an d theban ishmen t of Marcian for l i fe.

Verina’ s plo t again s t I llus , the t reacherous seizure of Epi

damnu s by Theodoric the son of Malam i r. Having describedtheseeven ts theauthor then touches upon Roman affai rs . Theseven th book ends with the death of Nepos, who, havingdriven out G lycerin s, assumed the imperial power, orderedGlycerius

’

s hai r to be cut likea cleric ’s an d madehim chiefpries t in s tead of emperor . Nepos himsel f was subsequen tlys lain at thein s tigat ion of G lycerin s . These seven books showthat the author had already wri tten an accoun t of precedin geven ts, as also appears from thebegin n ing of the fi rs t book of

the seven . Theen d of the seven th book further shows thathehad in ten ded to con t inuethehis tory, i fhis l i fehad been spared .

Malchus,a nat ive of Philadelphia, is amost admi rable

his torian . His style is pure,free from redun dan cies an d easy

to un ders tan d thelan guageis ornatean d explici t, i f somewhatpompous hedoes n ot hes itateto employ un fam i l iar express ion scharacterized by emphas is, euphon y,an d subl im i ty. Speakin ggeneral ly, his language i s amodel for thehis tor ian . A sophis tby profess ion

,an d one of the greatest of rhetorician s

, heappears to havebeen amember of theChrist ian Church .

LXXIX

Read the History by Can didus 3 in threebooks . It begin sw ith the access ion of Leo, a nat ive of Dacia in I l lyria,

1 Or Valamir. 1 Again s t Zeno .

1 Noth ing more is known of his l ife than what Phot ius tel ls us . For

theperiod of h is tory (457—

49 1 ) seeG ibbon and Bury referred to in n oteon

Cod . LXXVII I .

CANDIDUS 131

mi l itary tribune an d in comman d of the t1 00ps in Selymbria,who obtained the throne by the aid of Aspar . Asparwas an Alan an d a soldier from his early years . He hadbeen three times married , an d had three son s, Ardaburius ,Patricius, an d Ermenarichus .

1 The narrative goes down to

the proclamat ion of Anastas ius as emperor. The author wasanat ive of IsauriaTracheia, 1 as he himsel f tel ls us, an d byprofess ion clerk to cer tain in fluen tial Isaur ian s . By rel igionhewas an or thodox Chris t ian ,

as appears from his eu logy ofthe fourth synod an d his wel l -justified attack on in n ovators .

His styleis n ot suited for history . Hemakes u seof poet icalexpress ion s that are in s ip id an d chi ldish ; the compos ition i sharsh an d disco rdan t, in clined to dithyrambic bombas t or

degeneratin g in to carelessnes s an d inelegan ce. He in troducesnew con s tru ction s , which d o n ot, as in the case of otherwri ters, lend addit ional smoothness an d charm to the work

,

but make i t disagreeable to read an d u tterly unattractive.

Whileherean d therehis s tyle shows improvemen t, his his toryis obvious ly amedley of mos t differen t materials . Hemaintain s that the name Isauriais derived from Esau.

The fi rs t book describes the influen ce of Aspar an d hisson s , the elect ion of Leo to the throne by Aspar, the greatfire that broke out in Con s tan tin ople, an d Aspar

’

s measuresfor the general wel fare. Of Tat ian an d V iv ian the dispu teofAspar an d the emperor con cern in g them ,

an d what they saidto onean other. How th is led to an all ian ceof the empero rwith the I saurian s through Tarasicod issas , the son of Rusumbladeotes

,whosenamewas changed to Zen o when he became

Leo’

s son - in - law , after the death of his fi rs t wife. How

Ardaburius , to oppose theemperor, also endeavou red to w in

over the Isaurian s . How acertain Martin , the frien d of

Ardaburius,in formed Tarasicod issas of Ardaburius ’s plot

again s t the emperor ; how mu tual suspicion was aggravatedun ti l final ly theemperor Leo decided to put to death Asparan d his son s Ardaburius and Patricius the Caesar. Asparwas killed Patricius, however, unexpectedly recovered fromhiswounds, an d Aspar

’s other son Ermenarichus , who happened

n ot to bewith his fatherat the time, also escaped . Leo givesTarasicod issas thehan d of his daughter Ariadne in marriage,

1 Ermenaric.

1 T racheotis , ad istrict of A s iaMin or between Ci l iciaan d P is id ia.

132 CANDIDUS

chan ges his name to Zen o, an d appo in ts him general of theEast . The successes an d reverses of Bas i liscus in Afri ca.

How Leo des ired an d schemed to secure the election of hisson - ih- law Zen o as emperor, but cou ld n ot prevail upon hissubjects to con sen t . A little beforehis death

,however, he

proclaimed his gran dson Leo, the son of Ariadne, who, afterhis gran dfather ’s death, with theassen t of the senate placedthe crown upon the head of his father . Then fo llows adetai led genealogy of the I sau rian s , in which theau thor doeshis bes t to prove that they were descen dan ts of E sau . How

Zen o,deceived by Verina, fled wi th his wife an d mother,

aban don in g the city an d the throne. How Verina, h0pingthat Patricius themagister wou ld marry heran d make himsel femperor, by treachery drove out her son - in —law

,

1 but wasdeceived in her hopes , for those in authori ty raised herbrother Bas i l is cus to the throne. The terrible mas sacre of

I saurian s in Con stan tin ople. Nepos, the empero r of Rome,succeeded by Augustulus , the son of O res tes . Such is thecon ten ts of the fi rs t book .

The secon d book relates how Patricius the magis ter,who

had carried on an in trigue w ith Verina, was s lain by herin dignan t brother Bas il iscus . How Verinacon ceived ahatredof her brother on th is accoun t, ass is ted Zen o with money torecover the throne, was persecu ted by her brother, an d , hadn ot Armatus 1 secretly got her away from the chu rch

,wou ld

probably have lost her l ife. Armatus , who had carr ied on anin trigue with the wife of Bas i l iscus , ob tained great in fluen cean d was en trus ted w ith the con duct of thewaragain s t Zen o ;but s ubsequen t ly en tered in to an agreemen t w i th I l lus an dwen t over to Zen o . Armatus was held in great es teem byZen o

,an d his son was raised to theran k of Caesar . Neverthe

less , he was afterwards put to death , an d his son,deprived

of therank of Caesar, became-

oneof thereaders at Blachemae.

Bas i l iscus before th is had declared his son Marcus Caesaran d afterwards emperor . I l lus , havin g become recon ci ledto Zeno

,prepared to help him to recover the throne.

Bas i l iscus , again s t whom his ow n adheren ts revol ted , fled withhis children an d his wife Zenon is, was treacherous ly in duced

1 Zen o .

1 Harmat 1us , magister m ir’

itum, nephew of Bas ihscus

,ayoung man of

fashion .

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134 OLYMPIODORUS

rose in open revol t again s t Zen o, declared Leon tius empero rand Verinaempress ; how the revolt

'

failed , an d I llus an dLeon tius were bes ieged,1 captured , an d beheaded . It alsocon tain s an accoun t of even ts to the death of Zeno.

LXXX

Read theHistories of Olympiod orus,1 in twen ty - two books .

They begin with the seven th con su lship of the emperorHon orius an d the secon d of Theodos ius , an d go down to thet ime when Valen tin ian , the son of P lacidiaand Con s tan t ius ,was p roclaimed emperor of the Roman s . The author, aheathen

,was a nat ive of Thebes in Egypt , apoet by pro

fes sion , acco rding to his ow n accoun t . His s tyle is c lear butloosean d wan tin g in vigour, an d somet imes degenerates in tocommon place vu lgari ty, so that thework does n ot deserve tobe con s idered ahis tory . Perhaps that is the reason why theauthor h imsel f

,con scious of these defects , declares that his

work is n ot a his tory, but a co llection of materials for ahis tory, so dest itute of regular fo rm did he himsel f con s iderhis s tylean d phraseology . He is n ot dis t in gu ished for form,

except so faras one m igh t assert that he n ow an d againapproaches s implici ty ; but even in this , owin g to theexces s ivemean nes s -an d paltriness of his dic tion , heis un success fu l an dgradual ly descen ds to vulgar man nerism. He calls his wo rkS ilva, but divides it in to books an d strives to embell ish i t withprefaces . I t is dedicated to theempero r T heodos ius , the son

of Arcadius, an d nephew of Honorius an d P lacidia.

The'

riseof S ti l icho to power ;his appoin tmen t by Theodos iusthe Great to the guardian ship of his chi ldren Arcadius andHon or ius

,his marriage to Serena, betrothed to him by her

un cle the emperor himsel f. Marriage of his daughterTherman tiato Honor ius , an d his rise to the height of his

1 In the castle of Papirius in Isaur ia. It was betrayed by Illus ’ss is ter- in - law .

1 A nat i ve of Egypt ian Thebes, an d ambassador in 4 1 2 to the Hun

prin ce Donatus . He was a heathen . The His tory , dedicated to

Theodos ius II , con tained an accoun t of even ts from 407to 425. It is

an importan t con temporary gu ide, an d its loss,except for Phot ius’s

abstract , is much to be regretted . O n the period see G ibbon , Declinean d Fall

, chs . 30— 32 ; Bury , Later Roman E mpire, i . Hodgkin , I talyan d her In vaders , bk . 1. pt . 2 E . A . F reeman , Western E urope in theF ifthCen tury , 1 904.

OLYMPIODORUS 135

power . His man y success fu l foreign wars . His death at thehan ds of the cruel an d in human Olympius , whom hehadhimsel f recommended to the emperor .Alaric , chieftain of theGoths , whom Sti l icho had previous ly

sen t for that hemight retain I llyricum for Hon orius (to whomthat prefecturehad been ass igned byhis father Theodos ius ) , incon sequen ceof themu rder ofS t i l icho, an d becausetheprom isesmade to him had n ot been kept

,bes ieges an d sacks Rome.

He carries off an en ormous amoun t of booty together withP lac idia, the s is ter of Honorius , who was in the ci ty at thetime. Before its capturehe declares emperor adistin gu ishedcitizen named Attalus

,the c i ty prefect . Another reason for

Alaric ’ s con duct was that Sarus, also aGo th, captain of asmal l ban d, n ot more than 2 0 0 or 30 0 in n umber, an d abrave an d in vin cible warrior, had been offered an al l ian ceby the Roman s as bein g hos t i le to Alar1c, who thus becametheir i rrecon ci lable enemy.

Durin g the s iege of Rome the in habitan ts were reduced to

can n ibal ism . Alaric,while St i l icho was s t i l l al ive, received

40 00 poun ds of go ld for the expen ses of his expedit ion .

After the death of St i l icho his widow Serenais s tran gled,it

bein g thought that she might have been respon s ible for

Alari c ’ s attack on the c i ty . His son Eucherius had al readybeen put to death.

During thereign of Hon orius thenameB ure/tarii 1 was givenn ot on ly to Roman , but also to foreign so ldiers an d s im i larly

,

thenameF oea’erati 1 to am ixed an d irregu lar body of t1 00ps .

Olympius , who in trigued again s t S t i l icho, appoin ted mas terof the offices,

1 but afterwards deprived of his pos t . He

recovers i t an d is again deprived of it . He is beaten to

death by order of Con s tan t ius, the husban d of P lacidia, after1 The name is said to have or iginal ly mean t abody of sol d iers who

accepted any one’

s“bread ”

in return for attendan ce upon him . Theywou l d thus have formed akin d of bodyguard (Ducange) . One of the“themes ” or m i l itary divis ion s of the empire “as also cal led the

Bucellarian .

1 Espec ial ly theGoths . T hey weren om inal ly tributaries , but the tri butewas often dim in ished or rem i tted al together . Gradual l y , they came to belooked upon as afron t ier defen ce force an d recei ved pay (Hodgkin , TheVisigot/zieI n vas ion ,

i . 31 11 Themos t importan t offi cer of thec iv i l adm in istrat ion . He un ited inhis person mos t of the ch ief secretaryships wi th the duties of privatesecretary to theemperor.

136 OLYMPIODORUS

his ears have firs t been cu t off. Thus the impious wretchmeets with d ue pun ishmen t at las t .The chief men of the Go ths with Radagaisus , about

in n umber, cal led Op timati, are defeated by S ti l icho, whoen ters in to an all ian cewith Radagaisus .

I llnes s an d death of Alaric, who is succeeded by his wife’sbro ther A taulf.Theau tho r says that dry bread was cal led hueeZ/atum,

an djes tingly sugges ts that the so ldiers were cal led hueeZ/arii forthis reason .

1

Con s tan tine, havin g made him self tyran t in Gaul , sen dsambassadors to Hon orius, excus in g himself on the groun dthat hehad been fo rced to as sume the purple by the soldiers

,

an d askin g forgiveness an d recogn ition as his col league.

Hon or ius , bein g in great s traits, agrees to his reques t . ThisCon stan tinehad been declared emperor durin g arevo l t of theso ldiers in Bri tain , where, before the seven th con su lship of

Hon or ius, they had proclaimed a certain Marcus emperor.He was soon removed by them an d Gratian appoin ted in hiss tead . After fou r mon ths

,they grew tired of him also

,an d

put him to death, Con s tan t ine bein g promo ted to the ran kan d t it le of Augus tus . Havin g appo in ted Jus tin an d Neobigas tes to the comman d of his fo rces

,he left Bri tain an d

c ro ssed over to Bon on ia,2 atown on the coas t, the fi rs t inGal l ic terr i tory . T herehe spen t some t ime

,gain in g over all

the so ldiery of Gaul an d Aqu i taine, an d occupied the wholeo f Gau l as faras theAlps which separate I taly an d Gau l . Hehad tw o son s , Con s tan s an d Jul ian ,

the former of whom heraised to the ran k of Caesar an d bes towed the dign i ty of

N ohi/zss z’

flzz/s upon the lat ter.Attalus, created rival emperor to Hon orius, marches towards

Raven na, where Jovian ,‘1 praetorian prefec t ‘3an d patric ian

,

6

1 An o ther s ugges ted deri vat ion is hum /a, the part of ahelmet thatcovers themouth an d cheek s .

1 Bou logne.

1 Thi s t ttle was bestowed on the brothers , sis te1 s , an d ch i ldren of theemperor, the official h ierarchy by wh ich hewas surrounded being n ohzles .

‘1 OrJovius .

5 The praetor ian prefects were the mos t importan t personages next totheemperor .

6 Under the empire hard ly any of the old exc lus i ve patric ian fam i l iessurv ived ; Con stan tine re in troduced the name n ot as that of an orderwi th heredi tary priv i leges, but as apersonal honour and dign i ty .

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138 OLYMPIODORUS

The tyran t Con s tan tine an d his son Con stan s, who wasfi rs t Caesar an d afterwards Augus tus , havin g been defeatedan d pu t to fl ight, his general, Geron tius , gladly makes peacewith the barbarian s an d proclaims Maximus , one of thedomest ics 1 an d his ow n son ,

1 emperor . Hethen pursues Cons tan s, putshim to death , an d sets outafter Con stan tine. Whiletheseeven ts aretakin g place, Con s tan t ius an d Ulphilas are sen t

by Hon o rius again s t Con s tan tine; havin g reached Arelate,

1

where Con s tan t ine was l ivin g with his son Jul ian,they lay

s iege to i t. Con stan t ine takes refuge in a church an d is

o rdained pries t, havin g been so lemn ly promised that his lifeshould be spared . The city gates are thrown open to thebes iegers , an d Con s tan tinean d his son taken to Honorius .

But theemperor, bear in gagrudgeagain s t them for themurderofhis cous in s by Con stan t ine, o rders them to be put to deathin vio lat ion ofhis oath, thirty m i les from Raven na. Geron tius

,

on thearrival of Con s tan tius an d Ulphilas , takes to fl ight,an d

is seized by his mut in ous troops, who resen ted his severediscipline. The house wherehe seeks refuge i s set on fire,but he offers abrave res is tan ce to the

_

mutineers, togetherwith one of his servan ts, an Alan by b irth . At las t, he slaystheAlan an d then his wife, at thei r earnest request, an d thens tabs

’ himself. His son Maximus , on hearin g of this, takesrefugewith frien dly barbarian s .

Jovin us , meanwhile, is proclaimed emperor at Mogun tiacum5

in upper German y, with theaid of Goar theAlan an d Gun tiar,6aBurgun dian chieftain . On the advice of Attalus

,Ataulf

join s him with his forces . But Jovinus, bein g offended atthe presen ceof A taulf, in mys ter ious language blames Attaluswho had advised Ataulf to jo in him .

~Sarus also is on theway to join Jovin us , but Ataulf, hearing of this , co l lec ts aforceof men an d waylays Sarus , whose fo l lowers n umberedon ly twen ty-eight . Sarus fights with marvel lous hero ism

,an d

i s with difficul ty taken al ivebyasoldier, who threw abag overhis head, an d afterward s s lain . Sarus had revo l ted fromHon orius, who had treated the murder of Sarus ’s servan t

,

1 Thed omest i’

ci were the househo l d troops , the imperial bodyguard .

1 All theother author ities makehim merel y Geron tius ’s dependen t.Theword wais maybeused in the sen seof servan t. ”

1 Or Arelatum (mod . Aries ) .4 Accord ing to someaccoun ts , he took refuge in Spain .

1 Main z . 1 OrGund icar,

OLYMPIODORUS 139

Bellerides , as amatter of indifferen cean d had refused to fin d

out an d pun ish his murderer .Donatus an d theHun s

,an d the ski lfu lness of thei r kings in

shoo ting with the bow . Theauthor relates that he himsel fwas sen t on am iss ion to Donatus , an d gives atragic accoun tof his wanderin gs an d peri ls by sea. How Donatus

, bein gdeceived by an oath, was un lawful ly put to death. How

Charaton , thefi rs t of the kin gs, bein g in cen sed at themurder,was appeased by gi fts from the emperor . Such are theeven tsof thefirs t decadeof the his tory .

The secon d begin s as fo l lows . Jovinus , con trary to theadviceof Ataulf, proc laimshis ow n brother Sebas tian Augu s tus .

Ataulf, deeply o ffen ded , thereupon sen ds en voys to Hon orius ,prom ising to sen d him the heads of the tyran ts an d offer in gto make peace. Oaths havin g been ex changed , the en voysreturn , an d the head of Sebas t ian is sen t to the emperor .Jovinus , bes ieged by Ataulf, surren ders , i s sen t to theemperoran d execu ted by the praetorian prefect Dardan us with hisown han d . Both heads are exposed outs ide Carthage, 1 wherethose of Con stan t in ean d Jul ian ,

of Maximus an d Eugen ius ,who had aspired to the throne durin g the reign of the greatTheodos ius an d had met with the same fate, had al readybeen exposed .

The res torat ion of P lacidia to her brother Hon orius isurgen tly deman ded from Ataulf by Con s tan t ius , who afterwardsbecame her husban d . But as the prom ises made to himremain un fulfil led

, especial ly in regard to the supply of corn ,

he refuses to giveher back an d prepares for war in s tead of

peace.

A taulf,when reques ted to res tore P lacidia, asks for the

corn prom ised him . Although thosewho had prom ised it areunable to supply i t

,they agree to d o so i f P lacidiais restored

thebarbarian makes as imi lar preten ce of complying . In themean time he sets out for Mass i l ia, 1 h0pin g to capture i tby treachery. But havin g been severel y, almos t mor tal ly,woun ded by the mos t n oble Bon i face, he return s to his own

quarters , aban don ing the ci ty which joyful ly acclaims an dextol s Bon i face.

3

1 Accord ing to Bury, New Carthage in Spain .

1 Marsei l les .

1 D ist ingu ished Roman general , coun t of A frica,r ival of A '

etius , andfrien d of S t . Augus t ine.

1 40 OLYMPIODORUS

A taulf,determ ined to marry P lac idia, in spite o f the reques t

of Con s tan t ius for her rest itution,raises his deman ds so that

,

if they are n ot gran ted,he mayappear to haveagood excuse

for detain in g her.

Con s tan t ius,who was formerly con su l elec t, is created

con sul at Raven na,Con stan s bein g at the same time made

con sul at Con stan t in ople. Sufficien t gold was foun d amon gthe property of Heraclian

,who had been put to death

1

aspi rin g to the throne, to defray the expen ses of the con su lship, although the amoun t was n ot so great as had beenexpected . The amoun t in gold which was foun d was about£4600 , an d the value of the real es tate 2 0 00 Zz traeAll this was made over to Con s tan tius by Hon orius at oneasking .

” Con s tan t ius,as he rode alon g, 1 had adejected an d

sul len appearan ce, wi th his great eyes an d neck an d broadhead his wholebody was ben t over hi s horsean d he lookedaskan ce on ei ther s ide

,in order as the old express ion has i t,

“to appear worthy of empire.

” 8 At feas ts an d ban quets ,however

,he was agreeable an d soc iable

,an d often even

con descen ded to viewith the m imes who performed at table.

On the advice an d with the ass is tan ce of Can d id ian themarriage of Ataulf with P lacidiawas celebrated at the beginn ing of Jan uary in the ci ty of Narbo (Narbon ne) , in the houseof Ingen ius , oneof the mos t dis t in gu ished citizen s . P lac idiasat in the in ner apartmen t dressed in Roman s tyle an d inroyal robes

,with A taulf by her s ide

,wearin g awoollen tun ic

an d Roman cos tume. Amon gs t other weddin g presen ts A taulfgave his bride fi fty beau ti ful youths dressed in s i lk

, eachbearin g in his hands two very large dishes , one fi l led withgo ld

,the o ther with prec ious

,or rather priceles s , s tones , the

spo i ls of Rome when it was sacked by the Goths . T henweddin g - son gs were sun g

,Attalus leading the chorus , aecom

pan ied by Rusticius an d Phoebad ius . The ceremon y en dedw i th great demon s trat ion s of joyan d games , in which Roman san d barbarian s al ike took part .After the capture of Rome by the Goths

,Albin us, the ci ty

prefect,when the n ormal con dition o f thin gs was res tored ,

reported to the emperor that theamoun t of corn dis tributedto the peoplewas in su fficien t, s in ce thei r n umber was in creas

1 In 4 13.

1 O thers takerrpo<5501 s to mean , as hewal ked .

1 Euriptdes , Aeolus (frag.

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1 42 OLYMPIODORUS

When these statues were removed,the Goths afew days

afterwards firs t overran an d ravaged Thrace, an d al i t tle laterHun s an d Sarmatian s made in roads in to I l lyricum an d Thracei tsel f ; for these con secrated dis tri cts lay between Thracean dI llyri cum,

an d from the n umber of the s tatues con secrated ,they appear to have been in ten ded as aprotect ion again s tthese barbarous nat ion s .

The his torian tel ls us of the suflerings an d peri ls of hisvoyage. He says also that he lan ded at Athen s , an d thatby his support an d efforts Leon tius was appo in ted to thechai r of sophis t ic, al though he did n ot des ire it. Con cernin gthe philosopher ’s cloak , 1 he says that n o one in Athen s,part icularly astranger, was al lowed to wear it, un less permi ttedto d o so by the general vote of the sophis ts, an d un less hisright had been con firmed by their rules an d regu lation s . Thefo l lowing were the rites on such occas ion s . All newcomers(n ovices ), young an d old , were taken to the public baths .Those who were by age fi t to wear the cloak were broughtforward by the scholas t ics 1 who esco rted them ; then , whilesome ran in fron t an d pushed them back, o tliers, runn in gbehind , pushed them forward an d res is ted them,

am id shoutsof “Stop, s top, hemus t n ot wash .

” Thosewho pushed backthose who tried to hind er the progress of the n ovice werecon s idered to be Vi ctorious in the con test . After acon s i derable t ime, an d after a lon g disputat ion had taken place inaccordan cewith cus tom

,hewho was being escorted was taken

in to awarm room an d washed . Having dressed himsel f,he

received perm iss ion to wear the cloak on his way from thebath , bein g accompan ied by a n umerous an d distingu ishedthrong. Large sums are vo ted for the pres iden ts of theschoo ls, who are cal led Acromitae.

3

TheVan dals cal l theGo ths Tru l i, because, when they werehard pres sed by famine, they bought atrulaof wheat fromthe Van dals for agold co in .

‘1 The tru/a does n ot con tainmore than athi rd ofapin t .When the Van dals were ravagin g Spain

,the Roman s who

1 Gregory of Naz ian z us (Or. Pho t ius ’

s accoun t is rather obscure.

1 Must mean “sophi s ts here, n ot, as so often 1n later Greek , “ lawyers .

1 The lexicon of Hesychius in terprets the word as of peffi‘

oyes (“the

t r ater ’ that 13 the h igher c las ses who are en titled to wear the c loak .

I t 1s s ugges ted that the referen ce15 to sen ior pup zls , rather than to teachers .

1 Theaureus , worth about twel ve sh i l l ings .

OLYMPIODORUS 1 43

took refuge in the fortified cities were so destitu te of foodthat they were driven to can n ibal ism . A woman who wasthe mother of four chi ldren ate them all, in each case preten din g that she did so to provide some food for the restan d save their l ives, but when shehad eaten them all shewas s toned to death by the people.

Euplutius the Chamberlain is sen t to Wal ia, kin g of theGo ths, to make a t reaty of peace with him an d to recoverP lacid ia. Walia receives him kin dly an d on receipt of

measures of corn , P lacidiais released an d han dedover -

to Euplutius to beescorted to her brother Hon orius .

When a discuss ion arose in Athen s how books couldbe fastened together an d people wan ted to kn ow how muchglue should be u sed, Philtatius, the wri ter

’

s compan ion , whowas wel l acquain ted w i th allmatters con nected with literature,showed them what to do . A s tatuewas erected in his hon ourby thegrateful cit izen s .

About the oas i s the au thor relates much that appearsin credible. Firs t, the cl imate is so heal thy

,that not on ly

d o n one of the in habitan ts suffer from epilepsy, but thosewho come from other parts are cured of i t . Next, he speaksof the vas t tracts of san d, an d the wel ls

,d ug 2 00

, 300 , somet imes even soo cubits deep , which spirt up astream of water,from which the husban dmen who have taken part in thework in turn draw water to i rrigate thei r fields . The treesbear fru i t perpetual ly, an d the co rn which grows there isfiner than any o ther an d whiter than snow. Thereare somet imes two crops of barley in ayear an d three of mi l let . Theinhabitan ts water thei r l i ttle plots of lan d every third day insummer, every s ixth day in win ter, which makes the soi l veryfer tile. Clouds are rarely, i f ever, seen . Abou t the clocksmade there. The author says that the oas is was formerly anis land, which had been detached from the main land

, andthat i t is cal led by Herodotus the is lands of the bles t, butthat Herodotus (who wrote the l ives of Orpheus an d Musaeus )calls i t Phaeacis . He argues that i t was an is land, fi rst

,from

the fact that seashells are foun d adhering to s tones uponthe moun tain which leads to the oas is from the Thebaid

,

an d , secon dly, because of the vast quan tity of sand, whichfi l ls three oases . Forhe tel ls us that the oases are three innumber, two large, an outer an d an inner, oppo site each

1 44 OLYMPIODORUS

o ther but ahun dred m iles apar t,while the third is smal l an d

a great dis tan ce from the other tw o. A fu rther argumen tthat i t was an i s lan d is that fishare often foun d that havebeen carried there by birds , an d the remain s of fishthathave been eaten , so that one may con jecture that the seawas n ot far off. The au thor says also that Homer ’s fam i lybelon ged to theThebaid .

Dur in g theeleven th con su lship of Hon or ius an d the secon dof Con stan t ius

,the marriage of P lacidiawas arranged . She

hersel f was greatly Opposed to it,which in cen sed Con s tan t ius

again s t her household . Nevertheless , on the firs t day of hiscon sulship, her brother theemperor Hon orius took her by thehand an d , al though she protested , del ivered her over to Constan tius

,an d the weddin g was celebrated with great magn ifi

cen ce. They had tw o chi ldren , adaughter Honoriaan d ason Valen tin ian

,who at theurgen t reques t of P lacidiareceived

the t itleN obz'

lz'

ssz'

mus during the l i fet imeof Hon or ius . Afterthe death of the latter an d the suppres s ion of the usurperJohn ! he became emperor . Hon orius unwillingly agreed to

accept Con s tan tius as his par tner in theempire, an d P lacidiareceived thet itleof Augus tafrom her brotheran d her husban d .

T heodos ius the cous in of Hon orius and empero r of theEas t,to whom an embassywas sen t to in form him of theelevationof Con s tan t ius

,refused to receive it . Con s tan t ius soon became

t i red of the throne, s in ce he cou ld n o longer come an d gowhen an d wherehe pleased

,an d his dign ity forbadehim to

indulge in his cus tomary amusemen ts . This serious ly affectedhis heal th ;an d , after hehad been on the throne six mon ths ,avi s ion appeared to him an d addres sed him with thewords ,“Six are gone, the seven th begin s .

” He died of pleur isy,

an d with him died the in dignat ion aroused by the refusal toackn owledgehis acces s ion . Theprojected at tack on theEas taban doned . Wal ia

,kin g of the Go ths , dies an d is succeeded

by Theodor ic .

2

Theauthor relates various per i ls at seafrom which hebarelyescaped with his l i fe. Whi le talkin g of a marvel lous star

1 He was prz'

m z'

cerz'

us n olarz'

orum .

2 The firs t importan t represen tat ive of the name, aWes t - Goth , n ot of

courseto becon founded w ith thefamous Eas t - Goth (D ietrich ). Thepresen tT heodoric was king of the West -Goths from 4 1 8

-

451 . He was ki l ledfigh ting with theRoman s again st A tt i laat thebattleof Chalon s .

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1 46 OLYMPIODORUS

death, n umerous pet it ion s again s t him from those who hadbeen finan c ial ly in jured by him were presen ted at Raven na.

But the indi fferen ce of Hon or ius an d P lacidia’s in t imacy withhim made these pet it ion s useless an d thwar ted the power ofjus t ice.

After the death of Con s tan tius,Hon orius lavished the

greatest affect ion upon his s is ter, which, however, soon turnedto m is trus t an d hatred, aggravated by the in tr igues of Spad usaan d E lpidia(Placidia

’

s n urse) , in whom shehad the greates tconfiden ce

,an d Leon tius her s teward . T here were frequen t

r iots in Raven na,where a large n umber of barbarian s , who

s ided with her in con sequen ceofher marriagewith Ataulfan dwith Con stan tius

,frequen t ly came to blows with the imper ial

guards . At length the quarrel became so bitter that, as theresu lt of the hatred in s tead of lovewhich her brother n ow feltfor her, P lacidia, fin din g hersel f unable to res is t, reti red wi thher children to Con stan tin ople. Bon i facealoneremained loyalto her

,sen t her money when he was able from Africawhere

he was govern or, an d ren dered her every service in his power .Healso subsequen tly as s is ted her to regain the throne.

Hon orius died of dropsy on the a7thof Augus t, an d anan n oun cemen t of the news was sen t to theEast . In themeant ime

,acertain john seized the throne. Whilehis inaugurat ion

was taking place, avo icewas heard, as i f proceeding from some

oracle u tterin g the words , “He falls , he does n ot s tand,”

whereupon the people, as i f to break the spell, shouted, “He

s tan ds , hedoes n ot fal l .”

Bon i face was an heroic soldier,who o ften dist ingu ished

himsel fagain s t thebarbarian s,somet imes with large, somet imes

with smal l forces,somet imes even in s in gle combat ; in aword,

he en tirely freed Afr ica from man y barbarous nat ion s . Hewas alover of jus ticean d despised weal th .

The author says that each of the large houses in Romecon tained all theconven ien ces ofawel l -arran ged city— ahippodrome, fora, temples , foun tain s , an d baths . This leads himto exclaim :

“One house is atown ; aci ty has ten thousan dtown s .

” There were also publi c baths of great s ize; thosecal led An ton in ianaehad 1 600 seats for the con ven ien ce of

bathers, made of pol ished marble; those called Diocletianaetwice as man y . The wal l of Rome, accordin g to themeasuremen t of Ammon the geometrician , at the t imewhen

OLYMPIODORUS 1 47

it was fi rs t overrun by the Goths , was twen ty- one m i les incircumferen ce.

Man y Roman fam i lies received yearly in comes from thei rproperty to the amoun t of about forty cen tenarz

’

i of go ldn ot men tion in g the corn an d wine an d other

produce, which, i f sold,wou ld equal a thi rd of the above

amoun t . Fami l ies next in rank en joyed an in come Of fifteenor ten cen tenarii P robus

,the son of

Olympius , who was prefect of the ci ty durin g the tyran n y ofJohn

,spen t twelve cen tenarii of go ld Before the

takin g of Rome, Symmachus the o rato r, 1 asenator of moderaterank

,an d acertain Maximus

,one o f the wealthy citi zen s , spen t

twen ty an d for ty ccn tenarii respect ivelyon thei r son s ’ praetorships . The shows given by the praetorslas ted aweek .

Theauthor says that thesceneof thewan derin gs of Odys seuswas n o t thecoas t Of S i ci ly, but thefarthest shores of- I taly that,after cross in g the ocean , he descen ded in to Hades an d mademan y per ilous voyages over that sea; an Opin ion which heattempts to con firm by various argumen ts . I have read man yother wri ters who agreewi th him .

P lacidiais sen t back with her children from Con s tan tin opleby Theodos ius to Oppose the tyran t John . She is c on fi rmedin her t itleo fAugusta

,an d Valen tin ian in that of Nobilissimus .

They set out accompan ied by an army, both horse an d foot,un der the comman d of Ardaburius, his son Aspar

,

2 an dCan d id ian .

3 At Thessalon icaHel ion , the mas ter of Offices ,who had been sen t by Theodos ius

, put the royal robes on

Valen tin ian,then on ly five years old . On his way home,

Ardaburius is captured by the soldiers of John an d taken to

the tyran t, with whom he becomes on friendly terms .

4 His

son Aspar an d P lacidiawere meanwhile overwhelmed by griefan d an xiety ; but Can d id ian , by captu rin g man y town s an dwin n in g great ren own , dispel led thei r grief an d raised thei r1Q uin tus Aurel ius S flourished about 400 . Hewas prefect of Rome

and con sul , and the author of letters and speeches , the fo rmer of wh ichand some fiagrnen ts of the latter areextan t .

2 It was by theaid of th is A spar that Leo I obtained theempire of theEas t an d afterwards ungrateful ly murdered l iim . His father an d son

wereboth named Ardaburius .

3Oneof Hon orius ’s generals .

4 Hepretended to befalse to P lacid ia.

1 48 THEODORE OF ANTIOCH

spirits . The tyran t John was put to death , an d Placidiawi ththe Caesar her son en tered Raven na. Hel ion

,the mas ter Of

Offices an d apatr ician ,took pos ses s ion Of Rome, an d in the

m ids t of a vas t throng of peoplearrayed the seven - year—OldValen tin ian in the royal robes . At this poin t the his tory en ds .

LXXXI

Read three short treatises by Theodo re1 On Persian Magican d wherein it d ifiers [ram Cl

’

iris tian ity,2 dedicated to Mastubius ,

an Armen ian an d suffragan bishop . In the firs t book theaccursed doctrine of the Pers ian s , in troduced by Zarades,3con cern in g Zuruam

,

4 whom hemakes the begin n in g ofall thin gsan d cal ls Fortune, is expoun ded ;how that

,havin g offered a

l ibation to beget Horm isdas ,5he begot both him an d Satan .

Of the m i xin g Of blood .

6 Havin g set fo rth this impious an ddisgracefu l doctr ine in plain w ords he refutes it in the fi rs tbook . In theother two books he discusses theChris tian faith ,beginn ing from the creat ion of theworld an d at the same t imerapidly go in g down to the law of grace.

7

This Theodoreis bel ieved to beTheodoreofMOpsues tia, s in cehe men t ion s wi th approval the heresy of Nes torius , especial lyin the th ird book . Healso fool ishly talks of the res toration Of

s in ners to thei r former con dit ion .

LXXXI I

Read theHis tory of the even ts that happened after thedeath of Alexan der the Great, by Dexippus ,8 in fou r books ;also his Historical Epilome, a chron icle go in g down to the

1 Cod . XXXVI II .

2 They were directed again st Zoroas trian ism, w hich was mak ing some

wayat the t ime.

3 Zoroaster (Zarathustra).4 Zervan

,the prin ciple of in fin ite t ime

,from wh ich both Ormuz d an d

Ahi iman, thegood an d evi l spiri ts , were supposed to haveemanated . The

sect of theZervan is ts thus en deavoured to avo id Zoroastrian dual ism .

5 Ormuz d .

6 Supposed to beareferen ce to Gnos t ic supporters of Zoroastrian ism .

7 The Chris tian era.

8 Publ ius Herenn ius D. (flour ished 254 rhetoric ian , s tatesman , an dh i s torian , anat i veof A then s , who d ist ingu i s hed h imself again s t theGoth s(269 ) when they attacked that ci ty . ( ) f the fragmen ts preserved the ch iefis an address to the so ld iers o f A then s (sec G ibbon , ch. 1 0

, i . 265, 266,

Bury ’ s ed i tion ).

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50 DIONYSIUS OF HALICARNASSUS

Arei an d Dran gi Phi lip the Sogd ian i Radaphernes theHyrcan ian s Neoptolemus the Carman ian s Peucestes thePers ian s . OrOpius was ruler o fSogdiana, n ot by in her itan cefromhis father, but by favour Of Alexan der . When in con sequen ceof arevolt bewas accused an d threatened with the los s Of hiskingdom,

he held i t in con jun ct ion with Phil ip . Babylon wasgiven to Seleucus , Mesopotam iato Archelaus . Such were thecoun tries an d thei r ru lers as distributed by Perd iccas afterthedeath of Alexan der . In this an d other parts ofhis narrativeDexippus i s generally in agreemen t with Arrian .

1

LXXXIII

Read the twen ty books of the Histories Of D ion ys ius of

Hal icarnassus .

2 Hebegin s with thearrival Of Aeneas in I tal yafter the captureof Troy, describes in detai l the foun dation O f

Rome, the bi rth of Romu lus an d Remus , an d other even tsdown to thewar of theRoman s with Pyrrhus , kin g Of Epirus .

Thework en ds at the third year of the 1 2 8 thO lympiad, where,theauthor says

, the his tory by Polybius Of Megalopol is begin s .

D ion ys ius flourished in theAugus tan age, s incehe tel ls us thathe sai led to I taly after theen d of the c ivi l war between An ton yan d Augus tus

,an d l ived there for twen ty- tw o years . Dur in g

this t ime he acqu i red an accurate knowled ge Of the Lat inlanguage an d of Roman an t iqu i ties , an d , havin g thoroughlyequipped himsel f wi th materials , he began to writehis his tory .

His s tylean d diction are marked by inn ovation ,w hich drives

thenarrative out of the beaten track, but his fon dness for detai lproduces acertain s impl icity of sen timen t, so that the lan guagedoes n ot seem to be carried away in to harshness an d un

pleasan tness . He is fon d of digress ion s which rel ieve thereader an d preven t his becom in g t i red Of his tory, an d refreshan d revive him . In aword, the elegan ce of his s tyle, the

1 SeeCod . XCII .

2 Rhetorician an d h is torian . Hecame to Rome in 30 B. C . an d remainedthere t i l l his death (7 He was the author of n umerous thetoricalworks , several of wh ich areextan t, themos t importan t being that on thean cien t G reek orators . O f the twen ty books of the H is tory (RomanA n tzqm tzes ) eleven havebeen preserved , go ingdown to 44 1 B. c .

,theperiod

of the decemvirs . It 15arhetorical product ion , the chief Object of whichis to represen t the Roman s as s uperior to theGreek s , w hi leat the sametimehe soothes the van ity of the latter by in s is ting upon theGreek originof the former.

HERACLIAN OF CHALCEDON 1 51

admixture of detai l an d digress ion , soften the compos ition ,

wh1chhas aten den cy to harshness .

LXXXIV

Also read the same author ’s Syn opsis of theabove twen tybooks in five volumes . In this his s tyle is more elegan t butnot nearly so agreeable;at the same t ime the work is moreusefu l, sin ce n othin g is in serted except what is absolu telynecessary . Fromhis s tyle, con c isean d freefrom redun dan c ies ,hemaybe described as akin g layin g down the law his com

pos it ion an d diction sen d forth asoun d which reaches theearsof the bearer somewhat more harshly . His man ner is n ot

un su itable for syn ops is , but by n o mean s adapted foraperfectan d completehistory . I t is eviden t that thewri ter l ived beforeD ion Coccaeus 1 an d Appian 2

of Alexan dria, who also wroteon Roman history .

LXXXV

Read the twen ty books of Heraclian,

3bishop of Chalcedon ,

Agains t theMan ichaean s .

4 His s tyle is con c ise, free fromredun dan c ies

,lofty

,n ot wan t in g in clearness , at the same t ime

tempered with dign i ty . He combines att icism with ordinarylan guage, l ike a teacher of boys en terin g in to acon test of

superatticism . He refutes the Gospel, Book of theGian ts , an dtheTreasures of theMan ichaean s . Healso givesal is t of thosewho wrote again st the Man ichaean impiety before himHegemonius , who wrote out the disputation of Archelausagain s t Manes ; Titus,5 who was supposed to bean Opponen tof the Man ichaean s , whereas he rather attacked the writin gsof Addas ;6 George of Laodicea,7 who uses near ly the same

1 Dio Cas s ius seeCod . LXX I.2 Cod . LV I I.3 Nothing seems to be kn own ofhim .

Their sys tem was dual is t ic, recogn iz ing tw o prin c iples , good an d evi lthe first theauthor of man ’

s spiri tual , the secon d of his corporeal nature.

Man had tw o souls , one in tel lectualan d rational , theother evil. They hel dthat the souls of men , an imals an d plan ts were co -eternal w ith God thatbapt ism was useless that man was n ot free that Chris t was thematerialsun en l igh ten ing theworl d that all religion s were indifferen t .

5 Bishop of Bos train A rabiaAuran itis (362Oneof the three first disciples ofManes .

7335—347.

1 52 JOHN CHRYSOSTOM

argumen ts as Ti tus again s t the impious heresy ; Serapion ,

bishop of Thmuis ;1 lastly

,Diodorus,

2who wrote twen ty- five

books again s t theMan i chaean s , in the firs t seven of which heimagines that he is refutin g theLivingGospel ofManes , in s teadof thework of Addas namedMoclion ,

3as is real ly the case. In

the remain in g books heexplain s an d clears up themean ing ofcertain passages in theScriptures which theMan ichaean s werein the habit ofappropriating to suppor t thei r ow n views . Suchis his accoun t of Diod orus . Any s tatemen ts in theworks oftheseFathers (as the pious Heraclian cal ls them) that d o n ot

appear to be sufficien tly emphat ic,hebriefiycon firms , careful lysuppl ies what i s

'

m is s in g,and quotes with approval in thei r

en t i rety passages which are adequate for the purpose,addin g

further reflection s ofhis ow n .

The man is fu l l of philosophical vigou r, an d is adm i rablyequipped with the theoret ical kn owledge of other bran ches of

learn in g. Hen ce he energet ical ly combats an d over throwsthe tri fl in g fables of Man ichaeus ,4 an d from the con s iderationo f what exis ts refu tes the fabulous n on sen seabou t Being (thatwhich is) .This treat ise again s t the Man ichaean s was written at the

reques t of a certain Achillius,whom the author cal ls his

fai thfu l and beloved son . This Achillius , seeing that theMan ichaean heresy was growin g, begged that i t m ight be publicly refuted, an d this w ork was written ,

an unexceptionabletriumph over impiety. This most pious Heraclian flour ishedln

LXXXVI

Read the Letters written by the holy Father St. JohnChrysos tom to differen t peopleafter his un jus t an d in humanban ishmen t . The mos t usefu l of them are the seven teenaddressed to the pious deaconess O lympias

,

5 and those to

1 In Egyp t . Thework is s t i l l extan t .2 Presbyter ofAn tioch an d bi shop of Tarsus . Thechief founder of the

rat ional school of Scriptural in terpretat ion .

”

3 Bushel , referr ing to S t . Mark iv . 1 9 .

Manes (c. 240 or Man i , thefounder of the sect.5 O . the younger (c. 368— before deaconess of Con s tan tinople.

A fter Chrysostom’

s final expu ls ion , she seems to have left the c ity, an dto have led awander ing l i fe, being subjected to much persecut ion on

accoun t of her friendship w ith him.

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154 GELASIUS OF CYZICUS

while Alexan der the pries t represen ted MetrOphanes of Con

s tan tin Ople S i lves ter, who was more than ahun dred years old ,in con sequen ce of his great age was unable to be presen t .Alexander, b ishop of Alexan dria, 1 also attended, together withAthanas ius , who afterwards succeeded him in the episcopate,Macarius ,2 bishop of Jerusalem,

an d an umber of other bishopsand pries ts . The syn od was summoned in the s ixteen th yearof the reign of Con s tan t ine

,an d its proceedin gs las ted six

years , un t i l hehad reigned twen ty—one years an d six mon ths .

Theauthor relates that ' Arius was con demned an d anathematiz ed , but again endeavoured to obtain admiss ion to theChurch, in which he was supported by Euseb ius

,

3 bishop Of

N icomed ia, an d Eutocius theArian , an ordained pries t, whomtheemperor ’s s ister Con s tan t iacommended to her brother onher deathbed. Although t hese endeavoured to bring backArius to the Church

,divine just ice did n ot perm i t its enemy

to in su l t its temple an d i ts shrine. He was con demned to

d ie in the latrines on the very daywhen hean d his supportershad reso lved to profane theChurch of God an d His ho ly ri tesby his en tran ce. His death took place in apublic p lace, thelatr ines bein g near the forum . The author s tates that Cons tan tine the Great rejo iced that the in corruptible judge Godhad so lved theques tion by his sen ten ce, an d wro te an umberof letters , reco rd in g his opin ion of the jus t ice Of the en d thathad overtaken Arius . In this theau thor ’s accoun t agrees withthose of Athanas ius the Great, Theod oret, an d man y others .

Some, however,“ thin k that Arius came by his disgraceful

en d , n ot in the reign of Con stan tine, bu t in that of his son

Con s tant ius .

Such is the con ten ts of this book . In an other Copy, con

tain ing the same accoun t, the t i tle gives the name of theauthor as Gelas ius, bishop of Caesarea4 in Pales t ine. The s tyle

1 Patr iarch of A lexan dria(31 2 He excommun icated the Ar ian san d caused their doctr ines to be con demned at the syn od .

Bishop from about 31 1 to between 331 an d 335. Helena, themotherof Con s tan t ine theGreat, vis i ted Jerusalem duringhis episcopate3 Success ivel y bishop of Berytus , N icomedia, an d Con s tan t inople.

Ex i led by Con s tan tine, he was recal led through the in fluen ce of theA rian s , an d became the bi tter enemy of A thanas ius , whose ban ishmen theprocured . Hebecame bishop of Con stan t inople in 34 1 , his advan cemen t being d ue to thepatronageof Con s tan tia, the emperor’s s i ster. Hed rew up nearl y all theArian formu lae.

Thequestion of the(ielasiiis very obscure (seeal so Cod , CII),

GELASIUS OF CYZICUS 1 55

is mean an d common . Who this Gelas ius was,I have been

unable to discover for certain,s in ce up to the presen t I have

met wi th three bishops of Caesareanamed Gelas ius , an d haveat leas t read the works of two . One of these works is apolemic Again s t theAnomoean s ,1 the two o thers , one of whichwehave jus t referred to

,deal with eccles ias tical mat ters . The

t itle, where we have foun d it, is Three Books of EcclesiasticalHis torybyGelasius , Bishop of Caesareain Palesti ne.Thework begin s as fo l lows : The proceedin gs o f the holy,

great, and un iversal syn od of bishops, assembled , so to speak,from all the provin ces of the Roman empi rean d Pers ia, an dso on . I t en ds with the death of Con s tan tine the Great , atthe t imewhen he received rem iss ion of s in s by divinebaptism ,

whereby the s tain s of gu i lt such as all men con trac t in l ifewerewashed off. Theautho r says that he was baptized an din it iated in to the holy mys ter ies by an orthodox pries t, n ot, assome s tate

,by aheret ic . His baptism was delayed, because

hehad earnes tly des ired to bebapt ized in thewaters of Jordan .

Thewriter s tates that he l ived in the time of Bas i l iscus , 2 whoseized the throneafter Zen o had been driven out

,an d that he

foun d an d read theaccoun t of the proceedin gs of the coun ci lwri tten on an Old parchmen t, while l iv ing in his father

’

s house.

From his recol lection s o f this , an d with the aid of o therwritings which supplied him with useful in formation ,

he com

pi led his history . Healso men t ion s an d ci tes some passagesfrom acertain Gelas ius , whom healso calls Rufinus . He saysthat he was anat ive Of Cyzicus, an d that his father was apries t in the same place. So says the author of this work ,an d such is its con ten ts .

LXXXIX

Theo ther book,which I have referred to above, is en ti tled

P refaceo/theBishop of Caesareain Palestine to theCon tinuationof theHis tory of Eusebius Parnphili. I t begin s as fo l lowsO thers who have appl ied themselves to writin g an d havedeterm ined to han d down to pos ter ity arecord of his to rical

1 Those who taugh t that the Son was “dis s im i lar an d of d ifferen tsubs tan ce from the Father. The leaders of the sect were Ae' tius andEunomius .

2 Emperor 475—

477

156 LIBANIUS

even ts , and so on . Theautho r s tates that he was en couragedto write thework by his un cle Cyri l, 1 bishop of Jerusalem . I

have read elsewhere that this Cyri l an d Gelas ius tran s lated thehis tory of Rufin us 2 theRoman in to G reek, but did n o t com

poseany his tory Of thei r ow n . I t is eviden t that this Gelas iuswas older than theother, i f he flourished in the t ime of Cyrilof Jerusalem . He also certain ly di ffers from him in thegreater eloquen ce of his lan guage, although both are in fer iorto theauthor of the treat iseAgain s t theAnomoean s , also cal ledbishop of Pales tine. For the latter Gelas ius, by his dict ion ,learn ing, an d logical methods, his use of which, however, issomewhat inept, leaves the other tw o far behind , whose s tyleappears to bemuch in fer ior . I have n ot yet been able to learnwhether any of theseis theauthor of thework referred to, orwho compi led i t and supplemen ted i t by his ow n addition s .

Read tw o vo lumes of Liban ius .

3 The author ’s imaginaryspeeches , wri tten for the pu rpose of giving practice in o ratory,aremo reuseful than the res t . The excess ive elaboration an dover- n icety of the latter impai r thei r nat ivean d so to say spontaneous gracean d charm,

an d des troy thei r c learness . Muchobscur i ty is also caused by paren theses , an d somet imes by theom iss ion of what is in di spen sable. In other respects he i sacan on an d model of Attic s tyle. H is letters also have acon s iderable repu tation . Several other works of differen tkin ds arealso ascribed to him .

1 315— 386, bi shop 348 . He was ex i led for several years by Arian intrigues , but recal led by Jul ian theApos tate. His extan t Catecheses con tainthe o l dest an d most con ciseabridgemen t of Chr ist ian doctrine.

2 Rufinus Tyran n ius or Toran us (345 born at Con cord ia, asmal ltown in I tal y. Heis cal led “

of A qu i leia, wherehe was baptized , an den tered amonas tery. He is ch iefly kn own for his quarrel w ith Jeromeabouthis tran s lation o f various works of Origen . Hewas condemned bypopeA nas tas ius , an d d ied in S ic i ly. Hewas theauthor of alargenumbero f tran s lat ion s an d other works .

3 Famous soph ist (31 4 Brough t up at A then s , hewas professor ofrhetoric at Con s tan t inople, wherehehad as pupi ls S t . Bas i l an d S t . JohnChrysostom . Much of his work is extan t, con s ist ing of purel y rhetoricalexerc ises an d in s truct ion s , actual speeches on various subjects , a l ife of

Demosthenes and argumen ts ofhis speeches ,and extensivecorrespondence.

Hewas apagan .

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1 58 ARRIAN

an d subdued the neighbour in g In dian tr ibes,took by s iege

thei r largean d populous town s , an d wen t on to theHyphas is .

1

Whilehewas prepar in g to cross this river, the soldiers beganto show s ign s Of discon ten t, complain in g of thei r to i ls an den dless marches , in con sequen ceof which Alexan der left India.

Here the fifth book en ds .

In the s ixth book, then umerous battles an d bri ll ian t victoriesof Alexan der on his way homeare related . In these en gagemen ts he received tw o woun ds bes ides thoseal ready men t ioned ,an d although the seven th woun d seemed likely to prove fatal ,he even tually recovered . He returned from In diaby lan d

,

Nearchus ,2 with par t of the army, bein g sen t back by sea.

Bo th d ivis ion s met in Carman ia,3when ce Alexan der marchedin to Pers ia, Nearchus bein g o rdered to sai l to Sus iana4 an dthemou th of theTigris . Thevoyageof Nearchus is describedby Arrian in his I nd ica, writ ten in the Ion ic dialect .Alexan der repai rs the neglected tomb of Cyrus

,an d allows

thegymn osophis t 5 Calan us , who was attacked by i llness, to puthimsel f to death on the funeral pi le. H is Splen did marriagesand those of his generals . His wives were Roxana, Ars inoe

'

,

the eldest daughter of Darius , an d Parysatis, the younges tdaughter of Ochus . Drypetis , an other daughter of Dar ius, wasgiven to Hephaestion Amastrin é to Craterus Artacanaan dArton é

,daughters Of Artabaz us

,to P tolemy an d Eumenes the

daughter of Bars inean d Men tor to Nearchus the daughter ofSpitamenes to Seleucus . The res t of his frien ds received inmarriage thedaughters of themos t d is t ingu ished Median s an dPers ian s

,to then umber of eighty . Thedischarged Macedon ian

sold iers were sen t home, An tipater bein g o rdered to brin g backsome of the new levies in thei r place. Harpalus 6 takes tofl ight with alarge sum of money from thetreasury . Thedeath1 Mod . Sutlej .2 A lexander’s admiral and one of the ch ief nav igators o fan c ien t times .

3 The Pers ian coast - lan d on thePers ian Gulfan d Ind ian O cean as farasGed rosia, n ow Kerman .

‘1 LargePers ian province, thesameas E lam ,theon ly town of importan ce

being Susa.

1 Seep. 1 23, n ote2. Th i s was their regular cus tom when i l l (nar c‘

z 761 w drpia).6 A lexan der’ s earl y frien d an d un trus tworthy treasurer . He fled from

Babylon w ith 5000 talen ts beforeA lexan der ’s return to Ind ia, an d wen t toA then s , where by gifts of corn an d money he succeeded in gain ing thefavour of the inhabi tan ts and protect ion agains t An t ipater, who demandedhis surrender. He took refuge final ly in Crete, wherehewas k il led .

ARRIAN 1 59

of Hephaestion an d thegreat grief of Alexan der ;his splendidfuneral Obsequ ies . At the same t ime ambassadors arrivedfrom L ibyaan d Carthage, an d even from I taly, to Alexan der,who

,when he saw the I tal ian s

,predicted the futu re greatness

of thei r coun try. When hewished to advan ce to Babylon , theseers foretold his death

,an d when an un kn own person

unexpectedly sat down on his throne, his en d was regardedas s t i l l more certain . Nevertheles s , he equ ipped a fleet tooperate again s t the n umerous Arabian tr ibes who bel ievedin on ly tw o gods , Uranus an d D ion ysus . While preparation swerebein g madehewas seized wi th i llnes s an d died . Man ycon tradictory s tor ies are to ld ofhis death . He l ived thirty- tw o

years an d eigh t mon ths,an d reigned twelve years an d eight

mon ths . Arrian extols him as pos sessed of almos t everyvi rtue. The seven th book en ds here, bein g con tinued by theI n d ica

,in one book .

XCI I

The sameauthor also wro tean accoun t of what took placeafter Alexan der’s death

,in ten books .

1 He describes thesedition in thearmy, the proclamat ion of Arrhidaeus (the son

Of Alexander ’s father, Philip, by aThrac ian woman namedPhilin na) on con dition that Roxana

’

s chi ld,when born , i f it

wereason,should share the thronewith him. Arrhidaeus was

then again proclaimed un der the name of Phil ip . A quarrelbroke out between the in fan try an d the cavalry . The chiefan d mos t in fluen t ial comman ders of the latter were Perd iccasthe son of O ron tes, Leonnatus the son of An thes

,Pto lemy the

son of Lagus, Lysimachus the son of Agathocles,Aristonus the

son of Pisaeus,P i thon the son o f Crateuas , Seleucus the son of

An tiochus ,an d Eumenes of Cardia. Meleager was in comman dof the in fan try. Commun i cat ion s pas sed between them , an dat length i t was agreed between the in fan try, who had al readychosen akin g, an d thecavalry, that An tipater should begeneralof the forces in Europe; that Craterus shou ld look after thekingdom of Arrhidaeus that Perd iccas shou ld bechiliarch 2 ofthe t1 00ps whichhad been un der thecomman d of Hephaes tion ,

which amoun ted to en t rus t in g him with the care of thewho le1 Con sul t J . P. Mahafl'

y, Alexan der’s Empire ( 1 887) in

“S tory of theNat ion s ” Ser ies , an d E . R . Bevan , TheHouseof Se/eucus

2 See p. 149, n o te‘1

.

1 60 ARRIAN

empire an d that Meleager shou ld behis l ieutenan t . Perd iccas ,un der the preten ce of reviewin g the army

,seized the r in g

leaders of the dis turban ce, an d put them to death in thepresen ce of Arrhidaeus

,as i f hehad ordered i t . This struck

terror in to the res t,an d Meleager was soon afterwards

murdered . After this Perd iccas became theObject of generals uspicion an d himsel f suspected everybody . Nevertheles s, hemade appo in tmen ts to the govern orships of the differen tprovin ces , as i f Arrhidaeus had o rdered him . P tolemy, son

of Lagus, was appoin ted govern or. of Egypt an d L i bya, an d of

that part of Arabiathat borders upon Egypt, with Cleomenes,formerly govern or of Egypt un der Alexan der

,as his deputy.

The part of Syriaadjacen t was given to Laomedon Cil iciatoPhi lotas Mediato P ithon Cappadoc ia, Paphlagon ia, an d thecoun try on the shore of theEuxineas faras Trapezus (aGreekcolon y from S in ope), to Eumenes of Cardia; Pamphylia,Lycia, an d greater Phrygiato An tigon us ; Cariato Cas sanderLydiato Menander Phrygiaon theHel lespon t to Leon natus .

This Phrygiahad formerly been given by Alexan der to acer tain Calas an d subsequen tly han ded over to Demarchus .

Such was the dis tr ibu t ion of As ia.

In Europe, Thrace an d the Chersonese, together wi th thecoun t ries borderin g on Thrace as far as Salmydessus on theEuxine

,were given to Lys imachus the coun try beyon d

Thrace,as far as the ll lyr ian s, Triballian s , an d Agrian ian s ,

Macedon iai tself,an d Epirus as faras theCeraun ian moun tain s

,

together with thewholeof Greece, to Crateru s an d An tipater .

Such was the divis ion of Europe. At the same t ime severalprovin ces remained un der thei r nat ive rulers, according to thearran gemen t made by Alexan der, an d were n ot affected by thedis tr ibu tion .

Meanwhi le,Roxana bore a son ,

’

who was immediatelyacclaimed kin g by the soldiers . After the death of Alexan derthere were n umerous dis turban ces . An tipater carried on waragain s t theAthen ian s an d the res t of theGreeks comman dedby Leos thenes n Hewas at firs t defeated an d in great strai ts ,but was subsequen tly vic torious . Leon natus , however, whocame to his ass is tan ce, fel l in battle. Lys imachus also

,reck

les s l y fightin g again s t Seuthes the Thracian with an in feriorfo rce, was defeated, although his t roops greatly dis tin gu ishedthemselves . Perd iccas also made war upon Ariarathes, kin g

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1 62 ARRIAN

This led to enmity between them . At the same t ime Iollasan d Archias came to Perd iccas from Macedon ia, accompan iedby N i caea, the daughter of An tipater, with aproposal Of marriage. O lympias , themother ofAlexan der theG reat, also sen t tohim

, offerin ghim thehan d ofher daughter Cleopatra, Eumenes

of Cardiafavoured Cleopatra, bu t his brother A lcetas persuadedhim to accept N i caea. Soon afterwards Cynane was put to

death by Perd iccas and his brother Alcetas . This Cynanewas the daughter of Phi lip, the father of Alexan der, her motherbein g Eurydice

,the wife of Amyn tas, whom Alexan der put to

death jus t beforehe set out for As ia. This Amyn tas was theson o f Perd iccas the brother of Phi lip, so that he was thecousin Of Alexander. Cynane brought her daughter Adea(afterwards cal led Eurydice) to As iaan d offered her han d to

Arrhidaeus . Themarriage subsequen tly took place, with theapproval of Perd iccas , to appease the in creas in g indignat ion of

the soldiery, which had been aroused by the death o f Cynane.

An tigonus, in the mean time,took refuge wi th Antipater an d

Craterus in Macedon ia, in formed them of the in tr igues of

Perd iccas again s t him,declaring that they weredirected again s t

all al ike. He also described the death of Cynane in suchexaggerated terrris that he persuaded them to make war on

Perd iccas . Arrhidaeus , who kept the body of Alexander withhim, con trary to thewish 0 Perd iccas , took i t from Babylonby wayof Damas cus to P tolemy the son of Lagus in Egypt ;an d though often hin dered on his journey by

,

Polemon , afriend of Perd iccas , n evertheless succeeded in carryin g out hisin ten t ion .

Meanwhile, Eumenes con veyed gifts from Perd iccas to

Cleopatraat Sardes , s in cePerd iccas had dec ided to repudiateN icaeaan d to marry Cleopatra. When this becamekn own to

An tigon us through Menan der the govern o r of Lydia, he ihformed An tipater an d Craterus , who were more than everdeterm ined to makewar on Perd iccas . An tipater an d Crateru s ,s tart in g from the Chersonese, c rossed the Hel lespon t, havin gprevious ly sen t mes sen gers to deceive thosewho guarded thepas sage. They also sen t ambassadors to Eumenes an d Neo

ptolemus , who supported Perd iccas Neoptolemus wen t overto them, but Eumenes refused .

Neopto lemus bein g suspected by Eumenes , war broke out

between them, in which Eumenes was victorious . Neoptolemus

ARRIAN 1 63

fled with afew men to An tipater an d Craterus , an d succeededin persuadin g the latter to join him so both madewaragain s tEumenes . Eumenes did his bes t to preven t his ow n men

from kn owin g that Craterus was fighting again s t him, bein gafrai d that, in fluen ced by his great reputat ion , they m ight ei therdesert to him, or, i f they remained faithful to him ,

m igh t loseheart . Success ful in schem in g

,hewas also successful in batt le.

Neopto lemus fel l by the han d of Eumenes “the secretary ”

h imsel f,after havin g proved himsel f abrave soldier an d com

man der . Craterus , who fought bo ldly again st all who opposedhim an d showed himsel f open ly in order to be kn own , wass lain by somePaphlagon ian s befo rehewas recognized ,al thoughhehad thrown Off his hat. 1 However, the in fan try escapedan d returned to An tipater , which con s iderably reassu red him .

Perd iccas, sett ing out from Damascus to make war uponP tolemy the son of Lagus , reached Egypt withthekings 2 an dalarge force. He made man y charges again st P tolemy, whopublic ly cleared himsel f, so that the accusat ion s appeared il lfoun ded . Perd iccas , n otwithstan din g the oppos ition of histroops , decided to carry on the war. He was twice defeated ,an d , havin g treated those who were in cl ined to go over toP tolemy wi th great severity

,an d in other respects behaved in

camp more arrogan tly than became ageneral , be was s lainby his own cavalry dur ing an en gagemen t . After his deathP tolemy crossed the N i le to vis it the kings, upon whom hebes towed gifts an d treated them wi th the u tmos t kin dness an datten tion , as well as the other Macedon ian s of rank . At thesame t imehe open ly showed sympathy with the frien ds of

Perd iccas , an d did allhe could to allay theapprehen s ion s of

thoseMacedon ian s who imagined they werein peril , so that aton cean d ever afterwards hewas held in great es teem .

At aful l coun ci l of war, P ithon an d Arrhidaeus having beenappo in ted comman ders in - chief of all the forces for the t imebein g

,about fi fty of the supporters of Eumenes an d Alcetas

were condemned, chiefly becauseCraterus had met his deathin civi l s tr i fe. An tigonus was summoned from Cyprus , an dAn t ipater ordered to repai r with all speed to thekings . Beforethey arrived, Eurydice refused to al low P ithon an d Arrhidaeus

1 Kauafa, a l igh t, broad -brimmed fel t hat, worn by the Macedon ian s ,to keep off theburning heat (xaiio’ ts ) of the sun .

2 A rrhidaeus and theyoung A lexander, theson of Roxana.

1 64 ARRIAN

to d o an y thin g wi thou t her perm iss ion . A t firs t they did not

demu r,but afterwards to ld her that shehad n othing to d o wi th

public affairs,an d that they themselves would look after every

thin g un t il thearr ival of An tigon us an d An t ipater . When theyarrived , An tigonus was placed in chief command . When thearmy deman ded thepay that had been promised them for thecampaign ,

An tipater replied s traightforwardly that hehad n o

money,but that, to avo id in curring thei r cen sure, he would

thoroughly search the treas ury an d other places where moneymight be hidden . Thesewords aroused the displeasureof thearmy. When Eurydice jo ined in the accusat ion s again stAn tipater

,the peoplewere in dignan t

,an d adis turban ce took

place. Eurydice then del ivered a speech again s t him,in

which she was ass is ted by A sclepiod orus the scribe an dsupported by Attalus . An tipater barely escaped w ith his l i fe,after An tigon us an d Seleucus , at his earnes t reques t, hadaddres sed the people on his behal f an d nearly lost thei r l ivesin con sequen ce. An tipater

,havin g thus escaped death , with

drew to his ow n army, where he summoned the caval rycomman ders

,an d after the disturban ce had been put down

with d ifficu l ty,hewas again rein s tated in his comman d.

He then made a divis ion of As ia,partly con firm in g the

earl ier onean d par tly al ter in g it as ci rcums tan ces neces s i tated .

Egypt,Libya

,the large tract of coun try beyon d it, an d all the

terri tory that had been con quered towards thewes t, was givento P tolemy ; Syria to Laomedon the Mytilenean Cilic iatoPhiloxen us , who had held it before. O f theupper provin ces ,Mesopotam iaan d Arbelitis were given to Amphimachus, theking ’s brother ; Babylon iato Seleucus . T o An t igenes , com

man der of theMacedon ian argyraspia’ae

,

1whohad firs tattacked

Perd iccas,was given thewho leof Sus iana to Peucestes Pers ia;

to T lepolemus Carman ia; to P i thon Mediaas far as theCaspian gates ; to Philip Parthia to Strasan der the terr itoryof the Arei an d Drangen i ; to S tasanor o f Sol i, Bactria, an dSogdiana to Siburtius Arachosia; to Oxyartes the father ofRoxanaParapamisus ; to P ithon the son of Agen or the parto f In diaborderin g on Parapamisus . Of theadjacen t provin ces,that on the r iver In dus , together wi th Patala, the larges t c ityof In diain those parts

,to kin g Porus , an d that on the r iver

Hydaspes to Taxilus the Indian ,for i t would have been n o

1 The s i l ver - sh iel d d ivis ion of theMacedon ian army.

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1 66 ARRIAN

all thei r forces 1n one place so that they might un itedly attackthe common enemy . But di fferen ces of Opin ion aroseamongs tthem, an d they

,

final ly refused . An tipater,n ot yet daring to

engage Eumenes , sen t Asan der agai n s t Attalus an d Alcetasafter the battle had lon g remained un decided, Asan der wasdefeated . Cassander was at varian ce with An t igonus, but bycomman d ofhis father, An tipater,heabandoned his oppos i tion .

Never theless,Cassan der

,when he met his father in Phrygia

,

advised him n ot to get too far from the kings , an d to keepwatch on An tigon us but the latter, by

‘his qu iet behaviour,

courtesy, an d good qual i ties , did all he could to removes uspic ion . An t ipater, being appeased , appoin ted him to thecomman d of the forces which had crossed over wi th him to

As ia— 850 0 Macedon ian in fan try, an d the same n umber offoreign caval ry, together wi th hal f theelephan ts (that is , seven ty)— to ass is t him in ending the war again s t Eumenes . ThusAn tigon us began thewar. An tipater, w i th the kings an d therest of his fo rces , pretended to be go ing to cross over in toMacedo n ia, but thearmy again mutin ied an d deman ded theirpay. An tipater prom ised that he would pay them when hereached Abydos

,or let them have

,i f n o t thewhole, at leas t

thegreater part of i t . Having thus en cou raged thei r hopes,he

reached Abydos without dis turban ce, but havin g deceived theso ldiers

,he crossed theHel lespon t by n ight, w i th the kings , to

Lys imachus . On the fol lowin g day the soldiers also crossed,an d for the momen t made n o further deman d for thei r pay.

Wi th this the ten th book en ds .

This au thor is secon d to n oneof thebes t h is torical writers .

He is very s trong in con c ise narrat ive, an d never impai rs thecon tinu i ty of the s tory by iil timed digres s ion s or paren theses ;he is n ovel rather in arrangemen t than in d ict ion ,

which heemploys in such aman ner that it would be imposs ible for thenarrat ive to be set forth more clearly an d perspicuous ly . Hiss tyle is dis t in c t, euphon ious, an d terse, 1 characterized by acombinat ion of smoothness an d loftiness . His n ovelties of

language are n ot merely far- fetched in n ovation s, but are

obvious an d emphatic , figu res of speech in real ity, an d n ot

s imply achange of o rdinary - wo rds . The resul t is that n ot

on ly in this respect is clearness secured , but also in theequ ipmen t, order, an d nature of the narrat ive which is theartist ic

1 Or wel l - rounded .

ARRIAN 1 67

essen ce of perspicu i ty. For s traightforward per iods are usedeven by those who are n ot special is ts , an d i f this is donew ithout an y thin g to rel ieve them ,

the s tyle degenerates in toflatness an d mean nes s , of which , in spi teofhis clearness , thereare n o traces in our au tho r . He makes use of ell ips is

,n ot of

periods bu t of words , s o that the el lips is is n ot even n o ticedanyat tempt to supply what is om itted w ould seem to in dicateaten den cy to unes sen tial addi tion s , an d would n ot real ly fi l lup thegap. The variety ofhis rhetorical figures is adm irable;they d o n ot deviateat on ce altogether from s imple form an dusage

,but are gradual ly in terwoven from the beginn in g

, so

that they neither offen d by sat iety n or create con fus ion bysudden chan ge. In aword , any onewho compares him witho ther historian s , wil l fin d that man y class ical wri ters arehisinferior in compos i tion .

XCIII

Read the sameauthor ’s B ithyn ia: in eight books, con tain in gadetai led accoun t of the mythical an d general his tory of

Bithyn ia. I t is ahistory of his ow n coun try, dedicated to i tas apatr iot ic offerin g . For he tells us defin itely 1n this workthat he11as born m N 1comed 1a

,brought upan d educated there,

an d held the o ffice of pries t of Demeter an d her daughter, towhom the c ity was sacred . He men t ion s various works ofhison other subjects , suchas the career of theCorin thian Timoleonin S ic i ly, an d the memorable deeds of D ion the Syracusan

,

who freed Syracuse an d the who le of S ic i ly from the secon dD ion ys ius , the son of thefi rs t

,an d from the barbar ian s

,whom

D ion ys ius had in troduced to support his tyran n y. I t appearsthat the history of his coun try was the fourth work he w rote,bein g written after the his tories of Alexander theG reat, Timoleon , and D ion . Cer tain ly from the t ime when he firs t tookto al i terary career hehad in ten ded to treat of this subject,but thework took some t ime to complete owin g to the lack of

material ;at least, this is the reason he himsel f gives for thedelay in its production . He begin s , as s tated, wi th mythicalhis tory an d goes down to thedeath of the las t Nicomedes, 1

1 The first in dependen t k ing of Bithyn iawas N icomedes I (278the N icomedes here referred to is N icomedes IV, who bequeathed hisk ingdom to Rome in 74 B .C.

1 68 IAMBLICHUS

who at his death left his kingdom to the Roman s , who hadnever had akin g s in ce theexpu ls ion of theTarqu in s .

XCIV

Read the D ramaticen of Iamblichus,

1 anarrative of loveadven tures . Theau tho r makes less show of in decen cies thanAchi l les Tatius , buthe is more immoral than the Phoen ic ianHeliod orus . Of these three wri ters , who havealladopted thesame subjec t an d have chosen love in trigues as the materialfor thei r s tories , HeliodOrus is more ser ious an d res trained ,Iamblichus less so, whi leAchilles Tatius pushes his obscen i tyto impuden ce. The s tyle of Iamblichus is s oft an d flow in g ;i f there is an ythin g vigorous an d son orous in i t

,i t is les s charac

terized by in ten s i ty than by what maybe called titi llation an dnerveles sness . Iamblichus is so dis t ingu ished by excel len ce ofs tylean d arran gemen t an d the order of the narrative that it isto be regretted that hedid n o t devotehis ski ll an d energies toserious subjects in s tead of to pueri le fiction s .

The characters of the s tory areahan dsome couple namedRhodanes an d Sin on is , un ited by the tie of mutual lovean dmarr iage. Garmus

,kin g of Babylon , having los t his wife

,

fal ls in love with Sinon is an d is eager to marry her. Sin on is

refuses an d is boun d with chain s of gold,while Rhodanes is

placed upon the cros s by Damas an d Sacas , the kin g’

s eunuchs .

He is taken down through theefforts of Sin on is,an d the lovers

take to fl ight,one thus escapin g death, theo ther ahated mar

riage. Sacas an d Damas have thei r ears an d n oses cut offan dare sen t after the fugit ives . They takedi fferen t routes to carryout the search . Rhodanes an d Sin on is are nearly surpri sed byDamas in ameadow . Forafisherman had to ld him of some

shepherds who,being pu t to the torture, at las t show him the

meadow where Rhodanes had discovered atreasure, revealedto him by the in scrip tion engraved on acippus 2 su rmoun tedby al ion .

A spectre in the form of agoat becomes enamoured of

Sin on is, which obliges the lovers to leave themeadow . Damasfin ds agarlan d of flowers dropped by Sin on is an d sen ds i t to

1 Syrian roman ce-wri ter, probably l ived about themidd le of the secondcen tury A .D . The completework is n o longer extan t (seeCod . LXX I II ) .2 A monumen tal pi l lar ormon umen t general ly marking thes i teofagrave.

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176 IAMBLICHUS

Theelder of the tw o bro thers,who had po isoned the youn ger

an d who had accused them,po ison s him sel f, thereby provin g

thei r inn ocen ce. Rhodanes gets possess ion of the po isonw i thou t bein g seen . They put up at thehouse of abrigan dwho robbed passers -byan d ate them . So ldiers sen t by Damascapture the brigan d an d set fire to his house; Rhodanes an dSin on is, en veloped by the flames

,wi th great difficu l ty escape

w i th thei r l ives,after they have kil led theas ses an d thrown

them on thefire to makeabridgeacross . The sold iers whofi red the house, meetin g them durin g the n igh t

,ask them who

they are.

“We are the ghos ts of those murdered by thebrigan ds , they reply . Thei r thin

,pale coun tenan ces , the

weakness of thei r vo ice, persuade the so ldiers that they arespeakin g the truth

,whereat they are greatly alarmed . The

lovers resume thei r fl ight,an d meetin g ayoun g girl who is

being carr ied to the grave,jo in the throng of spectators .

An old Chaldaean comes up an d s tops the funeral , sayin g thatthe girl is st i l l al ive, an d so it turn s out to be. He predicts toRhodanes an d Sin on is that they wi ll attain royal ran k . Thegirl ’s grave is left empty, an d agreat part o f the robes whichwere to be bu rn t an d of the food an d drin k is left behin d .

Rhodanes an d Sin on is makeagood meal, take some of theclothes an d s leep in the grave. In themorn in g

, the soldierswho had fi red the house fin d they havebeen deceived, an d set

out in pu rsu i t of Rhodanes an d Sin on is,imagin in g that they

areaccompl ices o f thebrigan d . Havin g traced them as farasthegravean d seein g them lyin g theremo tion less

,overcome by

winean d sleep , they imagine they are lookin g on corpses an dso leave them

,al though they hes i tated s in ce thei r foots teps

gu ided them thi ther . 1 Rhodanes an d Sin on is leave the gravean d cross the r iver, thewaters of w hich are sweet an d c lear an dreserved for the kin g of Babylon alone to drin k . Sinon is,when trying to sel l the clothes shehas taken ,

is arrested forsacri lege an d brought beforeSoraechus , the son of Soraechusthe tax- gatherer an d named theJust . Ow in g to her beau ty, heis m in ded to sen d her to king Garmus ; whereupon Rhodanesan d Sin on is mix adose of poison , con s iderin g death preferableto the s ight of this kin g. Thei r in ten tion is revealed by afemale s lave to Soraechus, who secretly empt ies the cup con

tain in g thedeadly pot ion an d fi l ls i t with as leeping draught ;1 Or, being uncertain whether their footsteps led th i ther.

IAMBLICHUS 171

after they have drun k it an d arein adeep s leep they are placedin acarriageto be taken to the kin g . A li ttleway from Babylon ,

Rhodanes is frightened by adream an d cr ies out this wakesSin on is

,who takes upasword an d woun ds hersel f in thebreas t .

Soraechus wan ts to kn ow thei r h is tory, an d the lovers havingreceived asolemn prom ise from him

,tel lhim everyth in g . He

setS ' them at l iber ty an d shows them atempleof Aphrodite on

al i ttle is land, whereSinon is can be healed of her woun d .

By way of digress ion theauthor relates the his tory of thetemplean d the l ittle is lan d, which is formed by thesurroundingwaters of theEuphrates an d Tigris . Thepries tess of Aphrodi tehad three children ,

Euphrates , Tigris , an d Mesopotam ia, thelast, who was born ugly , being chan ged in to awoman so beauti fu l that three su itors quarrel led forher han d . Bochorus, themos t famous judge of the t ime

,was chosen to decide thei r

claims, an d the three rivals pleaded thei r cause.

’

Now Mesopotam iahad given one of them the cup from which she drank,had crowned the secon d with agarlan d of flowers from herown head, an d had kissed the thi rd . Bochorus dec i ded thatshebelonged to the onewhom shehad kissed , but thi s decis ionon ly embittered the quarrel, w hich en ded in the death of ther ivals by one an other’s hands . In an other digres s ion theauthor gives detai ls of the temple of Aphrodite. Thewomenwho vis i t i t are obliged to reveal in public the dreams theyhavehad in the temple; this leads to m inu te detai ls of Pharnuchus , Pharsiris an d Tana

’

t'

s , from whom the r iver is named .

Pharsiris an d Tanai’

s in i tiated thosewho dwel t on the ban ks ofthe r iver in to themysteries of Aphrodite. Tigris died in thel i tt le islan d jus t men tioned , after havin g eaten of some roses inthe buds of which

,n ot yet fu l l blown , lurked apo ison ous l i tt le

beetle. His mother bel ieved shehad madehim adem i -godby her en chan tmen ts .

Iamblichus then describes differen t kin ds of en chan tmen tsby locusts

,l ion s an d m ice. Accordin g to him

,the las t is

theO ldes t, the mys ter ies being cal led after the name of thesean imals .

1 T herearealso en chan tmen ts by hail , snakes , necroman cy an d ven tr i loqu ism , the ven tri loquis t bein g cal led by theGreeks Eurycles , an d by the Babylon ian s Sacchuras . Theautho r cal ls himsel f aBabylon ian an d says that , after havinglearn t theart of magic, he devoted himsel f to the s tudy of the

1 Deri v ing uvarfiptov from

172 IAMBLICHUS

G reek arts an d scien ces . He flourished in the reign of

Soaemus , son of Achaemen ides theArsac id , who occupied thethrone ofhis fathers , an d was afterwards aRoman senator an dcon sul, an d kin g of G reater Armen ia.

1 A t th is time MarcusAurel ius was Roman emperor . When Aurelius sen t Verus ,his adopted brother an d son - in —law an d col league in theempi re

,to make war again s t Vologaesus

2 the Parthian king,Iamblichus predicted the begin n in g, the course, an d en d of thewar. Healso tel lshow Vologaesus fled over theEuphrates an dTigris

,an d how the kin gdom of Parthiabecame aRoman

provin ce.

Tigris an d Euphrates , the children of the pries tess , werevery l ikeeach other, an d Rhodan es was l ike both . Tigris, ashas been men t ion ed

,had been po isoned by eat in g roses , and

when Rhodanes cros ses over to the i s lan d wi th Sinon is, themother of Tigris , when she sets eyes on Rhodanes

,dec lares

that her son has come back to l i fe, accompan ied by Ko re.

3

Rhodanes fal ls in with thedecept ion ,highlyamusedat thecred u

lityof the i s lan ders . Damas is in formed of what has happenedto Rhodanes an d S imon is an d of what Soraechus has done forthem

,his in forman t bein g the phys ic ian whom Soraechus had

secretly sen t to atten d to Sin on is’

s wound . Soraechus isarres ted an d taken to Garmus, an d at the same t ime thei n former is sen t wi th a letter to the pries t of Aphrodite,o rderin g him to seize Rhodanes an d Sinon is . The phys ician ,

in o rder to cros s the r iver, han gs himsel f round theneck of acamel in theusual man n er

,havin g fi rs t depos i ted the letter in

thean imal ’s right ear. He i s drowned in the river, the camelalone reaches the is land , an d Rhodanes an d Sin on is , takingDamas ’ s letter out of its ear

,becomeawareof the danger that

threaten s them .

They accordin gly take to fl ight, an d on the way meet

Soraechus,who is bein g taken to Garmus

,an d put up at the

samein n . Durin g the n ight Rhodanes bribes certain person sto s lay the guard s

D

of Soraechus,who takes to fl igh t with the

lovers , being thus rewarded forhis previous kin dness . Damasarres ts the pries t of Aphrodite an d question s him about

1 A . D . 1 64 .

2 OrVologases III ( 1 483Read ing d nu wi th capi tal K. Kore or Persephone, daugh ter of

Demeter (Ceres ) , wi fe of P luto ,an d queen of the lower worl d . If xdpnv be

read , w emust tran s late“an d bids her daugh ter fo l low him .

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174 IAMBLICHUS

They put up at the house o f aweal thy man of dissolu tehabits, named Setapus , who fal ls in lovewith Sin on is an d tr iesto seduceher. She preten ds to retu rn his lovean d , at n ight,when Setapus is in toxicated , s tabs him with asword

,o rders

the servan ts to open the door, leaves Soraechus , who is

ignoran t of what has happened, an d sets out in haste to fin d

the labourer ’s daughter . Soraechus,when he hears of her

depar ture, s tarts in pursu it, having hi red some of the s laves ofSetapus to aecom anyhim, so as to preven t themurder of thelabou rer ’s daught 1 . He overtakes her, makes her get in to acarriagewhich had been prepared beforehan d

,an d turn s back

with her. On thei r return , the servan ts Of Setapus, who hadfoun d thei r dead mas ter, fi l led with rage rush upon them

,seize

S imon is, bin d her, an d takeher to Garmus to be pun ished as amurderes s . Soraechus , having sprin kled his head with dust

,

an d ren t his cloak , ann oun ces the sad news to Rhodanes , whowould havekilled himsel f, bu t is preven ted by Soraechus .

Garmus,havin g received the letters from Sacas an d the

goldsm i th,in form in g him of the capture of Rhodanes an d

Sin on is , rejo ices greatly, offers sacrifice to the gods , orderspreparation s to bemade for the marriage

,an d i ssues adecree

that all prisoners shou ld beun boun d an d set free. Sin on is is

accordingly released from her bon ds by the servan ts of Setapus .

Garmus orders Damas to be put to death an d he is han dedover to the pries t whom he himsel fhad deprived of his pries thood an d madeexecutioner. Garmus was wroth wi th Damas,becausehehad al lowed others to have the hon our of arres t in gthe supposed Rhodanes an d Sin on is . Damas is succeeded inhis officeby his brother Monasus .

The s tory Of Beren ice, daughter of thekin g of Egypt, ofherdisgraceful amours

, of her in timacy with Mesopotamia, whowas afterwards seized by Sacas an d , as Sin on is, sen t to Garmus

with her brother Euphrates . Garmus , hearin g from the goldsm ith that Sin on is has escaped, orders him to beput to death ,an d theguards, who had been deputed to watch the preten dedSin on is an d to brin g her to him,

to be bu ried al ive with thei rwomen an d chi ldren .

An Hyrcan ian d og, belongin g to Rhodanes , fin ds in thei l l - omened in n the bodies of the unhappy girl an d of thes lave

,her in fatuated lover an d murderer. I t has al ready

devoured the body of the s lave an d hal f eaten that of the

IAMBLICHUS 5

young girl , w hen the father of SinOn is comes on the scene.

Recogn i zin g the d og as belonging to Rhodanes an d seein gthe hal f-eaten body of the girl , he firs t ki lls thed ogas asacr ifice to Sin on is an d then han gs himsel f, havin g fi rst bur ied theremain s of thegirl an d written on her tomb wi ththeblood of thed og,

“Here l ies the beauti fu l Sin on is .

” MeanwhileRhodanesan d Soraechus comeup, see the d og lyin g dead by the tomb ,

Sin on is’

s father han gin g by arope, an d the epi taph written on

the tomb . Rhodanes s tabs himselfan d adds to theepitaph on

Sin on is the words “an d the han dsome Rhodanes ,” writ ten

in his ow n blood . Soraechus puts his head in then oose, an dRhodanes is preparin g to give himsel f the death blow,

whenthe labourer ’s daughter rushes in , shout in g loudly, Rhodanes ,she who l ies here is n ot Sin on is .

”She run s an d cuts the

rope by which Soraechus is hangin g, an d snatches thedaggerfrom the hand of Rhodanes . At last she manages to con

vin ce them by relat in g the s tory of the un happy girl,an d

of the buried treasure,w hich shehad come to carry off.

Meanwhile S imon is , released from her bon ds , has ten s to

the labourer ’ s house, st i l l furious with his daughter . Unableto fin d her, she asks her father where she is, an d on histell in g her the way shehas taken

, she immediately sets out

in pursu i t w ith drawn sword . A t the s ight of Rhodaneslying on the groun d an d her r ival s i ttin g alone by his s ide,endeavouring to s taun ch thewoun d in his breas t (Soraechushaving gone to fetch aphys ician ) her ragean d jealousy kn own o bounds an d she rushes upon the youn g woman . But

Rhodanes , forgettin g his woun d at the s igh t of her violen ce,

mus ters up s trength to throw himsel f in fron t of Sin on is an dhold her back

,at the same t ime snatchin g the sword from

her han ds . Sin on is,t ran sported with rage

,rushes ou t of the

inn an d run n ing l ikeamadwoman shouts to Rhodanes : “Iinvi te you to day to Garmus

’s weddin g .

”Soraechus , on his

return , hearin g what has taken place, con soles Rhodanes , an dafter his woun d has been dres sed

,the labourer ’s daughter is

sen t back with money to her father .Euphrates an d Mesopo tam ia

,the supposed Rhodanes an d

Sin on is , together with Soraechus an d the real Rhodanes aretaken before Garmus . Garmus , seein g that Mesopotamiaisn ot Sin on is , del ivers her to Zoharas with orders to cut off herhead on the banks of the Euphrates, to preven t anyone else

176 IAMBLICHUS

in futu re takin g the name of Sin on is . But Zoharas,who

has al ready drun k at the foun tain of love, is sm i tten wi thMesopotam ia; he spares her l i fe an d sen ds her back to

Beren ice, who had become queen of Egypt after her father ’sdeath , an d from whom she had been taken .

1 Beren iceis again un ited to Mesopo tam ia

,on whose accoun t Garmus

threaten s war.

Euphrates is han ded over to his father, n ow execut ioner, bywhom heis recogn ized

,an d his l i fe is spared . He

.takes the

place of his father, whose han ds are n ot so i led with humar.blood , an d afterwards , disgu ised as the daughter of theexecu t ioner, escapes from the prison an d regain s his freedom .

Such was the s tate of affai rs when Soraechus is condemnedto be crucified The place of execu t ion appoin ted was themeadow w ith the foun tain where Rhodanes an d Sinon is hadfirs t res ted durin g thei r fl ight

,whereRhodanes had discovered

the hidden treasu reof which he in forms Soraechus when thelatter is bein g led away to execution . A body of Alan s ,in dignan t at n ot receiving thei r pay from Garmus

,who had

halted at the placewhere Soraechus was to beexecuted, driveaway the guards of Soraechus an d set him free. Soraechus ,havin g foun d the treasure of which he had been told , an dhavin g cleverly removed i t from its hiding- place, persuadesthe Alan s that hehas learn t this an d other things from thegods . Havin g gradual ly gained thei r confiden ce, he in ducesthem to elect him thei r king, makes war upon Garmus an ddefeats him . But th is happened later .While Soraechus is on his way to execution , Garmus ,

crowned with garlands an d dan cin g, orders Rhodanes to

be taken to the place wherehe was to have been execu tedbefore, an d to be placed upon the cross . While Garmus

,

drun k with wine an d dan cin g roun d the cross with the fluteplayers , aban don s himself to joy an d revelry, he receives aletter from Sacas, in form ing him that S imon is has jus t marriedthe young kin g of Syria. Rhodanes i s rejo iced , Garmus atfi rs t wan ts to kil l himsel f

,but, chan ging his mind, makes the

unwil lin g Rhodanes , who would have preferred death, comedown from the cross . Garmus then appoin ts him to thecommand of an army which he dec ides to sen d again s t thekin g of Syria

, so as to pit the lover again s t the rival .1 By Sacas (p.

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178 GEORGE OF ALEXANDRIA

neglected . Theauthor says that hehas compi led his his toryfrom material taken from bishop Pallad ius ,1 who has wri ttenan admi rable an d careful l i fe of Chrysostom in the form of

adialogue, from Socrates ,2 an d o ther wri ters .Accordin g to the author, the great John was born at

An tioch of n oble paren ts , Secun dus an d An thusa. Melet iusthe Armen ian , then head of theChurch at An t ioch

,

3in itiatedthem in to the r ites of Chris tianity an d prepared them to

receive the savin g graceof baptism,havin g firs t in i tiated an d

bapt ized thei r son . At an early age, John wen t to school .From boyhood hewas dis t in guished forhis modes ty

,showed

n one of the efl'

eminacy common to wealthy an d high - bornchildren

,

‘1 an d wou ld not even r ide on horseback . At An tiochheattended the lectures of Liban ius on grammar an d rhetoric

,

an d of An d ragathius on philosophy. After his father’

s death,

he was the comfort of his mother,and , abs tain in g from all

pleasures an d amusemen ts, devoted himsel f en tirely to s tudy .

He vis ited Athen s to improvehis kn owledge, an d in ashor tt ime showed himsel f so superior to all o ther s tuden ts thatAn themius, the pries t of the temple of Athena

,who was

repu ted the w ises t man in Athen s,was jealous of him .

Demosthenes, the prefect of the ci ty, sen t amos t compl imen tary summon s to him

,in an swer to which John presen ted

himsel f wi th great humiiity. In adiscuss ion that took placebetween them,

John showed himsel f superior in learn ing,in tell igen ce, an d piety . A marvel lous resul t of this was

,that

An themius, final ly con vin ced by John ’

s divine eloquen cean dprayers, was baptized w i th all his household by the bishop o f

the city. Theprefect, who had been already baptized, receivedin s truction in the doctrines of Chris tian i ty, together wi th alargen umber of heathen . The bishop of the city wan ted to ordainJohn an d to leavehim bishop of the city inhis place, but John ,

when he becameaware of this, secretly set sai l in has te forhis ow n coun try .

His friends an d acquain tan ces wished him to en ter the legalprofess ion

,

-buthewas himsel f in cl ined toamonas tic l i fe,althoughon ly eighteen years of age. Tw o of his fellow- s tuden ts ,Theodore, afterwards bi shop of Mopsues tia, an d Maximus

,

1c. 364—

431 , Bishop ofHelen0polis in Bi thynia, author of theLau siaca,biographies ofascet ics .

2 SeeCod . XXVIII .

1 About 360 .

1 Ad d “woul d n ot al low such to accompanyhim .

GEORGE OF ALEXANDRIA 179

afterwards bishop of Seleucia, rejected apublic an d mercenarycareer an d chose aprivate an d s imple l i fe. He was veryin timate wi th Bas i l the Great (n ot the other Bas i l, as some

assert), who was ordained deacon by Meletius an d whom Johnesteemed more highly than any o ther of his frien ds . Bas i ltook farewel l of John an d t ried to persuadehim toadopt thesamekin d of l i fe, but for the t imehis mo ther s tood in theway.

Bishop Zeno came from Jerusalem 1 an d appo in ted Johnreader in the church at An tioch . Soon afterw ards hi s mo therd ied, John dis tributed his father

’

s property amon gs t the poor,left the city, en tered amonastery in the neighbou rhood , an dshowed himselfamodel an d pattern mon k .

Hesychius , a Syrian mon k,who was repu ted to have a

kn owledge of the fu ture, saw tw o men in white raimen t, theone holding abook an d the o ther somekeys

,both of which

they gave to John . The latter declared that he was theapostle Peter, the former that he was John the theo logian .

Hesychius told this to the inmates of the monas tery, havin gtaken care that i t should n ot reach theears of John ,

for fearles t, owin g to his great modes ty, hem ight leave themonas tery .

John also wen t through severerel igious exercisesan d composedseveral monast ic t reat ises .

Healso wrought m i rac les while in themonas tery . One of

the citizen s had such apain on one s ideof his head that hisright eye hun g out, but when be con sul ted John he wasimmediately cured . A certain Archelaus

, aweal thy an ddis tingu ished person , sufferin g from leprosy in the face, wasordered to wash in the poo l out ofwhich thebrethren dran k,an d became wel l ;after this , he dis tributed his wealth , saidfarewel l to theworld

,an d en tered themonas tery, his example

bein g fol lowed by man y others . An o ther person namedEucleus , who had lost his right eye through the in fluen ce of

an evi l spi ri t,applied to the monas tery for admi ss ion ;his

head was shaved while the man of God prayed , an d herecovered his s igh t . A woman also who had an i ssue of

blood seven years was healed . A lion ,which was said to have

carried off anumber of travel lers, after John had impres sedthe s ign of the cross upon o thers

,was ki lled by its in fluen ce.

After four years , owin g to thenumber of peoplewho appl ied1 He was bishop of Majuma, theport of Gaza, famous forhis ascetic l ife

and devot ion to thedut ies ofhis cal l ing.

1 80 GEORGE OF ALEXANDRIA

tohim,he left the monas tery

,an d spen t tw o years in acave

seldom s leepin g an d n ot lyin g down dur in g thewhole of thet ime. Having con trac ted achi ll in the s tomach an d kidneys ,hewas compel led to return to An t ioch

,wherehewas ordained

deacon by Melet ius an d looked after theal tar . At that t imehewro te the three treat ises to Stagirius

1 an d those On theP ries thood an d On the I n comprehen sih/e. After the death o f

Meletius at Con s tan tin ople, the ho ly John returned to themonastery. Flavian , who had succeeded Meletius , in con soq uen ce of adivine revelat ion brought him back to the ci tyfrom the monas tery an d ordained him pries t . A comman dhad been given to Flavian in avis ion that John should beordained an d that Flavian him sel f should ordain him . A dovethat hovered over his head dur in g the ceremon y was abun dan tproof of the divine gracewith which hewas to be fi lled . He

spen t twelve years in the san ctuary . From his early years ,owin g to his zeal for vi rtue he was harsh and severe, an drather given to wrath than to con s iderat ion for others . He

wro te several commen taries while at An tioch, an d at thebishop ’

s urgen t reques t addressed thepeopleextemporaneous l yin the pulpi t .The son ofawoman named Euclaea, su ffering from aviolen t

fever, whose l i fehad been despai red of, was healed by beingsprinkled with somewater which John had blessed . A certainwoman belongin g to thesect of theMarcion is ts,2 whosehusban dheld someoffice in the ci ty, was in adesperate con di tion fromdysen tery but having been healed by John , she,her husban d ,an d allher household, with several other Marcion is ts , returned tothe true faith .

On the death of Nectarius , archbi shop of Con stan tinople,2

1 A young frien d of Chrys ostom who,after having led ad iss ipated l ife,

en tered amonastery . Hewas at first unable to en dure the res triction s ,became subject to con vu ls ion s (regarded as demon iacal attacks ), but gradual ly attained to amorerel igious an d meeker frameof m ind . Thetreat isescon tain Chrysos tom

’

s advice to his friend .

2 So cal led from Marc ion of S in ope, an heres iarch of the secon dcen tury A .D . His fo l lowers bel ieved in tw o Christs , one sen t by anun kn own God to save thewho lewor ld , theother whom theCreator wou l done day send to save theJews . They den ied the resurrect ion of theflesh,an d main tained that thebody of Christ was l ike ours on l y in appearan ce,not in real i ty .

2 He succeeded Gregory of Naz ian z us ,'

and was archbishop from 38 1 to397(398L

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1 82 GEORGE OF ALEXANDRIA

patrician , whom hehad succeeded in freein g from her un jus texaction s . Theodoric gave the greater part of his property totheChurch poorhouseasathankoffering to God , whichin flamedEudoxiawith an ger an d mal ice. EutrOpius in troduced alawthat c rim inals who fled for refuge to the churches should n ot

en joy the privi lege of asylum. But when , soon afterwards, hehimsel f took refuge there, he reaped the fruits ofhis own legislation . While he lay pros trate at the al tar, the great Johndel ivered aspeech fu l l of reproach

,which set man y again s t

him,who thought that he rebuked the unhappy wretch too

cruel ly. He deprived the Arian s of thei r churches an d wi ththeemperor ’ s con sen t drove them

'

out of the city. S in ce theyhad composed an tiphon s to deceive the s imple-min ded heoutdid them,

with theas s is tan ce of the empres s,by d is

playin g s i lver crosses while thean t iphon s werebeing sun g. I t

is said that theGod - in spired Ignat ius firs t in troducedan t iphon s ,in im itation of thean gels who in this manner san g thepraiseso f God . The in fluen tial Arian Gainas 1 deman ded achurchfrom the emperor, but John who was presen t expressed hisdisapproval wi th great freedom,

an d persuaded theemperor torefuse. Soon afterwards , when Gainas rebelled , John , withoutdelay, at the general request, wen t on an embas sy to thebarbarian , an d repressed the revol t .Eusebius, who succeeded Celbian us as bishop of Valen t i

n opolis ,2 presen ted a documen t con tain in g seven charges

again s t An ton in us,bishop of Ephesus . The threefirs t accused

him of sacri lege; the fourth was that hehad retained in hisservice without rebuking him a youth who had commit tedmurder ; the fifth

,that he had taken possess ion of an d sold

some lan d which had been left by Basilina, the mother of

Ju l ian,

3to the Church the s ix th, that hehad resumed in tercou rsewi th his wifeafter hehad said farewel l to theworld, an dthat hehad had achild by her the seven th , that heacceptedfees for con secrat ion . The las t charge, bein g regardedas themos t serious, was in ves tigated . The trial was protracted to

great length, s in ce theaccuser himsel f purposely neglected hisduty

,an d An ton inus died before i t en ded . John therefore

1 Roman general ,aGoth by birth , comman der of the troops ofArcadius .

Heafterwards revo l ted , was declared an enemy of the s tate, an d retal iatedby ravaging the terr i tory of theempire. Hewas ki l led figh t ingagain st theH ms who sen t his head to Constan t in ople.

2 Mod . Valen zain L iguria. 3TheApos tate.

GEORGE OF ALEXANDRIA 1 83

wen t to Ephesus , an d removed from thei r sees six bishops whohad paid fees to secu re con secration an d con fessed thei r gu i lt .He also deposed six others in As iafor the same offen ce. In

place of An ton inus he con secrated Heraclides his ow n deacon ,

which createdadis turban ce. In placeof thes ix bishop s o therswereappoin ted who were dis tin gu ished by greater piety an dvirtue. When Chrysos tom was ban ished all theseweredeprivedof thei r sees , while thosewho had been ejected wereres tored .

Severian ,bishop of Gabala, havin g heard that An t iochus

was in Con stan tin ople an d had obtained con s iderable sums

of money by his discou rses wen t there himself. John , whenhe set out for Ephesus , recommen ded him as his ,

deputy inthe pulp it, an d in this mann er Severian became known to theemperor an d all the people.

gCallitrope, the widow of ashipmas ter, had been un jus tlytaxed, an d Paulacius , theprefect of Alexan dria, harshly pressedthe poor woman for the amoun t (500 gol d Sheappealed to the empress

,who fined Paulacius 1 00 pounds of

go ld, of which the sorely afllicted woman on ly received thirty

six pieces . She accord ingly took refuge wi th the general“port in a storm,

”the great John , who brought an action

again s t Paulacius for thepaymen t of 500 pieces , to thewidow.

This roused the hos t i l ity of Eudoxia,who was an xious for

Paulacius to be let off. Shewas n ot l is tened to, however, an dthe jus t man claimed an d res tored to the i l l- treated womanthat of which she had been un jus tly defrauded . Then awon derfu l thin g happened . When Eudoxia sen t to rescuePaulacius in despi te of John , an angel appeared bearing aspear an d frightened her messen gers , so that thei r m iss ion wasun success ful . In con sequen ce of these an d s im i lar acts of

John ,Acacius of Beroea, Theophilus , An t iochus , an d Severian ,

an d man y others, whom hehad offen ded by his reproaches,wi th theass is tan ce an d at the in s tigat ion of Eudoxia, beganto plot again st him . Theophilus accused Peter, chief presbyterof Alexan dria

,of havin g admin i stered the sacramen t to a

woman who was aMan ichaean his defen cewas that shehadbeen con verted an d that it was by his perm iss ion that shehadbeen admitted by him to the commun ion . In proof of thi she cal led to witness Is idore thepresbyter 1 an d hospitaller of

1 Priest and monk ( fifth cen tury He was agreat fr iend andchampion of A thanas ius .

1 84 GEORGE OF ALEXANDRIA

Alexandria. This Is idore, owin g to his blameless character,had formerly been sen t to Damasus 1 by Theophilus, an d hadbrought from Rome to Flavian an offer of fr ien dship an dal l ian ce, after the two Churches had been at varian ce fortwen ty years . The eviden ce of Is idore roused the an ger of

Theophilus , who expel led Peter from the Chu rch an d falselyaccused I s idore of gross immoral ity. When the falsehoodwas discovered, Theophi lus was roused to further vi l lain y,which was in creased by the followin g in ciden t. A cer tain r ichwoman named Theod otahad given Is idore 1 000 pieces of

money to dis tr ibu te amon gs t the poor withou t con sult in gTheophilus , which Is idorehad done. To avoid thewrath of

Theophilus hefled to themoun tain of Nitria,2 w herehehadformerly l ived in acel l . The chief of the Egyptian mon kswere Dioscorus, Ammon ius , Euthymius , an d Eusebius , fourbrothers , cal led “

the lon g ” from the height of their stature.

At that t ime a quarrel had broken out with the An thropomorphite heretics . When some ignoran t an d coarse mon kscreated adis turban cein Egypt, Theophi lus ,apparen t lyalarmedwhen they abused him,

at tempted to deceive them by flat tery,

sayin g , “I have seen your faces as the face of God .

”But

when they further demanded that O rigen ,becauseheasser ted

that the divin i ty was withou t human form,shou ld beanathema

tized , he con sen ted, an d so escaped death . Seizing ho ld of

this pretext again s t the“long brethren ”

(sin ce they wou ld n o

longer associatewith him as before, an d den ied that God hadahuman form) , heaccused them to themonks an d s t irred upthat ign oran t herd again s t them an d al so again s t Is idore, onwhoseaccoun t hewas themorehos ti le to them . At las t

,after

having been thevictims of in triguean d i l l - treatmen t, an d thei rcel ls havin g been set fire to, they fled to Con s tan t in ople. Johnreceived them kin dly an d sympathet ical ly, but did no t adm i tthem to commun ion for fear of offen ding Theophilus , to whomhewro tealetter propos in g recon ci liation , but Theophilus paidn o at ten t ion . In themean time the“long brethren presen teddocumen ts con tain in g charges again s t Theophi lus, an d werein turn accused by o thers at his in s tigat ion . When these latterwere unable to provean ythin g they were thrown in to prisonand flogged, someof them died an d theres t were condemned1 Pope366—384 aSpan iard by birth . His secretary was St . Jerome.

2 In thed istr ict of lower Egypt, so cal led from thenatron lakes .

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1 86 GEORGE OF ALEXANDRIA

seehis throneagain . Beforehis con demnation John,havin g

heard that Eudoxiawas an gry wi th him,del ivered alen gthy

discourseagain s t women general ly, which thepeoplein terpretedas an at tack on theempress . On thearr ival of Theophi lus

,

the in trigues again s t thegreat combatan t John began . Whenhe did n ot appear at the syn od, Theophi lus an d his partypron oun ced sen ten ceagain s t him, al though he loudly protes tedthat hewas ready to appear an d defen d himsel f, i f his avowedenem ies were removed from the coun c i l . Forty bishops wereready to suppor t John again s t Theophi lus an d his par ty, bu twhen they loudly protested he comfor ted them ,

, an d beggedthem n ot to cause dissen s ion in theChu rch . After his depos it ion ,

he was ban ished to H ieron ,

1 but, in con sequen ce of asevere shock of earthquakewhich was ascribed to the divinewrath

,he was brought back to the ci ty an d again seated,

again s t his will,on the episcopal throne. He declared that

he did n ot wish to resumehis pas toral office un t i l theun jus tsen ten ce again s t him had been subm i tted to in ves tigat ion .

Soon afterwards , Eudoxiabein g again en raged because Johnhad attacked her in referen ce to the s tatuewhich had beenerec ted in her hon ou r near his church an d was the cause of

disturban ce in s ide, in trigues were again set on foot again s thim . Theophilus

,although this was an unexpected piece of

good fortune forhim,bein g afraid of the hatred of the ci tizen s ,

did n ot appear . The cause of thei r hatred again s t him wasthat

, after the depos it ion of John , hehad commun icated wi ththe “lon g brethren ,

” by whosemean s hehad plotted again s thim

, an d that he did n ot himsel f abs tain from reading thewritings of O rigen , on accoun t of which hehad accused John .

He did n ot,therefore, at ten d in person ,

but sen t others todec lare that John ought n ot even to be brought to tr ial

,s in ce

after his depos it ion hehad ven tured to perform the servicesof theChurch, whereas the syn od of An t ioch left n o room for

defen ce to onewho did so 'after hehad been deprived of office.

Thosewho s ided with John declared that both the can on andthe syn od were tain ted with Arian ism, an d that the canonhad been aimed at Athanas ius that the coun c i l of Sard ica2repudiated the val idi ty of the syn od, an d n ot on ly al lowed

1 At themouth of theEuxine.

2 Themodern Sofia, capi tal of Bulgaria. Thecoun ci l was held in 343or347.

GEORGE OF ALEXANDRIA 1 87

Athanas ius to defen d himsel f but also to perfo rm the du ties of

the pries thood with Marcel lus .

Chrysos tom was accordingly prohibi ted from officiatin g inthe church an d even from en terin g i t . The fes t ival of theBirth of Chris t was at han d, an d un t i l the feas t of Pen tecos tan d for five days afterwards he took n o part in the services .

He was then final ly expel led from the ci ty an d the chu rchan d was ban ished to Cucusus .

1 At that t ime afire brokeout in the pulpit an d spread to the res t of the bui lding.

Man y of the enem ies of John were made an example, bein gcarried off by fi lthy diseases or heaven sen t calamities . John ,

after he was deported to Cucusus, both lectured in publican d con secrated several b ishops, pries ts , an d deacon s . He

also performed man y m iracles during his ban ishmen t an dafter his death

,which Bas i liscus , bishop of Comanaan d

martyr,

2 having appeared to him, foretold . He was buriedin the same grave as the martyr.Theophilus an d his party condemned Heraclides , bishop

of Ephesus , in his absen ce, an d , after sufferin g cruel in d ign ities , Serapion was deprived of the bishopric of Heraclea,to which he had been con secrated by John after his fi rstretu rn from exi le. A eunuch of the tribune V ictor, amanof disgracefu l character, was elected in his s tead . O therbishops , about twen ty in n umber, were driven from thei rsees, together with a large n umber of pries ts , deacon s, an dlaymen

,who wereaccused of favouring John , in cludin g some

pious women ,themos t dis t in gu ished of whom wereO lympias ,3

Pen tad ia,Procle, an d S i lvane.

In n ocen t, bishop of Rome, s tron gly supported the causeof John

,although without succes s . He sen t messen gers who

weredismissed with con tumelyan d wrote letters,but his efforts

were unavai l in g. Sub sequen tly, Arsacius was wi th difficu ltyinduced to en ter his name on the diptychs .

4 Some t imeafterwards , P roclus tran sported his remain s to Con stan t in ople.

This writer appears to relate much that is con t rary to thet ru th of history

,but there is n othin g to preven t the reader

from p icking out what is useful an d pas s ing over the rest .1

2

A vi l lageon theborders of A rmen iaan d Ci l icia.

3 Seep . 152 , n ote5.

4 L iteral l y, “adouble- fol ded tablet ” of wood , i vory, or metal . I n tl.e

earl y Church , the tablets on which were wri tten the names of thosespecial ly commemorated at the celebrat ion of the Eucharist .

1 88 PHLEGON OF TRALLES

XCVI I

Read the Collection of Chron icles an d L is t of OlympianVictors by Phlegon 1

of Tral les , afreedman of the empero rHadrian . The work is dedicated to acertain Alcibiades

,one

of the emperor ’s bodyguards . I t begin s with the I s t O lympiad ,

2 because, as nearly all o ther writers affirm,thereare n o

careful oraccu rateaccoun ts of precedin g periods, but di fferen twr i ters make differen t s tatemen ts

,an d even those who have

been eager to obtain the credit of w ri ting abou t them con

trad ict themselves . For this reason,as we have said , the

author begin s with the rst O lympiad , an d goes down,as

hehimsel f says, to the t imes of Hadrian .

I have read as far as the 177th O lympiad,3 in whichHecatomn us of Miletus was victor in the s tad zurn 4 an d d iau/os ,an d in the raceof men in armour three t imes ; Hypsicles theS icyon ian an d Gaius of Rome in the lon g race; Aristonymidasof Cos in thepen tathlunz 5 Is idore of Alexan driain wres tl ing ;Aptotus in the periodos ; 6 A tyanas the son of Hippocrates ,anat ive of Adramyttium,

in boxin g Sphod rias theS icyon ianin thepan cratium.

7 Amon g the youths Sos igenes of As iainthe race; Apo l lon ius of Cyparis sus in the wres tl in g-match ;Sotericus of E li s in the boxin g-match ; Calas of E l is in thepan cratium ; Hecatomn us of Miletus in the armoured race(hewas crowned three t imes in the same day, in the s tad ium,

thed iaulos , an d thearmoured race) ; Aristolochus of E l is inthe four- horsed char iot race; Hagemon of E l is with hisrace- horse; Hellan icus of E l is wi th his pai r of horses , an dhis fou r- horsed char io t ; Cletias of E l is with his pai r ; an dCall ippus of Pel ion wi th his race- horse.

A t that t ime Lucul lus 8 was bes ieging Am isus,9 but having1 Of T ral les in Lyd ia, l i ved ti l l the reign of An ton inus P ius . His

treat ises On Won derf u l Things and On Long- lived Person s areextan t .2776 B . C.

372— 69 B . C.

Rac ing, as inglecourse, the d iaulos beingadouble course.

5 The “five exercises ,” runn ing, leap ing, wres t l ing, box ing, discustln o w ing.

5 The period embraced all the games , so that to conquer in theperiod ”

mean t to be v ictorious in all.7 A con tes t combin ing both wres tl ingan d box ing.

2 Luc ius L ic in ius Lucu l lus (c. 1 10 Roman general , con queror ofMithradates . He was famous for his luxurious banquets , wh ich havebecomeproverbial .

2 Mod . Samsun , on the coast of Pon tus .

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1 90 ZOSIMUS

XCVI II

Read the -H is tory of coun t Zos imus,

1 ex-advocate of thehse

,in six books . Bein g an impious heathen , be frequen tly

yelps at those of the true fai th . His style is con cise, c lear,an d pure, an d n ot devoid of charm . He begin s his his toryalmos t from the t ime of Augus tus , an d glan ces rapidly atthe emperors down to D ioclet ian ,

merely men t ion in g theirp roclamation an d the order of success ion . From D iocletianhe treats at greater length of his successors in five books .

The fi rst book con tain s the emperors from Augus tus to Dio

cletian an d the sixth book en ds at the t imewhen Alari c, whowas bes iegin g Rome for the secon d t ime

,when the ci tizen s

were reduced to desperate s traits , raised the s iegean d proc laimed Attalus emperor . Soon afterwards he deposed himbecause of his in capacity, an d sen t an embass y to Hon orius ,who was then at Raven na, with proposals for peace. But

Sarus, himsel f aGoth an d an enemy of Alaric , with abou t30 0 men attached himsel f to Hon or ius, an d , prom isin g to d o

his u tmos t to ass is t him again s t Alar ic, succeeded in makin gthenegotiat ion s un successfu l . Here the s ixth book en ds .

I t may be said that Zos imus did n ot himsel f wri te thehis tory, but that he cop ied that of Eunapius ,2 from which iton ly differs in brevity an d in being less abus ive of S ti licho .

In other respects his accoun t is much the same, especial ly intheattacks upon the Chris tian empero rs . I think that boththeseau thors brought out new edi tion s

,although I have n o t

seen the firs t edition ,bu t it may be con jectured from the

ti tle of the “new edit ion ,

” which I have read,that

,l ike

Eunapius, he published asecon d edi tion . He is clearer an dmore con cise, as we have said

,than Eunapius, an d rarely

employs figures of speech .

1 His h is tory , probabl y wri tten between 450—

50 1 , real ly begin s wi th thedeath of Commodus ( 1 92 ) an d en ds at 4 1 0, jus t before A laric ’s s iege of

Rome. He is an extremel y bigoted heathen ,fon d of theold mytho logical

legen ds , orac les , prod igies , an d every th ing marvel lous , ign oran t of geo

graphy, an d pays n o atten t ion to chrono logy . But the work is valuableas main ly compi led from trus tworthy con temporary author i t ies (seeCod . LXXX ).2 Cod . LXXV II

HERODIAN 1 9 1

XCIX

Read theeight books of the [f is tory of Herodian .

1 Beginn in g from the death of Marcus Aurel ius , he

'

relates how hisson Commodus , who succeeded him, having shown himsel fu tterly degenerate an d completely un der the in fluen ce of

flatterers,was put to death by his con cubine Marc iaas the

result of aplot by Laetus an d Eclectus . He was succeededby Pertinax

, an old man of high charac ter but thepraetorianguards

,who hated virtue, s lew him in the palace. Jul ian

,

who obtained the throne by bribing the praetorian s,was soon

afterwards put to death by them . N iger,2 who appears to

have been an es t imable man,was declared empero r, while

Jul ian was s ti l l alive. Severus ,3 keen wit ted, as tu te, an d

reso lutein the presen ce of dan gers,havin g defeated an d put

to death his r ival,ascen ded the throne, an d removed all

who resi s ted him by open violen ce or en snarin g c raft. He

treated his s ubjects with the greates t haughtines s . He diedof i llness 4 whilewagin g waragain s t the Briton s . An ton inus

,

5

the elder of his two son s,havin g madeatreaty with them

,

returned to I taly . He un w i ll in gly accepted his brother Getaas his partner in the empire, an d soon afterwards murderedhim in his mother ’s arms . Eager to surpass allm vice an dcruelty, he fel l avictim in Syria to aplot set on foot byMacrin us , who was him sel f threatened wi th death by theemperor an d was an xious to preven t i t . Macrin us

,an Old

man, dilatory an d lackin g in sel f- con tro l , but in o ther respects

awor thy person,becameemperor after the death of An ton in us .

Moesa, the s is ter of Ju l ia, had tw o daughters, Soaemis an dMamaea; the former had ason named Bassian us, the latterason named Alexin us, both repu ted son s of An ton inus . Thearmy, on some s l ight pretext, proclaimed Bassianus 6 emperorin the camp, an d bes towed upon him the nameof An ton in us .

Macrin us , defeated in battle, fled from theborders of Phoen iciaan d Syriaan d retired to Chalcedon

,in ten din g to make his

1 F lourished about A. D . 238 . His h is tory embraces the per iod fromthe death of Marcus Aurel ius to the death of Gord ian ( 1 80 Hi;

geography an d ch ron ology are defect i ve. For the his tory of the per iodseeG ibbon , chs . 4

- 7.

2 Gaius Pescen n ius N iger . 3Luc ius Septimius Severus .

4 A t Eboracum (York ) . 5 Morecommon ly kn own as Caracal la.

3Varius Avitus Bas sianus (afterwards Marcus Aurel ius An ton in us )more common ly known as Hel iogabalus (more correct l y E lagabalus ).

1 92 HERODIAN

way from there to Rome; bu t he was in tercepted by theem issaries of An ton inus

,who cut off his head an d carried i t

back with them .

An ton in us, as lon g as he fo l lowed the coun sel ofhis mother,ru led with moderation , adopted Alexinus — whose name hechanged to Alexan der l — as his son

,an d created him Caesar .

But after he fel l un der the in fluen ceof flatterers, therewas n oexcess of vicean d in temperan ce of which hewas n ot gui lty .

His attempted plo t again s t Alexan der was frus trated by theso ldiers , an d when hedecided to pun ish them,

they puthim to

death . Alexan der, the son of Mamaea, reigned fourteen yearsto the bes t of his abi l i ty with goodnes s an d clemen cy an dwithout bloodshed ; but owin g, i t is said

, to theavaricean dmean ness of his mo ther, they were bo th put to death , an dMaximin was proclaimed emperor.

Maximin , a brutal an d oppress ive tyran t, a man of

en ormous stature an d extremely cruel,reigned nearly three

years . The soldiers in Africarevo lted an d s lew the govern o r,aman of l ike character appo in ted by Maxim in ,

an d electedthe procon su l Gord ian (aman eighty years of age) empero ragain s t his wil l. Rome joyfu l lyaccepted his election ,

deprivedMaxim in ofallhis hon ou rs , an d at the same t ime declared theprocon su l ’s son , Gordian , jo in t - emperor with his father. WhileMaxim in was prepar in g for war, Go rdian ,

who had occupiedCarthage together with his son ,

seein g that his pos i t ion wasdesperate

,hanged himsel f ;his son was defeated by Maxim in ,

an d fel l on thefield of battle. TheRoman s, deeply grieved atthei r death

,hatin g an d at the same t ime fearin g Maximin ,

proclaimed Balbin us and Maximus emperors at Rome. Thesoldiers created adis turban ce an d deman ded that Go rdian ,the gran dson of the elder Gordian , an d his daughter

’s son

,

qu i te aboy, should be as soc iated with them in the empire.

WhileMaximus was advan cin g again s t Maxim in , the lat ter wasmurdered by his ow n soldiers , his head was taken to Maximus ,an d then ce to Rome. Soon afterwards , the sold iers againrevo lted

,dragged Maximus and Balbinus from thepalacean d ,

after infl ictin g every in sul t upon them, put them to death an dbes towed the throne upon Gordian alone, n ow abou t thirteenyears o fage. Here theeigh th book en ds .

The writer ’s s tyle is clear, brill ian t, an d agreeable; his1 A lexander Severus .

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PHILO JUDAEUS

C I I I

Read the A llegories of the Sacred Law s , an d On the Civils e, by Phi lo Judaeus .

1

CIV

Read, also ,his desc ription of the l ives of thoseamon gs t the

Jews who led a l ife of con templative or act ive philosophy,the Es senes 2 an d Therapeu tae. The latter n ot on ly bu i l tmonas teries an d ho ly places (sern neia, to use thei r ow n word),but also laid down the rules of monast icism fol lowed by themonks o f the presen t day.

CV

Read , also, his two tractates , Cen sureof Gaius 3an d Cen sureof F /accus ,

4 in which,more than in his o ther wri tin gs , he shows

vigou r o f express ion an d beau ty of lan guage. But befrequen tlyerrs by changing his ideas an d in describin g other thin gs inaman ner at var ian cewith Jewi sh phi losophy . He flourishedin the t imes of theempero r Gaius, to whom he s tates that hesen t adeputation on behalf of his ow n people, whileAgrippawas king of Judaea. Hewas theau tho r of n umerous treatises

1c. 20 B .C .

— A .D . 40 . Themos t importan t Jewi sh Hellen is t, £alled theJewish P lato , born at A lexan driaofapries tl y fam i l y . Hard ly anyparticularsarekn own of his l i fe. In theyear 40 hewas head of adeputat ion of hiscoun trymen to theemperor Cal igulaat Rome, to protes tagain s t thepersecut io n o f theJews in A lexan dria. Hewas theauthor of numerous works , purel yph i losoph ical , exeget ical (on the Pen tateuch ), h is torical , an d apo loget ic.

Amorgs t them are : On theln destructihility of theWorld ; Thatevery GoodAlan is F ree; A llegories of the Sacred Law , fu l l of al legori z ing an dco n s tan t attempts to combineJudaism an d Hel len ism ; On the Con tentplatineL ife; Again st F laccus (go vern or of Egypt ) ; an d The Embassy to

G riz/s . llis phi losophy is a sort o f neo - P laton ism — ah en deavour to

reco n c i le the teaching of Plato an d of the Bible. There are tw o worl ds ,an i n tel l igiblean d asen s ible, the latter formed by God on themodel ofawo r ld o f ideas , i nvariable an d coeternal , person ified under the name of

Logos (Reason ), an emanat ion from God .

“The Logos , in termediatebetween God an d the w or ld dwel ls with God as His wisdom,

and as theabid ingplaceof the Ideas .

2 They w ere d iv ided in to practici (act i ve), who l ived in common , an dthe. r. t 1

'

ci (con templat ive), who l ived alone. In Egypt an d Greece thelatter w erecal led therapen tae.3 Roman emperor A . D . 37—

4 1 , morecommon l y know n as Cal igula.

4 A villius F ., governor of Egypt, an d persecutor of theJews .

THEOGNOSTUS or ALEXANDRIA 1 95

on various subjects , ethical discuss ion s , an d commen taries on

the Old Tes tamen t, mos tly con s is tin g of fo rced al legoricalexplanat ion s . I bel ieve that it was from him that all theal legorical in terpretation of Scripture originated in theChurch .

I t is said that he was con verted to Chris tian i ty, but afterwardsaban doned it in afi t of anger an d in dignat ion . Befo re this ,durin g the reign of theemperor Claudius,hehad vis ited Rome,where he met S t . Peter, chief of the apos tles , an d becamein timatewith him

,which explain s why he thought the disc iples

of S t. Mark the evangel ist, who was adisciple of S t. Peter,worthy of praise

,of whomhesays that they led acon templat ive

l i fe amon gs t the Jews . He calls thei r dwel lin gs monas teries ,an d declares that they always led an ascet ic life, practis in gfast in g, prayer, an d poverty .

Phi lo came of an Alexan drian priestly fami ly . Hewas so

admi red amongst theG reeks forhis power of eloquen ce that itwas acommon saying amon gs t them “E i ther P lato philon izesor Phi lo platon i zes .

”

CVI

Read thework by Theogn ostus of Alexandria, 1 en t i tled TheOutlines of theB lessed Theogzzos tzes of Alexan d ria, I n terpreter ofthe Serzptures , in seven books . In the fi rs t book he t reats ofthe Father, an d en deavours to show that He is the creatorof the un iverse

,in oppos it ion to those who make matter

coeternal with God ; in the second , he employs argumen ts to

prove that i t is necessary that the Father shou ld’

haveaSonan d when he says Son ,

he demon s trates that He is ac reation ,

an d has charge of beings en dowed w i th reason . L ikeO r igen ,

he says other s im i lar things of the Son ,bein g ei ther led as tray

by the same impiety, or (onem ight say) eager to exert himsel fin his defen ce, putt in g forward these argumen ts by way of

rhetori cal exercise, n ot as the express ion of his real opin ion ;or, lastly, hemayal low himsel f to depart al it tle from the t ru thin View of the feeble con di tion of his hearer

,who is

,perhaps ,

en t i rely ign oran t of the mysteries of the Christ ian faith an din capableof receiving the t ruedoctrine, an d becausehe thin ksthat anyknowledge of theSon wou ld bemoreprofitable to thebearer than never to haveheard of Himan d completeignoran ceof H im . In oral discuss ion i t wou ld n ot appear absu rd or

1 F lourished about them i ddleof the third cen tury A . D .

1 96 BASIL OF CILICIA

blamew orthy to use in correct language, for such discuss ion saregenerally carried on accordin g to the judgmen t an d Opin ionan d energy of the dispu tan t but in written discourse, whichis to be set forth as alaw for all

,i f any one puts forward

the above defen ce of blasphemy to exculpate himsel f, hisjus tificat ion is afeebleone. A s in the secon d book, so in thethird , in treat in g of the Holy Spi rit, the author in t roducesargumen ts by which he endeavours to show the exis ten ce of

theHo ly Spi rit, but in other respects talks as much n on sen se

as O rigen in his P rin cip les . In the fourth book, he talkss im i lar n on sen seabout an gels an d demon s

,attr ibutin g refined

bodies to them . In the fifth an d s ixth , he relates how theSaviou r became in carnate, an d attempts , after his man ner, toshow that the in carnat ion of theSon was pos s ible. Here, also ,he trifles greatly, especial ly when he ven tures to say that weimagine the Son to be confined n ow to thi s place, n ow to that,bu t that in energy alone He is n ot res tricted . In the seven thbook, en t i tled On God

’

s Creation , he discus ses o ther mattersin agreater spiri t o f piety— especially at the en d of theworkcon cern ing the Son .

His s tyle is vigo rous an d free from superfluities . He uses

beaut i ful lan guage, as in o rdinary Att ic, in such aman ner thathe does n ot depart from the ordinary style in compos i t ion an ddoes not sacrifice its dign i ty for the- sake of clearnes s an daccuracy. He flou rished

CVI I

Read the work of the presbyter Bas i l of Ci licia,1 wri ttenagain st John ScythOpolita, whom he cal ls

“pett i fogger ” an dseveral o ther names

,an d otherwiseabuses . For in s tan ce, he

asserts thathewas suspected of being aMan ichaean that bel imited the sacred forty days to threeweeks , an d during themdid n ot even ab stain from eating fowl ; that he took part inheathen r ites that hewas greatly given to glu tton y, an d nevercommun icated while the sacred office was being performed ,but after theGospel took part in theholy mysteries with theboys, an d immediately hurried to theho ly table. Such in sultingan d brutal remarks are scattered broadcas t throughout thework . The wo rk is dramatic in character, in the form of adialogue, dedicated to acer tain Leon tius, who had asked the

1 SeeCod . XLI I .

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1 98 BASIL OF CILICIA

Thy l i fe shal l han g in doubt before thee,

” 1 an d “Thi s gateshal l be shut,

” 2to all of which he gives an impious in terpreta

t ion . The ten th book deals with “To you is the word of

this salvation sen t” 3an d He who spared n ot his ow n Son

” 4

an d “Of the lVord of l ife,” which you r han ds have touched ,

an d “God so loved the world that he gavehis on ly- begotten

Son” 5an d so on . In the eleven th book he discusses

,

“Thisis our God , there shal l n one other be accoun ted of in com

parison ofhim,

” 6 an d “Afterwards did he show him sel f uponearth an d con versed w i th men ,

” 6 an d “Arise, O God , an djudge theearth,

” 7an d He that hath seen mehath seen theFather ,

” 8 an d again s t those who asserted that the apos tlescou ld n ot teach the truth owin g to the weakness of thei rhearers . In the twel fth book he teaches that one of theTrin i ty suffered, an d discusses “Had they kn own it

,they

would n ot have crucified the Lord of glory .

” 9 He putsfo rward aweak an d s in ful p lea for our den yin g that thereare two Chris ts , in which his defen ce is prompted by hiswishes . In the thirteen th book he in qu i res how it is thatthereare n ot tw o Son s , an d in deed it wou ld seem from hisdefen ce that there mus t be. Tarasius , as if unable to meet

theargumen ts again s t him,remain s s i len t

,an d Bas i l (or Lam

pad ius ) discon tin ues his zealous ques tion s an d an swers . Thelas t three books are more detai led , an d attack the s tatemen tsof John in the secon d an d thi rd books .

This Bas i l, as he himsel f tells us , was apresbyter of theChurch at An t ioch , when Flavian was b ishop there

,an d

Arcadius emperor of R ome. His s tyle is poor, an d espec ial lyin the dialogues differs l itt le from the languageof the common

people. N or is he accu rate in compos it ion , but frequen tlymakes m is takes an d

“

u ses solecisrn s ; at the same t ime, heen deavou rs to be clear . His argumen ts again st the orthodoxare keen an d show the practised logi cian in fact, he seemsto have wasted his whole l i fe in his idle attacks upon thetrue fai th . Although he is tain ted wi th Nes torian ism,

he doesn ot defen d Nestorius, but praises the fathers Theodore an d

1 Deuter . xxvi i i . 66.

1 Ezek iel x l iv . 2 .

3 A cts x i i i . 26 .

1 Roman s vi i i . 32 .

John i i i . 1 6,

5 Baruchiii. 36— 38 .

7 Psalm lxxxi. 8 .

8 John xw . 9 .

9I Cor. i i . 8 .

THEODORE OF ALEXANDRIA 1 99

Diod orus . He does n ot Open ly use so much blasphemouslan guage again st the divine Cyril . He declares that John ,

the objec t ofhis attack, rel ies for support on n othin g but thetwel ve“chapters ”

of Cyril, especial ly the twel fth , in which he

in troduces the su ffering of God . Wi th this he con c ludes hisidle labours . A s men t ioned above, the work is dedicated toa

’

certain Leon tius , whom hepompous ly cal ls mos t ho l y, mos tbeloved of God , an d Father .

CVII I

Read thework of Theodore the mon k Again s t Then zistin s ,en t itled :

“A brief refutation of the old rash an d ab surdattacks of Themistius on the Fathers , n ow worked out by us

in view of the ques tion s an d proposit ion s put forward by himagain s t the truth, an d aclear an d accurate arrangemen t of

the subject under discuss ion .

” This ti tle is mo re l ikeabookthan the t itleof abook . Both Theodorean d Themis tius areheret ics , adheren ts of Severus

,an d belongin g to the Theo

oas thitae1 Themis tius (or Calonymus,as he also cal ls

himsel f) was the chief of the sect cal led Agn oetae,2 on whomhewroteawork cal led, An Apologyfor the Holy Theophohin shy Calonymn s or Themis tin s, in which healso attacks Severus ,whose devoted adheren t he i s . Such is falsehood an d suchare the lovers of falsehood . He chal len ges Themistius to

argue an d shows that his four argumen ts , in tended to proveignoran ce in Christ, which he deals wi th one by one, in volvecoun tless absurd it ies . Then again Themis tius , to make goodhis defeat, wroteas in gle book again s t Theodore. Theodo reagain refutes his object ion s in three volumes

,and sets fo rth

his ow n real opin ion on the subject . Both of them areskil fu l wr iters , aim in g at c learness , combined with earnes tnes sand sedateness .

CIX

Read threevo lumes of theworks of Clemen t,3presbyter ofAlexandria, en ti tled Outlines, TheM

'

seellan ies, TheT utor

1 Who added the words “O ne of the T rin i ty was cruc ified to theT risagion . According to them , Christ had on ly one

,an d that ad i v ine

nature, an d thereforethed ivinenature sufiered at the Cruc ifix ion .

2 They taugh t that the human sou l of Chris t was l ike our ow n, even in

its imperfect knowledgean d ignoran ce.

aT itus F lavius Clemen s (c. 150 A P laton ic ph i losopher who

z oo CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA

The On tlines con tain abrief explanation an d in terpretationof certain pas sages in theOld an d New Testamen ts . Al thoughin some cases what he says appears o rthodox, in others heindulges in impious an d legendary fables . For he is of

Opin ion that matter is eternal an d that ideas are in troducedby certain fixed con di tion s ; he also reduces the Son to

somethin g c reated . He talks prodigious n on sen se about thetran smigrat ion of souls an d the exis ten ce of an umber o f

world s beforeAdam . He endeavours to show that Eve camefrom Adam

,n ot as Ho ly Scripture tel ls us

,but in an impious

an d shameful man ner ; he idly imagines that angels havecon nexion with women an d beget ch i ldren ; that the Wo rdwas n o t in carnate, but on ly

—

appeared so. He is furthercon victed of mon s trous statemen ts abou t two Words of theFather, the les ser of which appeared to mo rtals , or rather n oteven that one

,for he writes : “The Son is cal led the Wo rd

,

of the same nameas the Word o f the Father, but this is n ot

theWord that became flesh,n or even theWo rd of theFather,

but acertain power of God , as i t were an efflux from theWo rd i tsel f, having becomem in d, pervaded thehearts of men .

”

Al l this heattemp ts to support by passages of Scripture. Hetalks much o ther blasphemous n on sen se, ei therhe or someone

else un der his name. These mon s trous blasphemies arecon tained in eight books , in which he frequen tly d iscusses thesame po in ts an d quotes passages from Scrip ture prom iscuous lyan d con fusedly, l ikeone pos sessed. Theen t i rework in cludesn otes on Genes is, Exodus , the Psalms , S t. Pau l

’

s epis tles , theCatho l ic epis t les

,an d Eccles ias ticus . Clemen t was apupil of

Pan taenus,as he himsel f says . Let this suffice for the

Outlines .

TheT utor is an elaborate work in th ree books,con taining

rules for behaviour an d con duct. It was preceded by an d

embraced Christ ian i ty, an d succeeded Pan taen us as head of thecatechet icals choo l of A lexandria. Amongs t his pupi l s were Origen an d A lexan der,bishop of Jerusalem . His chief works are those men t ioned here byPho t ius . To these may be added his Hortatory A d d ress to the Greehs

,

showing the superiori ty of Chris t ian i ty to the heathen an d o ther rel igion s .

I n con sequence of thepersecution of Severus , he fled to Palest ine, wherehe died .

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202 CLEMENT OF ROME

CXII, CXII I

Read tw o volumes of the works of Clemen t, bishop of

Rome.

1 Oneis en ti tled TheApos tolic Con s titution s byClemen t,con tain in g the syn odical canon s ascribed to the assembledApos tles . The other

,in the form of a letter, is dedi cated to

James the Lord ’

s brother an d con tain s what are cal led TheA cts of theApos tle Peter , His Conversation s w ithS imon .Magus ,TheRecogn ition of Clemen t aathis Father and his two B rothers .

Hence In some copies it is en t itled TheRecogn ition of Clemen tof Rome. As we have said, a letter is prefixed as sen t toJames the Lord ’

s brother,but n ot always the samen or from

the same person , accord in g to some copies bein g sen t byPeter the apostle, accordin g to others by Clemen t to James .

In the fi rs t case,Peter wou ld seem to have compi led an

accoun t of his ow n acts an d sen t it to James at his reques t ;in the secon d

,Clemen t compi led it by comman d of Peter an d

sen t it to James,after Peter had passed to immor tal l i fe. I t

maybe con jec tured then that therewere tw o edi tion s of theActs of Peter, an d that w hen one in course of time perishedthat of Clemen t alone su rvived . For in all the copies whichI have seen — byn o mean s afew — after thosedifferen t epis tlesan d t it les I have un varyingly foun d the same treat ise beginnin g,

“I,Clemen t,

”etc . The work is ful l of coun tless

absurdities an d of blasphemy again s t the Son in accordan cewith theArian heresy. The Con s titu . ion s appear to be l iableto cen sure on three coun ts . clumsy fic tion

,which it is easy

to remove,the abus ive charges again s t Deuteron omy, which

can eas i ly bemet,an d its Arian ism,

which can be refuted byavigorous attack . But the book of the Acts of Peter , in itsdis t in c tness an d earnes tness

,its puri ty, vehemen ce, its general

lin gu is t i c excel len ces, an d its great learn ing, is so superior tothe Con s titution s that, as far as language is con cerned, n o

comparison between the tw o works is poss ible.

I t is this Clemen t of whom St . Pau l speaks in the Epis tle1 L i ved during the firs t cen tury A .D . A ccording to trad i t ion he was

one o f the firs t succes sors of S t . Peter as bi shop of Rome. Numerouswork s , s uch as the Hom i l ies an d Recogn i t ion s , the Apos tol ic Con s titut ion s , which are as cr ibed to him , are spurious , the on l y wri t ing bearinghis namewh ich is adm i tted to be genui ne being theF irs t Epis tle to theChurch of Corin th ( the seco nd is spurious ). O n the who le quest ion see

ed i t ion ( 1 890 ) by Bishop Ligh tfoot.

LUCIUS CHARINUS 203

to the Phi lippian s , “Wi th Clemen t also, an d o ther my fel lowlabourers

,whose names are written in the book of l i fe.

” 1

He also wrote an importan t let ter to the Co rin thian s , whichwas so highly thought o f that it was read in public . A secon dletter to the same is rejected as spurious , as also the len gthyd iscuss ion ,

adialogue between Peter an d Ap(p)ion .

2 Some

say that Clemen t succeeded Peter as bi shop of Rome, othersthat he was the fourth bishop , L inus an d Anacletus in terven ing, an d that he died in the th ird year of Trajan ’

s

reign .

CXIV

Read abook en titled Circuits 3 of the Apos tles , compris in gthe Acts of Peter, John , Andrew, Thomas , an d Paul

, theautho r bein g one Luc ius Charin us ,4 as thework i tself shows .

The style is altogether uneven an d s tran ge thewo rds an d con

struction s,i f somet imes free from carelessness ,are for themos t

par t common an d hackneyed there is n o trace of the smoothan d spon taneous expres s ion ,

which is the essen tial charac teris tic of the lan guage of the Gospels an d Apos tles , or of thecon sequen t natu ral grace. The con ten ts also is very s i lly an dsel f- con tradictory. Theauthor asserts that the God Of theJew s

,w hom he cal ls evi l

,whose servan t S imon Magus was

,

is one God , an d Chris t,whom he calls good, an other .

Minglin g an d con foun din g all together,he cal ls the same

both Father an d Son . He asserts that He never was reallymade man

,but on ly in appearan ce; that He appeared at

di fferen t t imes in differen t form to His disciples,n ow as a

young, n ow as an old man,an d then again as aboy, n ow

tal ler , n ow shorter,n ow very tall , so that His head reached

nearly to heaven . He also in ven ts much idle an d absurdn on sen seabout theCross , sayin g that Chris t was n ot cruc ified ,but someone in His s tead, an d that thereforeHe could laughat thosewho imagined they had crucified Him . He declares

1 i v . 3. Clemen t beingavery common name, th is iden tificat ion is byno mean s certain .

2 Apion , A lexandri ne grammarian , commen tator on Homer, flou 1 ishedin them iddle of the firs t cen tury A .D . Hewas n otorious forhis hatred of

theJew s an d of Jewi sh Chri s tian i ty.

3 Or “T ravel s .

”

4 Al so Leuc ins,or Leon tius . His date is uncertain , perhaps in the

fifth cen tury A . I) .

204 METRODORUS

lawful marriages to be i llegal an d that all procreation of

chi ldren is evi l an d the work of the evi l one. He talksfoo l ishly about the creato r of demon s . He tells mon stroustales of s i l ly an d chi ld ish resurrection s of dead men an d oxenan d cattle. In the Acts o f St . John he seems to support theopponen ts of images in attackin g thei r use. In aword, thebook con tain s avas t amoun t of ch ildish

,in credible, i l l- devised ,

l ying, s i l ly, sel f- con tradictory, impious,an d un godly s tatemen ts

,

so that onewould n ot be far wron g in cal l in g i t the sourcean dmother ofall heresy .

CXV

Read an an on ymous work en t itled A Disputation again s t thejew s an d those who hold the same Heretical Vi ,ew s and thosecalled Quartodecimans ,

1who d o n ot celebrate the Holy Eas ter

F eas t in thefirs t mon thas theHebrew s do. The s tyle is con c isean d free from redun dan c ies, but somewhat bombas t ic. Theau thor asserts that our Lord Jesus Chris t did n ot partakeOf the regu lar Paschal feas t 2 on the ho ly fifth day, for thatday was n o t laid down , but on the fol lowing day that Hedid n ot even then lawfu l ly eat what He did eat for Heateneither lamb, n or un leavened bread , an d Observed n one of theprac t ices which those who keep Easter according to the laware in the habit of Observin g. Heasserts that He partook of

aprivate, mys tic feas t, from which Hegave bread an d wine toHis disciples .An o ther trac tate is also in cluded, by acertain Metrodorus,

al is t of twen ty- eight cycles of n ineteen years for calcu lat ingthe ho ly Paschal feast . This Metrod orus

,whoever he was

(for I have n ot been ab le to learn an ythin g about him),begin n in g w ith D ioclet ian , has col lected the Eas ter days for533years ,3acco rdin g to thereceived an d accurate computat ion1 They celebrated Easter or the Paschal Feast on theday of theJewish

Passover ( the 1 4th of N isan , the firs t mon th of the Jewish year, correspon d ing to March— Apri l ), whatever day of theweek it fel l on . See theexhaus ti ve accoun t in Hefele, H is tory of Christian Coun cils

,i . 298 ,

( 1 871 )2 TheJewish Pas sover.3 i.e. For acyc leof 532 years (28 X 1 9 ) and one year more, when a

new cyc le shoul d begin . Metrod orus pos s i bly l ived in the s ixth or seven thcen tury . O n th is di fficul t subject

,see artic le “Eas ter ” in D ictionary

of Chris tian A n tigu ities .

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206 ORIGEN

o thers, but chiefly rel ies upon Pamphilus the martyr an d

Eusebius , bishop of Caesareain Palestine. This apo logy isn ot a refutat ion of the charges again st Origen for themost

part, but rather supports the accusat ion ,

sin ce he is n ot

altogether free from his blasphemous Opin ion s . Thus,he

asserts that souls exis ted before bodies , suppor tin g this n on

sen se by pas sages from the Scriptu res an d Fathers,and

imagines the taking up of other bodies . In regard to theHol yTrin i ty

,however

,he is orthodox ;heas serts that O rigen was

n ot gu ilty of error in his Opin ion s on the subject, but that hewas oppos in g the Sabell ian 1 heresy, w hich at that timehadspread extens ively, an d that, in his en deavour to show that theT rin ity of Person s was qu i te clear an d differed in man y ways ,heal lowed “himsel f to be carried away beyon d what was rightin the Oppos ite direc tion . However

,in regard to O rigen ’

s

other dogmas, to which he does n ot even ven ture to giveaspec ious assen t

,an d to which he does n ot thin k it poss ible to

adapthis defen ce,hetakes great troubleto provethat they wereon ly in ten ded as arhetor ical exerc ise, or that they were foistedin to his wri tings by certain heterodox person s . In proof ofthis he quotes O rigen himself as loudly protes tin g, forhe saysthat even when hewas al ivehe discovered that such recklesss tatemen ts weremadeagain s t him . The coun ts on which heasserts that hewas falsely accused arefi fteen in n umber, whichhe declares to bemere s lan ders , provin g i t by quotat ion s fromhis writings in his four th book , an d refutin g them by theeviden ceof others on his behal f in thefifth.

,The coun ts are

as fo llows . He is charged wi th teachin g that prayer shou ldn ot be Offered to the Son , an d that He is n ot absolutelygood ; that He does n ot kn ow the Father as H imself ; thatrational natures en ter in to the bodies of i rrat ional bein gs ;that there are m igrat ion s from one body in to an other ; thatthe sou l of the Saviour was the same as the sou l of Adam ;

that there is nei ther eternal pun ishmen t n or resurrection of

the flesh ; that magic is n ot an evi l ; that as tron omy is thecause of even ts ; that the On ly Begotten has n o share in the

1 A secr named after Sabellius ( secon d - th ird cen tury A . D . Wh iledeny ing that theSon was subo rd inate to the Father, they den ied ll is realpersonal ity , an d regarded the T rin i ty of Father, S on ,

an d Ho l y Spiri t asn ot real an d eternal , bu t temporal an d modal is t ic (differen t modes of theman ifestat ion s of theD iv ineNature).

PAMPHILUS 207

Kingdom ; that theholy angels came i n to theworld by fal l in gdown from heaven

,n o t to ren der service to others ; that the

Father is un seen by theSon ; that theCherubim are the ideasof the Son that the image of God , in referen ce to him whoseimage i t is , quaimage, is un true. He rejects these charges,as already s tated , as s landers on O rigen ,

an d does his u tmos t

to prove that he is an orthodox member of theChurch . But,mydear sir, i f any one i s shown to be n ot altogether impious ,this is n o reason why he shou ld escape pun ishmen t for

obvious blasphemies .

CXVI II

Read theDefenceof Origen 1 by Pamphilus the martyr an dEusebius .

1 I t is in six books , fiveof which were written byPamphilus when in prison in the compan y of Eusebius . Thes ixth is the work o f Eusebius alone, after the martyr, havin gbeen deprived of l ife by the sword, was removed to God for

whom his sou l longed . Man y o ther dis t in gu ished person s atthat t ime also wro te in defen ce of O rigen . I t i s said thatOrigen ,

during the persecu tion s in the reign of Severus , wroteto his father Leon ides, urgin g him to martyrdom

, an d that heran n obly in the racean d received the c rown . I t is addedthat O rigen himsel f made ready with all zeal to en ter in to thesame s truggle, but that his mother checked his ardour in spiteof his protestat ion s , as he himsel f tes t ifies in alet ter . Pam

philus the martyr an d man y others who have w ri tten anaccurateaccoun t o f O rigen ,

as gi ven by those’

who knew him,

assert that he qu i t ted this l i fe by a glorious martyrd om atCaesareaduring the cruel persecut ion of theChristian s by theemperor Decius .

2 O thers say that he l ived t i l l the t imes of

Gallus 3an d Volusianus,an d that he died at Tyre in the s i xty

n in th year ofhis agean d was buried there. This is the trueraccoun t

,un less the letters supposed to have been written by

him after theDecian persecu tion are spurious . They say thathe s tudied an d taught every bran ch of knowledge. He is saidto have been also cal led Adaman tius, because his argumen ts

1 Book I ex is ts in aLat in vers ion by Rufinus .

2 Emperor 249— 251 . Hewas notorious as arelen t less enemy and persecutor of theChris t ian s .

3 Emperor 251 - 253. His son Volusianus was associated with him in

the empi te.

2 08 PIERIUS

were l inked together l ike chain s of adaman t . Heatten dedthe lec tures Of Clemen t, the author of the S tronzateis, an dsucceeded him as head of the catechet ical schoo l at Alexan dria. It is said that C lemen t was the pupi l of Pan taenusan d his successor as head of his s choo l , an d that Pan taen usheard teachers who had seen theapos tles

,an d had even heard

them himsel f.I t is said that the movemen t again s t Origen o riginated as

fol lows . Demetrius , bishop Of Alexan dria, had ahighopin iono f O rigen an d adm i t ted him to his in timate frien dship . But

when O rigen was abou t to leave for Athen s wi thou t theperm iss ion of the bishop

,hewas ordained by Theotecnus

,bishop

of Caesareain Pales tine, con trary to the ruleof theChurch,

with the approval Of Alexan der, bishop of Jerusalem. Thisin ciden t chan ged the love of Demetrius to hatean d his praiseto blame. A syn od of bi shops an d some presbyters wassummoned to con demn O rigen . Accordin g to Pamphilus , i twas dec ided that he mus t n ot remain in Alexan driaor teachthere

,but that he should beallowed to retain his pries thood .

But Demetrius an d some Egyptian bishops, wi th theas sen t o fthosewho had formerly supported him,

also deprived him of

his sacred office. After hehad been ban ished from Alexandria, Theotecn us bishop of Caesareain Pales tine

,welcomed

him,al lowed him to l iveat Caesarea, an d gavehim perm iss ion

to preach . Such are the reason s which Pamphilus gives fortheattack upon O r igen .

TheApologyfor Origen was composed, as we have said,by

Pamphilus when imprisoned together with Eusebius, andaddressed to tho se who were condemned to the m ines for thesake of Chris t, the chief of whom was Patermythius , whoshortly after thedeath of Pamphilus en ded his l i feat the s takew i th others . Pierius was the teacher of Pamphilus , the headof the catechetical school at Alexan dria. I t is said that hesuffered martyrdom together wi th his brother Is idore

,an d that

a church an d houses of prayer were bu i l t in his hon our atAlexandria. Theholy Pamphilus wasapresbyter, an d is saidto have copied mos t of O rigen ’

s commen taries on Scripturewith his ow n han d .

CXIX

Read awork by Pierius the presbyter, who is said to have

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2 1 0 IRENAEUS

CXX

Read the work of Irenaeus ,'

bishop of Lyon s,

1 en tit led theRefutation and Subversion of Kn owledge falsely so called or

Again s t Heresies , in five books . The fi rs t,in which Valen

t in us an d his impious heresy are discussed, begin s as far backas S imon Magus 2 an d goes down to Tat ian ,

3who, at fi rs t a

disc ipleof Just in Martyr,4 afterwards fel l headlon g in to heresy .

I t also deals wi th those who are properly cal led Gn os tics andthe Cain i tes

,

5settin g forth thei r abom inable doctrines . Such

is the con ten ts of the fi rst book . In the secon d the impiousdogmas of the hereticsare refuted . The third quotes all kindsof tes timon y from the Scriptures again s t them. The fourthan swers certain difficul t ies put fo rward by the heret ics . Thefi fth shows that all that was said an d doneby the Lord in thefo rm of parables , der ived both from His savin g doctrinean dfrom the apos tol i c epis tles, is sui ted for the refutation of thec lap trap of theheret ics .

St . I renaeus is said to have been theauthor of man y o therworks O f various kinds in c luding letters , in some of which‘

it

should beobserved that theexact truth of the doctrines of theChurch appears to be fals ified by spur ious argumen ts .

I t is said that hewas apupi l of the ho ly martyr Polycarp , 6bishop of Smyrna, an d was presbyter to Po thin us

,whom he

1c. 1 20— 140 to 202

,bishop of Lyon s 177. Hewas born in A s iaMin or

,

near Smyrna, an d removed to Romeabout 155. He is said to have beenmartyred un der Severus , but; th is is n ot regarded as certain . He was anarden t opponen t of theValen t in ian Gn os tics , and earnes tl y endeavoured topreven t aquarrel between theEastern an d Wes tern Churches on theques tiono f thedateof Easter. His great work on ly ex ists in abarbarous Lat invers ion

,though parts of theoriginal can be re- con s tructed from quo tat ions

in later wri ters .

2 S imon theMagic ian , flouri shed about theyear A .D . 37, when hegainedgreat in fluen cein Samar iabyhis wi tchcraft (seeActs vi i i 93An A ssyrian , s tuden t of Greek ph i losophy , who became con verted to

Chris tian i ty at Rome about 150 by read ing the Bible. A Chr is tianapologis t,he later adopted Gnost ic views . Heret ired to Mesopotam iaan dis supposed to haved ied at Edessa, c. 1 80 . In addit ion to an ApologyforChristian ity, he was theauthor of aD iatessaron , asort of harmon y of

theGospels .

‘1c. 103— 1 64. Born in Pales t ine, Greek ph i losopher an d con vert to

Chris t ian ity. Heis said to have been scourged and beheaded for refus ingto offer sacrifice to thepagan d ivin i ties .

5 Gnos t ic sect of the secon d cen tury, fo l lowers of Carpocrates of

A lexandria.

‘1 Martyr (c. 155) under Marcus Aurel ius .

HIPPOLYTUS ROMANUS 2 1 1

succeeded in thebishopri c of Lyon s . At that t imeV ictor waspope of Rome

,whom I renaeus frequen tly exhorted by letter

n ot to excommun icateanymembers of theChu rch on accoun tofadisagreemen t abou t Eas ter .

cxxr

Read the tractate of H ippolytus ,1 the pupi l of I renaeus ,

en titled Again s t the Thirty- tw o Heresies . I t begin s with theDos ithean s

,

2an d goes down to theheres ies of Noétus 3an d theNOetian s , which hesays were refuted by I renaeus in his lectures ,o f which the presen t work is asynops is . The s tyle is c lear,somewhat severe an d free from redundan cies , although it

exhibi ts n o ten den cy to attic ism . Someo f the s tatemen ts areinaccurate, for in s tan ce, that theepist le to the Hebrews is n otthe work of the apostle Pau l . H ippolytus is said to haveadd res sed the peopleafter the man ner of O rigen , with whomhewas very in timatean d whosewrit in gs he so much admi redthat he u rged him to write acommen tary on the Bible, forwhich pu rposehe suppl ied

,at his ow n expen se

,seven short

han d writers an d the same n umber of cal ligraphi sts . Havin gren dered this service, he pers i s ten tly deman ded the work ,when ce O rigen ,

in one of his letters , cal ls him a“hus t ler.”

He 18 said to havewri tten alargen umber of other works .

CXX IIRead the Panariaof the mos t ho ly bishop Epiphan ius ,

4

again st eighty heres ies,in three volumes con tain in g seven

books . It begin s with barbarism an d goes down to the1 Flourished during the th ird cen tury. Hewas apupi l of Irenaeus an d

an act ive opponen t of the Gn os t ics . He was apresby ter o f Rome, an dbecame an t i - bishop in oppos i tion to

‘ Cal ixtus (Callis tus ), an adheren t of

Monarchian ism (den ial of the doctr ine of the Trin i ty ) . The treati seA

ggain st Heresies was firs t d iscovered in acon ven t on Moun t A thos in

1 42 .

2 A Jewish sect, so cal led from Dositheus of Samaria(first cen turywho ki l led h imself by fast ing. He in s is ted on arigorous observan ce of theSabbath .

3 D ied about A .D . 200,born at Smyrnaor Ephesus . Accord ing to him

Chris t was theFather, an d theFather was born , suflered , and d 1ed .

1c. 31 6 —

403, born near E leutheropolis 1n Pales t ine,bishop o f Con s tan tia

(Salam is ) in Cyprus . Hewas avigorous Opponen t o f O rigen an d Chrys os t

k

om . PanamaIS theLat in equivalen t Of the Greek ’

Apr o<pdp1a(breadbas ets ) .

2 1 2 JUSTIN MARTYR

Messal ian s .

1 The author wri tes more fully an d effectual lyagain s t heretics than anyof his predecessors , s in cehehas n ot

om itted any usefu l argumen t o f thei rs, an d has added anyothers that hehimsel f could fin d . His s tyle is poor, l ike thatof one who is un fam i l iar with Attic elegan ce. He is chieflyweak in his con fl ic ts with impious heres ies ; sometimes , however, he is excel len t in attack, al though the character of hislan guage and compos i tion is by n o mean s improved at thesame t ime.

CXXIIIRead the sameauthor ’s Ancoratus

,

2 asort of synops is of thePanaria.

CXXIVRead the sameauthor ’s t reat iseOn Weights and Measures .

CXXVRead Jus t in Martyr ’s Apology for the Chris tian s, written

again s t both Jews an d gen t i les also at reatiseAgain s t theFirstand Second Books of the Physics , oragain s t form,

matter,an d

privation,aco l lec tion of dialectical, vigorous , an d useful argu

men ts also,Again st theF i/thEssen ceand EternalMotion , which

Aris tot lehas c reated by the aid of his c lever reason ing,an d

,

final ly, SummaryS olutions ofDoubts Un/avourableto Chris tian ity.

Heis thoroughly versed in our ow n an d especially in heathenphi losophy

,overflowing with learn in g of all kinds an d awealth

of his torical kn owledge, but hehas n ot en deavoured to co lourthe natural beauty ofhis phi losophy by rhetorical arts . Whereforehis diction

,in o ther respects vigorous an d preserving the

sc ien t ific s tyle,is n ot seasoned with rhetorical condimen ts , nor

d oes i t attract the crowd of hearers by seduct ivean d al luringlanguage. He wro te four discourses again s t the heathen — thefi rs t ded icated to An ton inus P ius ,his son s ,an d the senate thesecon d to his successors . The third d iscusses the nature of

demon s . The fourth book , al so written again s t the heathen , iscalled aRefutation . Healso wrote On the S oleGovernmen t ofGod

,P saltes , some w orks Again st Marcian which should be

read,an d auseful t reat ise en t i tled Again s t all Heresies .

1 SeeCod . LII .

2 Rather A n cyrolus (Gk .

“secured by an anchor

,the

an chor of fai th am id s t the s torms of heresy.

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2 1 4 EUSEBIUS OF CAESAR EA

s ixty - four . Even here the author preserves his characteris tics tyle, except that his lan guageis obliged to be somewhat morebri ll ian t, an d words are in ser ted herean d there that are moreflowery than usual he does n ot, however, exhibi t much charman d grace in explanat ion , which is also adefect of his otherworks . A largen umber of passages from all the ten books ofhis EcclesiasticalHis tory are scattered over this work in fourbooks . He says that the great Con s tan t ine was also himsel fbaptiz ed in N icomedia

,havin g put Offhis baptism t il l that t ime

s in cehe des i red to receive it in the waters of Jordan . Hedoes n ot s tatedefin itely who baptized him. As to the Arianheresy, he does n ot make it clear whether he s t i l l adheredto that doctrine or whether hehad changed, n or does he s tatewhether Arius ’s views were right or wron g, although he oughtto havemen t ioned this

,seeing that agreat part of the deeds

of Con s tan t inehas to d o with the syn od, which again c laims adetai led accoun t of them. But he men tion s that a“dispute”

(as he cal ls theheresy, to con ceal its real nature) arose betweenArius an d Alexan der, an d that the pious emperor was verygr ieved at the “dispute

,

” an d s trove,by letters an d through

Hosius,bishop of Cordova, to in duce the disputan ts to

aban don mutual s tri fe an d such ques tion s , an d to res torefrien dship an d harmon y amon gs t them ; that

,bein g unable

to persuade them,he called together asynod from all par t ,

an d so pu t an en d to the s tri fe that had broken out,an d made

peace. His accoun t,however, is neither accurate n or c lear .

Wherefore,as i f ashamed an d un w i ll ing to make public the

facts con cern in g Ar ius an d the decreetD

of the syn od again s thim or the jus t pun ishmen t of his compan ion s in impiety whowere cas t out with him ,

he says n othing abou t thi s . He doesn ot even men t ion the jus t pun ishmen t o f Arius 1 in flicted byheaven an d seen by every eye. Hebrin gs noneof these thin gsto the l ight, an d says li ttle about the synod an d its proceed ings . For this reason

,when abou t to speak of the d ivine

Eustathius ,2 he does n ot even men t ion his name, n or theaudacious an d success fu l in trigues again s t him . Attributin gthesealso to sedition an d tumu lt, heagain refers to the calmness Of the bishops who had as sembled at An tioch as theresu lt of the emperor’s zeal an d co - operat ion an d chan gedsedition an d tumu l t in to peace. S imi larly, wherehe speaks

1 Seep. 154.

2. Seep. 153, note 6.

LUCIAN 2 1 5

of the in trigues again s t the much- tried Athanas ius, in his des i reto in clude these things in his his tory, he says that Alexan driawas again fi l led wi th sedition an d disturban ce, which werecalmed by the presen ce of the bishops

, supported by theempero r. But he does n ot make i t clear who s tarted thesedi t ion , n or its nature, n or how i t was put down . He preserves almos t the samemethod of con cealmen t in his narrativeof the quarrels of the bishops about dogmaor thei r disagreemen ts in other matters .

CXXVIII

Read Lucian ’

s1 declamat ion On Phalaris and his various

Dialogues of the Dead and Courtesan s , an d o ther works on

differen t subjects , in nearly all of which he ridicu les the ideasof the heathen . Thus he attacks thei r s illy errors in thein ven t ion of gods thei r brutal an d ungovernable pas sion s an dlack of res train t ; the mon s trous fan cies an d fict ion s of thei rpoets ; thei r con sequen t errors in statesman ship ; the i rregu larcourse an d changes an d chan ces of thei r l ife; the boas tfulbehaviour of the philosophers , fu l l of n o thin g but preten cean d idleopin ion s ; in aword, his aim is

,as we have said , to

ho ld up the heathen to rid icu le in prose. He seems to be

oneof those person s who regard n oth in g serious ly rid icul in gan d mock in g at the Opin ion s of others , he does n ot s tatewhatopin ion s he himsel f ho lds, un less we may say that his opin ionis that onecan kn ow n othin g for certain . His s tyle is excel len t,his diction clear, su itablean d expres s ive;he shows aspeciall iking for distin ctness and pur i ty un i ted with bri llian cy an dappropriatedign i ty . His compos i tion is so wel l fi tted togetherthat the reader does n ot seem to be readin g prose, but anagreeable son g, whose natu re is n ot too obtrus ive, seems to

drop in to the l is tener ’s ears . In aword, as al ready said, hiss tyle is charming , but n ot in keepin g with the subjects whichhe himsel f has determined to ridicu le. That hewas one of

those who held that n o thin g could be kn own for cer tain isshown by the fol lowin g in scription in thework

1 Thewel l - known soph is t an d humorous wri ter (c. A .D . 1 25 Hewas anat i veof Samosatain Syr ia, and ,after awan dering l ife, set t led downin A then s

,when ceheremoved to Egypt , wherehe d ied . His TrueHis tory

was theoriginal of works l ike the Gulliver’s Travels of Swift, with whomand wi th Vo l tairehehas much in common .

2 1 6 LUCIUS OF PATRAE

I , Luc ian , wrote th is , I who am ski l led in w hat is old and foo l ishFor what men th in k wiseis foo l ish .

So then n oth ing that them in d ofman can concei veis certainWhat you admire, seems r id icu lous to others .

”

CXXIX

Read the various s tor ies of Metamorphoses 1 by Lucius of

Patrae. The style is clear, pu re, an d agreeable; avo idin gin n ovat ion s in lan guage, theauthor carries to excess his talesof marvels , so that he maybe cal led asecon d Lucian . Thefi rst tw o books are almos t tran s lation s from Luc ian ’

s Lucius

or TheA ss,un less Lucian borrowed from Lucius , which, i f

I may hazard the con jec ture,is the case, although I have n ot

been able to fin d out for cer tain which wrote fi rst. For it

seems that Lucian , having cut down the more copious workof Lucius an d removed all that seemed un su itable for hispurpose

,combined what was left in to as ingle compos i t ion

,

in which thewords an d arran gemen t of the original were preserved , an d gave the ti tle of Lucius or The A ss to what hehad borrowed . Both works are ful l of mythical fic tion s an ddisgraceful indecen cy . Theon ly differen ce is that Lucian , asin all his o ther wri tings

,r idicules and scofl

'

s at heathen ishsupers t i tion s , whereas Lucius

,takin g qu ite serious ly an d

bel ievin g the tran s format ion s of men in to other men an dbrutes, an d of brutes in to men

,an d all the idle talk an d n on

sen se of an c ien t fables, set them down in wri tin g an d worked

them up in to as tory.

CXXX

Read awo rk by Damascius 2 in four books,the fi rs t of

which , in 352 chapters , is en t itled, On I n cred ible Even ts ; thesecon d, in 52 chapters , On I n cred ible S tories of Demon s ; thethird, in 63chapters , On I n cred ible S tories of S ouls that haveappeared after Death; the fourth , in 1 05chapters, On I n credibleNatures . They all con tain imposs ible, in credible, an d c lums i lyin ven ted tales of won derfu l things

,fool ish an d worthy of

1 Both theAchmas i) ”Ovos (Luc ius or theAss ) of Lucian an d theMetamorphoses of Apu leius go back to o neGreek or iginal , herecal led Lucius ofPatrae in Achaea(mod . Patras ) .

1 Neo - P laton is t ph i losopher of Damas cus , flourished in the fifth— s ixthcen tury A . D . He taugh t ph i losophyand rhetor ic in A lexan driaand A then s .

His treatiseDoubts an d S olution s in regard to F irs t Pri nciples is extan t.

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2 I 8 EUNOMIUS

thus everywhere clos in g thei r in solen t mon ths so that theyareunable to an swer . This work is the c leares t of all Cyri l ’sw orks , espec ial ly to thosewhoareable to grasp thes ign ifican ceof his logical methods .

CXXXVI I

Read al itt lework by Eun omius,

1 en t itled which isaclear proof of his impiety. It was much adm i red by hisadheren ts , an d the greates t efforts weremade to keep i t secretan d preven t its becomin g kn own to others but thegreat Bas i lmanaged to secure it

,an d by his bri ll ian cy an d vigour an d

theforcean d excel len ceofhis argumen ts overthrewan d refutedit . I t was as i f hehad taken aBabylon ian chi ld an d dashedi t again s t the gran i te rock of truth

, showing that what was on ceso much admi red was amere carcasean d on ly deserving of

r id icule.

CXXXVI II

Read awork by the same impious man in three books ,which is , as it were, acon futat ion of the absurdities shownby St . Bas i l to be con tained in his blasphemous writings . I t

is said that whi le hewas in labour with this work he spen tseveral O lympiads 2 shut up in his chamber , an d on ly afteran in terval of several years brought forth the abort ion an devi l mon s trosity with which hehad become pregnan t by secretin tercourse. Not without d ifficu lty he reared and exhibi tedthewretched offspring tohis fel low - in it iates , bein g especial lyafraid les t it m ight somehow fall in to the han ds of Bas i l an dbe torn in pieces before i t obtained con s isten cy, an d migh tprematurely wither away an d perish before i t came to maturity .

Wherefore, careful ly an d , l ike an other Kron os 3 in the fablewho swal lowed his ofi

'

spring, he hid an d con cealed i t as long1 Of Cappadocia, head of an ex treme Arian sect . He was bishop of

Cyz icus, but was deposed an d exi led , an d d ied at the en d of the fourthcen tury . Heasserted that the Son of God was God on l y in name, an dthat Hewas un i ted to human ity n ot in substance, but on l y by His virtuean d operat ion s .

2 Periods of four years .

3 Saturn . Hehad heard that hewou ld be ki l led by one of his sons ,

an d accordingl y devoured his ch i ldren as soon as they were born . Zeus ,Posei don an d P luto were saved , their mother Rheahaving subst ituteds tones for them, wh ich Saturn swal lowed wi th equal avid i ty .

ATHANASIUS 2 1 9

as Bas i l ’s mortal l i fe lasted an d in spi red him with dread . But

after that sain t had left his temporary habitat ion an d hadascen ded to his own inheritan ce in heaven , being rel ieved of

thi s great apprehen s ion , al though late in the day, Eun om iasven tured to brin g out thework, n o t for theeyes of thegeneralpublic

, but forhis ow n frien ds . Theodore, Gregory of Nys sa,an d Sophron ius (whom I haveal ready men tioned) cameacrossthework, lashed it unmerc ifu l ly l ikehis earlier onean d flungit back in the face of its paren t, acorp sean d smel lin g of allun clean nes s . Thus hepaid the penalty of impiety. The s tyleis marked by such absen ce of gracean d charm that theauthordoes n ot seem to haveany ideaof theexis ten ceof such thin gs .

He displays prodigious osten tat ion an d produces discordan tsoun ds by the heapin g up of con sonan ts , an d by the use of

words,difficul t to pron oun cean d con tain in g several con sonan ts ,

in apoet ical, or, to speak more accurately, di thyrambic s tyle.

The compos i tion is fo rced, compressed, an d harsh, so that thereader of his works is obliged to beat theair vehemen tly withhis l ips

,i f hew ishes to utter clearly words which theau thor

,

by excess ive roughen in g, compress in g an d con den s in g, in ter~

polating an d muti lating, has wi th difficu lty composed . Hisperiods are sometimes spun out to an in ordinate len gth , an dtheen ti rework is pervaded by obscuri ty an d wan t of clearness ,his object bein g to persuade the majority by the force of hiseloquen cethathegoes beyon d thei r capac ity,an d also to coverup theweakness ofhis thoughts (which 15 by n o mean s in considerable) by this very obscuri ty an d un in tell igibi lity

,an d to

con ceal the poverty ofhis ideas . He seems to havegreat faithin logicalargumen ts

,attackin g o thers on this coun t an d show in g

great eagerness to employ them himself,al though , s in cehe tookup the s tudy latean d did n otacqu i reatho rough kn owled ge of

the subject, he can often be con victed of errors in reason in g .

Also read his Letters to differen t people, 40 in n umber .While in theseheaffects the same subtlety of form

,s in cehe

is ign oran t of the laws of the epis to lary s tyleand has had n o

pract ice in them,hehas been public ly bran ded an d exposed .

CXXX IX

Read the Commen tary on Ecclesias tes and theSong of Songsby the great Athanas ius . The s tyle is clear, l ike that of all

2 20 BASIL THE GREAT

his writ in gs . But nei ther this n orany o ther o fhis works withwhichI am acquain ted approaches the grace an d beauty of

the letters con tain ing an apo logy for his fl ight an d an accoun tof his exile.

CXL

Read the same holy man ’

s Again s t Arius and his Doctrines ,in five books . The style, as in all his works , is clear, freefrom redun dan cies an d s imple, but vehemen t an d deep, an dtheargumen ts , of which hehas an abun dan t s tore,areextremelyfo rceful . Heuses logical argumen ts, n ot wi ththe very wordstaken s traight from them, after the fashion of children an dthosewhose kn owledge of asubject is recen t, who arealwayseager to make achi ldish display, but in the impos in g an ddign ified man ner of aphilosopher, us in g s imple ideas an dthese wel l set forth . He also s trongly fortifies himsel f wi theviden cean d proofs from Holy Wri t. In aword , this workalone is acomplete refutation of Arian ism . If any onewereto say that Gregory the theologian an d the ho ly Bas i l drewfrom i t as from afoun tain the l impid an d beaut iful s tream of

thei r own works written again s t the same heresy, hewould n ot

be far wron g.

CXLI

Read the work of S t. Bas i l on TheSix Days’ Work. He is

admi rablein allhis writin gs . Morethan anyoneelsehekn ow3how to use a s tyle that is pure, dis tin c t, sui table, an d , ingeneral , po l i t ical an d panegyrical ; in arran gemen t an d puri tyof sen t imen theIS secon d to n one. He15 fon d of persuas ivenes san d sweetness an d bri l l ian cy, his words fl ow on l ikeas treamgushin g for th spon taneous ly from a sprin g . He employsprobabil i ty to such an exten t, that i f any onewere to takehisdiscourses as amodel of pol i t ical language,an d practise himsel fin them

,provided hehad some acquain tan ce with the rules

connected with i t, I d o n ot think hewou ld need to con sul t anyother au thor, n ot even P lato n or Demosthenes

,whom the

an cien ts recommen d those to study who des i re to becomemasters of the po l i tical an d panegyrical s tyle.

CXL II

Read al so his Moral Discourses,especial ly dis tingu ished by

theexcellen ceof the languagemen t ioned above.

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2 2 2 JULIAN

CXLVIII

Read a special Lexicon of pol i t i cal s tyle,in three large

vo lumes . This very copious work w i l l material ly as s is t aman to success , an d affords a ready supply of coun terargumen ts . For the reader wi l l n ot have to learn ,

but merelyto n ote in it the wo rds he requi res

,i f he is n ot al together

w ithout knowledge o f thean cien t writers . This work also is inalphabetical o rder .

CXLIX

Read the Lexicon of Po l l io 1 in alphabetical order . It

con tain s man y poet ical words , but n ot so man y as that of

Diogen ian us , whose work is twice as large.

CL

Read theLexicon of Jul ian ,

2 con tain in g the words used bythe ten orators ,arranged in alphabetical order . T his book al sois of very great s ize, an d con tain s an explanation of all legalterms used by the Athen ian s

,words used by the orato rs in

referen ce to private matters or adop ted by them after thefashion of the coun try . I t is c lear that thework wil l be of

very great service in readin g speeches together .I also came across awork of Philostratus 3of Tyre on the

same subject, n o mean performan ce, although Jul ian’

s Lexicon

is better . A s imi lar work of Diod oru s 4 is in n o way in ferior tothat of Ju l ian

, except that the latter makes moreuseof quotat ion s . I can n o t saywhich of them was the earl ier or whichborrowed from the other, for it is eviden t that they are n ot

in depen den t compilation s .

CLI

Read the Lexicon to Plato by Timaeus,

5 dedicated to

Gen tianus,al i ttlework in one book, arranged in alphabetical

order .1 Valerius Pol l io of A lexandr ia.

3 Noth ing is kn own ofhim.

3 N o t to be con fused wi th the author of the L ife of Apollon iu s ofTyana (Cod . XLIV ) .4 Valerius Diod orus

,50 11 of Po l l io (Cod . CXLIX ) .

5 A bout thebeginn ing of the fourth cen tury A . O . The lexicon is ex tan t .

PAUSANIAS 2 23

CLII

The same vo lume con tain s thefivebooks of the firs t edi tionof theLexicon o/A ttic Words by Aelius D ion ys ius of Halicarnassus

,

1 in which the words are arranged alphabet ical ly fromthe fi rs t to the las t letter . It is dedicated to acertain Scymnus

an d will be very useful to those who wish to write correctAttic as wel l as to thosewho in tend to s tudy theworks of Att icwriters . It con tain s all thewords in use by theAthen ian s, atfes tivals an d in the law cou rts

, an d i t is easy to fin d special an didiomat ic express ion s

, especial ly i f one con sults n ot on ly thefirs t, but also the second edition (also in five books), con tain in gwords not in cluded in the fi rs t

,or

,i f in c luded, n ot suppo rted

by suffi c ien t examples , whereas the secon d edit ion is fu l ler an dthe quotation s are more n umerous . If anyonewere to com~

bine the two edition s,which would n ot en tai l much labour,

theusefulness of thework would begreatly in creased .

CLIII

Read in the same volume the Lexicon of Pausan ias in

alphabet ical order,qu iteas usefu l as the preceding, i f not more

so, for the s tudy of Attic authors . Foralthough thei l lus trat ivequotat ion s are n o t so n umerous , it con tain s morewords un dersomeof the letters

,so that by i tsel f i t is as large as the two

edi tion s of Aelius D ion ys ius of Hal icarnassus , although ,as wehave said

,it con tain s fewer examples . If any one were to

combine the two edition s of D ion ys ius an d the wo rk of

Pausan ias, whichcould beeas i ly done, the resul t wou ld be.anadm irablework and onemos t usefu l in reading Attic l i terature.

CLIV

Read in the same volume the Lis t of Platon ic Word s byBoethus 3 in alphabetical o rder . It is dedicated to acertainMelan t(h)as, an d is far more useful than the co l lection o f

Timaeus .

1 Not theauthor of theRoman A n tiq u ities (Cod . LXXX III ) .3 F lourished in the t ime of Hadrian .

3His i den t ity is uncertain .

2 24 PHRYNICHUS THE ARABIAN

CLV

Boethus was also theauthor ofano ther l ittlework addressedto Athenagoras , en t itled On theWord s of Doubtful Mean ing inP laz’o . I f any one were to combine the words in these tw o

l ittle works wi th those in c luded in the work of Timaeus , hewould con fer agreat benefit on all who aredes irous of s tudyin gPlato .

CLVI

Read in the same volumeal is t OfNew and F oreign Word s

in P lato by Dorotheus , 1 arranged in alphabetical o rder . I t willc learly beusefu l to the s tuden t.

CLVII

Read also theA tticis t of Moer is .

2 This l it tle work al so isin alphabeti cal order .

CLVIII

Read theRhetorical Equipmen t of Phryn ichus the Arabian 3in thi rty- six books . I t con tain s acol lec t ion of words an dc lauses, some of which , graceful ly expres sed an d arran ged in an ovel man ner, areen larged in to completemembers .

4 Man y Oftheseare to be foun d in the co l lection of Hellad ius, but therethey are dispersed throughout the bulky work , whereas herethey areall col lected together , theaim o f Phryn ichus bein g tomakeal ist of special words

,while Hellad ius , being s imply a

1 Poss ibly Dorotheus of A scalon ,aGreek grammarian often referred to

by A tlrenaeus .

2 Secon d cen tury A .D . His lex icon , cal led Ae'

geis’A .~rmal (A tt ic words ) ,

is extan t.3Of Bithyn ia, flourished un der Marcus Aurel ius an d Commodus . He

was agreat s t ickler for puri ty of s tyle. On l y extracts an d the presen tsummary of theE qu ipmen t havebeen preserved , but ashorter

'work cal ledtheA tticis t

,in wh1chrules are given for the use or avo idance of var ious

express ion s , is extan t .‘1 “Members ”

(mBAa, membra) , as d is tinct from “clauses (nbpuara,

z'

n cisa) . Theoriginal d ist inct ion is one of length , 4 to 6 syl lables beingac lause, ” 7to 1 0 a member (cp. theuseof our ow n commaan d co lon ) .

Accord ing to Q uin t i l ian ,z’

n cisum is acomplete sen se in which then umbersor rhy thm are n ot yet complete, n zen zbrum is acomplete sen se an d acomplete rhy thm but whi leperfect as al imb , in relat ion to its body ( the gi venwho le of wh1chit forms part ) it is incompletean d has no mean ing (seeSandys o n Cicero , Orator,

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2 26 PHRYNICHUS THE ARABIAN

words as poss ible in his wri tings . The eighth book is againdedicated to Jul ian , whom theauthor asks to begood en oughto correct any of his s tatemen ts which are un sat isfactory, forwhich i llness mus t be his excuse. In scr ibing the n in th to

Rufin us, he says that Aris tocles first prompted him to beginthe book, bu t that he (Rufin us ) wil l be respon s ible for its completion ,

because, having seen the res t of it, he recogn iz ed itsu sefu lness an d approved of his labou rs . Turn ing back againhe dedicates the ten th book to Aris tocles, the next toMen od orus, in which he s tates that hehad jus t comeacrossthe o rat ion s of Aris t ides, 1 who flouri shed at the t ime, an dspeaks very highly of him . He also says that Marcianus thecriti c

,neglectin g Plato an d Demos thenes, expresses his prefer

en ce for the letters of the Roman Brutus 3to all others an ddeclares him to be the model of s tyl is t ic excel len ce. Theauthor says that he quotes this remark n ot becauseheapprovesof this judgmen t, but to preven t any one bein g surpr ised ifsomepeoplethink this man ’

s repute in ferior to that of Aris tides ,despi te his splen did oratory ; for Arist ides also, l ike o thermen distinguished for learn in g , has been assai led by somewhowere jealous of hi s achievemen ts . The eleven th book is alsodedicated to Men od orus of the res t— that we may n ot in curthe chargeof garru l i ty — one to Rhegin us , an other to Aristocles ,an other to Basilides of Miletus , the sophis t, in which he saysthat, as soon as he foun d respite from disease, hewrote thisbook forhim

,an d begs him to correct the m is takes that may

be d ue to i l lness . All theother books, down to theen d , whichwe have read, arededicated to Men ophilus .

Thework wi ll n o doubt be usefu l to aspirin g authors an do rators . The compiler says that he has divided the wordscollected by him in to such as are adapted for oratory

,wri tten

compos i tion , an d con versat ion , foraderis ive, con temptuous , oramatory style. The best model s, n orms, an d s tan dards of

un di luted an d pureAtti c speech are con s idered by theauthorto be P lato

,Demosthenes an d the o ther n ine Att ic orators ,

Thucydides, Xenophon , Aeschines 3 the son of Lysan ias the1 Publ ius Aelius A ris tides (c. 1 29

— 1 89) famous rhetoric ian , born atHad rianutherai in Mys ia, frien d of Marcus Aurel ius . Hewas apr ies t ofA sclepius (Aescu lapius ) at Smyrna. More than fifty of his oration s anddeclamat ion s areextan t .3Marcus Jun ius Brutus (85—

42 theconspirator.3L i ved in Syracuse, at the court of D 1onysius theYounger (356

ISOCRATES 2 27

Socratic , Critias 1 the son of Callaeschrus, an d An tis thenes 3w i th his two o rat ion s in praise of Cyrus an d Odys seus ; of

writers of comedy, Aristophanes an d his ban d, where they useAttic ; of tragedian s , Aeschylus the mighty- vo iced, Sophoclesthe sweet, an d theall-wiseEuripides . While preferr in g these toall other authors , orato rs , and poets , heagain pu ts firs t thosewhom (as hesays) Momus

3himsel f wou ld n ot blamean d , eveni f the fabled Corycian god 4 made grimaces at them,

would n ot

rejo ice theseareP lato, Demos thenes, an d Aeschines the son

of Lysan ias because of theexcel len ce of his seven dialogues ,which some con s ider n ot to have been written by him , but

ascribe them to Socrates . So much for thesematters .

The writer displays great learn in g, but is verbose an dexcess ively pro l ix . For thework, withou t om i ttin g an ythin g ofimportan ce, cou ld have been reduced to afifth of its s i ze,w hereas theauthor, by an i l l- t imed use of words , has spun itout to an unmanageable length, an d while co l lectin g materialfor elegan ce an d beauty of style, fai ls to tran slate his ow n

precepts in to example.

CLIXRead the twen ty-one0ration s an d n ineLetters of Isocrates .

5

an d afterwards wrote speeches for the law - courts at A then s . He is , of

course, n ot i den t ical w ith ther i val of Demos thenes (seep . 62,n ote

1 Oneof themos t hated of the Thirty O l igarchs or Tyran ts at A then s(404 Hewas apupi l of Socrates , an d apoet and orator of n o meanorder.3c. 440

—370 B .C. , foun der of the Cyn ic schoo l . Hewas first apupi l ofthe famous sophist Gorgias of Leon tin i, then of Socrates .

3Theperson ification of blameor cen sure.

4 Accord ing to Suidas , the inhabi tan ts of Corycus (apromon tory inPamphyl ia) , to avoid being p lun dered by pirates , used to go an d l is ten inother harbours to fin d out where certain vessels were bound , an d thenin formed thepirates . Headds that the com ic poets in troduced aCoryc iangod , onewho was al ways l i s ten ing. Ephorus gi ves asomewhat d ifferen tstory . The text is un sat is factory hereand the mean ing is not very c lear.J . H . Leich’s suggest ion , xwpt

’

oretev (segregaret ), in his essay on theBibl iotheca does n ot mend matters .

5436— 338 B. C. Oneof the “ ten ”

A ttic orators . The po l it ical objecto fhis speeches was to un ite theGreek worl d again s t its heredi tary enemy ,Pers ia. His twen ty - oneextan t speeches ared ist inguished by h igh artis t icfin ish , and are mos t careful ly elaborated . The news of the batt le of

Chaeronea in which theA then ian s wereutterly defeated by Phi l ip of

2 28 ISOCRATES

His del iberative Speeches are those To Demonicus an d ToN icocles , con tain ing useful advice;asecon d to Nicocles, an doneOn thePeace. Theobject of the Panegyricus is the con

s ideration of the mean s of en surin g harmon y amon gs t theG reeks themselves ,an d of thebes t methods for carryin g on waragain s t the barbarian s , but by far the greater part is devotedto aglorification of theAthen ian s . TheA reopagiticas is alsoone of the “del iberat ive speeches, in citin g the Athen ian sto vi rtue by the praise of thei r an ces tors , an d by cen surin gtheir descen dan ts . ThePlataicus an d theA rchidamus arealso“del iberat ive” ; in the latter he u rges the Spar tan s to makewar again s t theTheban s on the ques t ion of the Messen ian s .

In the oration Again st the Sophis ts he attacks h is pol it icalopponen ts . Thenext speech is an En comium of Busiris ,2asthe t i tle in dicates . The eleven th is an En comium of Helen .

The twel fth, Evagoras ,3is aeu logy of that king, dedicated to

his son N icocles . The Philippus i s a“del iberat ive”

speech,

recommen din g Phil ip to en deavou r to promo te harmon yamon gs t the Greeks an d devote his at ten t ion to aun i tedadvan ce again s t the barbarian s in As ia. The Panathenaicusi s a eulogy of Athen s an d the an ces tors of the Athen ian s ,which he says he began to write when he was n inety- fou ryears ofage, but was preven ted by athree- years ’ severeat tackof i llnes s from completin g it un ti l hewas n inety- seven . Thespeech cal led An tidosis (exchan ge of properties ) appears tobelong to the class of

“foren s ic ”speeches an d con tain s a

defen ceagain s t the s lan ders of one Lys imachus again s t him .

This speech , the lon ges t of those of this c lass, was composedwhen hewas eighty- tw o years of age, an d the matter is morem ixed an d varied than that of the res t ; he in serts extractsfrom his other speeches, in order to show that he is n ot

corrup tin g the youn g men,but promotin g the common welfare.

The speech Again s t Callimachus ,as also theAegineticus (deal ing

Macedon , is said to havek i l led theaged orator— “k i l led w ith report thatold man eloquen t ” (Mi l ton ). He was too tim id to speak in publ ich imself, and opened aschoo l of rhetoric , which was largely atten ded .

1 Speeches weredi vi ded in to del iberati ve, foren s ic, an d ep ideictic (showspeeches ).

2 Egyptian prince who put to death s trangers arr iv ing in his coun try .

Hewas s lain by Hercules .3King of Salamis in Cyprus (seep.

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230 SOPATER

expan s ion is n ot i l l - t imed an d never reaches the length of acomplete period . In his writ ings

,character an d s in cerity are

combined, while at the same t ime he does n ot neglect thein culcation of moral les son s . A s a rule he uses careful l yselected words , although n ot always in thei r proper sen se; forsomet imes, owin g to his un res tricted use Of figurat ive language,he fal ls in to frigid ity

, an d sometimes is carried away in to thepoet ical style. But he is at his bes t in description s an deulogies . He is an upholder of the true rel igion an d respectsthe r ites an d holy places of the Chris t ian s , although for some

reason or o ther,con temptuously an d withou t any excuse, he

unjustifiably in troduces Greek myths an d heathen s to ries inhis writin gs

,somet imes even when discuss in g sacred thin gs .

Man y wri tin gs by him of var1ous kin ds are in circu lation one

meets with fict it ious , laudatory, an d con trovers ial speeches,mon odies , n uptial songs , an d man y others . He flou rished inthe t ime of the emperor Jus tin ian ,

an d was apupil of therhetorician Procopius

,

1n ot him of Caesarea, amos t d is

tinguished man , who at that time, by the compos it ion o f hisuseful an d valuable historical works , left behin d an un dyin gren own amon gst all lovers of learn in g . In his ow n coun try hewas con nected with the o ther P rocopius as his teacher

,

in

rhetori c, who, when he reached old age, had the pleasure of

seeing his pupil take his place at the head of his school.Man y of his orat ion s of all kinds are in c i rculation , alldeserving of carefu l s tudy an d im i tation . In deed, the who lebook cal led Tran slation s ofHomeric Verses , in which the formis completely changed in various s tyles , is su fficien t to showhis vigorous rhetorical powers , which, as far as a pupi lcan

, Choricius has imi tated . Both were Chris t ian s, an d in

thei r o ration s they frequen tly, an d n ot per fun ctori ly, d iscussthemaking of sacred images . Thedeath ofhis mas ter suppliedChoricius wi th the subject ofafuneral oration .

CLXI

Read theVarious Extracts of the sophis t Sopater,2 in twelvebooks

,compiled from the works of d i fferen t histortan s an d

1 Procopius of Gaza(4650

3 Perhaps Sopater of Apamea, who was at first in t imatewi th Con stan tmetheGreat, but was put to death byhim on accoun t ofhis pagan propaganda.

SOPATER 231

writers . The firs t book gives an accoun t of the fables of thegods from the third book of Apollodorus, 1 an Athen ian whotaught grammar, On theGod s . The selection s are n ot from thethird book alone, but also from the fourth

,fifth

, n in th,

firs t,

twel fth , fi fteen th,an d s ixteen th, down to the twen ty- fourth .

The col lec t ion in cludes themythical tales an d fiction s con cerning the gods and whatever else is of any his to rical value, suchas the s tor ies of the heroes, theD ioscuri,2 and those in Hades ,an d the l ike. The compi ler has also drawn upon the secon dbook of Juba3 On Pain ting, an d upon theDeipnosophis ts Of

Athenaeus 4 of Naucratis . Such are the sou rces an d con ten tsof the fi rst book . ~

The secon d book is from the firs t book an d onwards downto the ten th book of theEpitomes of Pamphila,5 the daughterof Soteridas

,an d from Artemon 6

of Magnes ia’s On Remarkable Deeds of Women

,the Apophthegms of D iogenes 7 the

Cyn ic, theeighth book of Sappho,8 an d various other writers .

Such is the secon d book of theextracts .

The third book is from theVarious His tory of Favorinus,

g

from books N, E, an d the res t in order, with the exception of

T,up to 0 . These con tain various his tories, the reason s an d

origin s an d mean ings of words an d names, an d the l ike. Thi sends the thi rd book .

The fourth book is compi led from an anon ymous worken t itled aCollection of Won derful Things , from the s i xteen thbook of the[Miscellaneous N otes of Aristoxen us ,

10an d from the1 F lourished about 1 40 B . C .

3 Castor an d Po l lux.

3King of Mauretan ia, born c. 50 B. C. , d ied c. A .D . 20 . He was amost pro l ific wri ter on all kinds of subjects .

4 Of Naucrat is,in Egypt flour ished at Rome d ttring the reign of

Commodus an d his successors . His Doctors at Din ner (Sandys ) is akin dof en cyc lopaedia

,in which are preserved n umerous quo tation s from some

700 an cien t authors, especial ly of theMidd leand New Comedy.

5 Learned femalegrammarian of the t ime of Nero ; author of aworkbearing upon theh istory of l iterature (seeCod . CLXXV ).3 Noth ing further is kn own ofhim .

7403— 323B.C.

3Of Eresus or Myt i lenein Lesbos . Tw o completepoems an d numerousfragmen ts remain , in creased by thepapyrus - find s in Egypt.3 Of Arelate (Ar les ) ; scept ic author of numerous popu lar ph i losoph ical

works , epideictic dec lamat ion s , an d speeches . He ch iefly res i ded in Rome,

an d was patron ised by Hadrian .

1 ° Of Taren tum flourished 31 8 B. C. Hewas agreat authority on mus tcan d rhy thm (hewas cal led 6 uovambs ), and wroteon almos t every subject.

232 SOPATER

eighth book of theD ramatic ff is tory of Rufus .

1 Hereare tobe foun d man y improbablean d in credible things , var ious trag i can d com ic in c iden ts , dialogues an d speeches , man ners an dcus toms

,an d the l ike, with which the fourth book en ds .

The fi fth book con s is ts of extracts from the first, secon d ,an d third books of Rufus ’s Musical H istory. I t con tain s anaccoun t of differen t comedian s an d tragedian s , of wri ters of

di thyrambs,players on theflutean d c i thara, of nupt ial songs

an d son g accompan ied by dan ce, of dan cers an d others whotook par t in theatrical con tests

,the origin an d fam i lyan tece

den ts of thoseamon g them who became famous , whether menor women ; which of them were kn own as the o riginato rs of

what p rac ti ces , which of them were the fr ien ds an d in t imatesof emperors an d kin gs ; what the con tes ts were an d when ceder ived, in which each exhibited his art . The general fes t ivalscelebrated by thewhole Athen ian peopleare also described .

All these thin gs,an d the l ike, the reader wi l l fin d in the fifth

book .

The s ixth book is from the fourth an d fifth books of theMusical I —[istory by the same Rufus . I t gives an accoun t of

fl ute- players,of the son gs sun g to the flu te by men an d women ,

of the poets Homer,Hes iod

,an d An t imachus,2an d mos t of the

other poets belon gin g to thei r school , an d tel ls us somethin gabou t female soothsayers , who the so cal led S ibyl s were an dwhen ce they came, all borrowed from Ru fus . The secon dbook of the Halieutica of Damos tratus

,

3an d the firs t,

fifth,n in th,an d ten th books of the Lives of the Philosophers byD iogenes Laértius 4 arealso drawn upon . Wehavean accoun tof the philosophers an d of the origin of the divine s tudyphilosophy ; how it flou ri shed

,who were the heads and

champion s of the d ifleren t schools , who were thei r followers

1 It is un certain whether heis i den tical with the author of the Mus icalan d Roman H is tories men tioned below , or whether the author of the lastis an orator of whoserhetorical work afragmen thas been preserved .

1 Of Colophon or Claros , con temporary of P lato. His elegy Lyde, onthe death ofhis mistress , was famous . Heal so wrotea long-winded epic ,Thebais , an d was theauthor ofan ed i tion of Homer.3 Roman senator ; l i ved al i tt le earl ier than Aelian (c. A .D . 170

Bes ides theHalieut z'ca(On F ish ing), hewrote on aquat ic d iv inat ion,an d

marvel lous th ings .

4 His dateis unkn own , poss i bly the secon d halfof the third cen tury A .D .

TheLives is an undiges ted an d uncri tical compi lation from di fferen t works .

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234 SOPATER

from the fi rs t,secon d, third

,an d fourth books of Rufus ’s

Roman History, in which wi l l be foun d much that deservesmen tion although m ixed up wi th fables an d lon g-win dedn on sen se. Such is the con ten ts of the n in th book .

The ten th book is compiled from the E rato of Cephalion ,

1

an d describes the l i fean d deeds of Alexander theGreat ; fromthe treat iseof Apol lon ius theS to ic 2 con cern in g women whohave been philosophers or have achieved fame by an ythin gelse, or by whosemediat ion fam i l ies were recon ciled from theHistory of Macedon by Theagenes ,3 from P lutarch ’s Lives of

N icias,Alcibiades , T hem is tocles , Theseus , Lycurgu s , So lon ,

an d Alexander the son of Phil ip,Cimon , [Lysan der, Demos

thenes], Pericles , Pelopidas, Phoc ion ,an d Aris t ides , con tain in g

much that is wor thy of being narrated an d recorded . Such isthe con ten ts of the ten th book .

The eleven th book is in l ike man ner compiled from Plu

tarch’s Ln'

ves ofEpam in on das, D ion ,Agesilaus , Agis, Cleomenes ,

Eumenes of Cardia,Philopoemen ,

4 Aratus,who when general

of theAchaean league comman ded the forces seven teen t imesan d greatly dist in gu ished himself in the field

, an d Pyrrhus , kin gof Epirus from the fi rs t an d second books of Aris tophanes 5

thegrammarian ’

s work On An imals,an d the seven teen th book

of king Juba’s Theatrical His tory. Such is the con ten ts of

the eleven th book .

Thetwel fth book is taken from var ious sou rces Callixen us sCatalogue of Pain ters and S culptors , Ariston icus

’

s7 On the

Museum at Alexand ria, the Con stitution s of Aris totle,dealin g

with those of the Thessal ian s , Achaean s , Parian s ,. Lycian s,

Chian s,an d of all thepeoples whom hehas men tioned in his

po l itical wri t ings, the usefu lness of which is eviden t . Suchis the con ten ts of the twel fth book .

1 SeeCod . LXVIII .

2 First cen tury B .C.

3His date is un certain . The work was much used by S tephanus of

Byzan tium, thegeographer . Ad d T imo leon .

5 Of Byzan t ium (c. 257— 1 80 successor of Eratosthenes as l ibrariano f A lexan dria. He is famous forhis edit ion s of Homer an d o ther poets ,in wh ich he in troduced accen ts and other marks to beused in the cri ticismof the text .

6 O f Rhodes , en d of third cen tury B . C.

‘

Wroteon art an d adescript i veaccoun t of A lexandria.7 Of A lexan dria, con temporary of S trabo (who d ied c. A .D . He

wroteon the cri tical marks used in the I liad an d Odyssey, an d commen

taries on Homer and Pin dar.

EUSEBIUS OF THESSALONICA 235

Thework is very usefu l to the reader. For although i t isn ot free from fabulous , mon s trous , falsean d improbable s tatemen ts , as I haveal ready men tioned more than on ce, yet fromthosewhich areas i t were con tribut ion s from the s torehouseof learn in g, one may gather much that promo tes virtue an dhones ty. For the s tuden t of rhetoric an d sophist ic, as hehimself says to his frien ds in the in troduction , they are o f

con s iderable importan ce an d will be very serviceable. Thediction is var ied

,n ot con fined to one s tyle, although clearness

is the dis t in gu ishin g featureof theen t i rework .

CLXII

Readawork byacertain Eusebius, 1 abishop of theorthodoxfaith, in ten books

,written again st amon k named An drew ,

an d cal led for th by his behaviour . Hewro tealetter to Eusebius , which hecalls apas toral letter, implo rin g him to read i t .Eusebius , havin g done so, firs t repriman ds An drew for hisign oran ce an d temer i ty, showin g that he had made man ym istakes ln spel l in g an d could n ot writeal inewithout makin gablunder, but that n otwi thstan ding hehad had theaudacityto write, fo rgettin g his profess ion an d the reposeof amonast icli fe. He then refu tes An drew’

s hereti cal opin ion s at len gth ,forhe was one of the sect cal led Apht/zartodocetae,2 from theimpious doctrine that they held . He first po in ts out thatAn drew mus t explain why he used theword ¢t90pd (corruption )in on ly one sen se

,thin king that i t referred to sin on ly, whereas

our Ho ly Fathers, in their usage of words, have tradit ional lyapplied it to differen t things . Secon dly, he reproves him be

causehe ven tured to declare, l ike Ju lian ,that the body of the

Lord was immortal, impass ible, an d in corruptible from theun ion (of the two natures ), although in this very letter heasserts that hehas un dertaken to Oppose Severus an d Jul ian ,

1 Bishop of Thessalon ica, c. 600 .

3A Mon ophys ite sect, which hel d that theone natureof Christ was n otsubject to corrupt ion (aooapr os ) , unders tan ding by corrupt ion ( (peopd) n o ton l y the corrupt ion fo l lowing on death an d moral depravity, but all needsof thebody , suffer ings, an d weaknesses , again s t which no reproach cou l dbemade (asteexma) . Thedocetaepart of the compoun d seems to meanthat Christ ’5 body was not what it appeared , for i t does n ot appear thatthey regarded it as aphan tasm

, abody zn appearan ceon l y. Theyadmittedit was real an d substan tial .

236 EUSEBIUS OF THESSALONICA

s in ce they den y that thereare two natures or tw o subs tan ces,two properties or two energies , in Chris t . Thirdly, becausehein s is ted that the body of Adam before the fal l was neitherformed en t irely mortal n or corruptible by nature, from which ,accordin g to him

,i t would fol low that Chr is t had assumed frorri

thevery un ion an in corruptiblean d impas s ible body whereas ,in real ity, heought to have thought an d said that the body of

Adam was by naturemortal an d pass ible, but by divine gracewas kept immortal an d impass ible, un t i l h is trangression de

prived him of that protection . Such is theunan imous opin ionof theHoly Fathers . Fourthly, becausehe cal led the presen tworld in corruptible an d in des truct ible, whereas he ought tohold that i t is co rrupt iblean d chan geable. In his fi rs t replythe bishop exhorted An drew to retract his opin ion on man yother poin ts

, at the same t ime convict ing him of obscuri ty an dof blasphemy in his lan guage.

An drew, after hehad received this exhortation to men d hisways , wen t from bad to worse,an d wrotean other w ork in whichheagain set forth at greater len gth theviews hehad previous l yexpressed an d

,as he imagines, es tablishes thei r truth . A s we

have said,the pious Eusebius wrote ten books to combat these

propos ition s,in which he shows that An drew, n ot con ten t with

the defin ition of fai th marked out by the holy syn ods , hasaudacious ly drawn up an expos it ion of fai th of his ow n ; thathehas wren ched man y passages from theFathers , an d fals ifiedan d vio len tly pressed them in to the suppor t of his views ;that he con tradicts both theNew an d Old Tes tamen t an d our

Holy Fathers in assert ing that the world is in corrupt iblean din des truct ible; that he says that change, t ran sformation ,

flux,

can eas i ly be mis represen ted, jus t l ike the suffer in gs whichhave thei r origin in vice, an d that our Lord Jesus Chris tassumed a body that was un changeable, impas s ible, in corruptible, an d without fl ux. Again

,he cen sures him because

heasserts that theworld is eternal,in corrupt ible, an d ungener

ated, an d does n ot adm i t the tran sformat ion of theelemen tswhich con tributes to its etern i ty, s in cehe teaches that i t is oneof the passion s which can eas i ly be m is represen ted ; that thebody ofAdam was formed in corruptib le, immor tal, and impassible by nature, an d n ot on ly this , but that the clay of whichi t was formed 15 in corruptible. Eusebius also cen sures him for

taking theword “corruption in on l y one sen se, whereby he

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238 EUSEBIUS OF THESSALONICA

from heretical writin gs an d ven turin g to ascribe them to our

Holy Fathers .

From Andrew ’

s fool ish u tteran ces Eusebius also shows thathe is of opin ion that our Lo rd Jesus Christ, n ot being chan gedby resu rrection from corrupt ion to in corruption

,is equally

impas s ible in his man hood an d divin i ty ; that he dared to cal lthoseblas phemers who thought an d said that our Lo rd JesusChrist l ived on earth with amortal an d pass ible body, whilehehimsel f is n ot ashamed,after His victory over suffer ings an dtheabol i tion of death an d corrupt ion ,

mon s trous ly to assertthat the body of the Lo rd is pass ible, forgettin g that, whi lein su l tin g the o rthodox by callin g them P /zt/zartolatrae1 hehimself is clearly con victed of bein g Pathetolatrae.2 He thenagain adds some passages from the Fathers

,an d shows that

the Lord ’

s body was pass ible, mortal,an d con sequen tly cor

ruptibleun t i l His glorious resurrection , an d that then by itsel fit became immortal an d impas s ib le. He also shows thatAn drew talks idly in call in g the orthodox Phthartolatrae, anamewhich is fitt in g

.

an d su itablefor Arius, Act in s , Eun omius ,Apollinarius, and Nes tor ius , but n ot for o rthodox Christ ian s .

Eusebius also lays down thedoctrine that our Lord an d God ,s in ceHe, as thearchi tect of nature, assumed our natural an dby n o mean s reprehen s ible“pass ion s ” (which aren ot properlycalled “passion s ”

but m igh t more fitlybe cal led“works of

nature was in capable of taking upon Him pass ion s ”

properly so cal led, o riginat in g from vice; that He ate an ddran k with His disciples after the Resurrection not in thesame manner as He atean d dran k before the Resurrection ;in the latter case Heacted accordin g to the law of nature,refreshing an d con trol l in g the perishable flesh by food an ddrin k

,in the former He performed the act supernatural ly by

way of dispen sat ion,to in spire thedisc iples , an d through them

all the fai thful,with thebel ief that the body that suffered an d

was crucified roseagain from the dead, the samean d n ot adifferen t body

,although it had been t ran s formed an d had

become in corrupt iblean d impass ible. Havin g laid down thesedoct rines in aman ner acceptable to God , Eusebius fin isheshis ten th book . The s tyle i s clear

,s imple, pure, an d

characterized by distin ctnes s whereit is requ i red .

1 F rom ¢9apr 6s (corruptible)an d Aarpefa(worsh ip). They held that thehuman body of Chr is t was subject to ord inary natural corruption .

Who bel ievein apas sibleChris t.

GALEN 239

CLXIII

Read thework of Vin dan ius Anatolius of Berytus ,1 en titled

A Collection of Agricultural P recepts , compiled by him fromthe works of Democ ri tus African us, Taran tin us , Apu leius ,Floren tius, Valen s, Leo, an d Pamphilus, an d theParadoxaof

Diophanes .

2 I t is in twelvevolumes , an d , as our ow n experi

en cehas shown us in man y in s tan ces, is useful for the cult ivat ion of the lan dan d agricul tural works , perhaps themost usefulof all treat ises on the same subject . However, i t con tain ssome marvel lous an d in credible tales, ful l of G reek fables ,which the pious husban dman shou ld pass over whilegather ingup what i s usefu l in the res t of thework. All other wri ters onagricul tural matters , so faras I kn ow, express nearly the sameopin ion s abou t the same thin gs an d differ l i ttle from one

an other; where they d o, the exper ien ce of Leo is to be

preferred to all the res t .

CLXIV

Read thework of Galen 3On Med ical Schools . Theauthor,

discuss in g the schools that have been formed in the medicalprofess ion , declares that the three chiefare the logical , whichhe also cal ls dogmat ic an d analogis tic ; the empirical

,also

cal led observan t or memor ial ; the methodical . They differin the method of in ven t ion an d in o ther respects . Thedogmati c phys ician bases his art upon the use of methodsof reason in g for thediscovery of remedies theempi rical rel iesupon exper imen t an d observation ; the methodical, while profess in g to employ both reason ing an d experimen t, makes n o

carefu l use of either,an d is rightly distin gu ished from theo thertwo .

The presen t work i s divided in to three section s . The fi rs tcon tain s adescription of the empiric an d dogmati c schools,

1 F ourth or fifth cen tury A .D . About them iddle of the ten th cen tury aselection was made from it an d s imi lar works by comman d of theemperorCon s tan t inePorphyrogen itus .

2 O f N icaea, l ived in the timeof Cicero . Thes tatemen t thathewroteavo lumeon Parad oxais probably an error.3 Claud ius Galenus

,A .D . 1 29— 1 99, the most celebrated phys ician of

an t iquity. Born at Pergamum,he s tud ied at A lexan dria, an d was sum

moned to Rome by Marcus Aurel ius , who had the greates t con fiden ce inhim . He wrote n umerous treatises on medicine an d other scien t ificsubjects , grammar, and l i terary cri ticism.

240 HIMERIUS

an d sets forth the nature of each the secon d in troduces thesetw o schools hotly discuss ing thei r respective claims to superiority; the thi rd in troduces the methodical schoo l quarrel l in gwi th the other tw o, each of them putt in g forward its own

claims an d endeavour in g to over throw its r ival . Wi th this thethird book en ds .

It is eviden t that th is work should be preferred to all othermedical writ ings

,i f one would learn which is the bes t schoo l

to belon g to . But it cann ot properly be regarded as amedicalwork

,but rather as aphi losophical in troduct ion to medicine.

The dict ion an d compos ition are pu re an d distin ct ; Galeneverywherepays especial atten tion to these qual it ies , althoughin man y works he con fuses an d obscu res the mean ing of whathehas wri tten by overloadin g his treatises w ith un seasonablediscourses , digress ion s , an d spun - out periods . These seem,

asi t were, to chop up the con text, an d his tedious n on sen se

makes the reader in di fferen t . The presen t treat ise, however,is free from these faults .

CLXV

Read theD eclamation s 1 an d Various D iscourses of Himeriusthe sophis t .2 Tw o of the former are del iberat ive, an d threeforen s ic, all with in troduction s . Of thedel iberat ive speechesthe firs t is supposed to be del ivered by Hyperides in supportof Demos thenes , the secon d by Demosthenes , on behalf o f

Aeschines . Of the other three,the firs t is in the form of an

attack on Epicurus , who is supposed to be on t rial for impietythe secon d is wri tten again st arich man who had exhaus tedthe substan ce of apoor man by his abom inableaction s , an din troduces the poor man pleadin g his cause; in the thirdThem istocles declaims again s t the kin g of Pers ia, who hadmademany promises in thehope of en din g thewar.

3

These speeches, more than the others,arewritten in such a

mann er as to show what can bedoneby excellen ceof s tylean d

1 MeAeraf, elaborate fict i t ious speeches written for practicein the schoo l sof rhetoric .

1 Born at Prusac. A . D . 315, died c. 386 . L ived at the court of theEmperor Ju l ian an d after his death at A then s . He was the teacher o f

Gregory of Naz ian z us an d Bas i l . Of the twen ty - four extan t Declamat ion ssomeare s choo l exercises , others inaugural oration s (seeCod . CCXLI I I ).3Them istoc les d issuaded theA then ian s from acceptinghis offers .

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242 HIMERIUS

Cyprian s on his firs t hearer from Cappadocia ashow- speech ,1which heat firs t refused to del iver when asked, in which thethes is “Beaut ifu l thin gs are rare is discussed on Musomus ,

procon sul of Greece on thenew pupil Severus , who came on

the scene durin g the s cuffle;2 a short address ;3 on coun t

Ursacius ; on another Severus ; on Scylacius , procon su l of

Greece; on some new pupils,Ephes ian s an d Mys ian s an d

c i tizen s of Leon ;‘

on compan ion s from his fatherlan d on

coun t Athenaeus ; on theRoman Privatus , tutor of the son of

Ampelius the procon su l ; on his return from Corin th ; on

Phoebus the son of Alexan der the procon su l ; on coun tA rcadius aphys ician . Hortatory speech to his pupils j us tarrived an d apropen zptic to Flavian on the marriage of

Panathenaeu s two short addresses adiscourse5when leavin gPhi lippi in obedien ce to asummon s from the emperor Jul ianan o ration del ivered in Con s tan tin ople on the ci ty i tsel f

,the

emperor Jul ian , an d the ri tes of Mithras adiscou rse on theprefect Sallust, wi th an argumen t ; on the procon sul Flavianon his frien d ’s birthday ; short address on his fr ien d ’

s te

covery; on in tr iguers ; on Bas i l the procon su l (tw o) ; on

Hermogenes , Plocianus, Ampelius , Praetextatus, procon suls ofGreece

,an d thei r compan ion s ;on his departureto theemperor

Ju l ian ; speech del ivered in N i comediaat the exhortat ionof Pompeian us the prefect ;aspeech on the new s tuden ts ;on anew s tuden t ; on his compan ion Zeno ; on Aphobinus , anew s tuden t ; on onewho en tered the school in con seq uen ceof an o racle of Poseidon ; on those who had arrived fromIon ia on the Ion ian s trangers ; an extempore orat ion to hishearers ;a speech in hon our of afrien d in Con s tan tinople;a discuss ion with his pupils after his return from hiscoun try ; an extempore orat ion on his (poor) lecture- room ;

rebuke of those who l istened indifferen t ly to speeches ; anextempore speech on somewho atten ded his lectures an d werein clined to be res tive on Cytian us an d his compan ion s who1 aspeech del i vered in thetheatreorapubl ic place to exh ibi t

the composer ’s rhetorical powers .

1 In the school . To read Evyr ivqydar (with capital 2 ) an d trans lateprefect of Symplegada

”seems absurd .

3Aaiuoi,ashort compl imen tary address to areal personage.

‘1 The text can not be r igh t (7017 Tor? Ae’

yovros , of thespeaker (i. e. Himerius h imself) is another reading.

A idAegts, aprivate lectureor d issertation for theins truction of pupi ls.

HIMERIUS 243

behaved in adisorderly man ner when hewas speaking extempore; exhortat ion on the necess ity of en deavourin g to securevariety in discourse,

discuss ion after theheal in g ofhis woun d ;1aspeech after his retu rn from Corin th ; on the s tylus (pen ci l)an d his pupils ; on Amyclae, a city of the Lacedaemon ian s,which

, in obedien ce to adream,he vis ited to offer prayer to

the God ; that lectures should n ot be del ivered in public ;speech on the neces s i ty of takin g exercise; an other speechdel ivered at Corin th .

2

I think that theseareall the orat ion s of Himerius,nearly

seventy in number, which you pat ien tly an d labor ious ly readwhile I was presen t . In all of them , while preservin g the sametype of dict ion an d the samekin d of s tyle, heu ses heaped - upper iods an d figures of speech in such aman ner that afeel in gof sat iety is preven ted by thei r c levernes s an d the way in

which they are adapted . So faras I kn ow,I am of opin ion

that n o onehas ever used figures of speech so admi rably orpleasan t ly . His writin gs are ful l of all kin ds of his torical an dmythical examples , either for purposes of demon s tration , or fordrawing paral lels , or foraffording pleasure, or for theembell ishmen t of the subjects discussed

,by which hegu ides aright an d

d iversifies his lan guage, an d by which his exordia, epilogues,an d argumen ts are con s tructed . Healso often gives aprel iminaryoutl ineof thematter an d man ner of thediscuss ion . But

while such is the character ofhis orat ion s, i t is obvious that heheld impious views on rel igion an d im itates the d ogs who yelpagain s t us in secret . He flourished in the timeof Con s tan t iusan d the mos t impious Jul ian , an d was head of the rhetoricalschool at Athen s .

1 Received dur ing thedis turban ce (o‘

vyrrk rrycis ) in the schoo l .2 See also the E clogae by Pho tius (Cod . CCXLIII ) an d the Orationes ,

ed . F . Dubner in theD idot series (Paris ,

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Tran s lation s of Early Documen tsA Ser ies o f tex t s im portan t for the s tudy of Ch r is t iano r igin s . U n der the Jo in t Ed i to rs hip of the Rev .

W . O . E . O ES TERLEY, D .D . , an d the Rev . Can onG . H . Box , M .A .

The object of this Series is to provide short, cheap ,an d han dy

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for s tuden ts,either w orking by themselves or in

clas ses . The aim is to fu rn ishin tran slation s importan ttexts unencumbered by commen tary or elaborate n otes

,which

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TheTimes Literary Supp lemen t say s T heseJew i s h Apocal ypseshavead irec t relat ion to the though t an d rel igious i deal s wh ic h con

fron ted pr im i t i ve Chri st ian i ty in Pales t ine, an d n o t o n l y for their ow n

sakes , bu t for thei r in fluen ce on the New Tes tamen t an d Apo s to l icChris t ian i ty they deserve carefu l at ten t ion . Han dbook s at o n ce s o

s cho lar l y an d s o readable w i l l be welcomed by all in teres ted inChri s t ian or1g1 n s .

TheChu rch Q uar ter l y Review says T o the theo logical s tuden twho is an xious to kn ow s ometh ing of the c i rcum s tan ces an d though tof the t ime during which Chri s t ian it y grew up, an d of the Jewi shen v ironmen t of the teach ing o f our Lo rd an d theApos tles , there isn o c las s of book s mo re valuable than the later Jew is h A p ocrypha.

The Chu rch Times say s The names of the Ed itors are aguaran tee of trus two rthy an d expert s cholars hip, an d thei r wo rkhas been adm i rably perfo rmed .

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The Jou rnal of the Soc iety of O r ien tal Research saysThe have again made the w ho le body of s tuden ts ,

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2

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Jew ish Literature an d Chris tian Origin sVol. I . The Apocalyp tic Literature.

I I . A Short Survey of the Literature of

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Box,M .A . ,

D .D .

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