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 DOI: 10.1177/1469787411415081

2011 12: 203Active Learning in Higher EducationMary Stuart, Catherine Lido, Jessica Morgan, Lucy Solomon and Steve Mayand graduate outcomes for widening participation populations

The impact of engagement with extracurricular activities on the student experience  

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The impact of engagement with extracurricular activities on the student experience and graduate outcomes for widening participation populations

Mary StuartUniversity of Lincoln, Lincoln, UK

Catherine LidoThames Valley University, Brentford, UK

Jessica MorganUniversity of Greenwich, London, UK

Lucy SolomonUniversity of Sussex, Falmer, UK

Steve MayKingston University, Kingston-upon-Thames, UK

AbstractThis research examined extracurricular activity (ECA) effects on students’ experiences, outcomes and future job prospects. A survey of diverse undergraduate students, along with alumni and potential employer interviews, revealed differences in students’ engagement with ECAs beyond the classroom. Variations between ‘traditional’ and ‘widening participation’ student groups emerged, with older and ethnic minority students spending more time with non-university ECAs, engaged in family, religious and solitary activities. Lower socio-economic status (SES) students spent more time working, and less time engaging in ECAs. Alumni reflected ECAs as key to developing self-identity, social networks and career prospects/pathways. Employers stressed the value of ECAs for ‘distinguishing’ candidates, providing evidence of cultural fit, leadership,

Corresponding author:Mary Stuart, Vice Chancellor, University of Lincoln, Vice Chancellor’s Office, University of Lincoln, Brayford Pool, Lincoln LN6 7TS, UK Email: mstuart@lincoln.ac.uk

Article

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commitment, and ‘selling’ original activities. As (university-linked) ECAs were key for undergraduate outcomes and graduate employment prospects, emerging ethnic, age and SES patterns of engagement have implications for persistent inequalities in employment (despite widening participation agendas).

Keywordsdiversity in higher education, extra curricular activities, social capital, widening participation

Student diversity (gender, age, ethnicity and SES) and graduate outcomes

Graduate outcomes in terms of students’ degree attainment and progression, and their subsequent employment vary according to gender, ethnicity, age, socio-economic status and disability. Richardson (2008b) points out that the last 50 years have seen a marked shift in the proportion of female graduates from 30% in 1958 to 57% in 2005–6. During this time, the direction of gender differences in degree attainment has been reversed, with women now more likely than men to obtain a good degree (HESA, 2007; Richardson and Woodley, 2003; Rudd, 1984; Smith and Naylor, 2001). However, the gender gap in degree attainment varies by age, subject of study (Richardson and Woodley, 2003) and ethnicity (Connor et al., 2004; Naylor and Smith, 2004). Six months after graduation female graduates were more likely than male graduates to have entered employment or further study (Connor et al., 2004).

Research has consistently shown that, despite increasing participation levels in Higher Education (HE), ethnic minority students are less likely to obtain a ‘good’ degree (2:1 or above) than their White counterparts (Broecke and Nicholls, 2007; Owen et al., 2000; Purcell et al., 2005; Richardson, 2008a). Several have also discussed issues around ethnic minority graduates entering the job mar-ket (Blasko, 2002; Brennan and Shah, 2003). Connor et al. (2004) found that six months after leaving HE White students had obtained the most ‘successful’ graduate outcomes (94%, success being defined as either entering employment or further study), closely followed by the Asian, Indian, Black Caribbean and Black Other groups (90–91% range), but Black African graduates had the lowest success rate (84%). However, more ethnic minority graduates were in professional or managerial positions six months after graduation compared with their White counterparts, perhaps partially driven by high concentrations of ethnic minority students in medicine, law, IT and busi-ness studies (Connor et al., 2004).

Age of entry into HE does not seem to have any significant association with the class of degree earned (Blasko, 2002). However, mature students have poorer progression rates than their younger counterparts, with almost twice as many full-time mature students dropping out of HE after their first year compared with young entrants (Higher Education Statistics Authority, 2004). Mature students are generally less likely than younger students to enter university with ‘A’ level qualifica-tions, which often has a separate negative effect on labour market opportunities (Blasko, 2002). Graduates who entered HE at the age of 26–29 years were 4% more likely than younger graduates to be working in a non-graduate job 18 months after graduation (DfEE, CSU, AGAS and IER, 1999). Blasko (2002) also found that those who entered HE after the age of 24 were less likely to be in a graduate-level job and had worse career prospects.

Students from lower socio-economic backgrounds are under-represented in universities; those who have parents with skilled manual, semi-skilled or unskilled occupations make up only 25% of the average UK university’s student body (Hutchings, 2006). Researchers have found that social class impacts on students’ participation and success in the job market (Smith et al., 2000; Smith and Naylor, 2001). The Department for Education and Employment (DfEE, CSU, AGAS and IER,

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1999) reported that graduates with parents in partly skilled occupations were 30% more likely than others to have a non-graduate job 18 months after graduation, and this risk increased to 80% for graduates who had no employed parents. Three and a half years after graduation, those from lower socio-economic groups were also earning between 6–10% less than those with parents in manage-rial and technical positions (DfEE, CSU, AGAS and IER, 1999).

Social networks and resources are a pertinent issue for non-traditional and under-represented student groups who may have to learn ‘the rules’ of HE whilst facing time and money issues and discriminatory practices (Bowl, 2002; Malach, 2003). Networks of friendships at university become a form of ‘social capital’ which reinforces the effects of privileged groups’ increased levels of cultural and economic capital (Bourdieu, 1977; Stuart, 2006). It is likely then that engagement with university-linked activities will similarly affect friendship networks and links with the univer-sity and increase cultural and social capital. Thus, ECAs may be less of an ‘optional extra’ and more a means of acquiring vital social capital that will influence students’ attainment, progression and future employment.

Extracurricular activities and future employment

Researchers have examined a number of ways in which ECAs benefit students. Kaufman and Gabler (2004) found that activities such as music and dance, public service, interscholastic team sports, and student government all improved students’ likelihood of getting into college. These activities provided hands-on skills and training, alongside opportunities to increase one’s self-esteem and investment in school life. However, engagement in ECAs that were unusual or unex-pected (for example, a male student engaging in a female-dominated field) increased students’ chances of entering elite universities. Such ECAs may benefit students by helping them to stand out, defy expectations, and appear unique among their peers (Kaufman and Gabler, 2004).

Employers may also favour certain ECAs such as those indicating responsibility, reliability and maturity (Sattinger, 1998). Tchibozo (2005) found that certain ECAs undertaken at leadership level gave better access to large firms, job security and protection against unemployment. Participation in solitary activities, the social sector or citizenship activities, on the contrary, disadvantaged stu-dents’ labour market entry, leading to unemployment, less job security and lower occupational status. Other research with graduates seeking first jobs indicated mixed-effects of ECAs on unem-ployment and job security (Tchibozo, 2007).

Eide and Ronan (2001) have shown that students’ participation in competitive sports may have a positive effect on future earnings, although this differed according to students’ ethnic background. Other research suggests that participation in sports, clubs and societies has been found to benefit graduate employment prospects for younger students only (Brown and Scase, 1994; Purcell and Hogarth, 1999). Taking part in ECAs did not seem to improve mature students’ job prospects, but younger students who spent more than 10 hours per week on ECAs were more likely to be success-ful in their subsequent employment (Blasko, 2002). However, all studies show a significant pro-portion of students appeared to be missing out on opportunities to develop and engage in social networks at university, and were missing out on the strategic potential of ECAs in achieving employment objectives.

It is therefore clear that there is a need for a better understanding of the long-term impacts of extracurricular activity, as relatively little research to date has examined the role of extracurricular activities on student life and future career prospects, with emphasis on student demographics. However, research undertaken with high school students suggests that students’ engagement with ECAs varies across gender, social class and ethnic group (Brown and Evans, 2002; Dimaggio,

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1982; Dumais, 2002; Farkas, 1996; Flores-Gonzalez, 2000), as do the benefits of these activities for academic achievement and employment (Eide and Ronan, 2001).

This research project therefore examined the impact of ECAs, for various student demographic groups, on their career prospects. The definition of ECAs was broad and included all activities beyond ‘the classroom’, such as involvement in university clubs and societies, paid and voluntary employment, family commitments, religious activity and internet activities. The project examined the engagement of various student demographic groups in various university and non-university linked ECAs, as well as the qualitative perception of ECAs on employment prospects by student alumni, and finally the views of actual employers, in order to assess differences in student experi-ences, outcomes (marks) and career trajectories.

Method

This project utilized a mixed-method design, administering a large-scale survey study, followed by telephone interviews with alumni and potential employers. The quantitative data were analysed using ANOVA and regression techniques to examine for demographic group differences, as well as predictive models for ECAs and student success. The qualitative data were transcribed and ana-lysed in ATLAS(ti), using a basic coding framework, leading to the development of a more detailed thematic analysis to draw out emergent themes (Braun and Clark, 2006).

Participants in the quantitative survey consisted of N = 631 (and n = 54 pilot) students (344 female, 287 male; 188 mature; 14 physical disability, 44 specific learning needs; 282 non-religious; 188 first-generation students) from four geographically different universities in the UK. The stu-dents were selected to represent a diverse range of courses, comparable across universities (for example, nursing, psychology, business and law), but all were second-year undergraduate stu-dents, sampled mid-way through their first term. Twelve alumni (from three universities; 6 female; 4 mature and 2 ethnic minority), from the ‘class of 2001’, took part in telephone interviews. Nine employer phone interviews were conducted with managers responsible for hiring and approached via each university’s career development services. British Psychological Society ethical guidelines applied, and university ethics were approved.

The questionnaire was developed using pre-existing validated quantitative measures, as well as the development of new measures addressing involvement in various types of activity. Three pages of demographic information were collected as well as information on student well-being (adapted from Pavot and Diener, 1993), students’ stress (adapted from Cohen et al., 1983), self-reported marks (four items, with a follow-up email after final exams).

Twenty items measured participation in a wide range of activities outside the classroom, rang-ing from clubs, sports and family commitments to artistic, religious and voluntary activities, as well as employment information. Each activity was assessed for number of days a week partici-pating in the activity, where it took place (university, community or alone), why undertaken (relaxation/enjoyment, religious reason, or other). Blank items were given for participants to write in their own activities.

Furthermore, a tick list was given to assess how many days a week students spent on activities such as seeing friends, studying and using internet communities, as well as following other hob-bies. Four items were included on the subject of social networking and conducting business online. Identification with and perceived importance of these activities was also assessed (for example, ‘Participating in university clubs and activities is beneficial to my future job prospects’).

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Results

Student engagement with ECAs

Importance of ECAs. Paid employment was the activity most strongly perceived to benefit job pros-pects (M = 3.77, SD = 1.10), followed by voluntary work (M = 3.56, SD = 1.06). Students thought that hobbies and social engagements were activities most beneficial to their university experience (M = 3.27, SD = 1.07) and that (ironically) paid employment was the activity that they felt was most damaging to their university performance (M = 3.13, SD = 1.26). However, ANOVA tests to identify group differences revealed wide variation between the student groups, according to ethnic-ity, age, sex and social class.

Age differences in ECAs. Compared with their younger peers, mature students spent more time with their families (p < 0.01), in prayer/worship (p < 0.01) and in the library (p < 0.05). They spent less time seeing friends (p < 0.01), in pubs and bars (p < 0.01), in shops and cafes (p < 0.08), doing other hobbies (p < 0.06), visiting the students’ union (p < 0.01) and in online communities/social networking sites (p < 0.01). Therefore, fewer mature students’ activities were based at their univer-sity (p < 0.01), which may have a direct impact on student outcomes, as ECAs are indeed linked with students’ marks. However, regression analysis revealed that the significance of engagement in ECAs for improving student marks was stronger for younger students (Beta = 0.12, p < 0.01), who do more university-based ECAs. For mature students, self-reported marks were higher only for those who do not feel their activities undermine their university performance.

Sex differences in ECAs. Compared with female students, male students spent more time in pubs and bars (p < 0.05), doing sport (p < 0.05) or other hobbies (p < 0.01), and more time on councils and committees (p < 0.09). They spent less time in shops and cafes (p < 0.01), in paid employment (p < 0.05) and with their families (p < 0.05), and marginally less time studying (p < 0.09). A larger number of male students’ ECAs were linked with university (p < 0.05), and male students were less likely to see voluntary work (p < 0.01) and part-time employment (p < 0.05) as beneficial to their job prospects and student outcomes. Therefore, male students appear to be engaging more beyond the classroom in university and non-university activities, but not valuing employment and volun-tary work as highly as the female students. Regression analysis predicting student marks indicated that this differential engagement may have detrimental effects for both sexes. For the female students engaging in more university-linked ECAs was indeed associated with higher marks (Beta = 0.15, p < 0.01). Additionally, for male students (who reported doing more university-linked ECAs overall), spending time in the pub was associated with lower marks (Beta = – 0.14, p < 0.05), but spending time with family (which they do not generally report) was associated with higher marks (Beta = 0.12, p < 0.05).

Emergent ethnic group differences in ECAs. Patterns of engagement emerged for White, Black, Asian (including Indian and East Asian students), and Arab/Persian student groups, broadly speaking. Compared with students from ethnic minority backgrounds, White (n = 391) students spent signifi-cantly more time seeing friends (p < 0.01), in pubs/bars (p < 0.01) and engaged in other hobbies (p < 0.06), as well as less time in the library (p < 0.05), in prayer/worship (p < 0.01), with family (p < 0.01), and undertaking either paid employment (p < 0.01) or voluntary work (p < 0.01). There-fore, a picture emerges whereby White students reported doing a larger number of university-based activities (p < 0.05), but a smaller number of community-based activities (p < 0.06), and fewer of their activities were undertaken for religious reasons (p < 0.01).

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In contrast, the Black (n = 64) students within the sample reported spending more time in the library (p < 0.01), in prayer/worship (p < 0.01), with their families (p < 0.01) and in paid employ-ment (p < 0.01) compared with students from non-black backgrounds. They, like all other ethnic minority groups, spent significantly less time seeing friends on campus (p < 0.01), in pubs/bars (p < 0.01), in shops/cafes (p < 0.01) and doing other hobbies (p < 0.01). Therefore, it seems clear that Black students engaged in a larger number of community and religious (p < 0.01) activities, and/ or engaged in online or solitary (p < 0.01) activities, but fewer university-based activities overall (p < 0.01). Interestingly, Black students identified more strongly with religious activities (p < 0.01), and saw religion and voluntary work as directly beneficial to their employment pros-pects (p < 0.01) and academic progress (p < 0.01).

Asian students within the sample (n = 115), including both East Asian and Indian, also spent more time in the library (p < 0.01). However, unlike other ethnic minority student groups, they reported more time visiting the students’ union (p < 0.01) and on councils and committees (p < 0.01), although not engaging in more university-linked activities overall (p > 0.05). Like other ethnic minority groups, Asian students were more likely to report engagement in prayer/worship (p < 0.01), spend-ing time with their families (p < 0.01) and watching films (p < 0.05). They spent less time in pubs/bars than all other ethnic groups (p < 0.05). They were also likely to say their religion would help their employment prospects and academic progress (p < 0.01), but also saw being a course repre-sentative as beneficial to their job prospects (p < 0.01), and part-time work as more beneficial to their university performance (p < 0.05) but less beneficial to their social life (p < 0.01).

Arab and Persian students (n = 28) had a similar activity pattern to other ethnic minorities. However, they spent marginally fewer hours per week in paid employment (p < 0.09) and reported the largest number of solitary activities (p < 0.06). Therefore, a picture emerges of ethnic minority students engaged in more community-based, religious and voluntary activity, but with Asian stu-dents engaging more with the students’ union and committees, but not necessarily university-activities overall. Therefore a clear division occurs, with ethnic minority ECAs focused more on university for study, an emphasis on religious, volunteering and family activities and generally a less ‘traditional student’ pattern of university-linked ECA engagement (with the exception of Asian students’ engagement in student union and committee activities).

Socio-economic moderation in ECAs. Students from lower (self-reported) socio-economic back-grounds (for example, skilled/unskilled trades) were compared with those from higher socio-economic backgrounds (for example, professional/public sector), and significant differences pervaded across ethnic, age or gender categorizations. Students classified as lower in socio-eco-nomic status (SES) spent more days (and hours) per week in paid employment, as well as reporting less time studying (p < 0.05), in clubs/societies (p < 0.01), in councils/committees (p < 0.05), doing voluntary work (p < 0.07) and other hobbies (p < 0.05). They were also more likely than higher SES students to have friends on social networking sites (p < 0.05), rather than within the university. Lower SES students were less likely to say that their employment helps their university perfor-mance, and more likely to say that ECAs undermined their university performance (p < 0.05). Therefore, SES appears to impact student engagement both inside and outside the classroom.

Conclusions on student engagement in ECAs. A picture emerges with various demographic students engaging differentially in activities, largely divided along the lines of ‘traditional’ students, and ‘widening participation/under-represented’ student groups. For instance, traditional male and White student demographic groups engaged in statistically more activities based at their university, including the student union, as well as being more likely to spend time socializing with friends (in

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bars, student union, cafes, etc.). The ‘traditional’ or majority student groups saw less value in voluntary, religious and part-time work, compared with university-linked activities, when consid-ering their impact on job prospects and university performance. Ethnic minority student groups were more likely to report spending time in the library, with their families, and engaged in com-munity (religious and voluntary) activities, as well as prioritizing these activities as being of value for university performance and job prospects. However, Asian students prioritized clubs and com-mittees, as well as being course representatives, and spent significantly more time in the student union (but less time in pubs/bars) than other ethnic minority groups. SES moderated the above effects, with lower SES students spending more time in paid work and less engaged in ECAs over-all (including university-linked activities), regardless of ethnicity, age and sex.

This differential pattern of participation appears to have some implications for marks, with high numbers of ECAs being linked with higher marks for traditional students, as well as female stu-dents. It is also interesting that for White students paid work was associated with higher marks, but this was not the case for ethnic minority students (who spent more time in paid work overall). Worryingly, regardless of age and gender, those with learning difficulties reported lower marks overall, and ethnic minority students with learning difficulties were associated with lower marks.

Alumni

Qualitative results: alumni. Successful employed alumni (n = 12) were asked to reflect on the ECAs they did at university and the effect these had on their university performance and subsequent employment. Alumni were all employed at managerial level, including the areas of design consul-tancy, hardware sales, IT, immigration officership, charity directorship, government policy, lectur-ing, human resources and marketing. The ECAs the alumni had engaged in also ranged widely from part-time work, university/student union activities (for example, pub quiz organizer, events manager), university clubs (for example, philosophy, sports, rowing, choir) and external commu-nity activities – volunteering, family commitments, acting as DJ and more.

ECAs for social capital. Most alumni emphasized the social aspect of ECAs describing them as an important opportunity to network and make new friends. Some socialized with people from univer-sity clubs, particularly sporting clubs, which often met around the student union pubs and bars. In general, all alumni described how the social networks they made in ECAs helped them to find jobs or to progress within their chosen careers, some directly, others indirectly via their social contacts helping them with job placement. All stated that friendship networks from university were still important within their social and working lives, even years after university, as they had helped them to feel socially supported to carry out their jobs more effectively.

Identity development vs constraints. Many of the younger alumni said that social activities were important for developing their self-confidence, their sense of well-being and happiness at univer-sity. Some of the younger students also talked about activities in terms of their social development and maturity, leading to social skills which they came to rely on in their later careers. Many of the alumni described how activities had given them transferable skills that they later brought to the workplace.

Mature students were more likely to state that social activities gave them academic confidence rather than social confidence, and described the importance of receiving academic support and advice from their peers. Some ethnic minority alumni said that they were not involved in certain activities because they did not feel welcomed by, or a part of, their students’ union. Some of the

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mature student alumni, irrespective of their ethnicity, claimed that many ECAs were not accessible to them, although they also reported that their studies and career were their main university prior-ity. As they had been fee-paying students, many of the working student alumni discussed financial and time constraints with regard to ECA participation. Some alumni wished that they had done more ECAs. Voluntary work in particular was an activity that many students regretted not having done, seeing it as important for job opportunities.

Conclusions on alumni. There was general agreement from the alumni that ECAs had been beneficial to their initial job searches and that the social networks made at university had been either directly or indirectly linked to their current career paths. Most felt that ECAs were now of little or no importance to their CVs, given that they had more life and work experience to support their appli-cations. However, some still referred to their ECAs in job applications, especially for activities where they had played a central or leadership role, reached a certain level of achievement or felt were still important to their sense of identity.

Some alumni members’ experiences replicated our finding for universities to more fully sup-port diverse student needs in their pursuit of ECAs. Some mature student alumni felt conflicting responsibilities, such as paid employment and childcare, prevented them from engaging in activi-ties (such as voluntary work). One particular ethnic minority alumni said that they would have engaged more in activities had their students’ union been more welcoming, or had their university offered more activities targeted at mature students’ interests and compatible with their external responsibilities.

Employers

Qualitative results: employers. Managers from potential employers (n = 9) from across the institutions were asked about the most important skills they look for in a graduate employee, and about the relative importance they placed on ECAs when considering graduate applications. Answers appeared fairly consistent despite diversity of employ (from IT/computing, multimedia and soft-ware design to accountancy, tax, marketing and sales).

Many of the employers had a minimum requirement of attainment and said that the class of degree (but not necessarily institution) was the most important thing on a graduate’s application. At larger firms, class of degree acted as a filter at the first stage of the interview selection process. However, these employers also conceded that the large number of graduates applying with a 2:1 meant that there was little variation in applicants’ levels of degree attainment. Therefore, class of degree on its own was an insufficient criterion with which to compare applicants. In these circum-stances, ECAs became more important as a source of additional information.

Relevant work experience. All employers emphasized the desirability of work experience, within their chosen profession, during their degree. A few employers even said that they prioritized rele-vant work experience above class of degree. Most employers recognized that it was rare for stu-dents to obtain relevant work experience directly whilst they were still studying, and for this reason ECAs became a way for applicants to illustrate the skills and experiences they had developed through other means. Therefore the majority of employers expressed a keen interest in graduates’ ECAs. Two of the employers were less optimistic about ECAs as an accurate source of information about a candidate. However, even these employers described how engagement in certain ECAs helped them to form judgements about individual candidates.

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Cultural fit. Many employers talked about the importance of ‘cultural fit’ between the culture of their company and the personal qualities, attitude and aptitude of the candidate. ECAs were described as a potential indicator of this fit especially with those who conducted projects in teams of people, or companies whose work was client-facing. These organizations valued highly sociable, confident and friendly candidates with good social and communication skills. However, there was far less agreement over the types of ECAs thought to demonstrate these skills, with socializing, university clubs and committees as well as voluntary work and sports activities being discussed.

Despite a general consensus that both university societies and voluntary work were good indica-tors of candidates’ communication skills and personal qualities, there were some employers who were put off by these types of activities. These employers recruited graduates from computer sci-ence subjects, perhaps indicating some poor links between science and student union activities. However, there was consensus on the desirability of university-linked team sports, particularly by IT employers. Some employers also discussed the importance of candidates’ enthusiasm and vital-ity. They said that, in addition to sport and exercise, activities that were adventurous or unusual indicated a person was passionate and interested in life.

‘Selling’ ECAs. In terms of the types of ECAs that employers said they would like to see more of, there was a general consensus that it was the quality rather than the quantity of ECAs that was important. Employers particularly emphasized the desirability of activities that were long-term, showed commitment, involved some level of achievement or attainment, and responsibility or leadership. Employers also emphasized the importance of graduates ‘selling themselves’ on the application and interview. They stated that ECAs needed to specifically demonstrate a candidate’s key skills and competencies, and for this reason they needed to be clearly articulated. Candidates who simply listed their activities without further explanation, or those who were not comfortable talking about their interests at interview, were less able to demonstrate the relevance of their out-side hobbies and interests to the job.

Conclusions on employers. As illustrated above, employers were generally in agreement that ECAs were useful in demonstrating key skills and competencies sought by a graduate employer, as well as ‘cultural fit’ with the company (that is, seeking sociable, outgoing and extroverted gradu-ates who would fit in well with colleagues and communicate effectively as part of a team). Employers highlighted not only work experience but clubs and committees (especially leader-ship roles), voluntary work and team sports as key ECAs. However, some valued university-linked team sports over voluntary work, positions on university councils and student union activities. This was particularly the case with computer science/IT employers, who advocated team sports as the best indicator of fit with the workplace. Employers emphasized the impor-tance of graduates ‘selling’ their activities, by being aware of the skills they had taught them and using illustrative examples. This suggests that students would benefit from careers advice from their universities regarding ECAs.

Conclusions: ECA impact on engagement, outcomes and employment

In sum, it would appear that, according to employers and alumni, ECAs such as voluntary work, and particularly university-linked ECAs (such as team sports and committees), help to distinguish graduates in the job market (in line with Kaufman and Gabler, 2004). This is particularly important given the current economic climate. However, beyond the classroom, our findings reveal that

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students are engaged in very different activities partially (and statistically) dependent upon their demographic backgrounds.

Differences in ECA engagement are evident between ‘traditional’ and what may be defined more widely as ‘widening participation/non-traditional’ students. Students classified as working class, mature and/or minority ethnic (with the exception of Asian students) are generally engaging less in university-linked ECAs and pub/café-based socializing, but more with community (reli-gious, voluntary and family) activities, as well as solitary activities (for example, online network-ing). This is in contrast to graduates and employers, who place social networking value on university and group-based extracurricular activities (for example, team sports, student union clubs and com-mittees) undertaken whilst studying, and engaging with university-based career services to ‘sell’ these activities. According to alumni these differences in participation appear to be occurring for a variety of reasons (such as time constraints, and feelings of non-inclusion). However, all agreed that lack of participation may ‘disadvantage’ students in obtaining what is considered to be the ‘full’ student experience.

In relation to the literature, the lack of university-linked ECA engagement by mature students may be in part due to the finding that they have less need for social identity, and communication skills development, in line with Brown and Scase (1994) and Blasko (2002). Ironically, university engagement may be of the most value to mature students in terms of meeting friendship support needs to achieve their desired student outcomes as described by Stuart (2006). Similarly, ethnic minority students also tended to be less involved in student union activities (such as clubs, societies and team sports), which supports Flores-Gonzales’ (2000) and Malach’s (2003) findings that cer-tain ethnic minority groups may experience feelings of alienation from aspects of the student experience.

Caution should be used when generalizing the above findings given the potential weaknesses of unequal sample sizes of the ethnic minority student groups (despite an adequate overall sample size), and obviously the inability to generalize qualitative data (given sample size and phenomeno-logical nature). Participants across universities were matched for level and domains of study (for example, within sciences, social sciences, arts, etc.), yet area of study is not addressed statistically, and future research should compare these findings with those of alumni and employers. Although these research findings are in line with and extend existing research, it would be useful to contrast the students’ ECA participation at UK universities with that elsewhere.

Despite sample and generalizability limits, it is clear that there is unequal access to important social capital benefits inherent in ECAs (particularly university-linked, leadership role and team-based activities). It is also clear that those students whose focus is not the university environment but rather community engagement outside the university may not be able to make the same social networking connections, and communicate the same transferable skills, which benefit the graduate in terms of career progression (and support). As many of these students, who are less engaged in university-linked and team-based ECAs, may broadly be considered as ‘non-traditional students’, we suggest that these students, although advantaged by practical community, online and work-based experience, may be disadvantaged via the informal learning, social network development and even identity/esteem development of university-linked activities, which are ultimately seen here to affect students’ experience, outcomes and career pathway.

Future research identified by way of this study should assess inclusivity of university activities, particularly of student unions. Future research should note that computing science graduates espe-cially expressed feelings of alienation from the student union and described certain university-linked clubs and committees as ‘cliquey’, yet IT employers valued these ECAs in particular. Little research has examined the importance of religious activity to ethnic minority students’ experiences, and

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further research should examine students’ (but not employers’) perceived significance of religion to academic outcomes and job prospects. Finally, given that many ethnic minority students, particu-larly lower SES and Black student demographic groups, are meeting new friends on social network-ing sites (and report spending less time with university friends), future research should examine the online development of university peer support networks, and their impact on employability.

In no way do these findings suggest that all students should have the same ‘traditional’ experi-ence, nor is this a comprehensive account of student engagement within the UK, but rather it is intended to highlight that some societal expectations of graduate-relevant skills and experience may disadvantage certain age, ethnic and SES student groups. Practical implications may therefore include universities examining differences in their ECA participation, and addressing issues of exclusion, for instance for students who are less able to be ‘present’ on campus whilst they are studying. Employers should also be encouraged to re-value community activities other than volun-teering, such as broader community, family and religious-based activities. University career ser-vices should highlight employer-valued activities in their advice to students. Additionally, career services’ arrangements with potential employers should lead them to look beyond the class of degree and toward under-valued qualities which students with diverse life experiences can bring to employment, and career service engagement.

Wider involvement within, and beyond, the university is essential so that social networks are able to develop for all students at university. This may facilitate the development of confidence, identity, transferable skills and, most importantly, offer students opportunities to demonstrate that they have what is required for the cultural ‘fit’ within a particular organization. Our research advocates accessible and inclusive university-linked extracurricular activity opportunities for all students, given the direct impact of ECAs on student experience, networks, and undergraduate and graduate outcomes.

Acknowledgement

This research was fully funded by the Higher Education Academy.

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Biographical notes

Mary Stuart is Vice-Chancellor of Lincoln University and has published in the fields of cultural capital and higher education studies, with a strong focus on widening participation. She is a mem-ber of HEFCE’s Teaching Quality and Student Experience strategic committee and has acted as Associate Director Research for the national co-ordinating team for widening participation for HEFCE, the LSC and the DfES. She acts as a higher education advisor for the World Council for Total Quality and Excellence in Education. Address: University of Lincoln, Vice Chancellor’s Office, University of Lincoln, Brayford Pool, Lincoln LN6 7TS, UK. [email: mstuart@lincoln.ac.uk]

Catherine Lido is a Senior Lecturer and Programme Leader. She has headed funded research grants from the ESRC (for example, media effects on attitudes toward asylum-seekers), as well as HEFCE, HEA, West London Lifelong Learning and West Focus-funded projects. She is interested in social psychological aspects of ethnicity and equality in higher education and occupational domains. Address: School of Psychology, Social Care and Human Sciences, Thames Valley University, Paragon House, Boston Manor Road, Brentford, Middlesex TW8 9GA, UK. [email: Catherine.Lido@tvu.ac.uk]

Jessica Morgan is a Lecturer researching social psychological constructs related to positive psy-chology and has undertaken two post-doctoral research posts on both HEA and ESRC projects, funded to investigate the experience, outcomes and well-being of ethnic minority student groups at university. She has also conducted widening participation research for Aim Higher London South. Address: University of Greenwich, Park Row, London SE10 9LS, UK. [email: J.Morgan@gre.ac.uk]

Lucy Solomon is a researcher investigating undergraduate experiences of different demographic groups, particularly mature women, and the specific challenges facing these students longitudi-nally. She has worked on varied projects within the field, including Aim Higher Sussex and an HEA-funded projects looking at the barriers for non-traditional students. Address: School of Sociology, University of Sussex, Falmer BN1 9RH, UK. [email: L.Solomon@Sussex.ac.uk]

Steve May is a researcher investigating the transition and progression of non-traditional students into higher education, and their subsequent retention and progression. He is a member of the Higher Education Policy and Practice (HEPP) Network, and his current interests are in institu-tional planning and engagement with academic staff in the development of policy and practice. Address: Academic Development Centre, Kingston University, Millennium House, 21 Eden Street, Kingston upon Thames, Surrey KT1 1LB, UK. [email: s.may@kingston.ac.uk]

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