The Lack of Universal Birth Registration: Stateless Children
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Transcript of The Lack of Universal Birth Registration: Stateless Children
The Lack of Universal Birth Registration: Stateless Children
By Luzdary Hammad
Undergraduate Thesis San Francisco State University Advisor: Professor Skonieczny
Fall 2011
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Abstract
The lack of universal birth registration is an international issue affecting an estimated 48 million children a year, who are not registered at birth. These unregistered children are stateless, defined as people who are not considered a citizen or national by any state. Even though birth registration is mandatory by international and domestic law, many underdeveloped countries have failed to comply. This paper argues that underdeveloped countries have low birth registration rates due to their lack of social development. This paper uses a human rights perspective to explain that citizenship is the basic right; the right to give paths to all other rights. Three case studies, Bangladesh, Kenya and Liberia are used to show the factors causing statelessness and what international organizations have proposed as solutions. An analysis of all three case studies is examined which connects the lack of birth registration to the lack of social development, since low birth registration rates are mainly found in rural areas.
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Table of Contents I. Introduction Page 3
II. Literature Review
i. Social Development Theory Page 6 ii. Human Rights Page 10
iii. Human Rights of the Stateless Page 11 iv. Children’s Rights Page 13 v. Legal Empowerment Page 15
III. Methodology Page 17 IV. International Law Page 18
i. Nationality Page 23 ii. International Child Law Page 24
V. Case Studies
i. Bangladesh Page 27 a. Factors Causing Statelessness Page 28 b. Proposed Solutions by International Page 30
Organizations ii. Kenya Page 33
a. Factors Causing Statelessness Page 35 b. Proposed Solutions by International Page 36
Organizations iii. Liberia Page 37
a. Factors Causing Statelessness Page 38 b. Proposed Solutions by International Page 39
Organizations
VI. Analysis of Case Studies Page 40 VII. Conclusion Page 43 VIII. Bibliography Page 46
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The lack of Universal Birth Registration: Stateless Children
“Statelessness is not merely a legal problem, it is a human problem. Failure to acquire status under the law can have a negative impact on many important elements of life, including the right to vote, to own property, to have health care, to send one's children to school, to work, and to travel to and from one's country of residence” (Batchelor, 1998, 159).
Many people might feel invisible, but people without a birth certificate are literally invisible to
the state. A birth certificate is the simplest way to integrate a child into society. By integrating the
child, the child is given a name, a nationality and rights. Without this integration the child is
practically invisible to society and has no identity, no nationality and absolutely no rights (UNICEF,
2005, 1). The legal term for people without a birth certificate is stateless, defined as people who are
not considered a citizen or national by any state (United Nations, 1954, 1).
Not registering births is a human rights violation, which is stated in international law. There
is a long list of treaties that specifically include articles that emphasize the necessity for birth
registrations, but the two main treaties are The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and The
Convention of the Rights of the Child. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 15
clearly states, “everyone has the right to a nationality” and “no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his
nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality” (United Nations, 1948, 1). The
Convention on the Rights of the Child, Article 7 also clearly states “the child shall be registered
immediately after birth and shall have the right from birth to a name, the right to acquire a
nationality and as far as possible, the right to know and be cared for by his or her parents.” In
addition, the article continues by saying that all governments need to ensure that births are being
registered to guarantee the child’s rights or else the child would be stateless (United Nations, 1989,
1).
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The consequences of not registering births are endless and devastating. Without a birth
certificate the child has no identity; the child does not legally have a name, a birth date, or proof of
who his or her parents are. Without a birth certificate, the child cannot do any basic and essential
steps needed to be a part of society. For example, the child cannot go to school, cannot get married,
and cannot receive any help from the government or obtain health insurance. Since the child has no
identity, no rights and no possibility for a future within the context of the law, the child may be
subjected to human trafficking, the sex trade, child labor, and getting picked up by gangs or the mafia
(Innocenti Digest, 2002, 5). Also, without a birth certificate the child will have no death certificate,
verifying that the child did not legally exist.
Even though birth registration is mandatory by international law, there does not exist a
“single United Nations agency responsible for ensuring that births and deaths are registered, so it has
fallen between the cracks. That is why we have failed to establish, support, and sustain civil
registration systems over the past 30 years in the developing world” (WHO, 2007, 1). Due to the
seriousness of the situation, my research question is how can international awareness and efforts help
underdeveloped countries achieve higher birth registration rates to protect the rights of the child?
International awareness includes and is not limited to campaigns, conferences and international law.
International efforts are mainly research, proposed solutions and actions taken by international and
non-governmental organizations.
The lack of registering births is an international issue affecting an estimated 48 million
children annually, which is over 40 per cent of all estimated births globally (Africa News, 2003, 1).
The countries with the lowest birth registration rates are found in South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa
(Dow, 1998, 11). Asia and Africa are enormous continents where many countries are
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underdeveloped. This paper will focus on these two continents to show why underdeveloped
countries have the lowest birth registration rates by using Bangladesh, Kenya and Liberia as case
studies. This paper will argue that governments can increase their birth registration rates by changing
or implementing new policies, so children will no longer be abused and exploited with no means of
an escape due to their lack of citizenship.
In this paper, I provide a theoretical background on social development, human rights,
children’s rights and legal empowerment. In addition, I specify the theoretical lens I use throughout
my paper, which consists of social development and human rights theory. Next, my paper immerses
into international law and discusses concepts and treaties relating to the stateless. Following are my
cases studies on Bangladesh, Kenya and Liberia, where factors causing statelessness and proposed
solutions by international organizations are analyzed. Finally, my conclusion gives a summary of every
section of my paper and explains how I answered my research question.
Literature Review:
Social Development Theory
Since the lowest birth registration rates are found in underdeveloped countries, I chose social
development theory to help understand why this might be the case. Development is defined as “the
expansion of freedom as the primary end and principal means of development. Development involves
the expansion of human capabilities and the enrichment of human lives” (Greig, Hulme, Turner,
2007, 22). Social development is a theory that works to ensure “that the poor and vulnerable groups
either benefit directly from development interventions- or where interventions are not targeted
specifically at the poor- are not disadvantaged and made poorer as a result of their engagement with
development process” (Green, 2002, 53).
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Amertya Sen’s book Development as Freedom demonstrates how development leads to freedom.
He defines freedom as “the capability to develop one’s own potential, unrestrained by circumstances
outside one’s control” (Navarro, 2002, 463). Amertya Sen recognizes that economic development is
crucial but by concentrating solemnly on the growth of a countries’ GNP, social development is
ignored. One of his main points is to dismantle the prevalent understanding of development that the
main financial institutions have, such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. The
prevalent understanding of development is the belief that everything being produced at the top level
by the wealthy minority will trickle down to the poor majority on the lower level. This trickling down
theory is meant to affect everybody’s life, including the poor, for the better and will allow for
everybody to develop economically. This belief is the reason financial institutions focus heavily on
countries’ GNP. But as many researchers have found, the trickling down effect does not actually
work and therefore a country’s GNP does not accurately portray a country’s population’s
development. For example, researcher Vincente Navarro investigated the trickle down theory in Brazil
in the 1960s when Brazil was rapidly growing economically (Navarro, 2002, 462). His research proved
the trickle down theory was false, since the Brazilian economy was booming yet the Brazilian people
were still suffering with a dramatic increase in infant mortality. He acknowledged that the wealthy
minority were succeeding and their wealth was quickly increasing, but none of that wealth trickled
down. Brazil’s GNP grew dramatically solely due to the wealthy minority, completely ignoring the
poor majority. Vincente Navarro’s research reinforced Amertya Sen’s points that development should
not be solely based on economic growth and that economic development does not stimulate social
development.
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Amertya Sen is not the first economist to doubt the prevalent understanding of development.
In the 1970s economist Peter Donaldson also critiqued this understanding by stating that it was
“nonsense to equate growth with progress” (Donaldson, 1973, 229). Clive Hamilton, the author of
Growth Fetish, added to the discussion that there is too much “evidence that casts serious doubt on
the dual assumption that more economic growth improves social well-being and that more income
improves individual well-being” (Hamilton, 2003, 23). A country’s development is too complex to be
measured by simple formulas, such as GDP or GNI (Greig, Hulme, Turner, 2007, 37). Since the
prevalent understanding of development is more recently commonly rejected, the understanding of
development is changing and as a result new tools are being used to monitor development. The UN
Development Programme established the Human Development Index (HDI) in 1990. HDI is
completely different than GDP and GNI because it tries to put a human face to development by
taking in a wide range of factors such as education, government participation and happiness.
Amertya Sen focuses more on “individual human development rather than national economic
development” (Greig, Hulme, Turner, 2007, 21). Amertya Sen writes that in order to have freedom,
people require a combination of different elements such as social, economic, political and civil rights.
These elements are used as a foundation for the five categories of freedom: political freedom,
economic facilities, social opportunities, transparent guarantees and protective security. Political
freedom is defined as the right to vote, have a choice of different political parties, uncensored press
and freedom of political expression (Sen, 1999, 38). Economic facilities are defined as “the ability to
have, to own and to use economic resources for the purpose of consumption, production or
exchange” (Navarro, 2002, 463). He also includes the opportunity to be involved in the market by
buying or selling labor. Social opportunities include education, health care and other services related
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to people’s well-being and growth, in order for them to participate economically and politically.
Transparency guarantees refers to transparency in economic and political institutions to prevent
corruption. Protective security includes safety to prevent from starvation, violence, untimely deaths
and also prevention from being excluded from society (Sen, 1999, 40). Amertya Sen also writes about
elements of what he calls “unfreedom” such as poverty and famine, which need to be eliminated
(Sen, 1999, 15). Increasing the registration of births would be the first and most important step in
achieving freedom since without it there is no possibility for economic or social development.
Edgar Owens, another author who discusses social development, mentions in The Future of
Freedom in the developing World that after World War II Latin America was economically behind, so the
developed countries such as the United States decided to help by giving foreign aid. This foreign aid
went directly to industrializing Latin American countries with the belief that all it took to develop a
country and also get rid of poverty was to industrialize it (Owens, 1987, 3). This belief is partially to
blame for social issues such as the lack of birth registrations, since governments tend to choose to
develop economically rather than socially. What governments fail to understand is if they develop
socially, they will simultaneously develop economically, as Amertya Sen mentioned. But developing
economically does not guarantee social development. Edgar Owens also stated that the minority of
the population has access to “resources, public organization and legal protection” (Owens, 1987, 5).
The few privileged have the opportunity to take advantage of the resources they are given, but for the
“hundreds of millions of villagers and slum dwellers who constitute the bulk of the population in
developing countries-access is either limited or lacking altogether” (Owens, 1987, 5).
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Human Rights
Amertya Sen discusses human rights and asks the question “how can human rights have any
real status except through entitlements that are sanctioned by the state, as the ultimate legal
authority?” (Sen, 1999, 228) This question can be directly connected to the issue of the lack of birth
registrations. Human rights should be provided to all human beings since they are humans, but that
isn’t the case due to our nation state legal system. Humans are only entitled to human rights if they
have a legal personality and are recognized by a state. Children whose births were not registered were
obviously born as humans and were born in a state, but are still considered stateless and are invisible
to the state they were born in. Our legal system expects for every parent to register their children’s
births but when parents fail to do so, the children are punished by our legal system. Amertya Sen
believes that human rights should be “a set of ethical claims, which must not be identified with
legislated legal rights” (Sen, 1999, 228). Hannah Arendt, author of The Origins of Totalitarianism,
agrees with Amertya Sen and goes even further by blaming our legal system, since it relies on the state
as “the principle guarantor of human rights” (Arendt, 1973, 268).
Amertya Sen also discusses individual and state responsibility and who should be held
responsible. He states that people’s ability to carry out their responsibilities is contingent on their
“personal, social and environmental circumstances” (Sen, 1999, 284). If their personal, social and
environmental circumstances are inadequate to permit them to carry out their responsibilities, then
they cannot be held accountable for not accomplishing their responsibilities. The state must ensure
adequate social and environmental circumstances to citizens in order for them to carry out their
responsibilities (Sen, 1999, 284). The lack of birth registrations can be provided as an example for
Amertya Sen’s case. A very common factor for not registering births is because the parents cannot
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afford to give birth in a hospital, so they give birth at home with a midwife. Midwives are not legally
trained to register births, so the birth goes unregistered (International Council of Nurses, 2007, 1).
Even though it is the parents’ responsibility to register the birth, the state failed in their responsibility
of providing economic assistance to families in need or train midwives to register births, so parents do
not need to go to a hospital.
Human Rights of the Stateless
Hannah Arendt wrote about the effects of being a stateless person,
“The calamity of the rightless is not that they are deprived of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, or of equality before the law and freedom of opinion – formulas which were designed to solve problems within given communities – but that they no longer belong to any community whatsoever. Their plight is not that they are not equal before the law, but that no law exists for them” (Arendt, 295, 1).
She agrees that the most basic right is the right to have rights, but she acknowledges the fact that
humans can only have rights if they belong to a certain community because only their community
can provide them rights (Berstein, 2005, 56). She believes that the worst part of being stateless is
not belonging to a community. She states that by not belonging to a community, a person loses a
part of their humanity because they cannot share their lives in a shared world. By not belonging to
a community, which results in not having any rights, a person is left incapable of performing an act
because they are excluded from societal life (Berstein, 2005, 55). Hannah Arendt believes that the
creation of nation states is to blame for the situation of refugees, minorities, displaced and stateless
people because they are in due to the practice of massive denaturalization against unwanted
minorities. She explains that in a state centric international system “one’s legal status is dependent
upon protection by the highest authority that controls the territory upon which one resides and
issues the papers to which one is entitled” (Benhabib, 2004, 55).
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To understand why Hannah Arendt has such strong claims on why statelessness is an
international issue and a violation of human rights, we must study the importance of citizenship.
Citizenship is commonly known as the basic right; the right that opens the path for all other
rights. Citizenship is acknowledged as a right in itself, a privilege that not all human beings
possess, which is the case for stateless people. They are denied their basic right as a human being in
the nation state system. Due to the nation state system, only the state can provide people with
citizenship and it is entirely up to the state to decide whom it wants to claim as its nationals.
Citizenship “provides the legal connection between an individual and a State” (Batchelor, 1998,
160). This connection ensures the state’s protection of the individual and the individual’s
representation in the international community. If an individual has no citizenship, that individual
is invisible to the state thus invisible to the international body. Furthermore, the connection
between an individual and a state is essential because if that connection is lacking, the individual
cannot enjoy or be a part of anything that state created for its citizens. “States only allow for their
own nationals to exercise full civil, political, economic and social rights within their territories”
(Weissbrodt, 2008, 81).
The most important reason why statelessness is a human rights violation is due to the fact
that citizenship is the means to acquire rights, instead of being human. Even though the state is
responsible for providing human rights, being human should be the only requirement to acquiring
those rights. The state should provide rights to all humans whether they have citizenship or not
(Donnelly, 2003, 10, 159).
Michael Walzer, author of Spheres of Justice, has a different perspective on rights. He
believes that the state should be responsible for every person living in that state. Citizen or not, if a
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person is living in a country that person must abide by that countries’ law and so that person’s
voice should influence that countries’ law. Michael Walzer states that once a person lives in or has
been admitted to and works in a country then that country should be responsible for them. He
firmly believes in the “moral equality of all humans while protecting the right of communities to
determine their membership composition” (Belton, 2011, 63). He does not believe that there is a
right to nationality, as that would invade the communities’ right of self-determination. He
emphasizes the importance of self-determination as the primary human right instead of citizenship.
He also mentions that the state owes its inhabitants. Once again he does not use the term
citizenship. Michael Walzer replaces the term citizenship with the term inhabitant, two words with
completely different meanings, yet he believes the word inhabitant should legally replace the word
citizenship. His argument for replacing the word citizenship is not only because he believes the
philosophy behind citizenship invades people’s right to self determination but also because his
attention is more on the right of place. He believes the right of place is much stronger than
citizenship. Stateless people are a great example, as they were born in a country but their births
were never registered, yet they have lived their entire life in that country. A stateless persons’ right
of place is much greater than someone who was not born in the country but obtained citizenship
because he or she married a national (Walzer, 1983,1).
Children’s Rights
Since this paper is focused specifically on stateless children, children’s rights must also be
understood. There are two fundamental theories that have emerged in the discussion of children’s
rights: the choice theory of rights and the interest theory of rights. The choice theory of rights
believes that a person who has rights must have the choice of how and when to use their rights.
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Theorists argue that children are too young to truly make decisions, so they cannot be given rights
since they wouldn’t know how or when to use them. Children are viewed as being incompetent to
exercise their rights in all situations, so they cannot be considered rights-holders. This theory is
highly criticized, “the assertion that children, who are too young and incompetent to claim rights,
therefore has no rights, has an unattractive logic” (Fortin, 2009, 12). It is considered an
unattractive logic because if we take this same logic and apply it to mentally disabled people, we
will conclude that mentally disable people shouldn’t be given rights because they are incompetent
of making sound decisions independently. This theory is also criticized for relying solely on parents
to take care of their children, even though it has been proven in various research on child abuse
that “it is frequently the case that the greatest threat to a child’s emotional, physical and sexual
integrity come from parents and other close family members and friends” (Buck, 2011, 25).
The interest theory of rights believes that rights should be given to children based on
their interest to be protected. This theory argues, if society acknowledges the fact that children are
in need of care and protection then there should be a legal foundation to protect and care for
them. The logic supporting this theory is “from the identification of interests there should emerge
a collection of moral rights and some of these will be transformed into legal rights” (Buck, 2011,
26). The weakness of the interest theory is that it does not identify which moral rights should be
transformed into legal rights. John Eekalar attempts to strengthen the interest theory by
categorizing the moral rights that should be transformed into legal rights. He categorizes three
children’s interests: basic, development and autonomy. Children’s basic interest includes their
need for physical, emotional and intellectual care. Children’s development interest refers to their
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access to resources that will allow them to develop properly and efficiently. Children’s autonomy
interest relies on their freedom to make decisions relating to their lives.
This paper will use the interest theory of rights as the theoretical lens on children’s rights,
since it believes that children should be considered rights-holders. The choice theory of rights is
partially responsible for the issue of statelessness since children are not considered to be
competent rights-holders, so they are deprived of rights. Also the choice theory relies on parents to
take care of their children but in the case of stateless children, their parents failed to register them,
which resulted in the child having to pay the consequences for their parents’ irresponsibility.
Legal Empowerment
In addition to human rights, a fairly newer concept has emerged in the international
community, known as legal empowerment. Legal empowerment is defined as “a process of systemic
change through which the poor and excluded become able to use the law, the legal system, and
legal services to protect and advance their rights and interests as citizens and economic actors”
(CLEP, 2008, 1). The concept of legal empowerment incorporates both human rights and
development theory by claiming that by ensuring human rights, which mainly rely on the law, a
country’s economic and social growth will expand by including additional members of the
population as contributors to the country’s economy.
Legal empowerment as a concept can be made stronger with the help of human rights
instruments. There are numerous human rights treaties that state the importance of legal
empowerment directly or indirectly. Lawyers and diplomats who support legal empowerment can
use these formerly created and ratified treaties that have become an international norm or are
widely followed to strengthen their case. Legal empowerment tends to be connected to poverty
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eradication but it can relate to any group of people that are politically disadvantaged. Politically
disadvantaged can be defined as people who “do not enjoy legal rights or the power to exercise
those rights” (Banik, 2009, 117). Stateless people are the extreme version of politically
disadvantaged, since they are not politically recognized. Due to their lack of recognition and ability
to live as part of a society they tend to be poor so they are an important factor in poverty
eradication.
Legal empowerment does not merely imply a “transfer of resources; it entails the creation
of sound legal and political frameworks which specifically address the needs of poor and
vulnerable groups in the population and hold political and administrative leaders accountable for
policy failures” (Banik, 2009, 118). Legal empowerment is a development strategy that argues that
rich nations are rich due to their wide-range of legal protections relating to all economical and
social aspects. Poor countries, in which the majority of the population is poor, do not have the
luxury of having sufficient legal protection in both economical and social aspects and when they
do have some protection, the poor cannot get access to it. Legal empowerment is essential, not
only to benefit the poor and vulnerable, but also to help countries develop and grow economically
while simultaneously growing socially. The fewer amount of people that are excluded from the
legal market, the more the economy can grow. With more contributors to a countries’ national
income, the richer a country becomes.
To conclude the literature review, the theoretical lens used for this paper is one that
incorporates social development and human rights theory. Legal empowerment is used as a
concept that implies both theories. This theoretical lens will explore the issue of statelessness as a
human rights violation and a social development issue.
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Methodology
My research included studying what has been produced on the issue of statelessness thus
far. Most of what has been produced has been reports done by international organizations and
non-governmental organizations such as UNICEF, International Development Law Organization,
Plan International and Refugees International. Since birth registrations are not highly prioritized
by state governments, the responsibility has been carried by these international organizations.
These organizations have all published many reports on the issues of statelessness and continue to
research the issue and provide new data, as well as provided recommendations to state
governments. These reports include factors that cause statelessness, the victims of statelessness, the
locations of the stateless, what can be done to increase birth registrations and the treaties that
emphasize the importance of birth registrations. These reports also provide data on various aspects
of the issue; most importantly what percentage of stateless people are in each country. This data is
very hard to gather since the stateless are invisible to society, thus not being counted in national
census. This data is gathered in one of two ways, either by the government or international
organizations carrying out research to try to improve the situation. There has not been an
internationally accepted method to collecting data on birth registrations, yet UNICEF has created
a “development indicator for its Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey that measures the percentage of
children less that five years of age that were registered at the time of the survey” (Duryea, Olgiati,
Stone, 2006, 7).
To answer my research question, I had to thoroughly research international and domestic
law. Every treaty that mentions the stateless was analyzed and some were used to make the case for
reducing the lack of birth registrations stronger. In addition, the domestic law of my case studies
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had to also be analyzed to see the difference in the countries’ policies and which policies need to
be changed or improved. In order to understand which domestic policies needed to be changed or
improved, I had to research the solutions to the lack of birth registrations.
My case studies were picked based on four factors. The first factor was, is the country an
underdeveloped or developing country? I purposely did not want any case studies on developed
countries since my theoretical lens would not apply. Second factor was, does the country have a
stateless population? This factor coincides with the first since most developed countries did not
have or had a very little stateless population. The third factor is, do the countries belong to the two
areas with the lowest birth registration rate, South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa? So they could be
used to represent the depth of how statelessness is a development issue. Also, I wanted to
understand why the birth registration rate was so low in areas of South Asia and Sub-Saharan
Africa. If proposed solutions could work in such extreme cases then they should work in less
extreme cases such as in the Middle East and South America. Fourth factor was, has there been
research done in that country and is data on birth registrations available? These four factors led me
to my three case studies: Bangladesh, Kenya and Liberia. I will discuss these three countries by
analyzing their laws, the factors that cause statelessness and the proposed solutions by international
organizations. Bangladesh, Kenya and Liberia are all underdeveloped countries in need of social
and economic help. Increasing birth registrations will be a simple way to help their population by
providing the opportunity to improve their lives.
International Law
International law plays an important role on the issue of statelessness, which will be
discussed in this section. First we must understand what international law is and how it is created.
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International law serves as an international obligation to which nation states are strongly
encouraged to abide by. “International law is primarily formulated by international agreements,
which create rules that are binding upon the signatories, and customary rules, which are basically
state practices recognized by the community at large as laying down patterns of conduct that have
to be complied with” (Shaw, 2008, 6). To enforce international obligation, the International Court
of Justice was established in 1945. The Statute of the International Court of Justice, article 38(1)
outlines the five ways international obligations are created; treaties, custom, general principles of
law and judicial decisions. Treaties and customary laws are the two main ways international
obligation is created when it comes to the issue of statelessness.
Treaties, also known as conventions, are the most common method to create international
obligation since they are a literal contract between nation states. Treaties are understood to be law
making since they are binding to all parties, which means that every state that signs the treaty
cannot act against the treaty, or violate any articles in the treaty. Once a state signs a treaty, the
treaty becomes law and a part of their domestic legislature. The major problem with treaties is the
right states have to make reservations. States make reservations when they agree with most of the
treaty but disagree or do not want to be held responsible for specific articles, so when a state signs
a treaty it usually includes reservations. These reservations can be dangerous since states can
reduce their responsibility to international obligations.
The first international treaty relating to nationality and attempts to deal with the issue of
statelessness is the 1930 Hague Convention on Certain Questions Relating to the Conflict of
Nationality Laws. It “introduced some limits on the autonomy of states in nationality matters and
one of its aspirations was to ensure that everyone held a nationality” (League of Nations, 1930, 1).
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Article 1 asserts, “It is for each State to determine under its own law who are its nationals. This law
shall be recognized by other States in so far as it is consistent with international conventions,
international custom, and the principles of law generally recognized with regard to nationality”
(League of Nations, 1930, 1). Article 1 is still respected today and has been the core principle of
international law regarding citizenship. As revolutionary as the 1930 Hague Convention was, at
that time, it had little impact on the issue of statelessness since it only had twenty signatories and it
was unclear how complex the issue of statelessness really is. The 1930 Hague Convention only
touched the surface on the issue of statelessness, such as the nationality of married women and
children. Yet, the 1930 Hague Convention did open the door to other treaties such as the 1954
Convention Relating to the Statue of Stateless Persons and the 1961 Convention on the
Reduction of Statelessness. These two treaties are the main international treaties, still to the
present day, created to combat the issue of statelessness. The 1954 Convention was the first time a
legal term for people without a nationality was created. Before this convention, there was no term
to call people without a nationality and without a term there could be no legal action taken to help
them. In the 1954 Convention, Article 1 declares “for the purpose of this Convention, the term
"stateless person" means a person who is not considered as a national by any State under the
operation of its law” (United Nations, 1954, 1). Once the term was created, it opened the door for
legal assistance, thus an entire convention was dedicated to helping and protecting the stateless.
The 1954 Convention consists of five chapters: general provisions, judicial status, gainful
employment, welfare and administrative measures. The main purposes of the 1954 Convention is
for stateless people to acquire nationality and for stateless people to be treated like citizens. It also
sought to “regulate and improve the status of stateless persons” (Blitz, Lynch, 2009, 4). It calls on
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countries that are parties to the convention to provide stateless people with a nationality and
identification as quickly as possible. Article 27 asserts “the Contracting States shall issue identity
papers to any stateless person in their territory who does not possess a valid travel document”
(United Nations, 1954, 1). Article 32 asserts, “The Contracting States shall as far as possible
facilitate the assimilation and naturalization of stateless persons. They shall in particular make
every effort to expedite naturalization proceedings and to reduce as far as possible the charges and
costs of such proceedings” (United Nations, 1954, 1).
In this convention, two types of stateless people are acknowledged; de jure and de facto.
Stateless people who are considered to be de jure are people who have true claims to being a
national, but have no legal proof, such as an indigenous person who lives in the rural areas of
Mexico. Stateless people who are considered to be de facto are people whose political situation
prevents them from receiving a nationality, such as Palestinians (Southwick, Lynch 2009, 7). This
convention has twenty-three signatories and sixty-eight countries that are party to it.
A few years later, the following convention was presented, the 1961 Convention on the
Reduction of Statelessness. It reinstates solutions from the previous convention, “a contracting
State shall grant its nationality to a person born in its territory who would otherwise be stateless”
but also adding how to avoid statelessness at birth (Blitz, Lynch, 2009, 4). The 1961 Convention
acknowledges the complicated and various ways people can end up stateless and tries to come up
with a solution for many situations by stating what the country’s responsibility are and who has
jurisdiction on the stateless person. For example, Article 1(3) “a child born in wedlock in the
territory of a Contracting State, whose mother has the nationality of that State, shall acquire at
birth that nationality if it otherwise would be stateless” (United Nations, 1961, 1). Another
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example, in Article 5(1), “if the law of a Contracting State entails loss of nationality as a
consequence of any change in the personal status of a person such as marriage, termination of
marriage, legitimation, recognition or adoption, such loss shall be conditional upon possession or
acquisition of another nationality” (United Nations, 1961, 1). It also mentions that stateless
people who are de facto should be treated as much as possible as de jure, so they can have a better
chance of receiving a nationality (Southwick, Lynch 2009, 7). This convention has five signatories
and forty countries that are party to it.
International custom is based on the practice and behavior of states. “Such rules develop
almost subconsciously within the group and are maintained by the members of the group by social
pressures and with the aid of various other more tangible implements” (Shaw, 2008, 72).
Customary law is not written; it is an understanding that general practices are accepted as law.
Customary law is divided into two steps: the material fact and opinio juris. The material fact is the
first step based on the actual practice engaged in by states. For an act to be considered customary
law, it is judged based on its duration, consistency, repetition and generality. Opinio juris, the
second step, is the “belief that state activity is legally obligatory” and is the factor which “turns the
usage into a custom and renders it part of the rules of international law” (Shaw, 2008, 84). In
other words, states will act in a certain way because they believe they are required to do so by
international law.
A case can easily be made that the concept of nationality is a customary norm since it is
included in every domestic legislature and has existed since the Roman Empire. The concept of
nationality has a very long duration since the Roman Empire, but more commonly since the
creation of nation states. It has been consistent and repeated since the practice began and can be
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considered general since every country has citizens. It also falls under opinion juris, since the right
to a nationality is a part of international and domestic law. Every country has citizens because it is
required by international law and custom. There does not exist a country in the world that decided
to not have citizens and simply have people living in their country with no nationality.
Nationality
“The concept of nationality is important since it determines the benefits to which persons
may be entitled and the obligations which they must perform” (Shaw, 2008, 660). There is no
accepted definition of nationality in international law giving the domestic jurisdiction of states the
complete power to decide who its nationals are, as stated in the 1930 Hague Convention on
Certain Questions Relating to the Conflict of Nationality Laws. The lack of an accepted
definition for nationality shows the limitation of international law since it gives states the freedom
to define nationality on their own terms. Not only are there various definitions for nationality, the
ways individuals can acquire nationality and what nationality provides also vary from state to state.
In international law, there are only two recognized ways for individuals to acquire a
nationality at birth: jure soli meaning law of the soil, and jus sanguinis meaning law of the blood
(Shaw, 2008, 661). To acquire nationality through jure soli, an individual must be born in a state’s
territory. The only requirement to gaining nationality under jure soli is to be born in a country.
Unless someone is born on a plane or on a ship, everyone is born in a country meaning that
everybody should have a nationality, yet there are still millions of people that lack a nationality. Jus
sanguinis is when an individual acquires nationality through the nationality of their parents. It is
based on handing down nationality from one generation to the next through bloodline. Usually
only the nationality of the father can be passed down, since most societies are patriarchal, but in
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some cases the mother can also pass down her nationality. If children are born to stateless parents,
the only thing their parents can pass down to them is the status of also being stateless. Nation
states have the freedom to choose which law they want to follow. They can choose to only
recognize the law of the blood or the law of the soil or recognize both.
International Child Law
Since this paper focuses on stateless children, it is essential to look at international child
law. The Declaration in the Rights on the Child in 1924 passed by the League of Nations was not
only the first manuscript to acknowledge children’s rights, but also the first human rights
manuscript to be approved by an international body. This Declaration included “five principles
directed to creating the conditions necessary for children to be protected and to enable them to
develop into citizens who will contribute to their communities” (Buck, 2011, 22). The problem
with the 1924 Declaration was that it represented children as a passive actor rather than an active
actor, meaning that parents have complete control of their children so children were not really
given a say. The 1924 Declaration was revisited and revised by the United Nations and was
transformed into the Declaration of the Rights of the Child of 1959. These two Declarations were
not made to be considered legally binding instead, they were considered to be guidelines countries
should follow when it comes to child welfare. The 1959 Declaration is considered to be the
foundation to the most recent treaty regarding children’s rights, the UN Convention on the Rights
of the Child of 1989. However, even before the most recent convention, the rights of a child
appeared in other conventions, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of
1966 (ICCPR). In the ICCPR of 1966, Article 24 states,
“1. Every child shall have, without any discrimination as to race, color, sex, language, religion, national or social origin, property or birth, the right to such measures of
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protection as are required by his status as a minor, on the part of his family, society and the State. 2. Every child shall be registered immediately after birth and shall have a name. 3. Every child has the right to acquire a nationality” (United Nations, 1966,1).
Nonetheless, the main treaty regarding the rights of the child is the most recent one, the
1989 UN Convention on the Right of the Child (CRC). The CRC is a very unique treaty for three
specific reasons; the drafting process took eleven years, Non Governmental Organizations played a
great role in creating it and almost every country in the world welcomed it with one hundred and
ninety three signatories. The drafting process by the United Nations started in 1978 when the
Polish submitted a draft of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. It was highly criticized for
highly resembling the 1954 Declaration and it did not add anything new to the Declaration. Due
to the Polish’s inadequate draft, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR)
organized a group to review, revise and expand the Poles’ draft. This group held eleven meetings
from 1979 till 1988 and they finally agreed upon a text in December 1988. The text was then sent
to the General Assembly for approval and was adopted in November 1989. The CRC is highly
influenced by the three main treaties on human rights: the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant
on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. As stated earlier, Non Governmental Organizations
(NGOs) played a significant role during the drafting process,
“The NGOs’ contributions were in many respects remarkable. It is generally acknowledged in the international community that the NGOs had a direct and indirect impact on the CRC that is without parallel in the history of drafting international instruments” (Cantwell, 1992, 24).
The NGOs involved were directly responsible for thirteen articles included in the Convention and
influenced many other articles. The CRC is by far one of the most popular treaties, only excluding
the United States and Somalia who are not party to it. The CRC includes civil and political rights,
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in addition to social, economic and cultural rights. “It is the first, comprehensive, right-based
international treaty specifically constructed to protect and enhance the position of children”
(Buck, 2011, 88). The CRC was a major step in international law since it not only recognizes
children as actors in international law, but also recognizes children as active actors who can obtain
rights and are capable of making decisions. The CRC serves as the primary international
instrument to protect the rights of children by influencing regional and domestic policies.
The CRC also established the Committee on the Rights of the Child (CtRC), which
monitors and examines the progress made by countries in achieving the goals and obligations laid
out by the CRC. The CtRC consisted of ten child law and policy experts until it was increased to
eighteen in 2003. The CtRC is an “independent expert of high moral standing and recognized
competence in the field and not a delegate acting under a national mandate” (Buck, 2011, 93).
The CtRC receives countries’ periodic reports and publishes their interpretation called General
Comments.
To conclude the international law section, it must be understood that there is a very strong
international law foundation to defend and support stateless people at any age. But, since
international law must respect state sovereignty, only states themselves can change their own
policies in order to comply with international law. My case studies will be used as examples of
states that are party to many international conventions, yet they fail in fulfilling the international
conventions’ requirements.
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Case Studies:
Bangladesh
Bangladesh has a large population of stateless people, with only 10% of children under the
age of five getting registered yearly (UNICEF, 2009, 1). This percentage is one of the lowest in the
world, leaving 90% of children not registered. “This low rate is attributed to several factors, such as
the absence of an effective and functioning birth registration system, the weak capacity of the
relevant local government authorities and low level of awareness” (UNICEF, 2010,1).
There are multiple and complex factors as to why the birth registration is so low, but first
we must take a look into international and domestic law. Bangladesh is party to the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All
Migrant Workers and their Families 1990 and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. All
three of these treaties include articles that clearly state children must be registered immediately
after birth and every child has the right to a name and a nationality without being discriminated
against. Domestically, the legal framework behind birth registrations is weak. Before the Birth and
Death Registration Act of 2004, birth registrations were not mandatory.
“The birth registration system then relied on the village police or chawkidar to collect data on the occurrence of births, a system that did not function efficiently. This was due to a number of factors: the chawkidars were poorly trained and often illiterate and local government officials did not understand their responsibilities” (UNICEF, 2010, 19).
Bangladesh functioned without the need for identification or birth certificates. The lack of
needing identification or birth certificates is an obvious set back for Bangladesh because the
Bangladeshi people never felt the need to register births, since it played no purpose in their lives.
Identification or birth certificates were not needed to register children in school or get married or
for work, so there was no reason for the Bangladeshi people to pursue a birth certificate.
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The government of Bangladesh acknowledged the fact that their low birth registration rate
was an important issue that needed to be controlled, so they created the Birth and Death
Registration Act 2004 (BDR). This was the first piece of legislature to make birth registration
mandatory. The BDR Act 2005, section 8 states “a newborn child’s parents or guardian must
register a birth within 45 days” and section 13 states “if registration does not take place in the
allotted time period, a late registration is possible with stipulated procedure and extra fees” (BDR,
2004, 1). The BDR introduced a cross-sector approach by connecting birth registration with other
social services to increase the demand and necessity for birth certificates. Birth certificates were
now needed to register children into school, to obtain a drivers license, to received voter
registration cards and in many more areas. A major flaw of the BDR is that it does not state
specifically what the fee is to register births or what the late fee is. This flaw allows for corruption
where people are charged different fees, which some people cannot afford (IDLO, 2010, 4).
Factors Causing Statelessness
As mentioned earlier, there are various and complex factors as to the extreme lack of birth
registrations in Bangladesh. First off, the majority of the Bangladeshi population is uneducated on
domestic law and birth registrations. They are unaware that birth registrations are mandatory by
law, not only due to their lack of education, but also because it is a fairly new law, which was
created in the BDR 2004. In addition to their lack of education, birth certificates had never been
required in the past to enroll children in school or to get drivers license, so they are unfamiliar
with the new procedures. Another factor is that many women give births at home where nobody is
trained to register births. Children tend to go unregistered since their mothers are unaware that
they are legally obliged to register the birth and that they legally have up to 45 days to do it without
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a late charge. Another common reason why many mothers do not register their children is because
they are reluctant to register their children without the presence of the father. Most Bangladeshi
families, specifically in rural areas, consists of a stay at home mother and a father who is gone the
entire day working, it would be rare for the father to have the time to go with his family to register
their children during working hours. The children that are the most vulnerable are children born
out of wedlock to single mothers; they are the least protected by the government.
Since Bangladesh has recently, in the past seven years, made birth registration mandatory
and a priority, the government is lacking resources needed to affectively increase their birth
registration rate. The government does not have the essential budget needed and lack equipment
and trained employees. But most importantly, there is no national center for the Registrar of
Births and Deaths in the country.
“Lack of political will translates into weak enforcement with civil registration documents rarely demanded and little coordination and cooperation between the different ministries that have a stake in the system’s operation. This can lead to there being no clear responsibility for birth registration and no centralized authority existing at the national level to oversee it and ensure its integration” (Plan International, 2005, 30).
This is a major issue since there is no dedicated register to store birth and deaths and no electronic
versions, which results in inefficiencies, duplications and errors. Since there is no national
registrar, birth certificates are issued by independent people who do not have a national registrar
to report to, which can lead to corruption. Corruption is not commonly punished due to the lack
of supervision and violations are not punishable by law. Only the parents or guardians who are
responsible for registering the birth can be legally punished. No punishment currently exists for
false certificates or for employing workers or for admitting students without birth certificates
(IDLO, 2010, 5).
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Proposed Solutions by International Organizations
Solutions to increase the birth registration rate in Bangladesh can arise from different
approaches starting with the government. Since registration fees are a predominant reason why
parents do not register their children; birth registrations should remain as a free service provided
by the government and added to the domestic legislation. Keeping the birth registration process
consistent can reduce corruption by having an official registration or late fee set nationally. In
order to keep the process and fees consistent, the government must establish a national Central
Registrar. The establishment of a national Central Registrar is crucial to solving the issue of
stateless in Bangladesh, because it is the only efficient way to effectively collect, store and monitor
the data.
“The Births and Deaths Registration Act of 1873 put in place a legal framework for registration. Yet Bangladesh has no civil registration authority at the national level, nor is there a central level of responsibility to oversee these vital tasks. Plan International is working with government bodies to improve this situation by giving technical support to the government bodies of three districts and forming stakeholder committees to drive the process forward” (Plan International, 2005, 41).
Once a Central Registrar is established, it will open up other more effective ways of collecting data,
such as electronically. In 2002, the Bangladeshi government, with the help of UNICEF
Bangladesh, created the Birth Registration Information System, as a pilot, to register births
electronically. BRIS is the first central database for birth registrations in Bangladesh, which is used
by other public agencies, specifically health agencies. BRIS was established to store all birth
registrations while automatically issuing birth certificates. It also allows for birth registration
information to be retrieved whenever needed and it is used to monitor birth registrations by
generating timely reports (UNICEF, 2010, 22).
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“BRIS has removed duplication and redundancy from birth/registration records through the centralized storage of data. It has automated searching, sorting, processing and reporting tasks (such as those associated with immunization) and has very significantly reduced the time needed for such tasks. Error rates have also been reduced, with a combined identity number and bar- coding system. A CD-ROM of BRIS data has been created; to provide backup” (UNICEF, 2010, 23). In addition, adding or modifying already existing legislature will reduce corruption; more
articles need to be added that discuss violations and their punishments in order to have legal
reinforcement. Punishment for violations, such as using a false birth certificate or hiring employees
without a birth certificate, must be enforced. Two important already existing legislatures, the Child
Marriage Registration Act 1929 and the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance 1961 need to be updated
to include that in order to get married, birth certificates must be presented.
“In Bangladesh, marriage of a child under 18 is prohibited by law. However, a mere declaration regarding the age of the bride is enough for marriage registration. The incidence of early marriage could be reduced if all marriage registrars asked for birth certificates and proof of age” (Plan International, 2005, 23).
This modification would combat illegal child marriages and increase the demand for birth
registration, specifically for girls, since a birth certificate would be needed to marry off daughters.
Another approach needed to increase the birth registration rate in Bangladesh is by
increasing awareness and accessibility. Increasing awareness is essential because many Bangladeshi
are unaware that registering births is mandatory and are unfamiliar with the registration process.
The government can increase awareness by connecting birth certificates to various social services,
such as with health care.
“UNICEF has been working towards integrating birth registration activities into the routine Expanded Programme on Immunization (EPI) since 2007. The success of this integration has led to the incorporation of birth registration into the implementation
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programme for the newly launched Hib pentavalent1 vaccine in 2009” (UNICEF, 2010, 16).
The only issue with this attempt is that people are now constantly rejected for not having a birth
certificate and become discouraged, so they give up because they are unaware of what steps to take
to obtain a birth certificate or cannot afford the late fees. The only way to combat this issue is to
educate the people so they know what to do and when. The government, schools, religious leaders,
community leaders should all carry out campaigns to educate people on the importance of birth
certificates and explain the step by step process to obtain one for themselves or their children.
“Plan International engages religious leaders on the issue of birth registration. This has led Imams
to play a significant role in promoting birth registration by speaking about it through the mosque
microphone before and after prayers as well as through personal contact” (Plan International,
2005, 44). Campaigns should primarily target parents since they are responsible for registering
their children’s births, but children should also be targeted so they can be informed on their
rights. In addition, campaigns should primarily target rural areas since the lowest registration rates
are always found in rural areas. Since rural areas always have the lowest birth registration rate, an
increase of accessibility is critical to increasing the birth registration rate in Bangladesh. Since most
women give birth at home and not in hospitals, they must be given easy access to register the birth
in order for the child to not go unregistered. When a Central Registrar is created, employees
should be sent all over the country, specifically rural areas where they will be in charge of
registering all births in their area. They must be highly trained: understanding the importance of
birth certificates, knowledgeable in the procedure of registering births and be proficient in
1 The Hib pentavalent vaccine is a combination vaccine that protects children against five diseases in one injection, including, for the first time, the deadly bacterium Haemophilus influenzae type b (Hib) that causes some severe forms of pneumonia and meningitis (UNICEF, 2010, 16).
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preventing corruption and false information. The Central Registrar would also allow for electronic
registration be set up in every hospital and birth clinics which would allow them to register
children immediately after birth, as intended (IDLO, 2010, 7).
Kenya
Kenya has an overall estimated birth registration rate of 48% on average, but the rate varies
dramatically across different regions in the country (UNICEF, 2009, 1). As usual, urban areas have
a higher birth registration rate than rural areas. Overall, urban areas have a rate of 64% and rural
areas have a rate of 44%, which isn’t too drastic. But by comparing individual areas there is
definitely a drastic difference, such as in the Central Province the rate is as high as 84% but in the
Eastern Provinces the rate is as low as 6%. “Disparities in registration rates can be explained,
amongst others, by uneven development among socio-economic groups” (IDLO, 2010, 6).
There are multiple factors as to why the birth registration rate is less than half and varies
within different regions of Kenya, but first we must take a look into international and domestic
law. Kenya is party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the African
Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms
of Discrimination against Women and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. All these
treaties include articles that protect children in the most basic and essential way, which is to
register their births. Domestically, Kenya has the Births and Deaths Registration Act 1948 (BDR),
which is the primary legislature to manage birth registrations. Sections 8 and 9 state, all births
must be registered within the first six months of the child’s life (BDR 1948, 1). Since the BDR of
1948 was created while Kenya was still a colony of Britain, birth registrations were not officially
compulsory for all regions and races in Kenya, but only to select areas and races. In 1963, a
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compulsory registration of births was expanded to include Nairobi and eventually spread all over
the country by 1971. Due to the selectiveness of birth registration, it can be understood why there
is a large variation between regions. The BDR also states that if parents fail to register their child
during the six months grace period, they can be either fined for up to 500 Kenyan shillings or
imprisoned for up to six months. It also states that late registration is possible by paying a late fee
of 100 Kenyan shillings (BDR, 1948, 1).
Kenya has a government agency, the Department of Civil Registration, which is responsible
for registering all births and deaths in the country. “Registrars are located in each administrative
district and are required to forward lists of births and deaths on a weekly basis to the Principle
Registrar, who then updates the national database” (IDLO, 2010, 8). In more than half the
districts, the Department of Civil Registration uses a community-based system where they rely on
people from the community,
“Assistant chiefs are responsible for registering home births – a good system that brings the registration service into local homes. However, because of their poor pay, the assistant chiefs themselves see registration as an added burden for which they receive no proper compensation” (Innocenti Digest, 2002, 13).
In Kenya, birth certificates are required to enroll children into schools and to obtain any
official national documents, such as identity cards, passports and drivers license. Birth certificates
are essential for enrolling children into school because without one, the age of the child is
unknown, which commonly ends with the child being registered at the wrong time, later than the
recommended time. The Ministry of Education has officially stated that schools are not permitted
to accept students trying to enroll in primary school without birth certificates and the Kenyan
National Examination Council have also added that students are not permitted to take national
exams unless they have a birth certificate (IDLO, 2010, 6).
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Factors Causing Statelessness in Kenya
Factors causing Kenya’s low birth registration rate ranges from cultural norms to lack of
awareness. Naming a child is an important tradition in Kenya, which varies between ethnic groups.
Each ethnic group has its own traditions and procedures to naming a child, but overall a name is
chosen with a specific meaning that can relate the child to their heritage or a time period. Some
procedures of children naming take a long time resulting in the child not getting registered during
the grace period given because the child was nameless and a name is required to register a child.
Another cultural norm is the mistrust of the government, many Kenyans “fear that the
information provided through registration may be abused or misused to discriminate against them
and their children on account of ethnic or religious origin” (IDLO, 2010, 13). Since birth
registrations was introduced and became mandatory to only some races during the time Kenya was
part of the British Colony “registration has been seen by many as an alien concept inherited from
the colonial era, rather than as an important service. In addition, some communities are reported
to be reluctant to reveal the birth of a baby to strangers because of a fear of witchcraft and because
it breaks a traditional taboo on the counting of children” (Innocenti Digest, 2002, 15).
Lack of awareness is an important factor even though most Kenyans know that registering
births is compulsory, yet they are unaware of the procedures, costs and time limits. Most
importantly, Kenyans are unaware of the purpose of birth registrations and are unaware of the
benefits of having a birth certificate. Kenyan parents generally do not feel the urgency to register
their children due to a lack of the understanding the purpose of birth registrations. Many parents
wait until their children are rejected for not having a birth certificate to take the time to register
the birth, but they must be able to afford the late fee to actually get it done.
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Another common factor is that 38% of women give birth at home resulting in many of
those births not getting registered (IDLO, 2010, 7). The main reason why parents do not register
births that took place at home is due to inaccessibility to a registration facility or employee. The
Department of Civil Registration is responsible for making registration facilities and employees
accessible to everyone, but it faces many challenges. The Department is working with a very
outdated legislature, such as the BRD of 1948, which heavily limits their mandate. In addition to
outdated legislature, the registration procedure is also very outdated and still being run manually.
This manual process leads to more mistakes such as loss of records, misplacements, and wrong
information. The Department also has low funding, which results in inadequate equipment and
insufficient numbers of staff.
“For example, at district headquarters in Kwale, the three-person staff have just one computer and can only process around 200 birth records a month. This work can only be done after they finish serving clients, who come to register new births and deaths, and it is evident that better data management is urgently needed” (Plan International, 2009, 68).
Finally, there is a disconnection between the different agencies involved in birth registrations
where information either gets lost or simply not shared (IDLO, 2010, 13).
Proposed Solutions by International Organizations
First and foremost, Kenya’s government needs to update and amended its legislature to
include solutions to modern birth registration issues.
“In Kenya, an estimated 3.5 million children aged 6 to 15 are working – more than one quarter of all children in the country. Genuine enforcement of legislation to end such abuses requires the clear establishment of a legal minimum age for access to employment and a backdrop of effective birth registration to confirm the age of the children concerned” (Innocenti Digest, 2002, 5).
In addition, the government needs to provide incentives instead of penalties. Plan International
has found that the late registration fee really limits and discourages families to register their
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children after the six-month grace period (Plan International, 2009, 52). The most efficient way to
provide incentives is by linking birth certificates to social services. Parents must see the benefits of
registering their children in the early stages of the child’s life, so they feel like the effort was worth
it. Birth certificates should be linked to social services that are specifically needed in the early
stages of life, such as immunizations. Awareness campaigns are also essentially needed and they
should target primarily parents, both mothers and fathers. More accessibility to the Department of
Civil Registration is needed, especially in rural areas. “An evaluation in Kwale district in Kenya in
1999 found that, although birth registration was free, the costs of travelling into Kwale to obtain a
birth certificate were felt to be exorbitant” (Innocenti Digest, 2002, 14). The best way to make the
Department more accessible is by training home birthing personnel and midwives to register the
births and report it back to the department. Finally, the registration procedure and technology
needs to be updated, “Plan International is piloting community-led computerized birth
registration. By using mobile phone technology, it is possible to record data for birth notifications
and track the registration process” (Plan International, 2009, 68).
Liberia
Liberia has one of the lowest birth registration rates at an average of 4% due to the
country’s history (UNICEF, 2009, 1). Liberia’s low birth registration rate can be blamed on the
Liberian civil war. During the civil war, Liberia’s civil registration system was destroyed and Liberia
has had a tough time trying to rejuvenate the system. “The Ministry of Health and Social Welfare
is yet to re-establish facilities for the documentation and recording of data in a systematic manner”
(IDLO, 2010, 4). Due to the inadequate current system, the Liberian government has not been
able to collect accurate date on birth registrations. The Liberia Demographic and Health Survey in
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2007 found “that only 4 percent of Liberian children under age five have birth certificates. Birth
certificates are more common among children in South Central region and among those in the
higher wealth quintiles” (LDHS, 2007, 20).
Liberia is party to numerous treaties that emphasize the legality supporting birth
registrations, such as the Convention on the Status of Stateless Persons 1954 and the Convention
on the Reduction of Statelessness 1961, the two most important treaties regarding birth
certificates. Liberia is also party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1966,
the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child 1990 and the Convention on the
Rights of the Child 1989. Since Liberia is party to all these treaties, it faces great international
pressure to increase its birth registration rate, but it also received international help since they have
the treaties as the foundation to build on. Even though Liberia’s domestic policies on birth
registration are unclear, the Public Health law 1971 chapter 51 states that birth registrations are
compulsory and penalties will be set for not registering births. It also states that the birth must be
registered within fourteen days but registration will continue to be free until the child is five years
old and after the age of five, registration will cost a late fee. The Ministry of Health and Social
Welfare and the Principal Registrar of Vital Statistics are responsible or administering and storing
birth registrations (IDLO, 2010, 6).
Factors Causing Statelessness
Even though Liberia has a unique history relating to its registration system being destroyed
as a result of the civil war, their factors currently causing their low registration rate aren’t unique.
Since their registration system was destroyed, there is an absence of a centralized registration
system, which makes registering being births extremely inaccessible. “Birth certificates were issued
39
only in Monrovia, making registration difficult for suburban and rural dwellers that had travel
hundreds of kilometers to the capital” (Plan International, 2011, 1). One of the major factors is
the lack of education. Liberia has a high illiteracy rate, with 58% of women and 29% of men who
cannot read at all. Parents essentially need to be literate in order to register their child’s birth,
since it requires reading and filling out forms. The lack of awareness is another result of the lack of
education. Many Liberians, specifically in rural areas, are unaware of the process and importance
of registering births. They are unaware of the benefits a birth certificate brings and what
consequences of not having a birth certificate are; they simple do not see the purpose of registering
births. Uneducated parents who do not see the purpose of birth registration will eventually want
to register their child once a birth certificate is actually required but by this time, the child can be
over five years old and the parents must pay a late fee. If they cannot afford a late fee, the child
remains unregistered and living with the consequences (IDLO, 2010, 10).
Proposed Solutions by International Organizations
First and foremost Liberia’s legislature needs to be amended to include clear and effective
articles regarding birth registrations. Once Liberia has an effective legislature to work with, a
centralized registration system must be established. Also, the Liberian governments needs to
provide incentives by connecting birth certificates to social services, so the importance of birth
certificates will be heightened. Finally, awareness campaigns need to reach all regions, specifically
rural and poor areas. Awareness campaigns need to target parents, midwifes and village leaders.
They should also answer the fundamental questions such as, “how to register? Who can register?
When to register?” and most importantly, what are the advantages and importance of registering?
(IDLO, 2010, 10).
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Analysis of Case Studies
All three countries, Bangladesh, Kenya and Liberia have a strong foundation of
international law to encourage, support and advocate the right to birth registrations. They are all
party to two fundamental treaties, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
1966 and the Convention on the rights of the Child 1989. But even with a strong international
law foundation, all three countries have extremely weak domestic legislatures when it comes to
birth registrations. Their legislatures are all outdated and unspecific forming a weak foundation to
birth registration laws and procedures. Even though they all share this common factor, their
legislatures’ weaknesses are due to different reasons. Bangladesh has a weak legislature because
birth certificates and identification cards were never required to carry out daily tasks, such as
registering children into schools or getting employed. There was not a need to have a strong
legislature since birth registrations were a very low priority. Kenya was a part of the British Colony,
and the British made birth registration mandatory but only for white people, so the Kenyans
viewed birth registration as a colonial custom that was only for the privileged. Since Kenyans were
excluded in the birth registration process, it was never a part of their custom and due to their
mentality that the custom is colonial; they do not trust it and refuse to follow colonial customs
since they have their own cultural norms. Liberia’s weak legislature is due to their political unrest
and instability, which have caused two civil wars resulting in the complete abolishment of their
prior civil registration system. Liberia has needed to start from scratch and desperately needs a
more effective legislature to provide the foundation to be able to start from scratch.
In addition to the lack of an effective domestic legislature, the factors causing statelessness
in Bangladesh, Kenya and Liberia are almost identical, including the lack of public awareness and
41
lack of accessibility. The lack of public awareness is mainly caused by a lack of education since
birth registrations rates are found lowest in uneducated and illiterate families. People need to be
made aware that registering births is legally mandatory, since it was not mandatory in the past.
Also, people need to be literate in order to independently fill out registration forms; if they cannot
read the registration form, they would need to rely and trust a stranger to read it for them. The
lack of accessibility is a major reason why people do not register births, which stems from a
combination of issues. There is no coincidence that birth registration rates are found lowest in
rural areas since the highest percentages of uneducated and illiterate people live in rural areas.
Since all three countries were colonized and birth registration is a colonial customs, registrars are
always found in capitals and other major cities, which the colonizers planned and built. These
registrars are too far from rural areas and too expensive of a trip, which supports the mentality that
registering births is only for the privileged. Also, many women give births at home since hospitals
are either too far or too expensive. Since registering births requires a lot of effort and money from
people living in rural areas combined with their ignorance of the benefits of a birth certificate; they
do not see the point of it and do not think it is worth their time and money.
By combining these factors, we can see a common cause and that cause is the lack of social
development. There is no coincidence that birth registration rates are found lowest in
underdeveloped countries and in rural areas. “Unregistered children are always from poor,
marginalized or displaced families or from countries where systems or registration are not in place
or functional” (Africa News, 2003, 1). Overall, birth registration rates are always found lowest in
the most undeveloped places. The lack of birth registrations can be located to only one type of
area, which is an undeveloped area whether it is an entire country or certain towns. By analyzing
42
this pattern, it becomes obvious that the lack of birth registration is a social development issue.
Since the lack of birth registrations can be located to specific areas, governments need to focus
most, if not all there attention to these specific areas in order to truly see an increase in the birth
registration rate. Bangladesh, Kenya and Liberia need to shift their priority from developing
economically to developing socially because as mentioned in social development theory,
developing socially will automatically develop economically because it will add more of the
population into the legal economic market. Since birth certificates have become mandatory in the
work place, people who do not have a birth certificate have to either get paid illegally without
paying taxes or find a job in the illegal market such as the drug trade. If governments make birth
registration a priority, by increasing awareness and accessibility, and provide birth certificates to
their entire population, people will finally be able to get a legal job and get paid legally thus paying
taxes. In general, if governments make birth registration a priority, they would see not only an
economic increase but also an increase in all social factors, such as literacy rates because more
children will be allowed to go to school. Also the infant mortality rates would drop since children
will be able to get vaccinated.
In addition to the common factors causing statelessness, the common proposed solutions
by international organizations to Bangladesh, Kenya and Liberia are practically identical. They all
need to update and amend their legislature, increase awareness and accessibility, link birth
certificates to social services, Bangladesh and Liberia need to establish a central registrar, and they
all need to update their registration systems from manual to electronic. In order to achieve this list,
Bangladesh, Kenya and Liberia all need to make birth registration a priority. For far too long, birth
registration was on a low priority in all three countries, mainly because birth certificates were not
43
mandatory, but now they are, denying many people of not only their basic right as a human being,
but also their ability to be a part of society. As stated earlier, Bangladesh, Kenya and Liberia all
have a strong international law foundation; they need to use this strong foundation to inspire a
shift in priorities and promote birth registration to their number one priority. Another way to
achieve the list of proposed solutions is to welcome the help of international organizations such as
UNICEF and Plan International, since they have conducted the research, provided solutions and
have the necessary funding.
“Plan and UNICEF have been working closely together in their efforts to achieve universal birth registration. Their collaboration has adopted an integrated strategy built on each party’s respective strengths. UNICEF, as a UN agency, attracts high political attention at the global, regional and national levels, whilst Plan has many years of significant experience of working with partners at the grassroots level and recognizing children themselves as an important stakeholder group” (Plan, 2005, 33).
UNICEF and Plan International have not only proposed solutions to individual countries, but
have also proposed solutions to the international community. The first and most important
recommendation is for the international community to prioritize birth registrations by not only
advocating, but by also making birth registration a reporting requirement. They must refuse to give
funding to countries unless countries agree to provide birth registration data. The international
community must also see birth registrations as a factor in achieving the Millennium Development
Goals, since increasing birth registration rates affect many areas such as literacy rates and reducing
infant mortality. Finally, the international community must also, as much as possible, help
underdeveloped countries establish central registrars (Plan International, 2005, 52).
Conclusion
The lack of universal birth registration has been a growing problem in today’s world, with
around 40 million children a year not getting registered at birth. The lack of birth registration is an
44
international issue affecting children all over the world. Stateless children are forced to live a life
full of consequences; they are forced to follow a long list of what they cannot do. These children
are the most vulnerable, since they are constantly being rejected and are exceedingly targeted by
criminals.
Due to the seriousness of this issue, my research question stated how can international
awareness and efforts help underdeveloped countries achieve higher birth registration rates to
protect the rights of the child? To begin to answer this question, I had to first find a theoretical
lens to help explain the issue of statelessness. The theoretical lens used throughout my paper was a
mixture of social development and human rights theory. Social development theory was used to
express that the lack of universal birth registration is a social development issue, since the lowest
registration rates are mainly found in underdeveloped areas. Human rights theory was used since
not registering births is a human right violation. Out of human rights theory, children’s rights
theory was also discussed since the focus of this paper is on children and their rights need to be
respected. In addition, the legal empowerment theory was mentioned since statelessness is also a
legal issue that heavily affects the poor and vulnerable. Once I established my theoretical lens, I
immersed into international law, which I consider to fall under the international awareness
mentioned in my research question. While researching international law, I only discussed areas of
international law that was directly relevant to my paper. I had to first describe how international
law was determined, mainly through treaties and custom law. I found the main treaties dedicated
to citizenship and statelessness, and made the case that citizenship is a customary law. I then
explained the different ways a person can acquire nationality. Finally I discussed international
child law by describing the process of how the United Nations resulted with the Convention on
45
the Rights of the Child. My case studies followed, allowing me to incorporate my theoretical
perspective and international law background. I used the same format to present each case study,
which consisted of a country international and domestic law background, the factors causing
statelessness and proposed solutions by international organizations. Next, I analyzed all three of
my case studies where I found the common factors and common proposed solutions. I also
reconnected social development theory to the lack of birth registration, since I got the evidence
from my case studies that proved the lack of birth registration is a social development issue mainly
found in rural areas. Finally, I mentioned the importance of the role of international organizations
whose research has allowed us to understand the issue and has given us steps on how to combat it.
After all my research and analyzing, my argument persisted, governments can increase their birth
registration rates by changing or implementing new policies, so children will no longer be abused
and exploited with no means of an escape due to their lack of a birth certificate.
A quote from Plan International sums up this paper best, “universal birth registration is
impossible to ignore and entirely possible to achieve” (Plan, 2009, 6). We must understand that
the lack of universal birth registration is a completely solvable problem. Due to international
organizations’ research, we now have outlined steps that need to be taken in order to increase
registration rates. They have outlined steps that need to be taken by the international community,
by governments and by individuals themselves. A combined effort is needed to combat the lack of
universal birth registration; birth registrations need to be made a priority, not only by
governments, but also by the international community.
46
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