The History of the Shrine of Daggar, 1868-2013

CHAPTER I

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

Overview of Geographical and Historical Background of Kelelä Wärädä

This thesis examined the history of the shrine of Shäyh Shäräfädin from 1868-2013. The shrine

was established by Shäykh Shäräfädin. He was among the nineteenth century religious Ulämä of

South Wällo. He was born from the family of Borenä Negelē and notable religious leader of the

region who have genealogical line with Prophet Muhämmäd. His mother, Lomitä Wodi was born

from one of the immigrants of Borenä Negelē. As we will see in Chapter II, he was born from his

father Shäykh Ibrähim Tohä in Kelelä Wärädä. 1The term Kelelä, which literally means,

“shelter”, has strategic connotation for the area it referred. The elder people of present-day

Kelelä recall that the previous name of the area was called Gefersä. Gefersä is an Oromo word

which means wide. The name Gefersä was given as the name of the area by one of the immigrant

of Negelē Borenä chief known as Wodäje Ali Sēkotorē. At the same time, Ali Wodäje Boru, the

other notable chief of Borenä Negelē re-named it as Gefersä, name of his forefathers, as Kelelä.

The literal and contextual meaning of the word Kelelä mainly stands for the strategic location of

the area in defending and defeating his neighboring enemies. Ali Wodäje who was pleased by the

strategic location of the area coined the name Kelelä for the region.2

The town of Kelelä was established during the reign of Emperor Menelik II during the beginning

of the twentieth century. The capital of the district, Kelelä town, is located 562 Kilometers, 642

Kilometers and 162 Kilometers from Addis Ababa, the regional capital Bahr Dar, Dessē, the

1 Enku’an Le-2013. Ye-Däggär Mesjidel Shäräfädin Ametäwi Metäsebia Be’al Beseläm Aderesächihu! Be-Kelelä

Wärädä Bähil EnäTurism Şihfet Bet Ye-qirs Ťibeqä Enä Yetigberä Budin Yetezegaje, Tikimt, 2004, Manuscript, and Informants: Shäykh Ahmed Abubu and Shäykh Mu’ahmud Hämzä.

2 Seid Yimer Ali, “Ye-Kelelä Ketemä Tärik” Kelelä Wärädä Cultural and Tourism Bureau, 2002, pp. 4-5.

2

capital of South Wällo Zone respectively.3 As already stated above, Kelelä town was established

by Oromo chiefs who came to the area from Borenä Negelē. Ali Wodäje Boru, who succeeded

his forefathers‟ authority, was the administrator of the town during the period of Emperor

Tewodros. Shifäw Yimeru and his son Amädē Shifäw consecutively took power of Kelelä until

the invasion of Italy. The patriots of Kelelä Wärädä led stiff resistance against the invasion of

Italy. Dejäzmäch Geletä Qorgno, Fitäwräri Kidäne, Haile Selassie Abä Jebel and Dejäzmäch

Gubenä Amädē were among the noble patriots of Kelelä who bravely defend the region from the

invasion of Italy. After the withdrawal of Italy; Haile Selassie Abä Jebel, Geletä Qorgno and

Fitäwräri Kidäne successively administered Kelelä until 1942. In 1942, Dejäzmäch Gubenä

Amädē disentangled Mekäne-Seläm and administered it separately. In this time, Dejäzmäch

Mulugetä G/hiwot, Negus Michael Ali‟s grandson, succeeded Fitäwräri Kidäne. During the

reign of Emperor Menelik, the administrative structure of the country divided into Awräjjä and

Wärädä in 1943.4 In 1993, Wogidi, Borenä, Säyint and Kelelä were disintegrated and formed the

present day Wärädä structure of Western Wällo in their respective name respectively.5 Borenä

Awräjjä covered 5099 gäshä land.6

A preparatory school was built in Kelelä in 2008.7 The populations of Kelelä Wärädä are

dependant on agriculture. Some of the residents of the town of Kelelä also involve in trade

activities as one source of income. From 2003-2007 around 26% of the income of the town was

3 Be-Debub Wällo Mestedädir Zone Be-Borenä, Wogidi Enä Kelelä Wärädäwoch: Ye-Beto, Woleqä Enä Abäy

Sheleqo Täsäbi Biheräwi Pärk ye-Zirzir Ťinät Report, May 2012, p. 3.

4 Ye-Kelelä Ketemä Tärik, 2002 prepared by Seid Yimer Ali and found in Kelelä Wärädä Cultural and Tourism

Bureau, PP. 3-8; Birhän Asefä Arägäw, “Bähläwi Ye- Gidit Afetät Zedewoch Be-Wogidi Enä Be- Borenä Wärädäwoch” (MA Thesis, Department of Ethiopian Language and Literature, Addis Ababa University, 2002), p. 17. Informant: Ato Ayälēw Haile, Mubärek Mustefä.

5 Birhän Asefä Arägäw, pp. 5 and 17.

6 Teferä Mekonnen, “Bähläwi Gäbichä Be-Borenä Awräjjä,” (BA Thesis, Department of Theatrical Art School,

Addis Ababa University, 1981), p.III.

7 Seid Yimer Ali, “Ye-Kelelä Ketemä Tärik,” Kelelä Wärädä, Cultural and Tourism Bureau, 2002, p. 9.

3

generated from trade. However, the number of people of the Wärädä that have been actively

involved in trade activities increased through time. From 2008-2010, around 28.9% of the town

residents were actively involved in trade activities.8

8 Ibid., p. 10.

4

Figure 1 Adopted from Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, the Magazine of Kelelä Wärädä prepared in 2010

5

Kelelä Wärädä is bordered with Därä in the south, Lägä-Hidä in the west, Wogidi in the east and

Lägämbo Wärädä in the north.9 Kelelä Wärädä with its area 1767 Square Kilometers (146380

hectare) lies between 10020‟-10047‟N Latitude and 38042‟-39016‟E Longitude. The altitude of the

district ranges from 1227 meters around Beto River valley to Guyemä Mountain with a height of

2986 meters in the northern part of the district.10

The topography of the district is not uniform.

According to a research report of South Wällo Administrative Zone, Wogidi and Kelelä

comprise 10% flat and plain land, 20% River, 47% mountainous and the remaining 23% is

undulating hills. Moreover, highlands are concentrated in the northern part while lowland areas

are found on the periphery of south, south west and south eastern part of the district. There are

two rainy seasons in the district. These are the rainy season (June- August) and belg or period of

small rain (March- May) season. The Agro-ecological position of the area mainly comprises two

agro-ecological regions. Around 87% of Kelela Wärädä is found in Sub-Tropical (Woinä Degä)

and the remaining 13% is in the tropical (qollä) region. Similarly, the amount of rain fall

recorded during the rainy seasons of the district ranged from 700- 1200mm.11

Population in Kelelä Wärädä is characterized by fast rate of population growth in South Wällo

Zone. The total population of Kelelä Wärädä is 136,545. Among this, 67,929 are women and the

remaining 68,616 are men. Kelelä Wärädä is also one of the Wärädäs of South Wällo in which

its inhabitants with different religions lived in co-operation. Around 95% (130,313) of the total

population are Muslims, 4.43% (6,054) Orthodox Christians, 0.05% (67) Protestants, 0.047%

(65) Catholics, 0.03% (41) Traditional religious followers while the remaining 0.0037% (5) is

9 Zergäw Asferä. “Some Aspects of Historical Development in “Amhärä/ Wällo (ca. 1700- 1815), BA Thesis,

Department of History, Addis Ababa University, 1973, p. 69; Ethiopian Road Authority, Afro-Consult and Trading ELT research paper, 2009.

10 Ethiopian Road Authority and Informant: Hägos Hailu who has been a Specialist in Safety Net and

Natural Resource in Kelelä Wärädä Agricultural Office.

11 Be-Debub Wällo Mestedädir Zone Be-Borenä, Wogidi Enä Kelelä Wärädäwoch: Ye-Beto, Woleqä Enä

Abäy Sheleqo Täsäbi Biheräwi Pärk ye-Zirzir Tinät Report, May 2012, pp. 3-5.

6

the followers of other religions. Among the total people of Kelelä Wärädä, 5.6% (7,640) of the

people live in towns. While 5,609 urban residences live in Kelelä town the remaining 2031 lives

in the other towns of Kelelä Wärädä. The remaining 94.4% (128,905) people lives in rural

areas.12

For administrative convenience, Kelelä Wärädä is divided into different Qebelēs

(districts). The district has 36 Qebelēs among which 33 are rural and the remaining 3 are urban

Qebelēs.13

During the second half of the last decade of the 1990s, the town of Däggär was

established in the southern edge of Kelelä at a distance of 26 kilometers from Kelelä.14

Most of

the people, particularly the residents of the northern part of the district speak Amharic language.

But, people who live in the Qollä parts of the district, due to their geographical proximity with

the Oromo speaking people of Därä, speak Oromognä as their second language.15

Introduction and Consolidation of Islam in South Wällo

There is a tradition among the people of Wällo which related the conversion of the people to

Islam with the coming of an Arab called Debelo. According to the tradition, Debelo was

identified with the Dibuli who were among the first Shirazi settlers on the Red Sea coast. This

was the justification for the Wärrä-Himäno ruling families to claim an Arab or Persian

ancestor.16

However, Trimingham has been skeptical about the tradition largely based on

etymological grounds. He argued that, Debelo is not an Arab name and tells us nothing about its

12 Seid Yimer Ali, p. 9; Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Statistical Report on Population Size and

characteristics of the 2007 population and Housing Census of Ethiopia, Results for Amhara Region, Vol. I (Addis Ababa: Branna, 2010, p. 11, 32 and 168.

13 Informants: Zeritu Hussein and Hägos Hailu, interviewed on Kelelä Wärädä Communication and Agriculture

Offices respectively.

14 Seid Yimer Ali, p. 9.

15

Informants: Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole, Shäykh Ahmed Abubu and Kässäw Usmän, interviewed on the compound of the Shrine of Däggär.

16 Hussein Ahmed, Islam in 19

th Century Wällo, Ethiopia: Revival, Reform and Reaction, (Leiden, Boston and

Koln:Brill, 2001), pp. 62-63 and informants: Shäykh Umär Därge Aräriso and Shäykh Seid Ťolhä, in Addis Ababa, in the Mosque of French Legation in Yeka Sub-City.

7

Arabic origin which makes the tradition spurious.17

Blundell‟s Royal chronicle was the exclusive

written material that substantiated this tradition. This royal chronicle, however, stated nothing

about the origin and the period of the coming of Debelo to Ethiopia.18

The introduction and consolidation of Islam in South Wällo was also linked with the arrival of

Arab preachers, political protester, teachers and individual settlers around south eastern Wällo

bordering the Islamic regions of the Sultanates of Ifat and Shewa. The arrivals of the descendants

of the Jäbärti (indigenous Muslim community of north and central Ethiopia) who carried Islamic

doctrine and who settled in the region were the other considerable means for the introduction of

Islam in the region. Local tradition relates that Shäykh Säbir and Shäykh Gäräd were the two

early Muslim preachers who settled around Kombolchä and Dessē. These were believed to be the

first preachers in the conversion of the surrounding Amhärä communities to Islam. These

Muslim Ulämä19

came from Harar. According to tradition, the present neighborhoods of

Shäshäbir and Gärädo in Dessē derived their names from the name of these two preachers.20

Traditions in Wällo also indicate that Asqäri (from the Arabic Asghär) and „Ad Käbirē (from the

Arabic Käbir) were responsible clans for the dissemination of Islam in Wällo. The „Ad Käbirē

clan in Tembēn claims to have originated from the Hijäz. The ancestors of the clan were two

brothers known as Käbirē (the eldest) and Asqäri (the youngest). The clerics of the clan later on

moved to Wällo and disseminated Islam. The offspring of Asqäri moved and settled in Borenä,

western Wällo. The local communities considered them as possessors of Kärämä (the power of

17 Spencer Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia (London: Oxford University, 1952), p. 193.

18

H. Weld Blundell, the Royal Chronicle of Abyssinia: 1769-1840, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1922), p. 511.

19 The plural form of alim, which means Muslim scholar

20

Hussein Ahmed, “Two Muslim Shrines in South Wällo,” (Proceedings of the Fifth Seminar of the Department

of History, Addis Ababa University, 1990), p. 62 and Informant: Shäykh Muhämmäd Säni interviewed in Dessē, South Wällo.

8

making miraculous deeds).21

These traditions, however, are not substantiated by written sources

and are less precise in chronology. But, these different traditions reflect the indigenous views on

the complex nature of the process of Islamization and also give prominence to the largely pacific

ways in which the people were converted to Islam by immigrant teachers and scholars.22

Though the exact date and mode of the introduction and expansion of Islam to South Wällo is

obscure, tradition of the region relates it with the emergence of the Sultanate of Shewä in the end

of the ninth century and the Sultanate of Ifat around the end of the thirteenth century. Thus, the

Islamization of Wällo can be traced back to the period between the foundation of the Sultanate of

Shewä and the Sultanate of Ifät between the end of the ninth and the twelfth/thirteenth century.23

The communities of South Wällo have geographical proximity, social, economic and cultural

affinities with the Muslim communities of northern and eastern Shewä. This situation gradually

resulted in the successful introduction of Islamic tradition to South Wällo.24

Kelklächew Ali

confirmed the introduction of Islam to South Wallo even before the period of the invasion of

Ahmed Gragñ. He argued that, during the period of Ahmed Gragn‟s conquest, in the first half of

the sixteenth century, a considerable size of the inhabitants of South Wällo had already accepted

Islam.25

Islam has long been established in South Wällo probably since the tenth century. Of

course as confirmed by Jan Abbink, the Ulämä of the Sultanate of Ifät came to missionize South


th Century Wällo, pp. 62-63.

22

Hussein Ahmed, “al-Häjj Bushrä Ay Muhämmäd: Muslim Reformer, Scholar and Saint in the 19th

Century Wällo, Ethiopia,” in Bertrand Hirsch and Manfred Kropp, eds., Saints, Biographies and History in Africa (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2003), p. 176.

23 Ibid. p. 175-176 and Gäshäw Mohämmäd, “A Biography of Shäykh ‘Abdu Kätto,” (BA Thesis, Department

of History, Addis Ababa University, 1994), p. 1.

24 Hussein Ahmed, “Al-Häjj Bushrä Ay Muhämmäd, pp. 175-176.

25 Kelklächew Ali, “Religion, Rituals and Mutual Tolerance in Wällo: The Case of Käbi, south west Wällo”

(MA Thesis, Department of Sociology and Social Administration, Addis Ababa University, 1997), p.31.

9

Wällo inhabitants in the fourteenth century, a century after the introduction of Islam to south

eastern Wällo.26

The second decisive period for the expansion and consolidation of Islam in the region was

related with the wars of Ahmed Grägn in the first half of the sixteenth century.27

The Jihad of

Ahmed Grägn (1527-1543) strengthened the already established Muslim communities at the

expense of the weakened Christian institutions and activities. During the period of the invasion

of Ahmed Grägn, many non-Muslim communities of the region were forced to accept Islam.

Along with the invasion of Ahmed Grägn, the activities of Muslim preachers, who had joined the

Imäm in the course of his campaign, converted the people of the region and settled in Wällo to

propagate Islam.28

In the post-Grägn period, the Tulämä, a major division of the Borenä Oromo group settled in the

southern section of Amhärä region, which is presently known as Borenä, a region which roughly

lies between the Denqoro and Wälläqä Rivers, western part of Kelelä Wärädä. They were

established in 1682 in the region.29

Until the early seventeenth century, the highland of Wällo

was inhabited by Christian Amhärä.

However, the seventeenth century expansion and permanent settlement of the Oromo people in

highland Wällo facilitated the adoption of Islam in the region.30

As a result of the gradual

26 Jan Abbink, “Transformations of Islam and Communal Relations in Wallo, Ethiopia” in Benjamin F. Soares and

Rene Otayek, eds., Islam and Muslim Politics in Africa (New York: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2007), p. 67.

27 Ibid and Kelklächew Ali, p. 31.

28

Kelklächew Ali, p. 31 and Zergäw Asferä, , pp. 2-4.

29

Zergäw Asferä, pp. 2-4 and Muhämmäd Yesuf, “Islam and the Muslim Conditions in Ethiopia,” (BA Thesis, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Addis Ababa University, 1994), p. 4.

30Muhämmäd Yesuf, pp.1-2; Asnake Ali, “A Historical Survey of Social and Economic Conditions in Wällo: 1872-

1917,” In Taddese Beyene eds., Proceedings of the Eleventh International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Vol.1 (Addis Ababa: Institute of Ethiopian Studies, 1988), p. 263 and Asnake Ali, “Aspects of Political History of Wällo: 1872-1916,” (MA Thesis, Department of History, Addis Ababa University, 1983), p. 1.

10

settlement and Islamization of the Oromo both in the highland and lowland areas of Wällo, the

Christian society previously occupied the highland regions of South Wällo retreated to the

highland regions of Amhärä Säyint bordering Gojjäm and Begēmder to the west and north-west

respectively. As a result of this, the dominant inhabitants of the region of Borenä, Wärrä-

Himäno, Qällu and Ambässel are Oromo.31

As a result, from the beginning of the eighteenth

century on the Oromo became patrons of Muslim clerics and champions of Islamic expansion.32

Generally in the Islamic history of Wällo, immigrant families and clerics played a vital role in

the diffusion and consolidation of Muslim culture in peaceful mode of conversion.33

The establishment of the local Muslim dynasty of Wärrä-Himäno was the other decisive factor

for the expansion and consolidation of Islam in the region.34

This Muslim principality was

established in the last quarter of the eighteenth century in northern Amhärä, south of the Bäshlo

River35

, by Mohämmädoch family, who claimed an Arab noble ancestor. The origin of the

Mohämmädoch is obscure. However, local traditions considered the ancestors of the ruling

dynasty of Wärrä-Himäno came from Arssi around the turn of the eighteenth century. Bäbo

Nurädin is remembered as the forefather of the Mohämmädoch. Järi Täkile received the Muslim

Oromo spearheaded by him. Järi Täkile was an elderly man in 1682 that came to Gondar during

the period of King Iyäsu I so as to mediate him with Wućäle Oromo. He was the descendant of

the Arēloch who had a strong sphere of influence in north eastern Amhärä including the districts

31 Mohammed Yesuf, “Islam and the Muslim Conditions in Ethiopia,” (BA Thesis, Department of Political

Science and International Relations, Addis Ababa University, 1994), pp. 1-2 and Asnake Ali, Historical Survey of Social and Economic Conditions in Wällo, p. 263.

32 Asnake Ali, Historical Survey of Social and Economic Conditions in Wällo, p. 263 and Hussein Ahmed,

“Two Muslim Shrines,” p. 62.

33 Hussein Ahmed, “The Life and Career of Shaykh Talha b. Ja’far (c. 1853-1936)” (Journal of Ethiopian

Studies, XXII, 1989), p. 13 and Gäshäw Muhämmäd, p. 63.

34 Hussein Ahmed, “The Life and Career of Shaykh Talha b. Ja’far, p. 13.

35

Bäshlo River is an important River rising in the east of the central plateau, flows west and then south and joining the Abäy about latitude 10

o55’. See, H. Weld Blundell, p. 537.

11

of Ligot, Tähulädärē, Wärrä-Täyē, Wärrä-Abichu and Wärrä-Bäbo until 1842. He was actually a

friendly man to the incoming Oromo groups in different periods through different directions.

Täkilē, the priest of Wällo, also welcomed the new comers in the first half of the seventeenth

century.36

As indicated by Zergäw Asferä, Bäbo Nurädin is claimed to have been the descendant

of Shäykh Nur Hussein of Arssi. The immigrants were settled at a place called Mämmäd in Gärfä

in the present day Lake Ardibo in Wärrä-Bäbo, Ambässel-Tähulädärē Awräjjä.37

It was established by the descendants of Godänä. Godänä Bäbo was among a Muslim cleric who

came from Arssi and settled around Gärfä, east of Ćälläqä River around 1700.38

Godänä

succeeded in extending his influence over Tähulädärē, in Ambässel, North West of Gärfä. The

rulers of Gärfä adopted and pursued vigorous policy to consolidate and expand Islam to the

neighboring areas.39

The Wärrä-Himäno established a ruling family in South Wällo, Täntä,

which got some sort of predominance over the other Wällo clans of Jämmä, Lägä-Hidä, Lägä-

Gorä, Lägämbo, Ali Bēt, Abäy Bēt and Gimbä since the early ninetheenth century. These were

the original localities which constituted the so-called “Säbät Bēt Wällo (the seven houses of

Wällo).40

Beginning from the second half of the eighteenth century, the power of the

„Solomonic‟ Emperors continue to decline and their jurisdiction over Amhärä was confined to

territories north of the Bäshlo River and to Amhärä Säyint in north west Wällo. As a result, the

Wärrä-Himäno princes led armies that threaten the wellbeing of this area.41

36 Zergäw Asferä, pp. 10-11 and 73.

37

Hussein Ahmed. Islam in 19th

Century Wällo, p. 116; Zergäw Asferä, p. 20 and Addis Zemen, Lebheräwi Shengo Mirdä Yeqerebu Iduwoch Zirzir (45

th Year, No. 530, May 30, 1987), p. 10.

38 Hussein Ahmed. Islam in 19th Century Wällo, p. 27 and 116 and Zergäw Asferä, p. 12.

39

Hussein Ahmed. Islam in 19th

Century Wällo, p. 117.

40 R.A. Caulk, “Religion and the State in Nineteenth Century Ethiopia” (Journal of Ethiopian Studies, X, I,

1972), p. 31; Hussein Ahmed, Islam in 19th

Century Wällo, pp. 117-119 and Zergäw, p. 4.


th Century Wällo, p. 116 and Zergäw Asferä, p. 48.

12

The marked beginning of Wärrä-Himäno as an independent principality was carried out by Ali

Godänä. The reign of Muhämmäd Ali (r.ca. 1771-1785) was an important period in the further

expansion of the domain of the Mohämmädoch and the consolidation of Islam.42

Muhämmäd Ali

strengthened his power on the basis of Islam by seeking and obtaining the support and sanction

of Muslim scholars and jurists. He was also inclined to make Shäria the basis of the prevailing

legal system. This strengthened his friendship with the reformist and revivalist scholars like

Shäykh Ali Adäm (popularly known as Ali Jerru) who immigrated to Bilän in southern outskirts

of Dessē town from Northern Shewä and Shäykh Tälhä b. Jä‟fär, Häjj Bushrä Ay Muhämmäd of

Gätä and others.43

Bätto succeed Muhämmäd Ali (1785-90). After him, Bätto‟s brother and

Muhämmäd Ali‟s son, Amäde Kolläsē, or Amädē „the elder‟ took power. Amädē completed his

father‟s plan of territorial expansion by incorporating the districts of Amhärä into his domain.

The Imämäte of Amädē extended as far south, Wänćit and Jämmä Rivers, and as far west as the

Abäy River.44

This territory included the present day Kelelä Wärädä as part and parcel of the

Muslim principality of Wärrä-Himäno.45

Like his forefathers, Amädē was committed to

strengthening the position of Islam in Wällo. He coordinated the forces of Amhärä Säyint under

Berellē Ergo; Lägämbo, Lägä-Gorä, Wärrä-Ilu, Jämmä and Borenä under Billē Ali; Qällu and

Rēqqē under Endris Boru and Tähulädärē, Wärrä-Abbechu, Wärrä-Wäyyu, Wärrä-Täye and

Wärrä-Bäbo under the commandment of Märēyyē. The Muslim dynasty of Qällu had strong

hostile neighbors of Wärrä-Bäbo and Tähulädärē in the north. Qällu‟s constant claim of

controlling the strategic and commercially important district of Däwwäy led to frequent clashes

between hereditary chiefs of Däwwäy and the neighboring Muslim Dynasties including Qällu.

42 Hussein, Islam in 19

th century Wällo, pp. 117-119.

43

Ibid., p.121 and 176-177; Hussein, “The Life and Career of Shäykh Tälhä,” pp.17-21 and Zergäw Asferä, p. 70.


th century Wällo, p. 122 and Zergäw Asferä, pp.37-61.

45

Hussein, Islam in 19th

century Wällo, p. 233 and Zergäw Asferä, p. 69.

13

To the west of Qällu, Lägä-Gorä maintained and exercised some sort of indirect control over

Lägämbo, Lägä-Hidä and Jämmä. The ruling dynasty of Lägä-Gorä was known as the house of

Gättiroch, a term derived from the name of its center, Gättira. The Gättiroch also controlled the

independent chiefdoms of Ali Bēt, Abäy Bēt and Gimbä. However, the fourth local dynasty in

South Wällo, Borenä, was administered under Wodäjē Boru. While, Wärrä-Himäno, Lägä-Gorä

and Qällu assisted Räs Ali militarily, Adärä Billē, Tähulädärē, Borenä, Lägämbo, Lägä-Hidä,

Wärrä-Bäbo and Ambässel fought amongst themselves over the acquisition of territory and

tribute.46

The internal rivalry among the ruling houses of Wällo was resulted from the deliberate

policy of the lords of Begemder and the princes of Shewä to secure local allies amenable to the

expansion of their spheres of influence. Generally, political fragmentation characterized by

intense rivalry between some of the hereditary rulers and the attempts of the Wärrä-Himäno

princes to bring different chiefdoms under its control prevailed in Wällo in the first half of the

nineteenth century.47

There were dynamic and continuous interactions among the above ruling

houses. Constant warfare, intermarriages, economic reciprocity and movements of groups

characterized their relationship. The leader of Lägä-Gorä (Adärä Billē) and Qällu (under Berru

Lubo) maintained friendly relationship with each other through marriage from 1830s-1840s.

Berru gave his daughter, Fätimä, to Adärä for political reasons, i.e., to prevent Adärä from

allying himself with Shewä. Contrary to this, the Tähulädärē chief, Ali Märyyē and Imäm Färis

of Gärfä engaged in war with Qällu, Lägä-Gorä, Wärrä-Himäno, Wärrä-Bäbo and Ambässel.48

Amädē was died while he fought with the joint forces of the governors of Lägä-Hidä and Lägä-

Gorä in 1803 at a place called Yelälä in Wärrä-Himäno Awräjjä particularly in Lägä-Hidä, on the



47

Ibid., p. 128.

48 Ibid., p. 128 and Zergäw Asferä, p. 6

14

southern edge of the Awräjjä.49

The immediate cause for the battle of Yelälä was a rebellion

raised by the bäläbäts of Lägä-Hidä and Lägä-Gorä, after his return from the campaign of

Gondar, which resulted from the hereditary right of them to administer their successive regions.

The successor of Amädē, Libän devastated Lägä-Hidä and the neighboring districts as revenge to

the death of his father. He also subjugated the districts that rebelled against his father for a period

of seven consecutive years. After he assumed the title of Imäm, he encouraged the propagation

and expansion of Islam. He desecrated some of the local churches and turned them into

mosques.50

He died in 182551

in a campaign while fighting to convert a local Christian

community of Wädlä, Däläntä and Däwunt. In 1825, he was succeeded by his son Amädē Libän

who converted a large number of Christians in the principality of Wärrä-Himäno to Islam. He

died in 1838. He was succeeded by Libän who was renowned for his Islamic fervor. He was

considered as the defender of Islam. Before he assumed the hereditary governorship of Wärrä-

Himäno, he led an armed incursion into Gäyēnt that resulted in the burning down of churches in

May 1799.52

Libän was deposed by the order of Räs Ali Alula in 1841. Following this there was

intense rivalry for power among the offspring of Libän Amädē until 1855. The sons of Libän

Amädē; Ali, Bäshir and Abä Mijä Amädē divided the imämäte of the Mohämmädoch which

weakened it.53

Hence, the expansion of Islam followed the footholds of the continuously expanding Muslim

dynasty of Warra-Himano. The control of Amhärä Säyint after November of 1797 together with

the already consolidated territories of the south up to Wänćit River, found south of Kelelä


th Century Wallo, p. 123 and Zergaw Asfera, pp. 51-53.

50

Hussein Ahmed, Islam in 19th

Century Wallo, p. 124.

51 Asnäke Ali, “Aspects of Political History of Wällo, p. V and 2.

52


Century Wällo, 124 and Zergäw Asferä, p. 57.


th Century Wällo, p. 125 and Asnäke Ali, “Aspects of the Political History of Wällo,

p. 2.

15

Wärädä, signaled the predominance of the Mohämmädoch in the whole region of Wällo.54

Generally, around the turn of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, highland Wällo was

predominantly inhabited by Muslims with the exception of Amhärä Säyint and Wädlä Däläntä.55

1.1. Yejju Dynasty: Islam and Politics Entwined

As stated so far, the Wärrä-Himäno Muslim principality had strong and friendly relations with

Yejju Dynasty. The then Yejju Oromo leaders had assisted the clerics of the Imäm of Wärrä-

Himäno. Amädē was among the powerful leaders of a “Muslim Party” in Wärrä-Himäno. He was

a powerful man who ruled over Wällo and Wärrä-Himäno. He accompanied Räs Ali, son of

Wäyzäro Menen and Alulä, on several successful campaigns until his death in 1838. Amädē

engaged in the preaching process and travelled as far as Begemder to bear books of Islam and all

its laws. While he was on the road and was trying to join Räs Ali II, he died on the march.56

However, the specific place he died needs further research. Along with the establishment of

Yejju and Wärrä-Himäno Muslim power, large Muslim factions emerged in Wärrä-Himäno,

Wällo, central and northern Ethiopia.57

Before the coming to power of Amädē in Wärrä-Himäno

in 1825, there were many Christians in the region who were either forced or persuaded to convert

to Islam during his period.58

Wärrä-Himäno Muslim dynasty was even independent of imperial

control of Yejju dynasty in Gondar.59

The political and religious impact of Islam, however,

began to be felt throughout the region in the reign of Räs Ali II (1831-1853). Though he was


th Century Wällo, p. 116 and Zergäw Asferä, p. 48.

55

Gäshäw Mohämmäd, p. 2.

56 H. Weld Blundell, p. 488 and Seyuom Woldē Yohännes, “Räs Ali and Tewodros: the Position of Islam in

Central Ethiopia,” (BA Thesis, Department of History, Addis Ababa University, 1968), p. 29.

57 H. Weld Blundell, p. 488 and Seyuom Wolde Yohännes, pp. 15-20.

58

W. K. Isenberg and L. J. Krapf, Journals of the Rev. Messrs., Isenberg and Krapf: Proceedings in the kingdom of Shewä and Journeys in other parts of Abyssinia in the Years 1839, 1840, 1841 and 1842(London: Frank Cass and Co.LTD, 1968), p. 362.

59 Zergaw Asfera, p. 13.

16

nominally Christian, he appointed his uncles, who were fanatic Muslims, governors of great

provinces where they introduced Islamic customs and made proselytes by persuasion and force.

Islam which had been closely tied with the political power of Yejju Oromo reached a stage

where it could threaten the interest of the Christian population. The number of Muslims in every

town of commercial importance increased from time to time. In areas where Ali‟s partisans

ruled, Islam had spread by forceful propagation.60

In 1840s, the throne at Gondar was closely dominated by Räs Ali and Menen in which Emperor

Yohannes III was only its nominal shadow king. Wällo and Wärrä-Himäno Muslim partisans

gave an impressive assistance for Räs Ali.61

Hussein Ahmed considered the struggle amongst the

warlords of northern and central Ethiopia of the Zemene Mesäfint (c. 1750-1855) as a clash

between Christian Amhärä and Tigrean elements and Yejju Oromo campaigns of Islam.62

However Abir, Who critically reviewed the works of Lefebvre, Harris and plowden‟s travel

accounts, confirmed the war of the period as the war of Christian Amhärä and Tigrean elements

and the Wällo Oromo so as to preserve their predominant position in the northern part of

Ethiopia. The religion simply utilized by both sides as a means to integrate the population of

occupied territories and to consolidate their own respective authority. Rather, politico-economic

factors emanated from the interest to control trade were the main cause of the continuous wars

between the Christian kingdom and the Muslim principalities.63

During this period, the

60 Ibid., p. 20 and Mordechai Abir, Ethiopia, the Era of the Princes: the Challenge of Islam and the Re-

Unification of the Christian Empire (1769-1855) (London: Longmans, Green and Co Ltd, 1968), p. 111-125 and Trimingham, p. 111.

61 Zergäw Asferä, pp. 20-24; Chichele W. Plowden, Travels in Abyssinia and the Gällä Country with an account

of a mission to Räs Ali in 1848, (London: Longmans, Green and Co. Ltd, 1968), p. 387 and Seyuom Wolde Yohannes, pp. 20-23.

62 Hussein Ahmed, “the Historiography of Islam in Ethiopia, Journal of Islamic Studies, III, 1(1992), p. 19.

63

Mordechai Abir, Ethiopia, the Era of the Princes, p. 112 and Mordechai Abir, “Trade and Christian-Muslim Relations in Post-Medieval Ethiopia,” in Robert L. Hess, ed., Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference on Ethiopian Studies, Session B, April 13-16, 1978 ( Chicago, 1978), p. 412.

17

Negädräses and most community towns had a privilege to built mosques and performed public

prayers. They were responsible for the spread of Islam in northern and central Ethiopia. The

wealthiest Muslim residents of Wärrä-Himäno made regular annual pilgrimage to Mecca.64

The

emergence of a core of Islamic leadership connected with the political power of Yejju revived

Islam in the first half of the 19th

century. The Muslim power in Wällo and Wärrä-Himäno had

strong relations with the house of Räs Ali II at Gondar. The religious leadership of Wällo

Muslims was firmly led by a relative of Räs Gugsa, Imäm Libän of Wärrä-Himäno.65

The

leadership position of Sebät Bēt Wällo tribes was held by a grand son of Libän through a

politico-religious title known as Imäm.66

The Sebät Bēt Wällo Oromo tribes were Wärrä-

Himäno, Wärrä-Qällu, Lägä-Gorä, Tähulädärē, Borenä, Lägämbo and Ćarso and Lägä-Hidä.67

The Sebät Bet Wällo considered Imäm Libän, son of Amädē, as a representative of Muslim

power in Ethiopia.68

Adärä Billē, ruler of the clan of Lägä Gorä, and Berru Lubo of Wärrä-Qällu,

who were educated at the court of Amädä, held important positions during the rule of Räs

Gugsä.69

The chiefs of a Muslim Yejju who controlled central and north western Abyssinia

including Gondar favoured their co-religious communities. An illustrious for this was the favour

of Räs Imäm (d.1828), son of Gugsä, blunt support of Islam against Christianity.70

Generally during the reign of Räs Ali II, churches were burned and were even said to have been

turned into mosques. Plowden stated that Muslims specially the Negädräses defended their creed

and also confidently preached their faith. These acts were committed by Beshir, governor of

64 Zergäw Asferä, pp. 24-25 and J. Lewis Krapf, Travels, Researches and Missionary Labours during an Eighteen

Year’s residence in Eastern Africa, (London:Trubner and Co.Ltd, 1860), p. 460 and Seyuom Wolde Yohannes, p. 25.

65 Zergäw Asferä, pp. 26-27.

66

Ibid., p. 27.

67 Isenberg, K. W and Krapf, j. L., p. 325.

68

Zergaw, p. 27.

69 Ibid., p. 28.

70

Trimingham, pp. 110-111.

18

Wädlä and the uncle of Räs Ali, Amädē of Wärrä-Himäno.71

Though the place of the tomb of

Ahmed Grägn is still controversial, Räs Ali revived the cult of Ahmed Grägn through initiating a

pilgrimage to his tomb in the area which is two kilometers far from the town of Degomä (Woynä

Degä).72

As stated by Teshome Birhänu, the Muslim community of the area re-built a tomb in the

hypothetically historical tomb of Ahmed Grägn in 1991 and the people visit it in February 23 by

slaughtering white bull.73

Räs Ali II was said to have embraced Islam around 1842. As a matter

of fact, Räs Ali and Menen were determined to preserve their rule through alliance with the

Egypt.74

The political and religious impact of Islam began to be felt more strongly during the

rule of Räs Ali II. It is also exaggeratedly stated that during his rule one-third of the population

of the central provinces of Abyssinia joined Islam. Although this could not be true, it does show

that there were numerous conversions.75

After 1841, Wube intensely forwarded anti-Islamic propaganda against Räs Ali. However, the

rise of Kässä (Tewodros) to power was a land mark for the decline of Muslim rule in central and

northern Ethiopia. By 1853, Kässä openly revolted and organized a Christian opposition group

against Räs Ali.76

Though previously the Muslims of Wärrä-Himäno burnt churches and

converted some others to mosques, Emperor Tewodros did not attempt to revenge the act.77

This

was because; Tewodros‟s official religious policy towards the Muslims of Wällo was not

dictated by religious considerations. Rather, political motives determined his policy of crushing

rebellious groups of Wällo and Wärrä-Himäno. Tewodros did not seriously antagonized Muslims

71 Zergäw, p. 29; H. Weld Blundell, p. 487; Seyuom Wolde Yohannes, p. 29 and Plowden, p. 111.

72

Zergäw, p. 30 and Trimingham, p. 111; Teshome Birhänu Kemäl, Imäm Ahmed Ibrähim (Ahmed Grägn), Second Edition (Addis Ababa: Alpha Printing Press, 2005), p. 178.

73 Teshome Birhanu Kemal, pp. 178-179.

74

Seyuom Wolde Yohannes, pp. 30-31.

75 Seyuom Wolde Yohannes, p. 44 and Trimingham, p. 111.

76

Seyuom Wolde Yohannes, pp. 32-40.

77 Ibid., pp. 41-42.

19

rather than strengthened his political power on the expense of the power of Muslim dynasties.78

However, following the coming to power of Emperor Tewodros, the progress of Islam was

arrested though Muslims were not forced to alter their faith in favor of Christianity.79

Around 1878, Wallo became the theatre to carry out the policy of baptizing Muslims. During this

time the two contenders of Wällo local leadership, i.e., Abä Wäťew and Mohämmäd Ali were

baptized as Christians.80

Beyond this, in 1881, Emperor Yohannes appointed Christian religious

teachers for the Muslims of Wällo. Muslim chiefs were also driven away from their leadership

position in which the appointees of the Emperor replaced them.81

Although office holders were

highly affected, Christianity did not become a popular religion in Wällo following Yohannes‟s

conversion policy.82

South Wällo: Center of Historical Mosques and Shrines

Shäykh Shäräfädin and the shrine of Däggär are not the only Islamic scholars and religious

institution in south western Wällo respectively. Rather South Wällo is the center of several

Awliyä. South Wällo was/is a center of prominent Shäykhs and Awliyä who had built historical

mosques in different parts of the region. Their mosques were centers of prayer and Islamic

teaching during their period after their death some of them changed into centers of celebration of

different rituals. The mosque of Jämmä Negus was among the first historical mosques of South

Wällo. It was established by Häjj Muhämmäd Shäfi Mujähidin al-Negusi in Sälmenē which is

capital of Albuko Wärädä in Ausä Awräjjä. The mosque is located 46 kilometers south east of

78 Ibid., p. 43 and Lewis J. Krapf, Travels researches and missionary labours, p.456.

79

Seyuom Wolde Yohannes, pp. 44-46 and Chichele W. Plowden, Travels in Abyssinia and the Galla Country, p. 148.

80 Mohammed Yesuf, p.17.

81

Ibid., p. 19 and Hussein Ahmed, “Trends and issues in the history of Islam in Ethiopia, eds., Nura Alkali and Adamu, Islam in Africa, (Ibadan [u.a]: Monographie Oder Zeitsch rift, 1993), pp. 211-212.

82 R.A, Caulk, p. 32.

20

Dessē. It was established in 1764. The festival of the anniversary of the birth day of the Prophet

Muhammad (Mäwlid) was celebrated here for the first time in the history of South Wällo. The

other historical mosque of South Wällo is known as Derbitu Däre-Seläm mosque. This mosque

was established in Wogidi Wärädä in Borenä Awräjjä in 1766. It was built by a prominent

Shäykh known as Shäykh Beshir. He was remembered by the Muslim community of South Wällo

in his teaching and expansion of Islam. Mäwlid ceremony is celebrated here annually in

February. Häjj Bushrä Said also established the mosque of Gätä in Ćorisä in Qällu Wärädä

during the reign of Emperor Tewodros. It is found 361 kilometers, 38.5 kilometers and 15.5

kilometers far from Addis Ababa, Dessē and Kombolchä respectively. The tomb of Shäykh

Bushrä and his family members is found around the mosque.83

The other historical mosque located in Kelelä Wärädä is Gerewä mosque. This mosque is found

in the local area of Muqeć with a distance of 190 and 25 kilometers far from Dessē and Kelelä

town respectively. The mosque was built in 1912 by Shäykh Hässän Muhämmäd Goli. This

mosque was used as a center of Quranic, Fiqh (Islamic Jurisprudence), Nehw (the study of the

classical Arabic, particularly its grammatical rules and usage) and Täfsir (exposition of the

Qur‟an) learning. The mosque trained about 800-900 Islamic students yearly. As compared to the

mosque of Shäykh Shäräfädin in Däggär, it was relatively a prominent center of Islamic teaching

to the Muslim communities of South Wällo. Kombolchä also possessed another historical

mosque known as Mejit Mosque. It was located in local area of Kombolchä known as Miťiqolo.

The other mosques which are found in Kombolchä particularly in Gälēsä were known as Jebelul

Nejä mosques. These mosques are found on the mountain of Nejä. What makes them unique

among other is that they were built underground. These mosques are so beautiful and have

83 Debub Wällo Enä Ye-Mesihib Häbtochwä, be-Debub Wällo Zone Bähil Enä Tourism Memria- Ye-Qirs Ťibeqä

Enä Tourism Limät Yesirä Hidet Yetezegäje, pp.47-51.

21

several rooms. The mosques had safely preserved their own historical heritage. Some of the

material heritages found in the mosques are; Luh84

(wood slate used to write Arabic letters and

texts), huge drum and coffee ceremony materials. There was a celebration of Mäwlid festival

celebrated in May of each year. There is also Zäwyä (the traditional house of the Ulämä that

have been used for congregational and individual ćät ceremony and other rituals) and Islamic

teaching center and mosque in Muťi Girär in Kombolchä. It was established in 1770. The tombs

of the successive Khälifäs of the mosque are found in its compound.

The shrine of Misläyē is the other historical and religious center found in Misläyē around the

historical battle field known as Arogē in Tentä. The battle of Arogē was conducted on April 10,

1868 between the forces of Britain and Emperor Tewodros before the battle of Mäqdälä and the

Emperor‟s suicide. In this battle, the forces of British were victorious.85

It is 170 kilometers and

30 kilometers far from Dessē and Tentä respectively. It was established by Shäykh Muhämmäd

Yäsin. He was a notable Wäli and strict follower of Islamic standard and ethics. In this mosque

there are two annual Mäwlid ceremonies in January and May and one weekly ceremony on

Friday. The other shrine established by a notable Wäli and Islamic teacher, Shäykh Hussein

Jibril, is found in Wogēsä in Meqdelä town, in Wärrä-Himäno Awräjjä. The tomb of Shäykh

Hussein Jibril is placed in by a newly built house and its doors covered by cloth. He remembered

in his brave fighting along with Shäykh Tälhä b. Jä‟fär, Mohämmäd Qänqē and Amädē Şädiq to

84 A Luh is a wooden plate made in different lengths and widths of about 1 cent meter thick. The surface on both

sides of it is made smooth. Then, the student prepared ink from fine charcoal from the back of cooking utensils and mixes it with water and adds cola like substance extracted from Acacia tree. After few days it ferments. Then, the student inserts pen that is made from thinner bamboo in the ink.

85 Bahru Zewde, A History of Modern Ethiopia (1855-1991), 2

nd ed., (Oxford: James Curry, Athens: Ohio

University Press and Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa University Press), 2002, p. 41; Marcos Yeshänew, Aşe Tewodros: Yeshih Ametu Jeginä Adädir Terekoch, (Addis Ababa: HY International printing press), 2012, p. 136 and Tesfäye Akälu Abebe, AŞe Tewodros: Be-Sostu Qedemt Şehäft, (Addis Ababa: Far East Trading Press, 2012), p. 27.

22

abort the coercive religious policy of Emperor Yohannes.86

The mosque of Bäjä is also found in

Tentä Wärädä particularly in Bäjä area. It was established by Häjj Hussein Umär. The mosque is

located 176 kilometers and 36 kilometers far from Dessē and Ajibär town respectively. Apart

from these, Wärrä-Bäbo Wärädä has other mosques known as Ćällē, Deleymelē and Ťegehädi.

The mosque of Ćällē was established by Shäykh Yäsin Shäfi of Yejju. All of these mosques of

Wärrä-Bäbo were built during the period of Emperor Yohannes.87

It is too difficult to discuss about all mosques found in South Wällo. However, this section of the

thesis highlighted some of the mosques and shrines built by some of the contemporaries of

Shäykh Shäräfädin who lived in the eighteenth and nineteenth century. Particularly the

relationship between Shäykh Shäräfädin and Shäykh Hussein Jibril was close in the Islamic

history of South Wällo in this particular period. Both of them also arrested by Emperor

Yohannes in Dessē due to their objection of their and mass conversion of Muslims to

Christianity during Boru Mēdia forcible conversion led by Emperor Yohannes.88

However, it is

difficult to get reliable written and oral source that explain the relationship of the above

discussed Ulämä and Shäykh Shäräfädin. All of the above mosques were major Sufi centers

established during the period of the development of the revival and reform of Islam in South

Wällo in particular and Wällo in general in the eighteenth and nineteenth century. Tentä, the

center of Wärrä-Himano Muslim dynasty, has many mosques and religious centers that I will not

discuss here.89

Most probably, Tentä began to be the center of the Muslim Dynasty of Wärrä-

86 Jan Abbink. “Transformations of Islam and Communal Relations in Wällo, Ethiopia,” In Benjamin F. Soares

and Rene Otayek, eds., Islam and Muslim politics in Africa (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), p. 69.

87

Ibid., pp. 47-55.

88 Bogäle Teferrä Bezu, Tinbite Shäykh Hussein Jibril, (Nigd Mätemia Bēt, 2002), pp. 31-40 and Informants:

Shäykh Ahmed Abubu, Shäykh Mu’ahmud Hämzä and Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole of Mekäne-Seläm-Borenä.

89 Debub Wällo Enä Ye-Mesihib Häbtochwä, pp. 54-55.

23

Himäno since 1771 which was considered to be the coming to power of Abä Jibo Muhämmäd

Ali (r. 1771-1783) who was the real founder of the dynasty.90

90 Zergäw Asferä, pp. 20-25.

24

CHAPTER II

LIFE HISTORY OF SHÄYKH SHÄRÄFÄDIN AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE

SHRINE OF DÄGGÄR

Shäräfädin: Personality, Family and Educational background

In the nineteenth century, had several Islamic religious figures who were relentlessly involved in

the process of religious reform and revival of Islam and Islamic religious practices.91

These

religious scholars were highly engaged in the transformation of the social life of the community

and those who live in neighboring regions through preaching Islam and Islamic principles. As a

result of this, they got devotee adherents who established ceremonies and ceremonial centers in

different parts of Wällo so as to celebrate their miraculous deeds and to secure their assistance.

Shäräfädin Ibrähim was among the notable and the most celebrated Wäli in South Wällo. He

was also called by the name Shärif.92

Şigē Nigätu exemplified Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim as one

of the notable Islamic saints of Wällo who was celebrated by his adherents.93

He was born in

Minäyä Qebelē in Kelelä Wärädä, specifically in Woräfē area from his father Ibrähim Ťohä and

his mother Lomitä Wodi. His father‟s family line belonged to pious Muslim chiefly families who

have direct family line with the family of Prophet Mohämmäd. Shäykh Shäräfädin was born in

1841 in South Wällo, Kelelä Wärädä. Similarly, his Mother, Wäyzäro Lomitä Wodi, was born

91Hussein Ahmed, “Al-Häjj Bushrä Ay- Muhämmäd, PP. 175-176.

92

Shärif is a name given for the great men in Islamic History. It has been a name given to those who have a lineage with prominent Islamic religious leaders like Prophet Muhämmäd. See, Birhänu Bogäle “Mesäle Bähläwi Ye-Gidit Afetät Sire ‘at Be-Anşokia Gemzä Wärädä,” (MA Thesis, Department of Ethiopian Literature and Folklore, Addis Ababa University, 2003), p. I and Ulrich Braukamper, “The Sanctuary of Husayn and the Oromo-Somali Connections in Bale (Ethiopia),” (Frankfurt: Frankfurter Africanistische Blȁtter, 1989), p. 120.

93 Şigē Nigätu Asdenäqi, “Ye-Shäykh Said Bushrä Te’amrät: Afetärik Enä Ye-Mäwlid Be’Al Akebäber Be-Gätä

(Wällo),” ( BA Thesis, Department of Ethiopian Language and Literature, Addis Ababa University, 1990), p. 18.

25

from a well-known Arssi Negelē ethnic group.94

Shäräfädin, The well-known friend of Shäykh

Ibrähim, devotedly and repeatedly asked Allah to bless and give a son to his friend Shäykh

Ibrähim. He also asked Shäykh Ibrähim to call his name Shäräfädin. Hence, based on the request

and advice of Shäräfädin, the son and the later Wäli of the region was named as Shäräfädin

Ibrähim. Others related the source of the name with the contribution of the Wäli for the

expansion of Islam in the region by defining the Arabic meaning of the word „Shäräfädin.‟

Particularly the name „Shäräfädin‟ was coined to remember the contribution of this religious

teacher and leader for the expansion and consolidation of Islamic knowledge in and around the

area. Shäräfädin is an Arabic word that is defined as source of Islam and Islamic knowledge.95

Shäräfädin Ibrähim was called in different names that represented his religious, admirable,

miraculous and spiritual deeds. As Islamic religious leader and teacher accompanied by spirits,

some of Shäräfädin‟s names include: ye-Borenäw Gētä (the lord of Borenä Region), Shäykh

Shärif, and Gētäw Shähyē.96

This clearly indicates that Shäräfädin Ibrähim contributed more for

the introduction and expansion of Islam and Islamic knowledge in the region. By reviewing the

hagiography prepared by Fäqih Muhämmäd Ibn Säyf al-Häqq ash-Shäykh Jä‟fär Bukko Ibn

Siddiq Bukko of Gättirä entitled as Misku‟l-Adhfär fi Mänäqib Säyful- Häqq ash-Shäykh Jä‟fär

(the Pungent Mask on the virtues of Shäykh Jä‟fär, the sword of truth) mentioned about not less

than 20 Muslim scholar saints, of which four of them were personalities who were very

distinguished in their own right. Among these distinguished scholar saints was Shäykh

94 Mänäqib of Shäykh Shäräfädin, manuscript, Organized and written by Shäykh Mehdi Khelifä. He was a

contemporary of Shäräfädin Ibrähim and was Imäm of the Mosque of Märsä. Shäykh Mehdi Khelifä’s birth day has been celebrated annually in January 22.

95 Untitled Mänäqib of Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim, manuscript, prepared by Shäykh Mehdi Khelifä of Märsä;

Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, manuscript, October 2010, p. 11.

96 Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, manuscript, October 2010, p. 11 and Gētäw Shäykhyē Enä Asdenäqi

Tärikächew- A Manuscript prepared by Kelelä Wärädä Communication Office in 2013, p.4.

26

Shäräfädin Ibrähim of Däggär. His notable contemporary scholars were: Säyydul-Bäl97

, Shäykh

Muhämmäd Shäfi of Jämmä Negus, Fäqih Muhämmäd of Annä and Shäykh Jä‟fär Bukko.98

Personality

As the two Mänäqibs99

indicated, Shäräfädin‟s personality was impressive. He used an Afro hair

style and used different traditional make-ups. He was highly interested in using Arti (Artemisia

Tilesii) as a means to make himself attractive to others. It is also indicated that it is used to clear

the nasal passage of the noise of the inhaler of it. He had a medium height and has bright color

face. Jänoyē Awole recited stanza that used to express the beautiful personality of Shäykh

Shäräfädin. She was a notable panegyrist who produced Menzumä about Prophet Muhämmäd,

Shäykh Mehdi Khelifä and Shäykh Shäräfädin. She was born in Märsä, in Abet Wuhä Qebelē, in

Kelelä Wärädä in 1934. She conducted häjj twice to Mecca in the period of Derg regime and

died in 2009.100

She recited the following stanza about Shäykh Shäräfädin.

መልካቸው ዝይኔ ራሳቸው ድምድም፤

ብቻ በቀል ናቸው እህት የላቸው ወንድም፡፡101

Shäräfädin has attractive beauty with impressive hair

he is lonely and has neither sister nor brother.

97 It was an honorific title of Al-Häjj Bushra Ay Muhämmäd of Gättira. Hussein Ahmed, “Introducing an Arabic

Hagiography from Wällo,” in Taddese Beyene ed., Proceedings of the 8th

International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. 1, p. 194. See Note No. 19.

98 Ibid., p. 186.

99

Two important Mänäqibs (equivalent with the Christian Hagiography) were available in the hands of individuals. These Mänäqibs were prepared by two different personalities. The first was prepared by Shäykh Mehdi Khelifä who was with Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim in every moment. The other equally important Mänäqib was prepared by the then Quranic Student of Jämmä called Kerem Shäykh Yäsin.

100 Informants: Shäykh Ahmed Abubu, Mubärek Yimäm and Shäykh Mu’ahmud Hämzä.

101

Assefa Mamo, “Some Prominent Features of the Menzumä Genre in the Wällo region,” (MA Thesis, Department of Literature, Addis Ababa University, 1987), p. 65.

27

The voice of Shäykh Shäräfädin, however, was too thin which was somewhat boring to hear. He

was very generous and supporter of the needy. He was not only the supporter of human beings

but was caring and protecting of animals such as dogs and fed them daily. Domestic and wild

animals got food items and got friendly protection from him.102

For this behavior of Shäykh

Shäräfädin Ibrähim, Jänoyē103

attributed the following couplets:

ባቄሎ ጌትዮ መልካም የኔ ጌታ

ሇጧት የመጣውን አይለም ሇማታ

ቀኝ እጅዎን ሲይዝዎት ግራዎ አይገታ

በጣሙን ይገርማል የርሳቸው ስጦታ፡፡104

My loved lord in the area of Bäqēlo

who did not save the gift came in the morning for the evening

though the right hand arrested, his left hand never interrupted to give

the nature of him is surprising.

There is an indication that, Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim received one Shäykh with his 200 Quranic

students who were travelling in his area in a period of drought. He gladly and wholeheartedly

received them and provided his hospitality for over two years until their area recovered from the

periodic drought.105

Shäykh Shäräfädin also supported and helped the unprivileged classes. He helped the Ulämä,

orphans, divorced women and other destitute in his society. As he was standing for the problems

102 Mänäqib prepared by Shäykh Mehdi Khelifä of Märsä.

103

Jänoyē was a notable woman panegyrist in Kelelä Wärädä who constructed unpublished Menzumä that narrated the history and miraculous deeds of Shaykh Sharafadin.

104 Assefa Mamo, p. 65.

105

Informant: Shäykh Ahmed Abubu of Däggär, who was a notable Shäykh and the one who owns the Mänäqib of Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim written by Kerem Shäykh Yäsin who was a Quranic student in 1870s and 1880s .

28

of the needy, Shäykh Shäräfädin, once, provided the matured Sorghum which was ready to be

harvested to Shäykh Beshir Qillē. He was a poor person in Däggär. It is said that six persons

protected the matured sorghum from bird.106

As was stated by Kerem Shäykh Yäsin in the

Mänäqib, Prophet Muhämmäd taught that generosity and good feeling to the disadvantaged

social classes are the features of the Awliyä107

The most generous Wäli, Shäräfädin taught that:

giving for the poor, religious discussion with friends and rain are the only three valuable and

important things to humans. He took nothing from the gifts brought to him. Rather, Shäykh

Shäräfädin provided it to the needy: such as the poor, the divorced women, orphans and other

disadvantaged sections of the community. He was host of the divorced and orphans in which he

arranged marriage among them and strongly advised them to be devotee followers of Islam.

Shäykh Shäräfädin never tried to hurt his enemies in his life. Rather, he approached them

friendly and provided gifts if they were among the needy. His reaction to those who were jealous

against him was positive. Shäykh Shäräfädin kept grain for the birds outside of his house. The

writers of the Mänäqib and the Ulämä of the period compared the character of Shäykh

Shäräfädin with Prophet Muhämmäd.108

Shäykh Shäräfädin was an uncompromising religious

man who strictly abided by the rules and regulations of Islamic law. He taught and insisted that

Muslim communities should be strict followers of Islamic law by practicing prayer, providing

regular alms to the needy, assisting human beings and animals in trouble and living in peace with

others. Shäykh Shäräfädin was also remembered in his good personality of respecting others,

unbiased decision, benefactor, transparent, tender hearted, unassuming, generous and loyal

106 Mänäqib Prepared by Shäykh Mehdi Khelifä, manuscript, and Informant: Shäykh Mu’ahmud Hämzä who

was/is a tailor and religious man in Kelelä Wärädä and who has also a Mänäqib of Shäykh Shäräfädin prepared by Mehdi Khelifä.

107

Awliyä refers to the Plural form of Wäli, See, Alula Pankhurst, “Indigenizing Islam in Wällo: Ajäm, Amharic

verse written in Arabic script.” In Bahru Zewde et al, eds. Proceedings of the Eleventh International Conference of Ethiopian Studies Vol.2, Addis Ababa University: Institute of Ethiopian Studies, p.259.

108 Mänäqib prepared by Kerem Shäykh Yäsin.

29

character.109

His generosity and care included animals which were in trouble. According to one

indication from his servant (Kädäm), Shäykh Umär Gällo, Shäykh Shäräfädin bravely cured a

male lion in trouble in Filboter in Beto River by pulling out a piece of wood from the lion‟s leg.

After successfully pulling out the piece of wood, Shäykh Shäräfädin treated the leg of the lion

until it got cured.110

During this time, Shäykh Umär Gällo assisted his master by holding fire,

blade, butter and meat and regularly traveled with Shäykh Shäräfädin. After pulling out the piece

of wood, Shäykh Shäräfädin fed the lion with meat and repaired its leg through the available

materials. The devotee adherents of Shäykh Shäräfädin expressed his saintly intercessory power

and declared that „nothing was difficult for him.‟111

Genealogy

Shäykh Shäräfädin had a blood relation with the family of Prophet Muhämmäd and was the 37th

generation of the prophet. The family line of Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim with Prophet

Muhämmäd is stated as follows:

Seidnä Ali → Said Hässen → Hässenel Musenä → Abdelläh → Abduläziz → Yäkob → Sualih

→ Däwud → Abu Bäker → Musä → Häshim → Abdel Nur → Ahmed → Ismä‟el → Hämid →

Ibrähim → Abdul Käsim → Idris → Näsir → Muhämmäd Amin → Sulehimän → Said Ahmed

→ Said Abdelläh → Abädir Ali → Said Umär → Ibn Fäqih Muhämmäd → Fäqih Ismä‟el →

Fäqih Musä → Adem Sualih (Khebir Sualih) → Said Ibrähim → Said Gimbäro (Adem Gudäm)

109 Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, Manuscript, October 2010, p. 11.

110

Ibid.

111 Ibid., p.12; and Kitäbu Täjumuhibin Fi Mänäqib. The wroter got the information from Shäykh Umär Gällo

who was a servant of Shäykh Shäräfädin for two and half years and wrote by Kerem Shäykh Yäsin.

30

→ Said Muhämmäd Surur → Asqäri Usmän → Said Ťohä → Said Ibrähim → Shäykh

Shäräfädin.112

In this genealogical line, Seidnä Ali was the son of Abu Ťu‟alib. Abu Ťu‟alib was the uncle of

the prophet. Hence, Shäykh Shäräfädin had a family line with the Askäri.113

Shäykh Shäräfädin is

said to be the 37th

Askäri and since he had no son, he was the last Askäri of this particular family

line.114

More surprisingly, Shäykh Shäräfädin had neither wife nor children. This is basically

because; the community of the surrounding area called Shäykh Shäräfädin by the name „Abäbä‟

(Father) to notify their admiration and honor to him. As a result of this, Shäykh Shäräfädin

argued that he could not marry his children who called him Abäbä. He stated that all people in

the area are his children. So, he died as virgin.115

Religious Education

Shäykh Shäräfädin started his Quranic education from his father. Shäykh Ibrähim Ťohä, the

father of Shäräfädin Ibrähim, was a prominent Islamic religious teacher. This respected religious

teacher of the region provided good services to the people. Particularly his Quranic teaching of

the children of the neighboring community is well remembered among the people of the area. He

taught Fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) and Ilm (mastering of Islamic knowledge)116

. His

outstanding child, Shäräfädin, was among his students. Shäykh Ibrähim had six children. These

112 This genealogical family line was written by Kerem Shäykh Yäsin in the Mänäqib. Shäykh Kerem got this

information from Jä’fär Bukko Siddiq of Gättira. However, there is no consensus among the two Mänäqibs in which the Mänäqib prepared by Mehdi Khelifä considered Shäräfädin as the 34

th generation. However, the second

Mänäqib prepared by Shäykh Kerem listed all the 37 generations of the genealogical line properly; Teshome Birhänu Kemäl, p. 200 and 2003. Teshome Birhänu doubted the reliability of this genealogical line.

113 Askäri is a title of descendants of a holy family. See, Hussein Ahmed, Islam in 19

th century Wällo, p. 204.

114

Informant: Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole, a notable Shäykh in Mekäne-Seläm.

115 Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, October 2010, p. 11, p. 12 and Untitled manuscript prepared by

Shäykh Mehdi Khelifä and Kitäbu Täjumuhibin Fi Mänäqib, manuscript.

116 Ilm refers to knowledge about Astronomy, i.e., about the Moon, the Stars and the origin of other living

things on earth. See, Gäshäw Mohämmäd, p. 10.

31

were: Shäykh Shäräfädin, Khelifä, Ameley, Aťua‟uläh, Ťu‟amineh and Behjä respectively from

the old to the young. All of them were devoted Muslims who believed and regularly practiced

Islam. Behjä was a notable Wäli in Borenä Awräjjä.117

Shäykh Shäräfädin‟s mother was among

the devoted Muslims of the region. Her birth day is celebrated in the Mäwlid ceremony on

January 1 in Goro in Kelelä Wärädä. The Shrine of Lomitä was located in Goro area. There is an

indication that, Shäykh Shäräfädin displayed unexpected and extraordinary stand while his father

taught him with other Däräsä (local name given to the students of Quranic School) in the

Mosque. This incident that upset Shäykh Ibrähim was reaction of Shäykh Shäräfädin against the

beating measurement forwarded from his father. While Ibrähim, as a father and teacher, tried to

punish him to help him to re-adjust his misconducts, he seriously opposed his father. Shäykh

Shäräfädin defied by saying, “Don‟t beat me, I am older than you.”118

The father who was

surprised and shocked by his son‟s response asked his son how he could be older than him.

Shäykh Shäräfädin reminded his effort of how he saved oxen fighting on the banks of the river

which could have slide and down to the river while you and your wife were looking after them.

Shäykh Ibrähim undoubtedly understood his son‟s spiritual power.119

As soon as Ibrähim understood Shäräfädin‟s saintly power, he allowed him to go to another local

area to learn under qualified and better Islamic religious teacher. This was because Shäykh

Ibrähim understood the difficulty of teaching his son, Shäykh Shäräfädin, who was believed to be

more pious and conscious about what was happening.120

Shäykh Shäräfädin went to the mosque

117 Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, October 2010, p. 11 and Mänäqib of Shäykh Shäräfädin prepared by

Mehdi Khelifä.

118 Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, October 2010, p. 11 and A Letter Sent from Kelelä Wärädä Cultural and

Tourism Office to South Wällo Cultural and Tourism Office, No. ባ/ ቱ/ 66/ 2001፣ ቀን- 13/ 4/ 2001, p. 8.

119

Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, October 2010, p. 11 and Ye-Däggär Gētäw Shäykhyē Tärik- A manuscript prepared by Kelelä Wärädä Cultural and Tourism Office, Unpaged.

120 Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, October 2010, p. 11and Ye-Däggär Gētäw Shäykhyē Ťintäwi Mesjid Adir

Tärik- A Manuscript prepared by Kelelä Wärädä Cultural and Tourism Office in 2013, p. 3.

32

of Shäykh Anbeso and was taught by Shäykh Muhämmäd Däggär.121

The account of his religious

education, his teachers and educational level after this period is not substantiated by sources.

Rather, both the Mänäqibs and traditions emphasize on his miraculous deeds rather than

narrating his involvement in teaching and learning process.

Shäykh Shäräfädin’s Relation with his Contemporary Ulämä and the Emperors

Unlike the long history of Islam in South Wällo, traditional forms of worship along with Islam

exercised until present day. This provided justification for those Ulämä who formulated and

executed Islamic reform movements of the previous four centuries. The effort of Southern Wällo

Ulämä for the reform of Islam and Islamic religious practices represents the intellectual

sophistication, vitality and breadth of vision of them for the development of the eighteenth and

ninetheenth century revival and reform movements in Islam.122

Shäykh Shäräfädin had peaceful

relations with his contemporary Ulämä and Ethiopian emperors. The relationship of the

ninetheenth century South Wällo Ulämä was shaped by: the presence of Imperial influence,

development of reform and revivalist movement and jealousy among them. These were

determinant factors for the relation of the Awliyä among themselves and the emperors of the

period. Shäykh Shäräfädin had a strong friendly relationship with emperor Menelik (1889-1913).

He also had positive relation with the Christian community of his region. He equally served all

Muslims and Christian guests who came to his house for different purposes.123

121 Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, October 2010, p. 11 and Informants: Shäykh Ahmed Abubu and Shäykh

Mu’ahmud Hämzä.


th Century Wällo, p. XIX and “Two Muslim Shrines in South Wällo,” pp. 69-70.

123

Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, October 2010, p. 11.

33

Shäykh Shäräfädin’s Relation with the Ulämä

Shäykh Shäräfädin‟s relation with his contemporaries had two facets. Due to his intercessory

power, some of his contemporaries gave recognition to his kärämä and provided gifts to him.

However, some of the Ulämä opposed some actions of Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim which were

considered to be incompatible with Islam. (See chapter five about some of the incompatible

actions of him). Most of the Awliyä annually visited Shäykh Shäräfädin in recognition of his

Kärämä and also asked his help. As indicated in the Mänäqib written by Kerem Shäykh Yäsin,

Shäykh Seid Ahmed, a notable religious man of Neć Sar area, was among the Ulämä who

constantly visited Shäykh Shäräfädin. There was a special friendly relationship among the two.

Shäykh Shäräfädin went with him till the river of Aťťisa when Shäykh Seid Ahmed travelled

back to his home. Shäykh Shäräfädin continuously asked him to beg Allah to give him more

wealth to support the needy. Thus, Shäykh Seid had a great respect to Shäykh Shäräfädin. The

tomb of Shäykh Seid is found in Ejērsä Qebelē in Wärrä-Bäbo which is found far north of

Borenä.124

Shäykh Jä‟fär Bukko b. Siddiq was the other religious man who had friendly relations

with Shäykh Shäräfädin. Shäykh Jä‟fär of Gättirä around Worgēsä (western Wällo) had

uncompromising stance on the fundamental questions of faith and practices. He travelled far and

wide to preach and to establish Islamic teaching centers in different parts of the region.125

Shäykh

Jä‟fär came to Däggär, while he was seriously ill by deadly abdominal disease. Shäykh

Shäräfädin received him gladly and discussed about Islam and Islamic religious practices in the

region. Later on, Shäykh Shäräfädin asked him to teach Islam in Däggär. He voluntarily accepted

the request and began teaching in Däggär. Shäykh Jämäl and Shäykh Musä, the first Khälifäs of

the shrine of Däggär after the death of Shäykh Shäräfädin, were among his Quranic Students. As

124 Kitäbu Täjumuhibin Fi Mänäqib, manuscript and Informant: Shäykh Ahmed Abubu.

125

Hussein Ahmed, “Al- Häjj Bushrä Ay Muhämmäd, p. 179.

34

stated in the Mänäqib prepared by Shäykh Mehdi Khelifä, Shäykh Jä‟fär did not consider Shäykh

Shäräfädin as the man of his century. He considered Shäykh Shäräfädin as a man of a century

long before them. This indicates that Shäykh Shäräfädin was unique among his contemporaries in

the view of Shäykh Jä‟fär. The influence of teaching of Shäykh Jä‟fär was felt until the end of the

period of Shäykh Musä (1906-1930) which characterized the strict observance of Islamic law in

the shrine of Däggär.126

A part from this, Shäykh Jä‟fär Bukko was a panegyrist in the shrine of

Däggär during the time of Shäykh Shäräfädin. Thus, Shäykh Shäräfädin and Shäykh Jä‟fär Bukko

lived together for expanding and consolidating Islam in the region.127

Shäykh Shäräfädin also had strong relations with the Shäykh of Märsä, Shäykh Mehdi Khelifä,

who was among the notable Ulämä of the period in Kelelä Wärädä. Shäykh Mehdi Khelifä had

passed most of his time with Shäykh Shäräfädin. Even, he was with him in the prison of Zegämēl

in the area of Fichē for six months during the reign of Emperor Yohannes (1872-1889). This

occasion and his day to day contact with the servants of Shäykh Shäräfädin assisted him to write

the Mänäqib of Shäykh Shäräfädin. He also ordered the family of Shäykh Shäräfädin to celebrate

his Mäwlid ceremony annually from October 22nd

-24th

. The beginning of the celebration of the

Mäwlid festival of Shäykh Shäräfädin provided an opportunity to his adherents to remember him

and his miraculous deeds.128

Almost all of the servants of Shäykh Shäräfädin were well-trained

Shäykhs who had non-violent relations with him. When they gave their testimony when the

Mänäqib of Shäykh Shäräfädin was written, they expressed that Shäykh Shäräfädin was a

sociable man with everybody in general and his servants in particular. Shäykh Umär Gällo,

Shäykh Ali Miskin (a blind servant), Shäykh Muhämmäd Buketu, Shäykh Muhämmäd Entälä,

126 The Untitled Mänäqib Prepared by Mehdi Khelifä and Informant: Shäykh Mu’ahmud Hämzä.

127

The Untitled Mänäqib Prepared by Shäykh Mehdi Khelifä and Informants: Shäykh Mu’ahmud Hämzä and Shäykh Ahmed Abubu.

128 Ibid., Informant: Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole of Däggär.

35

Shäykh Umär Abäyyē, Shäykh Aderä Abu, Abä Dändē, etc were among the servants of Shäykh

Shäräfädin who reported about his friendly approaches to every one.129

Jämäluddin Al-Anni of Räyyä was the contemporary of Shäykh Shäräfädin who largely

acknowledged the intercessory power of Shäykh Shäräfädin. He was born from his father Robso

Bäbbo and his mother Häwwä Shäykh „Abd al-Qädir in 1200 A.H. (1783) at Räyyä Gogolo

village. He was a notable teacher of Qädriyyä order in the Sufi chain of Islam in Ethiopia. His

tomb is fund in Korem (Yejju) which was said to be chosen by Shäykh Nuriyyē Umär to be an

appropriate tomb place for their religious hero. As was confirmed by Hussein Muhämmäd, no

one writer had written so many manuscripts as Shäykh Jämäluddin at that period.130

He wrote

letters to the then Awliyä of Wällo to respect the saintly power of Shäykh Shäräfädin and

requested to introduce the Shäykh to ordinary men. Anni also sent gifts to Shäykh Shäräfädin in

respect to his Kärämä. Moreover, Anni was very much inclined to compare Shäykh Shäräfädin

with a notable Wäli known as Ibrähimul Mubtely. It is said that the birth place of Ibrähimul

Mubtely is Iraq specifically in Kusä. The history and personality of Ibrähimul Mubtely is

obscure. However, some of my informants considered him as a prominent Wäli of his period. As

cited in the Mänäqib written by Kerem Shäykh Yäsin, Shäykh Shäräfädin repeatedly called the

name of this Wäli. Here again, Jämäluddin Al-Anni and Shäykh Shäräfädin had cheery relation

129 Kitäbu Täjumuhibin Fi Mänäqib, untitled Mänäqib prepared by Shäykh Mehdi Khelifä and Informants:

Shäykh Ahmed Abubu and Shäykh Mu’ahmud Hämzä.

130

Hussein Muhammad Ali, “Sufism according to Shäykh Jämäluddin Al-Anni based on his manuscript Al-

Khuläsät Al-Näqiyyä Fi Täriqät Al-Sufiyyä Al-Zäkiyyä Al-Näqiyyä,” (MA Thesis, Department of Philology, Addis Ababa University, 2007),pp. 6-19.

36

among them. Anni once referred Shäykh Shäräfädin as „Ante Selämun Awliyä‟ (The grand Wäli

of the Awliyä). The tomb of Jämälun Anni is found in present day Yejju specifically in Korem.131

However, there were occasions that brought about violent relations among the Awliyä of South

Wällo, mainly caused by jealousy over the inheritance of the Kärämä of Ahmedel Bedewi and

Ibrähimul Mubtely. They were among the four132

prominent, contemporary and notable religious

leaders in Islam. They were known as the representatives of the Awliyä. Though, my informants

did not know about the birth date and place of Ahmedel Bedewi, they believed that Egypt

particularly the place of Täntä was center of his teaching and the place of his tomb. He died in

1268. He had more than one thousand Qur‟anic students in Egypt. He learnt the rifä‟e Täriqä

from Ahmed Ibn Ali Rifä‟e of Iraq who died in 1244. After the death of Ahmedel Rifä‟e, he

returned to Egypt and expanded the order.133

He was also the Imäm of the Mosque of „Mesjidel

Jämi‟i‟ (the mosque of the Awliyä). Only the Awliyä would conduct prayer and religious

discussion under the leadership of Ahmedel Bedewi.134

The study of their religious achievement

and miraculous deeds needs further research. According to tradition of South Wällo, the kärämä

of Ibrähimul Mubtely and Ahmedel Bedewi was relatively powerful which intensified the

jealousy of the eighteenth and ninetheenth century Awliyä of South Wällo. They were the twelfth

and thirteenth century Awliyä. They were the contemporary of Abd al-qädir al-Jiläni (1077-

1160), who was considered as the founder of Qädriyyä Täriqä. Abd al-qädir al-Jiläni was born in

131 Kitäbu Täjumuhibin Fi Mänäqib and Informant: Shäykh Umär Juneyid, who is a student of Ilm and

particularly of the eighteenth and ninetheenth century Awliyä and their religious contributions. He became my informant when I met him in a bus in January 28, 2014 while I was in a journey to Dessē from Addis Ababa for field work. He oriented me about all the Awliyä of the 19

th century in South Wällo.

132

According to traditions of Wällo Muslims, Ahmedel Bedewi, Ahmedel Rifä’e, Ibrähimu Disuqiy and Abd al- Qädir were the prominent and notable religious leaders in Islam, Informants: Shäykh Umär Juneyid and Shäykh Umär Däräriso.

133 Teshome Birhänu Kemäl, p. 147.

134

. Informants: Shäykh Umär Därgē Aräriso, Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole and Shäykh Ahmed Abubu.

37

the Persian province of Gilän (Iran).135

The overlapping interests of the Awliyä over the

inheritance of the Kärämä of the above two Awliyä led them into temporary clashes. As was

stated in the Mänäqib, Shäykh Shäräfädin was responsible to the transmission of the Kärämä of

the deadly Wäli in the form of dress to the other. Jä‟fär Bukko asked Shäykh Shäräfädin to wear

the Kärämä of Ahmedel Bedewi. Initially, Shäykh Shäräfädin refused to do so by justifying it as

Ahmedel Bedewi‟s Kärämä was above the capacity of Jä‟fär Bukko to wear it. Shäykh Jä‟fär,

however, hopefully and repeatedly came to him with the same question seven times. Finally,

Shäykh Shäräfädin allowed him to take the kärämä of Bedewi with a serious warning that

prohibit him from going to the ritual of the other Awliyä which was not the character of Bedewi.

Shäykh Shäräfädin reminded him to behave like Bedewi. So, the question of the inheritance of

the Kärämä of the deceased Awliyä was one factor that created occasional clash among Shäykh

Shäräfädin and his contemporaries.136

Not least of the attractions of it, the transmission of

kärämä in Wällo was started in 1789. In this time, Fäqih Häshim of Dännä in Northern Wällo

transferred his Kärämä to Shäykh Zubäyär through letter. Needless to say, devotion and family

relations were the determinant factors to the transmission of Kärämä in Wällo Islamic Culture.137

As long as ninetheenth century was a period of reform and revival of Islam in South Wällo, some

issues became subjects of reform movements and sources of violent relations among the Awliyä.

Shäykh Bushrä Ay Muhämmäd, whose long stay in Sudan and Saudi Arabia was inspired to have

strict and uncompromising position in enforcing the observance of Islamic ethical and religious

standards. He travelled to Sudan from Grägn Ambä in Arťummä. There is no written source that

135 Hussein Muhammad Ali, p. 25; Teshome Birhänu Kemäl, p. 148 and Informants: Shäykh Umär Juneyid and

Shäykh Umär Därgē Aräriso.

136 Kitäbu Täjumuhibin Fi Mänäqib and Informants: Shäykh Ahmed Abubu and Shäykh Umär Juneyid.

137

Informant: Mubärek Yimäm who is young official in Kelelä Wärädä Cultural and Tourism Bureau, who is well-informed about Islamic history and religious doctrine.

38

confirmed the specific date of his travel to both Sudan and Saudi Arabia. But, Hussein Ahmed

substantiated that Häjj Bushrä travelled initially Sudan and then to Saudi Arabia respectively.138

He spent twenty five years in Sudan. He travelled to Däggär to discuss about religious matters

with Shäykh Shäräfädin. Both Mänäqibs indicated nothing about the time when he travelled to

Däggär. While he was in Gätä, he heard about the corrupting influences of traditional beliefs and

practices in the ritual and ceremonial celebrations in the mosque of Däggär under the supervision

of Shäykh Shäräfädin. Shäykh Shäräfädin was accused as a guilty of allowing the mixing of

women and men in the annual Mäwlid ceremony and in the Friday De‟wä ceremony after the end

of the public prayer of Friday. He also accused of being extravagantly dump crops in the

compound of the mosque in the name of feeding birds. As a result, Shäykh Bushrä went to

Däggär to ascertain whether what the people talked about was true or not from Shäykh

Shäräfädin himself. Both of them frankly discussed about the issue and Shäykh Shäräfädin

miraculously convinced him about the unsubstantiated issues raised by him. After the coming of

Shäykh Bushrä and heard his questions that reflected the above supposed guiltiness, Shäykh

Shäräfädin dump crops as he did. Shäykh Bushrä observed that the dumped sorghum in the

compound was immediately consumed by birds. Nothing left on the ground. Then Shäykh

Shäräfädin asked Shäykh Bushrä about whether what he observed was a crime or not. Then,

Shäykh Shäräfädin ordered his neighbors to come to the mosque. As said in the remorse, Shäykh

Shäräfädin sat between women and men. Then Shäykh Shäräfädin asked him to find him

between the convened women and men. But, it is said that Shäykh Bushrä could not see Shäykh

Shäräfädin in the convened Jämä‟a (People convened for religious recitation). Shäykh Bushrä

138 Hussein Ahmed, “Al-Häjj Bushrä Ay- Muhämmäd, pp. 182-183.

39

surprised by what was miraculously done. He returned to Gätä unsatisfied by what he heard and

observed in Däggär.139

The Relation of Shäykh Shäräfädin with Emperors of the Period

As so often is the case in Ethiopian Islamic history, the historical relation of Shäykh Shäräfädin

with the successive four emperors140

was obscure. Emperor Tewodros (1855-1868) personally

came to Kelelä Wärädä to force Ali Umär, a notable land lord of Kelelä, to pay tribute to him.

Emperor Tewodros was in Amhärä Säyint which is the neighboring Wärädä of Kelelä Wärädä in

1868. It is the probable period that Emperor Yohannes travelled to Kelelä to suppress the power

of Ali Umär of Kelelä.141

Due to his refusal, however, Tewodros beat and killed him in the area

called Ehil Mäfseshä in Gimbä, south west Wällo. During this time, Tewodros terrorized the

Muslims and intensified fear against Shäykh Shäräfädin and other Quranic teachers that forced

them to execute their religious duties secretly. However, he never led organized army against

Shäykh Shäräfädin and Islam in the region. The major cause for Tewodros‟s campaign was to

collect tribute and to ascertain the submission of local lords rather than religious conversion.142

Unlike Tewodros, Emperor Yohannes seriously forced Muslims of Wällo to convert to

Christianity.143

Bairy Täflä confirmed that Emperor Yohannes hated alien religions. He stated

that Emperor Yohannes was strong in faith. One of the most unquestionable desires of the

139 Hussein Ahmed, “Al-Hajj Bushra Ay Muhammad,” pp. 184-185 and Kitäbu Täjumuhibin Fi Mänäqib.

140

Those four Emperors who lived during the Period of Shäykh Shäräfädin were: Tewodros, Tekle Giorgis, Yohannes and Menelik.

141 Tesfäye Akälu Abebe, p. 106.

142

Tesfaye Akalu Abebe, Așe Tewodros: Be-Sostu Qedemt Şehaft, (Addis Ababa: Far East Trading, (2012), pp.54-76 and 86 and Informants: Shäykh Mu’ahmud Hämzä and Ato Ayälēw Haile, who was a notable land lord in Mekäne-Seläm during the period of Emperor Haile Selassie.

143 Zewde Gabre Sellasie, Yohannes IV of Ethiopia: a Political Biography, (London: Clarendon Press, 1975), p. 94.

40

emperor was to convert the Muslims of Ethiopia in general and Wällo in particular.144

Emperor

Yohannes ordered the Muslim prisoners of Wärrä-Himäno imprisoned in South Wällo to eat

meat slaughtered by Christians. Those who refused to do so were arrested, killed, beaten, and

removed from their position without their will. In October 17, 1879, Emperor Yohannes ordered

negus Menelik to force the Muslims of Wällo and Wärrä-Himäno to convert to Christianity.145

As Kerem Shäykh Yäsin stated in the Mänäqib, his refusal to be converted, Emperor Yohannes

arrested Shäykh Shäräfädin initially in Zegämēl in Fichē area for about six months. The two

Mänäqibs did not precisely indicate the period of his imprisonment in the Zegämēl. However,

the Mänäqibs indicate that Shäykh Shäräfädin was arrested in Boru Media with Shäykh Hussein

Jibril immediately after the prison of Zegämēl. Due to his persistent opposition of conversion,

however, he brought to the Boru media prison. Moreover, Bogälē Teferä stated that Shäykh

Hussein Jibril of Wogēsä was arrested immediately after the declaration of the coercive

conversion policy of 1878. Shäykh Shäräfädin was arrested in Zegämēl probably in the late

1870s.146

During this time Ethiopian Muslims exchange letters with the Mehdi of Sudan.147

It

was a time when Shäykh Hussein Jibril recited the following stanza:

የዮሐንስ በቅሎ ብረኪ ብረኪ፤

መተማ ሜዳ ላይ መጣልሽ ማራኪ ፡፡148

Please! The Mule of Yohannes lay down .

A strong power is coming to the plain of Matama to capture you.

144 Bairy Tafla, A Chronicle of Emperor Yohannes IV: 1872-1889, (Wiesbaden: Steiner Verlag, 1977), p. 49, see

foot note No. 56.

145 Teshome Birhanu Kemal, pp. 167-168.

146

Untitled Manaqib composed by Shäykh Mehdi Khelifä of Märsä in late 1910s and Bogäle Teferä Bezu, p. 93.

147 Bogäle Teferä Bezu, Tinbite Shäykh Hussein Jibril, (Addis Ababa: Nigid Matemia Bet, 1992), p. 93, Kitäbu

Täjumuhibin Fi Mänäqib, Manuscript.

148 Bogäle Tefera Bezu, p. 35 and Informant: Ato Ayälēw Haile, an old man in Mekäne-Seläm who is known in

narrating historical facts and was a notable land lord in the area and Hässän Negä in Fichē.

41

While Shäräfädin was in the prison of Boru Medä, Räs Mekonnen, Father of Emperor Haile

Selassie defended Shäykh Shäräfädin from further imprisonment by declaring falsely the

conversion of Shäykh Shäräfädin. That was how Shäykh Shäräfädin returned to Däggär without

conversion. During the period of Emperor Yohannes, because of his refusal to become Christian,

Shäykh Shäräfädin was arrested first in Zegämēl in Fichē, Shewä and later in Dessē. It is stated

in the Mänäqibs and also traditionally said that following the arrest of Shäykh Shäräfädin in

Dessē, there was an earth quake and angels came to him and asked his permission to destroy the

town by either water or fire. However, Shäykh Shäräfädin refused to accept their questions. This

was because Shäykh Shäräfädin was more concerned to the suffering of the community. But later

on, the father of Emperor Haile Selassie, Räs Mekonnen indicated that he had Christianized him

before. Thus, Shäykh Shäräfädin was released from prison and predicted the transfer of power

from Emperor Yohannes to Menelik of Shewä.149

However, there is no written source that

confirmed whether the tricky action of Räs Mekonnen was heard to Emperor Yohannes or

remained to be his secret. It is stated that Räs Mekonnen had positive relation with Shäykh

Hussein Jibril who had friendly relation with Shäykh Shäräfädin.150

Shäykh Shäräfädin, however, had friendly relations with Emperor Menelik (1889-1913).

Emperor Menelik had an alliance with Shäykh Shäräfädin even before he became emperor in

1889. While Menelik was administrator of Wällo, he made friendly relations with Shäykh

Shäräfädin. During the war of Emperor Yohannes with the Mahdists at Matama, Shäykh

Shäräfädin advised Menelik not to campaign together with Emperor Yohannes. Later after the

149Kitäbu Täjumuhibin Fi Mänäqib: as stated in the Mänäqib, Kerem Shäykh Yäsin got this information from the

Shäykh of Figo known as Hussein Abdellä who had personal contact with Shäykh Shäräfädin, Mänäqib prepared by Mehdi Khelifä. Informants: Ayälēw Haile, Shäykh Umär Juneyid, Shäykh Ahmed Abubu, Shäykh Mu’ahmud Hämzä.

150 Bogäle Teferä Bezu, pp. 39-40.

42

battle of Matama Negus Menelik and Shäykh Shäräfädin were happy. Then after, Menelik and

Shäykh Shäräfädin had friendly relations until the death of the later in 1890. More over, Emperor

Menelik wanted to appoint the Shäykh in Kelelä Wärädä. However, Shäykh Shäräfädin refused to

assume the appointment. For such kind of humble Character of Shäykh Shäräfädin, Shäykh

Muhämmäd Awole composed the following couplet:

[ሸረፈድን] አባተዎ እብራሒም እናቱ ሎሚታ፤

ባባትም በናትም ነዎት ሙለጌታ፤

በአደኒያ አይተዋል የጀነቱን ቦታ፤

ይሸትዎት ነበር የጀነቱ ቪታ፤

ያንን ሲያዩ ጊዜ አደኒያን ጠሏታ፡፡151

Shäräfädin! The son of Ibrähim and Lomitä

both your father and mother are from known families

he saw heaven while he was alive

and also inhaled the smell of heaven

when he saw this, the hated this worldly life.

The above couplet indicates how much Shäykh Shäräfädin was unconcerned about worldly

power.152

But, it is said that he was more concerned with the life of paradise which was said to

be inhaled and smelt by him while he was alive.

151 It is a manuscript prepared by Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole of Mekäne-Seläm in Arabic script. It is Untitled

written material in 1970s while he became a Qur’an teacher in Lägämbo Wärädä.

152 Debub Wällo Enä Yemesihib Häbtochwä prepared by Wäyzäro Leilä Siräj who is Officer of Tourism

Development and Promotion in South Wällo Cultural and Tourism Bureau, 2004 ,p. 51; A manuscripts Written by Kelelä Wärädä Cultural and Tourism Bureau and Informants: Shäykh Ahmed Abubu; Shäykh Mu’ahmud Hämzä and Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole of Däggär

43

Miraculous Works and Popularity of Shäykh Shäräfädin

In any religion, miracles are instruments of belief that have serious influence on adherents.

Miracles are simply believed without questioning its truthfulness among the adherents of the

Wäli. Moral questions do not challenged miracles. Miracles are assumed as bridges between

believers and Allah.153

In the Islamic history of South Wällo, prominent Islamic religious

teachers came to be regarded as Awliyä, and several miracles were attributed to them. Their

tombs also became places of pilgrimage.154

In the culture of Sufi Islam, Shäykhs like Shäräfädin Ibrähim were considered religious leaders

favored by Allah in their earthly life. They were also involved in the mediation process between

Allah and the material world just after their death. Braukamper confirmed the justification of the

people to their need of mediator between Allah and them as: “Since Islam in its Orthodox

fashion is a rather abstract religion and does not leave any doubt about the extremely huge chasm

which exists between Allah and his creatures, it appears to many Muslims as a necessity to look

for such mediation of Awliyä (saints) in order to bridge the gap.”155

So, their interest of

shortening the distance between Allah and them obliged them to ask the assistance of their

Awliyä. As a result of this, they are honored even after death. Following their death, they are

considered having supernatural power, and the local center of their power was their tombs.156

Shäykh Shäräfädin did many miraculous deeds.157

This could only be due to his uncompromising

153 Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, manuscript, October 2010, p. 11.

154

Shimelis Habte, “The Faraqasa Pilgrimage Center,” BA Thesis, Department of History, Addis Ababa University,1989, p. 80.

155Ulrich Braukamper, “The Sanctuary of Shaykh Husayn and the Oromo-Somali Connections in Bale (Ethiopia),”

(Frankfurt: Frankfurter Africanistische Blȁtter, 1989), p. 125.

156

Trimingham, pp. 247- 248.

157 Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, manuscript, October, 2010, p. 11.

44

belief and unreserved effort in discharging his religious responsibility such as performing his

prayers scrupulously and conducting De‟wä.158

Miraculous Deeds of Shäykh Shäräfädin until his Death

The major sources of information about the miraculous deeds of Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim

were: oral tradition, Menzumä, Mänäqibs and other oral sources. Particularly Mänäqibs

composed by the then „Ulama were important and more reliable sources. The writers of the

Mänäqib obtained their evidence from the servants (Kädäms) and other personalities who had

direct contact with Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim. Apart from this, their personal contact with him

enabled them to have reliable history or Mänäqib. Both of the Mänäqibs were written in Arabic

language. Almost all of my informants had the copy of some parts of either of the two

Mänäqibs. The two Mänäqibs differed in the areas of the genealogical lines of Shäykh

Shäräfädin. The Mänäqib written by Shäykh Mehdi Khelifä considered Shäykh Shäräfädin as the

34th

generation of Prophet Muhammad. However, the Mänäqib written by Kerem Shäykh Yäsin

stated Shäykh Shäräfädin as the 37th

generation of the Prophet by precisely listed all the 37

generations of the genealogical line. All of my informants confirmed that Shäykh Shäräfädin was

the 37th

generation. So, in this particular issue, the Mänäqib of Kerem Shäykh Yäsin is

authoritative and valuable. Except this issue, the other anecdotes stated in the two Mänäqibs are

equally valuable. The first writer of the untitled Mänäqib of Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim was the

son of his second elder brother called Mehdi Khelifä of Märsä. He lived with Shäykh Shäräfädin

Ibrähim until the death of Mehdi Khelifä. He was arrested with Shäykh Shäräfädin during the

period of Emperor Yohannes in the prison of Zegämēl for Six months. As a result, he simply

158 Ibid and Minako Ishihara, p. 83.

45

organized and arranged what he personally had observed, seen and heard in the form of the

Mänäqib in 1910s.159

The other writer of the Mänäqib of Shäykh Shäräfädin was Kerem Shäykh Yäsin of Jämmä.

There is no precise evidence that informed us about the period of the composition of the

Mänäqib. During the period of Shäykh Shäräfädin, Kerem Shäykh Yäsin was a Quranic student

in Jämmä, South Wällo. It is stated in the Mänäqib that he suffered from the deadly disease

while he studied Qur‟an in Jämmä. The medical doctors of the period were unable to cure him.

As a final chance, Kerem promised to write the Mänäqib of Shäykh Shäräfädin if Allah cured

him from the deadly disease through the intermediary and intercessory power of Shäykh

Shäräfädin He was cured and this encouraged Shäykh Kerem to write the Mänäqib of Shäykh

Shäräfädin entitled as Kitäbu Täjumuhibin Fi Mänäqib Saidi Shäräfädin Ibn Ibrähim al-Häbäshi

al-Borenni al-Däggäri al-Hässänänni al-Askäri al-Wohbiyyēl Umiyyē (the Hagiography of the

Son of the Ethiopian and the Askari Ibrahim of Borena particularly of Daggar, Shäräfädin who

sent for the wellbeing of the community). More surprisingly, Shäykh Kerem who was a devoted

Muslim and Quranic student of Jämmä acquired the required information from the servants

(Kädäms) of Shäykh Shäräfädin. He pointed out his sources of evidences in the Mänäqib. The

Mänäqib narrated the miraculous deeds of Shäykh Shäräfädin while he was alive.160

It is said that

Shäykh Shäräfädin opposed those who asked him to write Mänäqib of him. It is indicated that

Shäykh Jä‟fär Bukko requested him to compose his history. However, Shäykh Shäräfädin banned

him in a justification that the readers of his history probably be mislead. Thus, nothing was

written while Shäykh Shäräfädin alive. As a result, the Mänäqib composed by Kerem Shäykh

Yäsin was produced after 1890.

159 Kitäbu Täjumuhibin Fi Mänäqib and the Mänäqib composed by Mehdi Khelifä, manuscript.

160

Ibid.

46

Shäykh Shäräfädin began to perform miracles while he was at the age of seven. In 1840, Shäykh

Ibrähim Ťohä, father of Shäräfädin, forgot his cups in Kelelä town. While Ibrähim reached his

home, he informed the incidence to his wife in the presence of Shäykh Shäräfädin. Normally, it

took four hours to travel and come back from Kelelä town. The seven years old boy, Shäykh

Shäräfädin, informed his father about his intercessory power by bringing the cups to him. Shäykh

Ibrähim angrily responded by asking how he did so. Shäykh Shäräfädin quickly asked his father

to temporarily interrupt his sight. The father did as he was ordered to do. As he opened his eye,

the cups were in front of Shäykh Ibrähim. This was the first miracle of Shäykh Shäräfädin

Ibrähim that greatly surprised Shäykh Ibrähim.161

As Kerem Shäykh Yäsin indicated, the source for his evidence was Hussein Muhämmäd who

was a Kädäm of Shäykh Shäräfädin. Based on this source, Kerem argued that wild animals

frequently came to Shäykh Shäräfädin and surrounded him. Birds also came to Shäykh

Shäräfädin repeatedly. Lions frequently came to Shäykh Shäräfädin and did not try to antagonize

him and other people with him. They resided friendly with the people. However, when they did

not find Shäykh Shäräfädin on their meeting area, they became angry and disturbed the other

people in the compound of the mosque. But if they saw the coming of Shäykh Shäräfädin, they

began to play with him. Animals also stopped their attack against other people when Shäykh

Shäräfädin ordered them not to do so. These cases convinced the people to believe in the

Kärämä of Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim. Hence, both the Ulämä and the lay men began to believe

in the intercessory power of Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim.162

161 Kitäbu Täjumuhibin Fi Mänäqib, the composer of the manuscript, Shäykh Kerem, got this evidence from

Hussein Muhämmäd who heard it from Shäykh Musä (the second Khälifä of the Shrine) and wrote it in the Mänäqib. Hussein Muhämmäd was the son of the servant of Shäykh Shäräfädin.

162 Ibid and Informants: Shäykh Ahmed Abubu, Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole of Däggär and Ato Kässäw Usmän

47

Though Shäykh Shäräfädin started his Quranic education with his father, he was later on, sent to

Shäykh Muhämmäd Buketu of Degy, in Kelelä Wärädä, for further education. Shäykh

Muhämmäd Buketu wrote Arabic text on Luh and ordered Shäykh Shäräfädin to read it. But,

Shäykh Shäräfädin asked his teacher where the text that he was going to read is. The Shäykh

received the reading material to check whether the text is available or not. There was nothing on

it. The Shäykh began to shock and re-write the text on the reading material and again ordered

him to read. However, Shäykh Shäräfädin again lost the letters on the reading material. Shäykh

Muhämmäd Buketu re-wrote the text three times for Shäykh Shäräfädin though Shäräfädin did

not read them. Finally, Shäykh Muhämmäd insulted him that he was mad man and refused to

teach him again. Shäykh Shäräfädin responded to his teacher that he did not want to insult his

teacher he would let his mule and wife be mad. Following this, the mule and wife of Shäykh

Muhämmäd Buketu became mad. This was one of the factors that increased the popularity of

Shäykh Shäräfädin.163

Shäykh Shäräfädin was the host of the disabled people and other disadvantaged sections of the

society. He had a visually impaired servant (Kädäm) called Shäykh Ali Miskin. However, he

could travel through every kind of landscape without any problem. Since he was a devotee

adherent of Shäykh Shäräfädin, Shäykh Shäräfädin informed his presence with his Kädäm. He

travelled with confidence through difficult and scratchy landscapes. Animals did not attack him

due to the presence of Shäykh Shäräfädin with him in his Kärämä.164

There was a Shäykh in Härewä, one of the present Qebelēs of Kelelä Wärädä Located to west of

Kelelä town, area who wanted to present his white colored bull as a gift to Shäykh Shäräfädin.

163 Ibid and Informants: Shäykh Mu’ahmud Hämzä and Ato Mubärek Yimäm.

164

Manuscripts including: Kitäbu Täjumuhibin Fi Mänäqib and the manuscript prepared by Shäykh Mehdi Khelifä in 1910s.

48

However, after the fulfillment of his request, he and his uncle Nuryē Yimer took the bull to

Shäykh Muhämmäd Shäfi of Jämma Negus. They travelled for three days to Jämmä Negus. After

they reached there, they wanted to slaughter the bull. However, the bull was lost. After some

days, the owner of the bull came to Däggär to conduct pilgrimage to Shäykh Shäräfädin and he

saw his bull in the compound of Shäykh Shäräfädin. As he saw the bull, he began to shiver and

feared to meet Shäykh Shäräfädin. Shäykh Shäräfädin notified the guest that the bull was not the

property of Jämmä Negus, but his own. Shäykh Shäräfädin notified Jämmä Negus, by swearing

in the name of Allah, that he took the bull as a joke rather than jealousy or love of the meat of a

white bull. So, Shäykh Shäräfädin instructed them to take back the bull to Jämmä Negus and

slaughter it there. They were shocked by the incidence and took the bull to Jämma Negus. This

clearly shows the religious power of Shäykh Shäräfädin.165

Shäykh Shäräfädin had the power to hear what was said in far areas. Once up on a time, a woman

in Hararge promised to give her mule to Shäykh Shäräfädin as a votive offering for the

fulfillment of her wish through the intercessory power of him. Based on her promise, she sent the

mule loaded with money and other materials to Shäykh Shäräfädin of Borenä with no driver. Her

neighbors were confused and asked her about the distance from Härärgē to Borenä, Wällo. She

responded that it would take more than 20 days. She confidently informed that the power of

Shäykh Shäräfädin would safeguard the mule from any kind of challenges on the journey. As she

said, the mule safely arrived at Däggär. This intensified the popularity of Shäykh Shäräfädin not

only by the people of the area but also by the people who heard such miracles.166

165 Ibid. Hussein Muhämmäd was the source of this information and Shäykh Kerem put this in the Mänäqib.

166

Kitäbu Täjumuhibin Fi Mänäqib, manuscript and Informant: Shäykh Ahmed Abubu who translated the Mänäqib to me from Arabic to Amharic Language was my informant.

49

Shäykh Shäräfädin knew the intention of every one who came to him, though they tried to make

it their secret. As was stated in the Mänäqib, Fäqih Jä‟fär Bukko dictated to Kerem Shäykh

Yäsin about the coming of three Awliyä from Yejju to steal the Kärämä of Shäykh Shäräfädin.

Shäykh Shäräfädin welcomed his guests, though he knew their intention. After providing food

and other basic needs, he furiously observed them during the night. After this time, nobody knew

how and where they went. Though they were seen while they entered to the Kelewä,167

nobody

was sure about their exit from there.168

It is said that there is clear evidence in Jämmä which indicates the intercessory power of Shäykh

Shäräfädin to do miracles. It is indicated that a person called Abä Kunē entered the house of

Shäykh Shäräfädin while he was eating food. Shäykh Shäräfädin gave injērä to him. But, Abä

Kunē threw the food towards his back. No one knows the reason why he did so, and the dog ate

it. Shäykh Shäräfädin who saw this told that he has no opportunity of becoming rich. During that

day the dog was attacked by forty dogs and passed the night at a place called Degy. As stated in

the Mänäqib of Kerem Shäykh Yäsin, the people slaughtered animals for the dog. It is further

related that those who welcomed the dog and gave meat to the dog become rich and others who

chased him away are poor. The dog was buried in Jamma and its tomb is still annually visited by

the people of the region on the first Friday of October.169

The Kärämä of Shäykh Shäräfädin was not only restricted to those who came to their Kelewä.

But Shäykh Shäräfädin went to the house of the needy either physically or spiritually. As Kerem

Shäykh Yäsin wrote in the Mänäqib, the son of one of the Shewä negus in Ankober whose name

167 Kelewä is a small Shelter within the Mosque only used by Shäykh Shäräfädin for different ritual purposes.

168

Kitäbu Täjumuhibin Fi Mänäqib, manuscript.

169 Kitäbu Täjumuhibin Fi Mänäqib, manuscript: Kerem Shäykh Yäsin acquired this information from Fäqih Jä’fär

Bukko of Gättira who was with Shäräfädin for some months.

50

is not identified in the Mänäqib suffered from a deadly disease. As a result, the negus of

Ankober sent a message to Shäykh Shäräfädin to visit his ill son. Shäykh Shäräfädin travelled to

Ankober and reached there in five days journey. As he approached the royal compound, he

ordered the family to bring the sick son out of the house. The son caught by deadly disease was

miraculously cured. The Negus prepared food and invited Shäykh Shäräfädin participate in the

food ceremony. However, Shäykh Shäräfädin did not like to eat in the house of others. The

Negus was amazed and pleaded Shäykh Shäräfädin to take something. However, he preferred to

beg the Negus to bring his dog to Shäykh Shäräfädin and allowed to take it to Däggär. The negus

gave the dog and Shäykh Shäräfädin returned to Däggär with the dog.170

Shäykh Shäräfädin had a servant known as Aderä Abu. There is an indication that tigers

surrounded him in a valley while he travelled to his home. The servant, who was afraid, began to

call the name of Shäykh Shäräfädin to assist him through his intercessory power. We are told that

the Shäykh answered his prayer‟s question and tigers left the area. When Aderä Abu reached the

compound of the mosque, Shäykh Shäräfädin was waiting for him out side of his house. As

Shäykh Shäräfädin saw him, he informed Aderä that he accompanied every movements of him

which guaranteed his travel.171

It is difficult to express all the miraculous deeds of Shäykh Shäräfädin in this thesis. However, it

would be appropriate to indicate that Shäykh Shäräfädin was an influential Wäli of the century

who assisted all who asked his assistance. It is also indicated that Shäykh Shäräfädin brought

back a deceased boy to life near the River of Aťisa in Däggär town. The story relates that several

bar women came to Shäykh Shäräfädin from Debre Markos and asked him to give them child.

170 Kitäbu Täjumuhibin Fi Mänäqib, manuscript.

171

Ibid.

51

We are told that giving child for the bar woman is one attribute of the Awliyä. Thus, Shäykh

Shäräfädin brought son to them. One of them returned to Debre Markos with her son.

Unfortunately, her son died in her town. As her neighbors came out to bury him, she refused and

began to travel back to Shäykh Shäräfädin. When she reached at the river that passed from North

West of the mosque to South West, She suddenly met Shäykh Shäräfädin and informed him

about the death of her son. Shäykh Shäräfädin notified her to give the son and committed

Wudu172

by holding the deceased son in the River of Aťisa. Then Shäykh Shäräfädin lay down

the son and began to conduct prayer on him. Then the son rose up and said Aťise (sound

produced by the son that announced his return to the worldly life). From then on, the river was

called Aťisä.173

Such works surprised the community and convinced them to believe in his intermediary power,

and gained him wide popularity. Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim is a popularly venerated Wäli in

Däggär. The people of the area considered him as their important religious leader. Jänoyē

composed the following couplet that expressed how much the people of Borenä attribute every

thing to Shäykh Shäräfädin.

የቦረና መሬት አትባልም በዯዉ

ሳሇ ሸረፈድን በላ እሚጋርዯዉ፡፡ 174

The land of Borena is not empty

as long as Shäräfädin is there who can save the land with its belongings from any

disaster.

172 Wudu is a process of washing part of the body as per the requirement of prayer (Sälät) from hand to leg.

173

Kitäbu Täjumuhibin Fi Mänäqib and Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, manuscripts, October 2010, p. 11

174 Assefä Mämo, “Some prominent features of the Menzumä genre in the Wällo region,” MA Thesis,

Department of Literature, Addis Ababa University, 1987, p. 64.

52

As we can understand from the above couplet, Shaykh Sharafadin is the savior of Borena and the

residents are proud as his adherents. Shaykh Jemalun Anni of Raya disseminated letters to the

„Ulama of the period that acknowledged the eminence of Shaykh Sharafadin‟s virtue as the Wali

of Borena. Shaykh Jemalun Anni of Raya aptly expressed the greatness of Shaykh Sharafadin as,

„our spiritual father but our son in age.‟ Ibrahimul Mubtely was a notable Wali in Islam. He was

a devoted Wali who practiced religious obligations as per the rules and regulations of Islam. His

communication was with Allah rather than with other Awliya. Thus, Anni compared Shaykh

Sharafadin with Ibrahimul Mubtely and considered him as Ibrahimul Mubtely. Shaykh Jemalun

Anni also expressed his admiration to Shaykh Sharafadin through gifts at different periods.175

Miraculous Deeds after his Death

The Muslim „Ulama of south western Wallo believed that the deceased Awliya have three kinds

of features. The first group of the deceased Awliya included those who rose from their tomb and

comply with the orders of Allah. The second group was those who assisted their adherents who

promised to give property to their Shrines. The third group included those who were re-born

physically. Traditions as well as the Manaqibs stated that Shaykh Sharafadin was re-born seven

times. Shaykh Sharafadin also assisted his adherents in different situations after his death. Even

after the death of Shaykh Sharafadin, his adherents continued to request his karama to assist them

to bring them out from different hardships.176

175 Many Awliya were jealously fighting each other for a long period of time to inherit the Karama of Ibrahimul

Mubtely. After many ups and downs, Faqih Ja’far Bukko inherited the Karama of him which makes him confused and later became mad. Shaykh Sharafadin reminded him how much the Karama of Ibrahimul Mubtely was difficult for him and his contemporaries. See, Kitabu Tajumuhibin Fi Manaqib, manuscript and Informants: Shaykh Umar Arareso and Shaykh Umar Juneyid.

176 Kitabu Tajumuhibin Fi Manaqib, manuscript and informants: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu and Shaykh Mu’ahmud

Hamza of Kelela Wärädä who own the untitled Manaqib of Shaykh Sharafadin written by Shaykh Mehdi Khelifa of Marsa.

53

Shaykh Sharafadin spread his Karama as fast as possible for those who called his name in their

anger, stress and infection. Mu‟ahmud Tamru brought a stone used as grinder from Donser

desert.177

When he prepared it for grinding grains, it broke into two pieces. Mu‟ahmud Tamru,

who felt sorry by the occurrence, called the name of Shaykh Sharafadin. He regretfully slept

without eating his dinner. While he was sleeping, he saw in his dream that Shaykh Sharafadin

repaired the grinder. In the early morning, after conducting Subihi Salat178

, he rushed where he

left the grinder. Surprisingly, it was repaired as he saw in his dream, through a very thin but

beautiful fiber like substance. It is said that the grinder is still found and safely preserved in the

compound of his son Mohammad Kemal Mu‟ahmud till now.179

More surprisingly, there was a relative of Shaykh Sharafadin, Ehlitu Hamid, in Degy in Kelela

Wärädä. She promised to slaughter a bull for Shaykh Sharafadin in the shrine. The promised bull

became fat. As a result of this, her relative, Nuru Beyan asked her to give him the bull to plough

in one harvest season. He took the bull beyond the River of Mereko to plough his land. During

the night, he left his four bulls beyond Mereko to eat grass and went back to his house. All the

bulls began to go to their house. However, Mereko River was over them and took three of the

Oxen. However, the bull that was promised to the Shrine of Shaykh Sharafadin safely came out

of the flood.180

The above case is an illustration of his intercessory power. This paper could not discuss all the

miraculous deeds attributed to Shaykh Sharafadin. The annual Mawlid ceremonies and the

177 Donser desert is a desert not far from Daggar and located south of it.

178

Subihi Salat is among the five obligatory prayers in Islam which is conducted in early morning of each day before the sun rises in the east.

179 Informants: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu and Shaykh Ahmed Siraj, who saw the preserved grinder in the

compound of Kemal Mu’ahmud.

180 Informant: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu. He reminds me that this Incidence took place when he was matured. He

also remembered how much the people of the surrounding area were surprised by the Incidence.

54

weekly ceremonies and the large number of people that attend these ceremonies indicate the

regular help of the Karama of Shaykh Sharafadin to the adherents. I had an opportunity to

observe the annual Mawlid ceremony of Sharafadin Ibrahim which was held from October, 22nd

-

24th

in 2013. As I had observed the pilgrims were vey diversified and had different problems

informed for the Karama of him by surrounding his tomb. There were pilgrims who came with

gifts due to the fulfillment of their question by Shaykh Sharafadin. These are factors for the

expedition of a large number of people with many problems towards the shrine of Daggar each

year.181

The Role of Shaykh Sharafadin in the Expansion and Consolidation of Islam in the Region

There were religious leaders who contributed to the expansion and consolidation of Islam

through their committed effort and intercessory power in different parts of the world. These

Islamic saints had a strong belief and had a power to do miraculous deeds. Their historical

achievements were commemorated in ceremonies held in their shrines whereby their devotee

adherents came from different parts of the country to take part in the ceremony.182

As the other

parts of the world, Ethiopian Muslim communities have good reputation for their distinguished

saints. This societal respect for saints were/are expressed in the Mawlid ceremonies celebrated

around their shrine.183

Several mosques and tombs in Harar, Wallo, Arssi, Tigray, Kaffa,

Massawa, Bale and other areas are annually visited by people that came from different corners of

the country to get the Baraka of the religious leaders. In this occasion, the pilgrims expressed

181 Informants: Ahmed Ali, Muhe Tegegn and Gashaw Yimer were some of the Pilgrims who came with gifts

due to the fulfillment of their interest by Shaykh Sharafadin Ibrahim. As they stated they always came to the Shrine of Daggar. They are devotee attendants of the annual Mawlid ceremony celebrated on October 22

nd- 24

th. All of

them came from Borena Wärädä, which was located west of Kelela Wärädä.

182 Şige Nigatu Asdenaki, “Ye-Shaykh Said Bushra Te’amrat: Afetarik Ena Ye-Mewlid Be’al Akebaber Be-Geta

(Wallo),” BA Thesis, Department of Ethiopian Language and Literature, Addis Ababa University, 1990, p. 16.

183 Ibid; Minako Ishihara, pp. 81-82; Jan Abbink, p. 68.

55

their respect to their saints; narrate their miraculous deeds and intercessory power.184

Among the

well-known and celebrated saints of Wallo: Shaykh Ja‟far Bukko of Gattira, Shaykh Sharafadin

Ibrahim of Daggar, Faqih Mohammad of Anna, Shaykh Mohammad Shafi of Albuko, al-Hajj

Bushra of Gatta were/are remembered in Islamic history.185

One of the religious duties and responsibilities of a famous Shaykh, like Shaykh Sharafadin,

was/is to disseminate Islamic doctrine and practices among the local Muslim community.186

Though Shaykh Sharafadin himself was not a Quranic teacher, he invited different religious men

to teach the people in different Quranic learning stages. The traditional Quranic school system

had two major stages that were practiced in the teaching and learning process in different

mosques. The first stage is the Tahaji or Majlis which involved the learning of the Arabic letters

and the reading of the Qur‟an. Students in Quranic schools had to pass through various stages to

master the Arabic Alphabets. The first stage is related with identifying Arabic letters.187

The next

important stage is learning and identifying the signs or dots that are kept on the Arabic letters.

These signs or dots are very important symbols when we need to join letters to form a word. The

next equally important stage in the Quranic school system is learning and mastering the Harakat

(the vowels as applied to each letter). Students are expected to know the four vowel signs of

Arabic letters.188

184 Şige Nigatu Asdenaki, p.17; Hajji Beshir Dawud Abdulqadir, Be-Hiwote Hidet Zuria, (Addis Ababa: Nejash

Printing Press, p. 2011, pp. 27-28. 185

Şige Nigatu Asdenaki, p.18; Hussein Muhammad Ali, “Sufism according to Shaykh Jamaluddin Al-Anni based on his manuscript Al-Khulasat Al-Naqiyya Fi Tariqat Al-Sufiyya Al-Zakiyya Al-Naqiyya,” (MA Thesis, Department of Philology, Addis Ababa University, 2007), p. 60.

186

Şige Nigatu Asdenaki, p. 34 and Manuscript, Getaw Shahye Ena Asdenaqi Tarikachew prepared by Kelela Wärädä Cultural and Tourism Office in 2013.

187 Şige Nigatu Asdenaki, p.3 and Gashaw Muhammud, “A Biography of Shaykh Abdu Katto,” (BA Thesis,

Department of History, Addis Ababa University, 1994), pp. 3-4.

188 Şige Nigatu Asdenaki, pp. 3-4.

56

Though Shaykhs and their students do not engage in the productive activities for the community,

they highly involve in the services of supervising over religious affairs, wedding, mourning,

prayer assemblies and mediate disputes, etc.189

The numerous Muslim shrines located in different

parts of the country are very important centers of learning. The notable examples are the shrine

of Dire Shaykh Hussein and the shrine of Ahmed Nejash which is located in the northern part of

the country.190

Shaykh Sharafadin invited Shaykh Ibrahim Qasim to teach Fiqh (Islamic

Jurisprudence) and Faqih Ja‟far of Gattira to teach Quran Tafsir (Commentary of the holy

Qur‟an). All the Quranic teachers engaged in the teaching and learning process got necessary

goods from Shaykh Sharafadin. This was because traditional Quranic school systems was not

institutionalized or sponsored by central powers. So, the responsibility of covering the allowance

of the invited Shaykh to Daggar was left to Shaykh Sharafadin.191

Shaykh Sharafadin started a public player known as Jama‟a in Daggar. He instructed all Muslims

to participate in the public prayer and reminded them that it is a responsibility of all male

Muslims. However, the coming of Muslim women to the mosque also welcomed though it is not

obligatory for them. Moreover, those men who were absent from public prayer were punished in

terms of giving services and materials like coffee. He also reminded the people to remember the

prayer time and to conduct their obligatory prayers on time. Apart from these, Shaykh Sharafadin

also provided Islamic training in his mosque concerning the observance of religious obligations.

He became a model to Muslims of the area through preaching and committing religious

obligations seriously and by observing the ethics and standards of the religion. This was the

189 Haile Gabriel Dagne, “Qur’an school system in Ethiopia,” A paper prepared in advance for the

interdisciplinary seminar of the Faculties of Arts and Education, Haile Selassie I University, 1971, p. 17.

190 Ibid., p. 18; Trimingham, pp. 249-256.

191

Gashaw Mohammad, pp. 3-16 and Informant: Shaykh Sharif Mehdi Khelifa who is a notable Shaykh of Marsa. He is a grand son of Shaykh Sharafadin’s brother Khelifa, and the son of Mehdi Khelifa, who wrote the Manaqib of Shaykh Sharafadin.

57

reason that forced his contemporaries to consider him as „Mujedidel Sharia” (strict observer of

the Sharia).192

Shaykh Sharafadin advised divorced women and men to marry each other and to be strict

observers of Islamic religious obligations. There were many orphans, divorced women and men

and other disadvantaged sections of the local community who used this occasion for their

religious and marriage life. So, this was the other mechanism of Shaykh Sharafadin Ibrahim for

the consolidation of Islamic knowledge in the area. In addition to these, the recognition of

Shaykh Sharafadin by his good personality and Karama made him an influential personality in

the region. As a result, people accepted his instruction and religious advice.193

The Establishment of the Shrine of Daggar in 1868

The shrine of Daggar was founded by Shaykh Sharafadin Ibrahim. It was/is is located about 26

kilometers south of the town of Kelela, in the area of Baqelo in 1868. This shrine was established

in the area where Askari Usman was buried. Teshome Birhanu stated that Askari Usman was a

resident of Laga-Hida, South Wallo. Laga-Hida bordered Kelela Wärädä in the east. He was the

father of Shaykh Sharafadin‟s grand father, Said Toha. This religious leader probably was buried

in Daggar where the shrine of Shaykh Sharafadin was established. There is old tomb in the

eastern direction of the Shrine which is indicated to be his tomb. It is found in the lowland area

of Kelela Wärädä. The shrine was initially established as a center of prayer and a seat of higher

Islamic learning. During the time of Shaykh Sharafadin, there was only a single house used as a

mosque in the compound of the shrine. It was made up of wood and mud. However, following

192 Kitabu Tajumuhibin Fi Manaqib, manuscript and Informants: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu, Shaykh Sharif Mehdi and

Shaykh Mu’ahmud Hamza.

193 Informants: Shaykh Mohammed Awole of Daggar, Kassaw Usman, Shaykh Ahmed Abubu and Shaykh Sharif

Mehdi.

58

the death of Shaykh Sharafadin, his tombs and tombs of his successors were established in the

northern direction of the already established mosque. After the death of Shaykh Sharafadin, the

mosque was renewed by the community of Daggar in the beginning of 1980s. As I personally

observed, the tombs of Shaykh Sharafadin and his successors buried around him, are surrounded

by a high stone and mud constructed wall.194

The shrine is surrounded by Cactus, Warka (Ficus

Vasta), Yeqolla Wanza (Piliostigma thonningii), Attate (Maytenus) and Acacia. The people who

come to visit the shrine in the two annual Mawlid ceremonies get shelter during the dry season.

After the death of Shaykh Sharafadin in 1312 Hijra or 1890 G.C, the shrine became a center of

the celebration of his birth day and other ceremonies attributed by different rituals.195

Successive Guardians of the Shrine of Daggar since 1890

In Sufi Islamic culture, the election of the Khalifa of the religious centers sought the approval of

the Imam of the mother order. Although the hereditary principle has not been necessary or

invariable, the Khalifa should be chosen from his son(s) since they were considered to be

inheritors of their father‟s Karama. Trimingham clearly explained the appointment of Khalifa

and the inheritance nature of Karama as:

The successor is never chosen by the actual Shaykh of the mother order, though if

the link has not been broken his approval is usually sought. Although the

hereditary principle is not necessary or invariable the khalifa will normally be

succeeded by one of his sons since he is supposed to have his father‟s Baraka

194 Birhanu Gebeyehu, “Islamic Oral Poetry in Wallo: A Preliminary Descriptive and Analysis,” (MA Thesis,

Department of Literature, Addis Ababa University, 1998), pp. 10-11; Hussein Ahmed, “Two Muslim Shrines,” p, 10, 32 and 132; Debub Wallo Ena Yemesihib Habtochwa, manuscript, p. 51 and Teshome Birhanu Kemal, p. 203 and Informants: Shaykh Muhammad Awole and Shaykh Ahmed Abubu.

195 Birhanu Gebeyehu, p. 10;Inga Hedberg and Sue Edwards, p. 624, 653, 655 and Informant: Shaykh Ahmed

Abubu and

59

dormant in him which, once the khalifa has chosen him, whether in the flesh or

from the tomb and he is formally installed, becomes active.196

As stated in the above quote, whether he was a son or a relative, the one who is considered to

have inherited the Karama of the deceased saint become the Khalifa of the shrine. In Ethiopian

Islamic culture, the descendants of saints‟ formed holy families, who live under the shadow of

their saintly ancestor, inheriting his Baraka and exploiting it. Some remained as small families

attached to the shrine and thrived on the gifts of the pilgrims.197

Following the death of Shaykh Sharafadin Ibrahim, due to the absence of his own son, he was

succeeded by his nephew. The first successor of Shaykh Sharafadin Ibrahim was, Shaykh Jamal,

who was a son of Ameley (the third elder brother of Shaykh Sharafadin). He learnt his Quranic

education from Shaykh Ja‟far Bukko of Gattira. Shaykh Jamal as a strict follower of Islam, He

admired Ilm (knowledge) of Shaykh Ja‟far Bukko than the Karama of Shaykh Sharafadin. He

was the Imam (the leading Shaykh in the public prayer) of the community. His inquisitiveness to

Ilm was special. Following the departure of Shaykh Ja‟far to Gattira, Shaykh Jamal said that, if he

could steal Ilm, he would have robbed the Ilm of Ja‟far Bukko. While Shaykh Jamal was a

student, Shaykh Sharafadin ordered him to learn a Quranic verse with Shaykh Ja‟far Bukko of

Gattira. Shaykh Sharafadin indicated Shaykh Jamal to learn a Quranic verse known as

“Eleyhiyuredun” with Shaykh Ja‟far Bukko.198

Shaykh Jamal had an attractive personality like Shaykh Sharafadin Ibrahim attributed by his

friendly character and impressive speaking style. Like Shaykh Sharafadin Ibrahim, he fed himself

196 Trimingham, pp. 236-237.

197

Ibid., p.248.

198 Kitabu Tajumuhibin Fi Manaqib, manuscript; untitled Manaqib prepared by Shaykh Mehdi Khelifa,

Manuscript and Informants: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu, Shaykh Mu’ahmud Hamza, Kassaw Usman, Shaykh Muhammad Awole of Daggar and Mubarek Yimam.

60

from only his own produces. This was the reason for him to be “Minkesbi Yedihi”199

(fed himself

by his own produces). He took nothing from gifts that came from the adherents of Shaykh

Sharafadin Ibrahim in different ceremonies other than ćat and meat which was communally

consumed in the mosque. Unlike Shaykh Sharafadin, his sound was so powerful and heavy. He

was a farmer. Though Shaykh Jamal married many wives, he had no children. He led the

adherents of Shaykh Sharafadin based on the ethics and standards of Islam. The ceremonies

celebrated during the period of Shaykh Jamal were Salat (individual and public) and De‟wa. He

and his followers practiced Islamic principles as per the rules and regulations of the religion

conscientiously. He did not allowed the ceremonial practices incompatible with Islam. (see

Chapter Five). He died in 1906.200

Immediately following the death of Shaykh Jamal, Shaykh Musa, the son of the second elderly

brother of Shaykh Sharafadin, Khelifa, came to power. His father‟s birth place was Worafe. His

Quranic teacher was known as Shaykh Ibrahim.201

Shaykh Musa was a reserved man. Shaykh

Sharafadin reminds Shaykh Musa to learn the Qur‟anic verses from Suretul Ehlas to the end of

the Qur‟an from Shaykh Ja‟far Bukko.202

Unlike the Quranic verse given to Shaykh Jamal, the

Quranic verses given to Shaykh Musa were too short. It is said that the status of the Quranic

verses given to them had direct relation with the length of their period of supervision. It is said

that Shaykh Sharafadin wanted to notify the two Khalifas period of supervision through the

above Qur‟anic verses. Thus, Shaykh Sharafadin informed the short administration period of

199 Kitabu Tajumuhibin Fi Manaqib, manuscript and Informant: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu, Shaykh Muhammad

Awole and Shaykh Jamal Bahru.

200 Manaqib Prepared by Mehdi Khelifa, manuscript and Kitabu Tajumuhibin Fi Manaqib, Manuscript.

201

The name of the Qur’anic teacher of Shaykh Musa was similar with the name of the father of Shaykh Sharafadin. In addition to this; the Father’s name of Shaykh Musa’s Qur’anic teacher is unknown. But what must be clear here is that though the name was similar with the name of the father of Shaykh Sharafadin Ibrahim, he was a different Person. So, we need to differentiate these two religious men.

202 Manaqib Prepared by Shaykh Mehdi Khelifa, manuscript and Informants: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu and Shaykh

Mu’ahmud Hamza.

61

Shaykh Musa by ordering him to learn relatively the short verses of the Qur‟an. Shaykh Jamal

also ordered to learn relatively the longest verse of the Qur‟an so as to notify him about his long

period of Supervision in the Shrine. As Shaykh Jamal, he was a student of Shaykh Ja‟far Bukko

and from him he learnt the above indicated Quranic chapters. He liked to read Qur‟an day and

night. He also provided gifts to the needy in secret as per the principle of Islam. He was a rich

man and prided himself as Negus. He wore beautifully. He had friendly relationship with the

„Ulama and strengthened his positive relation with them through religious gifts. Shaykh Musa

gave 83 Maria Theresa dollar to Shaykh Ali Wujigra, 33 Maria Theresa to Idris, Kemal Workie

and Shaykh Hamid for each. There were no rituals and ceremonies incompatible with Islam

during his period. He died in Wednesday night, April 1930. He was buried in the western

direction of the tomb of Shaykh Sharafadin Ibrahim.203

Shaykh Hashim was the third Khalifa of Shaykh Sharafadin‟s Shrine in Daggar. Unlike the

previous two successive Khalifas‟ of Shaykh Sharafadin, Shaykh Hashim was a lay man who was

not acquainted in Ilm.204

This resulted in the development of more rituals and ceremonies that are incompatible with

Islam and Islamic practices. Shaykh Hashim became a Khalifa in 1930. He was succeeded by his

son Muhammad Hashim. There is no available written and oral source that indicates the period

of Muhammad Hashim and his successors. The period of the death of Muhammad Hashim and

the coming into power of Gebeyehu Muhammad sought further studies. It is said that their

203 Kitabu Tajumuhibin Fi Manaqib, Manuscript, the Manaqib, Manuscript, prepared by Shaykh Mehdi Khelifa

and Informants: Shaykh Mu’ahmud Hamza and Shaykh Ahmed Abubu.

204 ‘Ilm refers to mastering of Islamic knowledge in all eight branches of Islamic knowledge. These were: Fiqh

(Islamic Jurisprudence), Nehw (the Study of the Classical Arabic, particularly its grammatical rules and usage), ‘Arud (is the study of prosody), Tawhid (branch of Islamic studies dealing with the unity and power of Allah as well as the basic doctrines of Islam), Sarf (deals with commentary mainly on the Qur’an), Mantiq (is an advanced field of study about logic), ‘Usul (is the foundation or the basis of ‘Ilm) and ‘Ilm al-Hayat (is learning about Astronomy).

62

achievement during their periods of Khalifa was negligible. He was succeeded by Gebeyehu

Muhammad. He died on Tuesday, 17, 1992. He was succeeded by Seid Aliyye in 1992 and

unfortunately died in 2007. Following the death of Seid Aliyye, Shaykh Jamal Bahru came to

power in 2007. He is still in power. All the successive Khalifas who came to power after the

death of Shaykh Musa were relatively Waxy Muslims. They were considered as ordinary persons

who lacked the necessary knowledge of Islam. This situation pushed the people to focus mainly

on rituals and ceremonies incompatible with Islamic religious ethics and standard.205

The tombs

of the above deceased Khalifas of Shaykh Sharafadin are found in the compound of the tomb of

Shaykh Sharafadin. They were buried around the tomb of Shaykh Sharafadin.

205 Manuscripts including untitled Manaqib Prepared by Shaykh Mehdi Khelifa of Marsa and Kitabu Tajumuhibin

Fi Manaqib and Informants: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu and Shaykh Muhammad Awole.

63

CHAPTER III

PILGRIMAGE: RITUALS AND CERMONIES IN DAGGAR

The Development of the Notion of Pilgrimage

Before the advent of Islam and Christianity most of the people of Borena Awrajja were followers

of traditional religions. As an adherent of traditional religious practices, the people continuously

conducted pilgrimage to their man-made and natural religious symbols. They went to mountain

ranges to ask the blessing of the mountains and also went to the tomb of their elder to ask their

assistance. The people of each village had their own common place of prayer. Caves, tombs of

elders, mountains and old and large trees were places of prayer and at the same time places of

sacrifices. They convened in these areas weekly, yearly and also provided sacrifices that they had

promised to come back with it in the previous ceremony. Such beliefs and practices were highly

internalized and accustomed by the people. It also passed from generation to generation with

strong experience of sacrifice and scrupulous practices of prayer. Hence, the site remains alive in

the memory of the old folks and the cult is being practiced in secret even after the introduction of

both Christianity and Islam.206

After the introduction of Islam, the common people continued to believe in their traditional

forms of religion. They looked at the impressive ceremonies of the Muslims as just another

curious religious cult given from the Muslim clerics. The pre-eighteenth and nineteenth century

Ulama, as the early Christian settlers, also continued to depend on pre-Islamic prayer centers as a

means for preaching Islam and its ethics. They went to Gobedens (site of a ritual, usually under a

206 Informants: Shaykh Muhammad Awole, Shaykh Seid Muhammad, Shaykh Umar Abas, Shaykh Musa

Mebriate.

64

tree) where the people of the surrounding area convened to teach them about Islam. This was

because; there was no other option for them to preach the people about the newly expanding

religion. As a result, Islamic religious practices and old traditional beliefs intermingled with each

other. The lay people of the area justified their Shirk (association of Allah with other worldly

creatures) practices by narrating what the introducers of Islam had done with them in different

local prayers and sacrificial places. They strongly argued that those who introduced Islam and

led our prayer on our forefathers‟ prayer center and you too came to teach us about Islam. But,

unlike them you were intolerant of our traditional practices.207

Quiet early in the history of Islam, it has to be noted that requests and supplications were

addressed by the believers to their dead religious heroes. Unlike Islamic ethics and standards, the

Sufi Muslims considered their Awliya as highly respected and highly positioned in the societal

hierarchy of the Muslim community. According to Islam, Awliya means those who believe in

Allah and fear Him. But according to Sufism, the Awliya have different meanings as highly

respected and highly positioned. Moreover since the Sufis gave more value to Wali than the

messenger of Allah, i.e., Prophet Muhammad, they considered them as perfect and very absolute.

So, this belief forced them to celebrate their Awliya through conducting pilgrimage to their

tombs.208

As a matter of fact immediately after the death of the Prophet, drought took place in Medina. As

a result of this Aisha, one of the Prophet‟s wives, ordered the people of the area to stand on the

207 Taddesse Tamrat, State and Church in Ethiopia: 1270-1527, (London: Oxford University Press, 1972), pp. 156-

158 and 231-235 and Informants: Shaykh Umar Darge Ararso, Shaykh Seid Tolha and Shaykh Muhammad Awole. They expressed that they were relentlessly engaged to purify Islam from its incompatible elements inherited from the old societal traditions. However, the people were not in a position to hear them. Rather, the people preferred to remember their heroes who tolerated their traditional practices and also decided to follow them as their models and gave their deaf ear for the contemporary revivalist and reformist religious leaders.

208 Hussein Muhammad Ali, p. 60; Informants: Shaykh Umar Abas, Shaykh Seid Muhammad and Ato Ayalew

Haile.

65

tomb of the Prophet by forwarding their face to the sky. After the convened people accomplished

the order of Aisha, the rain came.209

This is repeatedly narrated by the Sufi „Ulama of South

Wallo as a justification for the request of deceased men for help. In relation to the development

of the cult of saints Foucher argued that;

As time went on and with the help of popular stories narrating miraculous

interventions which struck the imagination, the first four caliphs, the prophet‟s

companions, other famous persons honored in earlier Islam, some “Sufis,”

local saints canonized by popular choice, numerous holy women, and even

common people became powerful intercessors and benefactors.210

As can be seen from the above argument of Foucher, popular stories that were used to transmit

the miraculous deeds and intercessory powers of devoted saints from generation to generation

resulted in the development of different pilgrimage centers that were used to ask the benefactors

of the deadly saints. As a result, pilgrimage became a world wide phenomenon and pilgrims

from different parts of the world have gone to different shrines. The idea and practice of

conducting Pilgrimage was widespread and frequent in many parts of Ethiopia including South

Wallo.211

Pilgrimage is among the common religious observances among the followers of both

Christianity and Islam. Hence, pilgrimage is a notable pan-Ethiopian cultural trait. This means

taking part in pilgrimage is a feature common to Ethiopian people.212

209

Emile Foucher, “The Cult of Muslim Saints in Harar: Religious Dimension,” eds., Bahru Zewde et al, Proceedings of the Eleventh International Conference of Ethiopian Studies Vol.2 (Addis Ababa University: Institute

of Ethiopian Studies, 1994),p. 71.

210

Ibid., p. 71

211 Alula Pankhurst, p. 934 and Emile Foucher, p. 71.

212

Alula Pankhurst, p. 933.

66

Sufism represents Islamic response that was left unfulfilled by Orthodox Islam. Belief in Sufism

intends to relate the knowledge of Allah to veneration of saints. Sufi Islam and its religious

leaders accommodate and tolerate customs and traditions experienced by pre-Islamic

communities of South Wallo. Most Sufi shrines of South Wallo were established from the late

eighteenth to early nineteenth century.213

Custom, here, can be defined as the special way in

which a group of people did something. Among such community, the celebrations to remember

and honor an event or a person were fixed by custom rather than law of the country. One

community might have one special day to commemorate and celebrate the intercessory power

and miraculous deeds of their saints. In Ethiopian history, some holidays were celebrated to

remember famous peoples in political, religious and socio-cultural aspects. Such celebrations

took place on the birth day of the person being remembered. This argument reminds us that, the

celebrations celebrated in different parts of Ethiopia to remember and honor Islamic religious

saints emanated from customs rather than Islamic religious law. The officially recognized

holiday celebrations in Ethiopia are; Id Al-Fater (Ramadan), Id Al-Adha (Arafa) and the birth

day of the Prophet (Mawlid).214

As the other Muslim shrines of South Wallo215

, Daggar was a

seat of higher Islamic learning, center of training and initiation into the mystical orders and a

shrine where the prophet‟s annual birth day celebrations held in pre-1890 period.

The Development of Rituals and Ceremonies

Unlike Islamic religious beliefs and practices in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, or Indonesia, the people of

South Wallo venerated saints and conducted pilgrimage to their tombs (Ziyara), celebration of

213 Hussein Ahmed, “Two Muslim Shrines,” p. 61 and 64.

214

Trimingham, pp.247-253 and Informants: Shaykh Umar Darge Arareso, Shaykh Muhammad Awole of Daggar

215 Hussein Ahmed, “Two Muslim shrines,” p.64.

67

Mawlid, Wodaja (communal ritual prayer gathering), devotion to Sufi Mystics and Panegyrists

and rituals for ordinary believers. The Muslim people of the area honor the dead through

conducting ritual of post-burial remembrance called Sedeqa. Some Wallo Muslim „Ulama also

considered themselves as the one who threat people to be cured from terrible discomforts

through their possessed Karama. Most of the people of the countryside practiced popular form of

Islam.216

The introduction of mystical orders (Turuq) and the mode of mystic scholars applied to the

introduction and expansion of Islam to Wallo were partially responsible for the development of

rituals and ceremonies in the region. The Muslim scholars who understood the deep-root and

persistent traditional values and customs of the Muslim community of South Wallo forced to

devise new mechanism to make their effort of reform effective. Thus, religious leaders called the

people to come together to celebrate the anniversary of the birth day of the Prophet. The people

began to use the occasion to commit traditional rituals and ceremonies which were previously

observed under trees and other popular places. It were Tariqa teachers who called on Muslim

communities to participate in a feast celebrated for the anniversary of Prophet Mohammad‟s

birth day, and also asked the people to pay something towards the expenses. Though the Tariqa

teachers intended the feast as an occasion for teaching, the community used the occasion to

conduct their previous popular rituals and ceremonies through the rituals of litanies and other

panegyrical songs in the evenings. In some feasts they beat drum to make it exciting. It was after

the end of the rituals and ceremonies that Shaykhs discuss the tenets of Islam. As the people

observed ceremony, their hostile attitude towards Tariqa teachers changed and they began to

216 Jan Abbink, “Transformations of Islam and Communal Relations in Wallo, Ethiopia,” In Benjamin F. Soares

and Rene Otayek, eds., Islam and Muslim politics in Africa (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), p.71.

68

confirm to the teachings of Islam.217

Hence, the veneration of local saints and performing ecstatic

dance and song emanated under the guidance of Tariqa teachers in eighteenth and nineteenth

century Wallo.218

The number of shrines varied from place to place based on the number of Muslims on the region.

It is basically true that both Muslims and Christians travel to the shrines for annual

celebration.219

The shrine of Guna Gannate shrine in Arsi, Taba and Liben shrines in Gojjam,

Shaykh Abrar shrine in Gojjam (Motta), Shaykh Hussein shrine in Bale, Gata Hajji Bushra in

Wallo (Kombolcha), Getaw Sharafadin shrine in Wallo (Borena), Asqari shrine in Gojjam

(Berenta), Feqi Yasin shrine in Gojjam (Debre Markos), Abba Shaykh Yebre shrine in Gojjam

(Wereqo), Shaykh Ali Giru shrine in Wallo (Dessie), Shaykh Mohammed Shafi (Yejemaw Negus)

shrine in Wallo (Jamma), Ahmed Nejash shrine in Tigray, Sof Umar shrine in Bale, Shaykh

Ahmed Omer shrine in Wellega, the Dana Shaykh shrine in Wollo (Sekota)220

, Shaykh Ali Yimer

shrine in Gondar, the Abret and Qatbare Shrine in Gurage are some of them where all peoples

and nationalities with diverse religion visit and worship annually.221

Shaykh Sharafadin‟s death in 1890 and the death of Khalifa Musa on Wednesday night April,

1930 marked a decisive stage in the transformation of Daggar from a Sufi teaching center to a

major shrine which attract several thousands of pilgrims from the surrounding areas and from


th Century Wallo, p., 82.

218

Trimingham, pp. 233-234.

219 Mohammed Yesuf, “Islam and the Muslim Conditions in Ethiopia,” (BA Thesis, Department of Political

Science and International Relations, Addis Ababa University, 1994), p. 36.

220

Teshome Birhanu Kemal stated that there is a shrine known as ‘aw sa’ido’ in Sekota specifically in Birbir area, p. 185 and Muhammed Yesuf, p. 36.

221 Mohammed Yesuf, p. 36 and Terje Ostebo, A History of Islamic and Inter-religious relations in Bale, Ethiopia,

(Uppsala: Universitetstryckeriet, 2005), p. 29.

69

some far away place. Hussein Ahmed stated that most of the rituals practiced in different shrines

of Wallo are similar.222

Though Sharafadin died in 1890, the people who learned under him gave a great honor next to

Allah and considered him as a mediator between Allah and them. The people are still judged by

his name, and celebrated his Mawlid at Daggar Getaw Shahye Mesjid in commemoration of him,

and to get his support. The people of the area blessed to each other in the name of Sharafadin

(Getaw Shahye Mejen) and swear by his name. This reflects the identity of the people of Borena

region.223

Conducting pilgrimage and bringing gifts to the shrine is not the only way to secure

Sharafadin‟s support. Rather, it is believed that repeatedly calls his name at home and asks his

spirit for any kind of assistance was another way of rite.224

Through out the year, people with any kind of difficulty in their life and social relationship visit

the shrine to request the spirit of Shaykh Sharafadin to solve their personal and social problem.

The annual ritual ceremony celebrated from October 22nd

to 24th

is unique in terms of the

number of people convened in the compound of the shrine. In this Mawlid ceremony people went

to the shrine either individually or in group. The guests of this ceremony came to the shrine two

to three days before the main holiday. As I have observed, in my field work conducted in

October 2013, the pilgrims started their ritual by visiting the tomb of Shaykh Sharafadin Ibrahim.

They gather around the tomb and speak their multifaceted problems to the spirit of the dead

Shaykh. Others stand there promising to bring rich gifts the following year if their problems will

be solved. Other pilgrims stand around the tomb to give the previously promised votive

222 Hussein Ahmed, “Two Muslim Shrines in South Wallo,” p. 66 and Kitabu Tajumuhibin Fi Manaqib,

manuscript.

223 Mohammad Yesuf, p. 12 and Informants: Shaykh Muhammad Awole, Shaykh Ahmed Abubu and Shaykh

Mu’ahmud Hamza.

224 Informants: Shaykh Muhammad Awole, Shaykh Mu’ahmud Hamza, Ato Muhe Tegegn, Ato Mitiku Yimer and

Wayzaro Workinesh Sigat, interviewed in Daggar during the Mawlid ceremony held in October, 2013.

70

offerings. People convened there to pray to get cure from their disease, to pray for the well-being

of the country, etc. It also creates an opportunity to appreciate the miraculous deeds of Shaykh

Sharafadin Ibrahim.225

Rituals and Ceremonies in the shrine of Daggar from 1868-1930

Rituals and ceremonies held in Daggar from 1868- 1930 were compatible with the religious

ethics and standards of Islam. Rituals and ceremonies observed during this period were; Jama‟a

and annual festival of Mawlid of the Prophet and De‟wa226

were well-known and practiced

ceremonies. In this period, Shaykh Sharafadin obliged the Muslim community of the surrounding

area to conduct public prayer (Jama‟a). In this weekly ceremony, those who came to the mosque

simply conduct their public prayer and return to their home after finishing it. In addition to these,

five obligatory prayers were conducted either individually or collectively in the small mosque.

However, Shaykh Sharafadin advised the Muslim community to conduct the five obligatory

prayers of the day together in the mosque. Apart from this, the Mawlid ceremony of the Prophet

was celebrated communally in the compound of the mosque. But, there was not exorbitant

dancing and other rituals that were considered as incompatible with Islamic ethics and standards.

The pilgrims convened in Daggar recited ramsa (a collection of pious songs recited in religious

gathering) either in Amharic or Arabic and also narrated anecdotes concerning the life and

achievements of Islam and its expansion to the world.227

Moreover, since the period was a period

of Islamic revival and reform movements, the mosque of Shaykh Sharafadin hosted religious

225 A manuscript, Ye-Daggar Getaw Shaykhye Mesgid Achir Tarik and Informants: Ato Gashaw Yimer and

Shaykh Ahmed Abubu.

226 De’wa refers to the Islamic call usually signifies propagation and preaching with the objective to bring a

person to Islam (to the correct observance of Islam). This program is mostly led by prominent ‘Ulama of the religion.

227 Informants: Shaykh Sharif Mehdi and Shaykh Ahmed Abubu. Shaykh Sharif Mehdi, who was a grand son

of Shaykh Sharafadin’s younger brother expressed him as ‘Mujedidel Sharia’ which means strict follower of Islamic Orthodoxy.

71

discussions of prominent „Ulama of South Wallo concerning the expansion of Islam and how to

combat the incompatible practices amalgamated with Islamic practices (see below). The other

important ceremony conducted in the pre-1930 mosque of Daggar was traditional Quranic school

system. Thus, there was Quranic school system in the mosque of Daggar until 1930. Shaykh

Sharafadin and the people around the mosque in the village of Baqelo were main sponsors of the

school system.228

Rituals and Ceremonies in the Post-1930 period

During the period of Shaykh Sharafadin, rituals and ceremonies held in Daggar were compatible

with Islamic ethics and standards. The two Khalifas continued the rituals and ceremonies

practiced during the period of Shaykh Sharafadin. However, the coming to power of Hashim in

1930 was a turning point to the development of rituals and ceremonies incompatible with Islamic

ethics and standards. Juma‟a prayer, Qur‟an teaching and regular discussions concerning the

expansion and survival of Islam were interrupted. Praying near the tomb of Shaykh Sharafadin

developed as an important ritual of the period. The pilgrims took off their shoes before entering

the sanctuary. Then, they burnt incense when they go around the main tomb which filled the

compound by pleasant odor. They prostrate themselves before the tomb of Shaykh Sharafadin

and kiss the walls of the main building. They express their gratitude to the Shaykh‟s intercession

and Baraka divine grace. As an expression of their thanks to their deceased Shaykh, they put

votive objects like money, cloth, carpets, coffee and others in the small enclosure of the tomb.

The irrational behaviors reflected in the ritual practices of the pilgrims were expressed in the

form of exorcism, they cry and fell into a trance. These were the followers‟ physical

228 Kitabu Tajumuhibin Fi Manaqib, manuscript and Informants: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu and Shaykh Yesuf

Hassen

72

manifestations to confirm their respect to the deceased Shaykh and his Karama. The intercessory

power of the Shaykh might expel the Zar cult and the trance as a physical symbol of the struggle

of the evil spirit resisting expulsion. Ritual of ecstatic dancing and other related ceremonies of

the Zar cult were expressions of their sense of being “possessed.”229

They fail into frenzy,

shouting and uttering esoteric phrases which are considered as well-established and traditional

forms of exorcism practiced by both Muslims and Christians. They also smear butter and blood

on the door of the shrine. It is traditionally said that smearing butter and blood on the door are

expressions that intended to notify sacrifices for the Karama of the deceased Shaykh. They also

drink the blood of the slaughtered animals in the compound of the shrine. This is because the

pilgrims perceived that the blood has the power to cure them from diseases. Along with this,

pilgrims conduct a formal visit to the representative, family of Shaykh Sharafadin and custodian

of the shrine in the mosque which is located south of the tomb. These people gave personal

votive gifts either to the custodian or the family of the deceased Shaykh. The gifts were made to

either in cash or in kind after kissing their hands. The gifts are considered as a physical medium

through which the Shaykh‟s blessing was transmitted to the pilgrims.

On the first day of the festival, a large number of sheep, goats and bulls brought by the pilgrims

were slaughtered and the meat cooked and freely distributed to the pilgrims. Before 1994, the

pilgrims offered animals to the family of Shaykh Sharafadin. Some of the animals were

slaughtered and cooked to the pilgrims and the others saved for later sale. Because of this, the

pilgrims began to slaughter their animals in the compound of Shaykh Sharafadin and distributed

229 Kitabu Tajumuhibin Fi Manaqib, manuscript; Hussein Ahmed, “Two Muslim shrines of Wallo” pp. 76- 79 and

Abdo Adem, pp. 20- 21. As I have personally observed in the Mawlid ceremony of October 22-24, 2013, the space around the tomb of Shaykh Sharafadin was filled by exorcist people who cried and lie on the ground and kick their body with whatever they got around them. They never allowed others to pass to the tomb along their side and Informant: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu.

73

the meat among their group members. This seriously minimized the income of the family of

Shaykh Sharafadin. As a result, they purposely formed a committee that managed such kinds of

unacceptable actions along with the police force of Kelela Wärädä. However, the increased

number of pilgrims made it difficult to manage. Thus, those people who vowed to bring animals

to the shrine slaughtered them in two different ways. Those who were conscious about the tricky

action of the family and custodians of the shrine slaughtered their animals themselves in the

compound of Shaykh Sharafadin but distributed the meat to their group members. However,

those pilgrims who did not know the problem, and those who seriously fear Shaykh Sharafadin

and considered their action as offending him simply submitted their animals to the family of

Shaykh Sharafadin.230

Apart to this, there was another version of gifts. In one of the versions the

volunteer pilgrims gave money to those notable „Ulama who settled in their tent out side of the

mosque. As others did in the mosque with the representatives, custodian and family of Shaykh

Sharafadin, they gave gifts to them in cash or in kind after kissing their hands in the tents around

the compound of the shrine.

In the afternoon of the first day and throughout the nights of the three successive days, people

formed small groups around which they constructed temporary shelters covered with cloth and

leaves of trees, and they began the proper celebration. They formed small circles around the

main shrine and performed an impressive collective worship. The proper celebration started with

consumption of ćat. People enjoyed a climax of physical and spiritual frenzy throughout day and

night of the three successive days. The days and nights of the Mawlid ceremony of October were

filled with occasional outbursts of the overzealous, music of chanting, fragrance from the

230 Informants: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu, Ato Gashaw Yimer and Shaykh Muhammad Awole. Some informants from

the pilgrims who slaughtered their animal on their own criticized the actions of the family of Shaykh Sharafadin and the custodians. The family of Shaykh Sharafadin and custodians on the other hand criticized those who slaughtered their animals on their own as offenders of Shaykh Sharafadin.

74

burning of incense and other aromatics and sprinkling of perfume. All these gave a pleasant odor

to the environment. It also increased the excitement of the pilgrims and the intensity of their

emotions. At the end of the festival, the pilgrims would promise to come back with expensive

gifts if their problem were solved with the help of the Shaykh‟s intercessory power.231

The other annual ceremony celebrated in the shrine of Daggar is the Mawlid of the Prophet. Most

of the time, those who actively participated and invited to participate in the Mawlid ceremony of

the Prophet were the prominent „Ulama of Daggar, the family of Shaykh Sharafadin, and the

known personalities of the surrounding region. However, the participation of lay men at the

Mawlid festival of October was not common in this festival. Due to the social composition of the

pilgrims, the rituals and ceremonies practiced in the Mawlid festival of the Prophet were

somewhat different from the rituals and ceremonies of the October Mawlid festival. Unlike the

October Mawlid festival, the „Ulama were engaged in the recitation of litanies and panegyrics

about the Prophet. They narrated anecdotes from the lives of the Prophet and Shaykh Sharafadin.

The whole ceremony was preceded by the chanting of ramsa (a collection of panegyrical poems

composed in either in Arabic or Amharic language in praise of the Prophet). After ramsa, the

recitation of several didactic poems (Manzumat) composed in either Arabic or Amharic was

conducted. The chanting was led by recognized and respected panegyrists. Harmony between

bodily movement and collective chanting of the praise songs took place in the ritual.232

Apart from the above annual ceremonies of the shrine, there is/was a weekly ceremony

celebrated on Friday. In this weekly ceremony, the custodian, the committee representatives, the

231 I had personally observed all the above rituals held in the Mawlid ceremony of October 22

nd -24

th of 2013.

More surprisingly, I had observed several women, men, young and old who enjoy excitement and frenzy who expressed it by shouting and uttering esoteric phrases. Informants: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu, Ahmed Ali and Shaykh Muhammad Awole.

232 Informants: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu, Shaykh Muhammad Awole, Shaykh Umar Abas, Shaykh Seid Muhammad

and Kassaw Usman.

75

family of Shaykh Sharafadin and the surrounding neighbors and some people who came with

gifts from far area participated. As I have observed in my field work, this ceremony was opened

by sprinkling Buqri233

on the tomb of Shaykh Sharafadin. After this, the kadam distributed the

Buqri to the people in the mosque. Then immediately began to recite ramsa, didactic poems

composed in either Arabic or Amharic. This was led by a recognized panegyrist. In the middle of

the recitation of ramsa, they distributed a piece of bread and ćat (catha edulis). Initially, they

narrated anecdotes about the lives and works of Shaykh Sharafadin. After this, they immediately

recited ramsa that praised Shaykh Sharafadin. Unlike the ramsa recited to the Prophet, the

ramsa, in praise of Shaykh Sharafadin, were recited in a standing position. The panegyrist began

to praise Shaykh Sharafadin by reciting a song of the following Amharic poem:

አባባ ያቁጥበል ሀበሻ፣ አባባ ያቁጥበል ሀበሻ፣

ሸህየ የኛ መሸሻ፡፡234

Father! The representative of the Habasha, Father! The representative of the Habasha

You are our Shaykh and protector.

While the panegyrist led the praise songs of Shaykh Sharafadin, the other participants chanted

the song repeatedly by standing in front of him with a pleasant bodily movement associated with

the rhythm of the praise songs. More surprisingly, it was on this day that the barren women took

a white stone from the place where Shaykh Sharafadin had blessed it in the hope of bearing child.

Women, who came to take the white stone, are advised to repeatedly touch her stomach with the

233 Buqri is a local drink made up of the mixing of roasted corn and water. It is non-Alcoholic local drink that did

not disturb the users. This is because the elements added in Buqri are alcohol free corns and other elements.

234 I had personally heard the musical intonation and pattern orally recited by Shaykh Ahmed Abubu in the

Mosque on the weekly ceremony of Friday. The praise songs were recited in Amharic with a harmony between bodily movement and collective chanting of them. Though the panegyrist, Shaykh Ahmed Abubu, was old, his musical intonation and pattern was interesting.

76

stone along with incense. The Kadam advised them to return it after she bore her child.235

The

above rituals and ceremonies provided an occasion for social interaction between people of

diverse socio-economic backgrounds. There was also a regular visit on Thursday evening, and

the shrine remained active during the dry season (the end of September to the second week of

June). As stated by Berhanu Gebeyehu, the shrine of Daggar is different from other shrines of

Wallo for two reasons. In the first place, the shrine did not function as a seat for higher Islamic

learning since 1930. Rather, it was simply left as a center of rituals and ceremonies practiced in

Daggar after the 1930. The second distinguishing factor of the shrine of Daggar was related with

the bi-annual festivals held at this shrine. It was largely dominated by rituals of dancing,

exhortation and other related ceremonies of the Zar.236

The Social Composition of the Pilgrims

The shrine was the center of interaction of community members, the Murid (disciple), and the

Awliya which makes the location, identity and significance of the saint known in its history.237

The families of Shaykh Sharafadin Ibrahim were the prominent and active participants of the

ceremony. All pilgrims came from different parts of Ethiopia were their guests. They waited for

their guests in the mosque with the Khalifa and the prominent Islamic scholars. The pilgrims

came to Daggar with different gifts. The beneficiaries of the gift were the family of Shaykh

Sharafadin Ibrahim. Until the pilgrims return to their home, they accept and receive greetings

235 Informants: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu, Shaykh Siraj, Ato Kassaw Usman and Ato Aliyu Yimam.

236

Berhanu Gebeyehu, pp. 10-11. As I have personally seen in the Mawlid ceremony of October 22nd

-24th

, 2013, particularly the night of the second day, I. e., October 23 seems a dance program of nations, nationalities and peoples of South Wallo. The male and female youth came to Daggar on the night of October 23 and began to dance and chant songs in group. They wear cultural clothes of their local area and chant their song in their respective language. Most of the groups chant their song in Oromigna language. This incidence attracted all the pilgrims to see the dancing by making circles around the youth.

237 Camilla. C. T. Gibb. “In the City of Saints: Religion, Politics and Gender in Harar, Ethiopia,” (PhD Thesis,

Department of Social Anthropology, University of Oxford, 1996), p. 208.

77

and gifts of the pilgrims for four days. They were the first to enter the mosque to accept the

earlier comers of the ceremony. After all pilgrims left the mosque and its surrounding, they

shared the collected gifts. Thus, the family of Shaykh Sharafadin came with empty handed but

return with some gifts.238

Apart from this, the devotee followers of Shaykh Sharafadin came to the shrine from the local

and far areas. This section of the pilgrims was the majority after 1890. The devotee adherents,

who made the pilgrimage ceremonies warm and interesting were: Christian and Muslim lay

people who benefited by the miracles of Shaykh Sharafadin, those peoples who were possessed

by Zar, people who permanently and occasionally affected by disease, economically destitute

people, and those who got cures from the spirit of the deceased Shaykh. These sections of the

pilgrims were the majority but not the only source of income to the family of Shaykh Sharafadin

Ibrahim. They were involved in ecstatic dancing that led them into a frenzy of shouting and

uttering esoteric phrases. These were considered as well- established and traditional forms of

exorcism practiced by both Muslims and Christian pilgrims.239

The other section of the social group on the ceremony was those who intended to refresh

themselves by observing the ritual and ceremonial practices. Some „tourist‟ pilgrims from

different parts of the country travel to the site as a form of day or weekend outing. More often

they were members of the youth coming as couples and/or as groups of friends. Much of the

238 Informant: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu, who produced Menzuma that narrates the life history and achievements

of Shaykh Sharafadin Ibrahim, his family and his contemporary Islamic religious leaders of South Wallo. He is a devotee follower of Shaykh Sharafadin.

239 Informants: Ato Ahmed Ali, Ato Gashaw Yimer and Wayzaro Workinesh Sigat (a Christian participant of the

Mawlid ceremony held in October, 22, 2013), and Ato Muhe Tegegn.

78

excitement was sight-seeing with friends. This section of the pilgrims engages in joking in their

temporary shelter while others participate in ecstatic dancing.240

Well-known Sufi Islamic scholars were members of the pilgrims. They had special status as

compared to the other sections of the pilgrims. They stay in a mosque surrounded by the family

of Shaykh Sharafadin Ibrahim and the Khalifa. The Sufi Islamic Ulama who came to the shrine

of Daggar were visited by their admirers. Along with the presentation of gifts to the family of

Shaykh Sharafadin, some pilgrims request the convened „Ulama to solve their social, personal

and economic problems. They provided gifts either in the form of cash or kind to gain special

concern for their problems. Due to the narrowness of the mosque, some notable Shaykhs, who

came from different corners of Wallo, constructed their own temporary shelter (tent) around the

compound of the mosque. The Shaykh in the temporary shelter was responsible to the start of

ritual and ceremonial practices. They also narrated anecdotes about the achievements of Prophet

Mohammad and other local religious leaders including Shaykh Sharafadin Ibrahim.241

One

important occasion for the production of Ajäm was different shrines of Ethiopia.242

The

responsible sections of the pilgrims for the production of Ajäm were the „Ulama. The whole

ceremony was preceded by the chanting of ramsa.243

Following the ramsa, the program is

followed by the recitation of several didactic poems (Menzumat) composed in Arabic and

Amharic. This is common in all Mawlid ceremonies of Wallo led by the „Ulama.

240 Alula Pankhurst, p. 950.

241

Informants: Shaykh Mohammed Awole and Shaykh Ahmed Abubu. I had seen and met different notable ‘Ulama in different temporary shelters in the Mawlid ceremony of October, 22, 2013.

242 Alula Pankhurst, p. 259.

243

Hussein Ahmed defined ramsa as a collection of panegyric poems in praise of the Prophet, see, Hussein, “Two Muslim Shrines in Wallo.”

79

The Votive Ideology

One of the prevalent notions associated with pilgrimage centers is the idea of a reciprocal

relationship between the individual and supernatural forces. In the process of pilgrimage, this

notion is known as a transactional ethics. In the world of Awliya and their adherent relations,

there were two transaction items. These were Karama and vow. More often the pilgrims promise

to give votive offering to the shrine if their request would be fulfilled in the immediate future due

to the intercessory power of the spiritual leader. The promised material or property that would be

given to the spiritual leader is known as votive offering.244

As usual, adherents facing challenges

promise to visit the shrine in the near future if their problem would be solved. They also express

what they intended to bring to the shrine as a response to the fulfillment of their interest through

the intercessory power of the Wali.245

As usual, those who came for the first time to the

pilgrimage center inform their problem by walking around the tomb of the Wali and promise to

come with gifts in the coming year. Most of the pilgrims come to solve their infertility problem.

In case of infertility, Shaykh Sharafadin is said to have blessed a particular stone in the

compound of the shrine and people believe that this blessed stone is important for those who

wanted to bring children. The pilgrims could take stone from this particular area only on Friday

so as to bear a child. This special place is found between the tomb and the mosque of Shaykh

Sharafadin. After they took a stone they usually promise to come back with gifts. They smear the

stone with incense and touch their stomach with it repeatedly.246

After they got a child, they are

expected to return the stone to its original place. The votive offering ranged from incense to any

some of money in thousands, and from hen to bull. Others also promised to provide any kind of

244 Alula Pankhurst, pp. 948-949.

245

Ibid and informants: Ato Kassaw Usman and Ato Muhe Tegegn.

246 Informants: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu, Shaykh Muhammad Awole and Ato Kassaw Usman

80

material that would give service permanently to the shrine. However, the most accustomed

votive offerings were animals and money. Large number of animals would be slaughtered on

Friday and in the annual Mawlid Ceremony in October. Some pilgrims drink and some others

painted their body with the blood of the slaughtered animals. This is because the people believed

that the Karama of Shaykh Sharafadin would visit them and they would be the advantageous

section of the society.247

In the votive ideology, those who required the support of the Karama of Shaykh Sharafadin,

relate their problem either by physically coming to the shrine or by calling his name in their

home. They would also identify the votive offerings that they would offer. Then they hopefully

wait for the Karama of Shaykh Sharafadin until their requests are met. They would notify their

problem relentlessly and continuously until Shaykh Sharafadin answered it. After the fulfillment

of their requests, they are obliged to bring the votive offerings to the shrine. They would only

bring what they had promised to bring. The adherents believe that, changing the promised item

of votive is unethical in the transaction ethics. As they reach to the shrine with the promised gift,

they express the fulfillment of their request by the Karama of Shaykh Sharafadin. Hence, votive

ideology is an attribute of pilgrimage, in which the Awliya and their adherents exchanged their

mutual benefit.248

The Essence and Purpose of Pilgrimage in the Religious and Social Life of the Pilgrims

In Ethiopia in general and in Wallo in particular, those tombs known as a center of cult and

pilgrimages are/were an integral part of the life of the people. Pilgrims carry out scriptural

Islamic practices such as; hearing liturgical chants and litanies led by panegyrists, expressed their

247 Informants: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu, Ato Kassaw Usman and Ato Gassaw Yimer.

248

Informants: Shaykh Muhammad Awole, the current chairman of the committee of the shrine, Shaykh Muhammad Awole, Shaykh Mu’ahmud Hamza, Ato Kassaw Usman and Shaykh Ahmed Abubu.

81

admiration to their Prophet, religious discussions in small groups and others that convinced them

they are performing religious deeds. However, each shrine has its own unique practices.249

Religious Dimensions of Pilgrimage

Pilgrims come to any shrine to get the support of the spirit of the deceased saint and to get a

chance to communicate with Allah.250

As a result, devoted religious experience motivated the

pilgrims to conduct pilgrimage. It is considered as a „poor man‟s hajj‟ in which a life time

spiritual fulfillment could be done. Conducting pilgrimage to the shrine of Shaykh Sharafadin has

valuable benefit in the religious life of the pilgrims. The pilgrims underscored the support of

Shaykh Sharafadin and their communal interaction with the other people while they travel to

Daggar. The adherents of Shaykh Sharafadin considered pilgrimage as a religious obligation. For

them, conducting pilgrimage is one way of discharged religious obligations. Hence, the

psychological make up of the pilgrims convinced them they are performing religious deeds. They

considered the shrine of Daggar as a destination of Hajj for the poor. They heard ramsa,

menzuma and to some extent Qur‟an in the Mawlid and weekly Friday ceremony of the shrine.251

The process of visiting shrines was also considered as an act of piety. Most of the time observing

visions and dreams motivated the pilgrims to visit pilgrimage centers. Even those who were not

lucky to participate on the occasion rush to exchange greeting and hand shakes with their

neighbors who came back from Daggar so as to share the blessing that his/her neighbors

249 Trimingham, p. 249.

250

Tsige Nigatu, p. 46.

251 Informants: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu, Shaykh Muhammad Awole, Wayzaro Semegn Hassan and Ato Gashaw

Yimer. The later two are devoted and active participants of the Mawlid ceremony held in October 22nd

-24th

. I met them in the Mawlid ceremony of 2013. They said that, “this is an Islamic religious center and all what they did was religious.”

82

acquired from the shrine.252

This is because, according to their argument, Allah preferred and

recognized them as His adjacent slave. By calling the name of the deceased saint, the pilgrims

gave their votive offerings with thanks to his/her God. It is also an important occasion to forward

their problems and to perform prayer for Allah.253

In the history of Islam, the Muslim society expressed their admiration and the gracious

contributions of Prophet through celebrating Mawlid ceremony that commemorates his birth day.

The Muslim societies of different regions have their own local religious figures that need to be

remembered for their contributions for societal life. As a result of this, the people accustomed the

culture of celebrating the deeds and Karama of their local religious leaders at a ceremony of

annual Mawlid.254

Various Muslim communities of Ethiopia have little interaction due to geographical and cultural

barriers. Apart from these the feudal state maintained a hostile and belligerent attitude towards

indigenous Muslims. In 1668, in the reign of Yohannes I (1668-82), a religious council was held

in the then imperial capital, Gondar, which called on the Muslims to reside in a separate quarter

of the town. In addition to this, at the council of Boru Meda, Emperor Yohannes IV (1872-89)

decreed that Muslims, particularly those of Wallo, were to be baptized or suffer banishment.

These were the other factors that negatively affected the closer contacts of Muslim communities.

As a result of these, religious festivals such as the annual anniversary celebration of the

Prophet‟s Mawlid and visits to local shrines were occasions that provided options for

252 Alula Pankhurst, p. 947 and Informants: Shaykh Umar Abas, Shaykh Seid Muhammad, Shaykh Musa

Mebri’ate and Shaykh Mu’ahmud Hamza.

253 Alula Pankhurst, P. 947 and Informants: Shaykh Muhammad Ali, Ato Muhe Tegegn, Ato Mitiku Yimer and Ato

Gashaw Yimer.

254 Tsige Nigatu p. 36 and Informants: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu and Shaykh Muhammad Awole.

83

interaction.255

These local centers of pilgrimage were local centers that recruited converts to

Islam.256

Apart from these, the other section of pilgrims was those who were possessed by the Zar cult.

They engaged in orgiastic dancing by rounding the tomb of Shaykh Sharafadin. They shouted

and frenziedly lay on the ground. Some times they ask Shaykh Sharafadin why he made them as

such. At other time they criticized Allah why He did so. Shaykh Ahmed Abubu argued that, the

bale Zar pilgrims used the occasion as an opportunity to charge their spirit. This section of the

pilgrims considered pilgrimage as a religious act.257

Shaykh Sharafadin Ibrahim was among the well-known Ulama of the nineteenth century whose

Mawlid ceremony is celebrated annually from October 22nd

to 24th

in his shrine. According to the

belief and myth of the adherents, this event is celebrated in commemoration of the death of

Shaykh Sharafadin Ibrahim.258

The celebration of the Mawlid festival of Shaykh Sharafadin is

considered as a means to get the help of the karama of Shaykh Sharafadin and the blessing of

Allah.

Social Dimensions of the Pilgrimage

It is a public ceremony in which people raise their problems and ask Allah to solve their common

problem.259

Faith healing is/was one of the social values of pilgrimage. Ethiopian traditional

medicine-men of various sorts rendered curative services through out the history of the country

through their medical knowledge combined with their fame and far-reaching reputation. This

255 Hussein Ahmed, “The Historiography of Islam in Ethiopia,” Journal of Islamic Studies, 3:1 (1992), p. 19; Tsige

Nigatu, p. 64 and Informants: Shaykh Yesuf Hassen and Shaykh Muhammad Bekele.

256 Tsige Nigatu, p. 71 and Informant: Shaykh Ahmed Abubu.

257

Ibid.

258 Berhanu Gebeyehu, p. 32.

259

Tsige Nigatu, p. 46.

84

helped patients to get cures through psychological and spiritual assurances they obtained from

the healing practices of the traditional medicine men.260

Demon-pullers and spirit mediums

were/are among the traditional medicine men. They are/were believed to be a medium to assist

people in their relation with super-human powers.261

The Amhara, in particular and Ethiopia in general, believe that catastrophic epidemics are sent

by God as punishment to man‟s transgression of His commandments.262

The hungry appealed for

help to a human institution or power. They convened together in religious institution and cry out

to Allah, who they thought sent drought and famine to punish their irreligious practices. Most of

the pilgrims, in the period of the 1984/85 believed that lack of devotion to Allah was a major

cause of drought and famine. It is said that the propaganda of the Derg regime (1974-1991) was

anti-religious. The period was also said to be terrible for the people of the region. Thus, they

expressed their feeling collectively in and around the shrine of Daggar by composing couplets.

ዝናብን ስሇምን [ፀሓዩ] ቅርት ይላል፤

[ፀሓዩን] ስሇምን ዝናቡ ይቀራል፤

ሐይማኖት ከሇሇ ፀሎት ምን ያዯርጋል፡፡ 263

when I pray for rain, the sun remains set;

when I pray for the sun, the rain fails to come;

what is the use of prayer without faith.

260 Abraraw Tesfaye, “Traditional Medicine in an Urban Center: Beliefs and Practices: the Case of Dessie Town,

Northern Ethiopia),” (MA Thesis, Department of Social Anthropology, Addis Ababa University, 1998), p. 30.

261 Ibid., p. 31.

262

Ibid.

263 Informant: Ato Gashaw Yimer a devotee old man and participant of the annual pilgrimage in Daggar. I got

him in the pilgrimage ceremony of October, 22/2006.

85

The above couplet clearly stated that some pilgrims attributed the famine of 1984/85 to the lax

behavior of believers of Islam in the area. 1984/85 was not the only period when rain fails to

come. Demillie Mollaw confirmed that the people of Wallo considered the 1984/85 famine as the

punishment sent by Allah due to their sins. Rather, the above couplet recited during the famine of

1984/85 when religion and government seems anti to each other. Thus, they also wanted to

express this situation which might force them to surrender to famine.264

Still others related the

famine of the period with the guilty of committee members and leaders of peasant association

(PA) formed under the Derg Regime since 1975. The pilgrims criticized the abuses of Derg

petition as:

አስራ አምስት ኮሚቴ ሲያናፋ ሲያናፋ፤

በሰማይ ዯመና [በምድር] ዝናብ ጠፋ፡፡265

Clouds faded from the Sky,

Rain vanished from the earth, as if angered by the braying of committee.

The pilgrims recited different couplets in group which reflected their responses towards different

problems in the following way.

አንሳና ድንጋይ ድንጋይዉን፣ አንሳና ድንጋይ ድንጋይዉን፣

አስማማዉ ቆላ ዯጋዉን፡፡266

Take away the stone, disturbers of our friendship

264 Demillie Mollaw, “The 1984-85 Famine in Wallo with particular Emphasis on Yejju Awrajja,” (BA Thesis,

Department of History, Addis Ababa University, 1997), 23 and Informants: Shaykh Muhammad Awole of Daggar, Shaykh Ahmed Abubu, Ato Kassaw Usman and Ato Ayalew Haile.

265 Informant: Shaykh Seid Mohammed who was a member of the peasant committee and now regretted by

what he had done with his colleagues have done on the surrounding community.

266 I recorded this in the October 22

nd-24

th Mawlid ceremony held in 2013 at the Shrine of Daggar. The pilgrims

who recited this and other kinds of couplets participated in Daggar. Informants: Ato Gashaw Yimer, Ato Mitiku Yimer, Ato Muhe Tegegn and Ato Muhe Assen.

86

create consensus in the desert and the highland regions.

As my informants indicated, they feared local wars and clashes which were enemies of peaceful

relations. They asked their creator, Allah, to pacify the desert and the highland regions to the

common advantage. This occasion was important to the pilgrims to express and discuss different

occurrences that happened in different periods that had a devastating effect on the community.

The recently developed agenda in the shrine was to pray for the migrants, and criticizing mass

migration of Ethiopians to different parts of the world. They chanted hymns that reminds us

about the predetermined nature of life which could not be rearranged by personal effort.

According such beliefs of the pilgrims, Allah is omnipresent and no one would escape from His

anger. They chanted as:

ዉጭ ሐገር ይመኛል ዋ አበሻ ሞኙ፤

እዚያ አላሀ የሇም ወይ ከዚሀ የሚያወቀኙ፡፡267

Ah, the silly [Ethiopians] are eager to go abroad

But, Allah who knows me here is also there.

Therefore, those who believe that illness or diseases are sent by Allah and saints; they appeal to

them in prayers and travel in pilgrimages to famous religious institutions and shrines. They gave

alms to the poor in line with the demands of their faith, thereby hoping to gain relief and

recovery.268

For centuries, Ethiopians had used traditional health-care system and prayers to

overcome such problems.269

Belief systems played a vital role to the understanding and

267 Abraraw Tesfaye, p. 31 and Informant: Shaykh Seid Mohammed.

268

Abraraw Tesfaye, p. 32.

269 Ibid., p. 33.

87

interpretations with regard to health and disease.270

Pilgrimage centers often attract the people

possessed by Zar cult.271

Accommodation

As the case in Jemma Negus272

, temporary shelter was constructed in the open area around the

Mosque, the house where the deceased saint and the successive guardians of the shrine were laid

to rest. The Mosque was used for ćat ceremony every weekly from Thursday night to Friday

mid-day and in annually Mawlid ceremonies preserved only for the family of Shaykh Sharafadin

and the notable religious men of the surrounding area. As a result, most of the pilgrims were

obliged to construct their own temporary shelter in group. They came with necessary materials to

build temporary shelter. They bring cloth, thread, sack and other materials as much as they

could. They also gather leaves and wood items to stretch their clothes to protect themselves from

sunlight and other hardships.273

Those pilgrims who regularly conducted pilgrimage brought

wide cloth to construct tent for them. This kind of shelter is particularly used by the Awliya, who

have several followers, and who collect gifts from pilgrims.

Charity and Alms Giving

Pilgrims not only give offerings to the shrine, but also to large number of beggars. Large

numbers of beggars flock to the area to get alms from pilgrims.274

Religious teachers instruct the

people to give to the less fortunate people for the welfare of the alms contributor and of the

270 Ibid., p. 40.

271

Alula Pankhurst, p. 948.

272 Hussein Ahmed, “Two Muslim Shrines,” p. 66.

273

Informant: Shaykh Muhammad Awole who is the chairman of the committee interviewed in Daggar. I had also observed pilgrims equipped with different materials to construct temporary shelter and also climbed on trees to bring leaves in the Mawlid ceremony held in October 22

nd 2013.

274

Ibid.

88

society. Thus the less fortunate sections of the society often travel to pilgrimage centers.275

Beggars come to Daggar and appeal to the generosity of pilgrims. The beggars remind the

pilgrims to give alms if they wish to get the favor of Allah both in the worldly and heavenly life.

The beggars of Daggar asked the pilgrims in the name of Shaykh Sharafadin. Beggars recite

different poems to express their suffering and to remind the people that such charity is a religious

work in Islam. They also repeatedly call deceased saints of South Wallo including Shaykh

Sharafadin. The pilgrims gave generously without considering its amount. As I observed in my

field work conducted from October 22nd

-24th

in the compound of the shrine, the pilgrims

provided gifts to the needy either in terms of cash or in kind.276

275 Nora Groce and Barbara Murray, “Disabled beggars in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia (Geneva: International Labour

Office, 2013), p. 10.

276 Informants: Ato Kassaw Usman, Ato Aliye Yimam and Shaykh Muhammad Awole of Daggar.

89

CHAPTER IV

VALUES OF THE SHRINE OF DÄGGÄR

The shrine of Däggär has the following values for its adherents in particular and the whole

community of Borenä Awräjjä and its neighbors in general.

Ye- Amärē Qunä

In the African culture; elders, traditional leaders, healing and religious leaders are highly

involved in resolving conflict among local people.277

Ye-Amärē Kunä was a traditional

negotiation system developed particularly by Amhärä tribes of Northern Shewä. Ye-Amärē Kunä

was widely used from the reign of Emperor Yohannes (1872-1889) onwards. Before the

development of modern legal system, traditional negotiation system emanated from common

consensus was commonly practiced among the people of Northern Shewä, Kelelä and Jämmä.278

The word Amärē‟ refers the Amhärä ethnic group lived in Northern Shewä, Kelelä and Jämmä.

The ancient residents of Kelelä were identified as Amärēch and AbēŤoch. Amärēch and AbēŤoch

were ancestral peoples of Kelelä region in Borenä Wärädä. They were divided into two by the

River of Märēko, in present day Kelelä Wärädä. The people lived near to northern Shewä were

known as Amärēch while those who lived to the west of Märēko were AbēŤoch. The people of

Amärēch had their own strong social administrative principle. They had strong family bond

among themselves. They had a culture of defending their common benefit, defend their people,

and are not biased to benefit one by hurting the other. The people of the Amärē were/are critical

277 Solomon Teshome Bāye, “Yegdyā Gdt Bāhlāwi Afetāt Be-Sirē Oromowoch Enā Amārāwoch- Nșșrāwi Ťnāt,”

(MA Thesis, Department of Ethiopian Languages and Literature, Addis Ababa University, 2010), p. 29.

278

Brhän Asefä Arägäw, “Bähläwi Ye-gdt Afetät Zedewoch Be-Wogd Enä Be-Borenä Wärädäwoch,” (MA Thesis,

Department of Ethiopian Languages and Literature, Addis Ababa University, 2002), p.31; Kelelā Enā Yāltenegeru Tārikochwā, manuscript, p. 13 and Informants: Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole and Shäykh Ahmed Abubu.

90

in their negotiation process. Specially, their negotiation system was carry out based on

commonly agreed upon unwritten principles which make it unique and unbiased.279

Apart from

these, they were uncompromising in their belief particularly their belief in Shaykh Sharafadin

was/is strong.280

Like today‟s contemporary system of administration, Amäre Qunä had legislative and executive

bodies composed of prominent elders and religious men. The legislative body was known as

Qunä Sefi while the executive body was Qunä Seći. The legislative and executive bodies of

Kelelä, Northern Shewä and Jämmä Wärädä convened together annually on November 13

around Beto River at a place called Merbäbä to hear petitions. Apart from hearing petitions, they

revised their traditional law so as to make their decision justifiable. Amare traditional law

revised annually. The Amärē Qunä was initially drafted by Amärē legislative body. After that,

the law drafted by the legislative body would be disseminated to the community of Kelelä,

Northern Shewä and Jämmä, south western Wällo for amendment. People add new legislation

and delete what they did not like. It would then be returned to the legislative body for approval.

The law of the Amärē was more concerned with all societal issues.281

During the period of Shäykh Shäräfädin, a woman who was employed in the house of a rich man

in Degy, south western Wällo came to the mosque of Shäykh Shäräfädin with informal petition.

In her petition, she told Shäykh Shäräfädin himself about the refusal of her employer to pay her

salary for 30 years service. They had only oral agreement to pay her one Maria Theresa per day.

After hearing her problem, Shäykh Shäräfädin sent to her employer with mediators. The

mediators negotiated with her that the employer to pay her half of the money promised on the

279 Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, manuscript, p. 13 and Brhän Asefä, pp. 31-32.

280

Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, manuscript, p. 13.

281 Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, manuscript, p. 13 and Brhän Asefä Arägäw, pp. 31-32.

91

oral agreement. The employer paid her salary of 30 years. After that Shäykh Shäräfädin blessed

the Amäre-Qunä traditional negotiation system. Even after the death of Shäykh Shäräfädin in

1890, Abäbä Shifäw, the lance, represented the endeavor of Shäykh Shäräfädin for the traditional

negotiation system. From then on the conflicting parties negotiated in front of Abäbä Shifäw. The

conflicting people never refuse to abide by the negotiation done in front of Abäbä Shifäw. They

also promise not to raise the issue again. Those who did so were obliged to slaughter a bull in the

compound of the shrine of Däggär. However starting from 1974, the government began to see it

as threat for the economic wellbeing of the people. As a result, the Derg regime prohibited the

slaughtering of a bull in the compound of the Shrine of Däggär to punish the offender.282

“Abäbä Shifäw”- ye-Shimäglēwoch Shimäglē

In Borena Awräjjä blood feud was deep rooted in the traditional culture. This problem was

negotiated by prominent local religious and non-religious leaders who reconcile people with

local tradition and knowledge of Islamic doctrine.283

Shaykh Shäräfädin was a notable mediator

of Kelelä Wärädä. After 1890, as it would be explained below, Abäbä Shifäw became the main

negotiator. There are two views concerning about Shaykh Sharafadin‟s affirmation of Abäbä

Shifäw to engage in the negotiation system. The first view related it with the death of Shaykh

Shäräfädin‟s assistant negotiator called Shifäw. Tradition indicates that Shifäw was confirmed by

Shaykh Shäräfädin to negotiate over some part of the surrounding community while Shaykh

Shäräfädin was engaged in negotiating the other part of the region. Shifäw was a servant /Kädäm

of Shäykh Shäräfädin. Unfortunately, Shifaw died unexpectedly after while the community was

still in need of him to see their day to day issues. He died due to his infection by deadly disease.

282 Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, manuscript, pp. 13-14 and Informant: Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole of

Daggar.

283 Gäshäw Mohämmäd, p. 36 and Informants: Ato Kässäw Usmän and Shäykh Muhämmad Awole.

92

The period of his death is not substantiated by sources. Thus, the community asked Shäykh

Shäräfädin to bear a son who will supervise the community and negotiate people‟s offensive

actions.284

The second view argued that the people wanted to represent Shäykh Shäräfädin by his own son

for the negotiation and other religious services. However, Shäykh Shäräfädin refused to have a

son due to his rigid stand that considered the whole community as his children. This was

because, the community considered him as their father and most of them called him by the name,

Abäbä (Father). Shäykh Shäräfädin argued that it is impossible to marry a child to bring another

child.285

However to answer the question of the community, Shäykh Shäräfädin gave his lance to

serve the community by representing him. The lance was his most praised equipment of Shäykh

Shäräfädin. It was given to the community as Shäfä‟a (an Arabic word which means medicine).

According to informants, Shäykh Shäräfädin gave the lance as the savior of the community.

Shäykh Shäräfädin declared that those who will not respect their promise to the Shäfä‟a will be

punished. From that period onwards, the community called the lance as „Shifäw.‟286

The

Mänäqib written by Shäykh Mehdi Khelifä supported the second view.

But the common understanding that we can draw from the above two views concerning about

Shäykh Shäräfädin was that he died unmarried. The community of the surrounding area asked

Shäykh Shäräfädin to bring a son who have lineage with him. This was because having direct

lineage to Shäykh Shäräfädin would make inheritance of the intercessory and spiritual power of

Shäykh Shäräfädin straightforward. Shäykh Shäräfädin insisted that his lance which does not eat,

284 Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, manuscript, p. 15 and Informant: Shäykh Ahmed Abubu.

285

Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, manuscript, p. 13 and Informants: Ato Kässäw Usmän, Shäykh Ahmed Abubu and Shäykh Hussein Ťuhä.

286 Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, manuscript, p. 13 and Informants: Shäykh Ahmed Abubu and Shäykh

Muhämmäd Awole.

93

drink, conduct corruption, immortal and ill would serve the community at the expense of lineage

representation. Based on the decision of the family of Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrahim, Shifäw is kept

in the house of an old man near to the shrine. All my informants refused to tell the name of the

person who kept the lance due to fear of exposing this heritage to danger. However, when

problems arose in the area, Shifäw would be taken out by the order of the guardian of the shrine.

Shifäw would be moved by an old man who would be appointed by the family of Shäykh

Shäräfädin and the local community. Before the mobilization of Shifäw, the family of Shäykh

Shäräfädin would decide for how many days it would be out for accomplishing its task.

However, Abäbä Shifäw never returns to its place before accomplished its mission of negotiating

the conflicting parties.287

The main responsibility of Shifäw was/is to negotiate blood feud. In such cases the family of the

assassin would ask the mobilization of Shifäw. Shifäw would enter neither the house of the

assassin nor the family of the deceased. Rather, it would be kept in a temporarily constructed tent

or under a tree. Well-known local mediators, government representatives of the district or police

forces and the family of the deceased would convene around the tent or around Shifäw.288

The opening remarks would start by begging the family of the deceased person after notifying

them the coming of Shifäw to negotiate them. Shifäw would only return if and only if the family

of the dead person asked the mediators, in the name of Shifäw, to postpone the mediation day.

Unless and other wise, the mediators hear of the promise ritual of the two sides that expressed

their willingness to negotiation. After the end of the negotiation, the assassin would be ordered to

287 Kelela Ena Yaltenegeru Tarikochwa, manuscript, p. 13 and Informants: Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole, Shäykh

Ahmed Abubu, Shäykh Yesuf Hässen and Ato Sileshi Muhämmäd.

288 Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, manuscript p. 13 and Informants: Ato Ashebir Ali, Ato Asenu Hussein and

Ato Hässen Ali.

94

give blood-money to the family of the deceased person. The amount of blood-money paid to the

family of the deceased was determined based on the level of guilty of the assassin and their

confession. Until 2008, those persons who killed a person and confess their guilty ordered to pay

3000 birr. But, those who killed a person and tried to disown and collusively opposed their guilty

of killing a person ordered to pay 3500 birr. Moreover, for those assassins who dismember the

body of the deceased person forced to pay 4500 birr. The punishment would be paid either in

cash or by providing services. The two sides would eat together from a common dish and would

promise no to raise their hostile relations again. Since the community is devotee followers of

Shäykh Shäräfädin, they do not refuse negotiation in front of Shifäw. This was because refusing

Shifäw was considered as upsetting Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrahim. As a matter of belief, the

community of the surrounding area alleges that those who refused to negotiate by Shifäw had

faced serious challenge in their personal and social life. They would also outcaste by the

community at large. Kerem Shäykh Yäsin obtained evidence from Shäykh Musä, the second

Khälifä of the shrine, and quoted in the Mänäqib that if some one falsely swears in the presence

of Shifäw, it would be considered as calling of death by his own initiation. Shäykh Shäräfädin

instructed and strongly advised to be truthful in front of Abäbä Shifäw to avoid danger. Shäykh

Shäräfädin had indicated that he had added spirit to Shifäw to punish the disobedient.289

After 1890, Abäbä Shifäw responsibly maintained the peace and security of the communities of

Därä, a Wärädä of the Oromo region which is located on the extreme south of Kelelä Wärädä),

Northern Shewä, ćäqetä, in Wogd Wärädä, in south western Wällo and Jämmä Wärädä and

brought back local bandits to home. Before 2008 Shifäw was paid two Märia Teresä birr per its

negotiation. However, after this year, it was paid 20 birr. From 2010-2012, the money paid to

289 Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, p. 13; Kitäbu Täjumuhibin Fi Mänäqib, manuscript, and Informant:

Shäykh Ahmed Abubu of Daggar who is the nearest relative of Shäykh Shäräfädin.

95

Abäbä Shifäw grown up to 400 birr. The decision of payment to Abäbä Shifäw and its carrier was

decided by the community of the surrounding area. This money is used to buy coffee and incense

for the prayer ceremony conducted during the taking out of Shifäw for its intended purpose.290

Shifäw was/is a special gift of Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim which is still a valuable property of the

community of Kelelä Wärädä and its surrounding. It was/is the main apparatus of the mediators.

Kelelä Wärädä and its people will continue to adore and respect Shäykh Shäräfädin and his gift,

Shifäw.291

Economic Values of the Shrine

The descendants of Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim lived under the shadow of their saintly ancestor

through inheriting his Bäräkä and exploiting it for their survival.292

This is not an exclusive

economic investment of the family of Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim. Such kinds of trends were

developed in different local shrines of Ethiopia like; Jemä Negus (Shäykh Muhämmäd Shäfi

Shrine in Jämmä), Gätä (häjj Bushrä shrine in Kombolchä) and others.293

Following the death of

Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim, his family members had attached themselves to the shrine and

thrived on gifts of the pilgrims.294

The family of Shäykh Shäräfädin got gifts in the form of cash

and animals. According to the statistical report of Kelelä Wärädä Cultural and Tourism Office,

the family of Shäykh Shäräfädin got 400 Sheep and Goats, 9 bull and 250, 000 birr in the festival

290 Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, manuscript, p. 13 and Informants: Ato Kässäw Usmän and Ato Aliyu

Yimäm who were a Kädäm of the shrine for a long period of time. Ato Kässäw Usmän was a guard of the Shrine from 1983 to the present. Aliyu Yimäm was a carrier of Abäbä Shifäw and Kädäm of the Shrine since 1991 to the present.

291 Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, manuscript, p.13 and Informants: Ato Tesfä Michä’el Legesse, Ato Aliyu

Hussein and Ato Usmän Abegäz.

292 Informant: Shäykh Shärif Mehdi, son of Shäykh Shäräfädin’s brother and now the Khälifa of Märsä Mosque

in Kelela Wärädä.

293 Triminghäm, p. 248 and Muhämmäd Yesuf, p. 36.

294

Informant: Shäykh Jämäl Behru, the present Khälifä of the Shrine and family member of Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim.

96

of October 22nd

-24th

, 2013. Before 2013, organized statistical data of the amount of gifts was not

gathered properly.295

The shrine with its crowds attracted people with business motives. Several stalls were built in the

local market, and are rented out to people in the nearby areas who sell water, soft drink and food.

Bottled soft drinks, soap, cigarettes, matches, razor blades, pens, sweets, etc are sold here. A

market is held during the bi-annual ceremonies held from October 22nd

to 24th

and the annual

Mäwlid ceremony of the Prophet. The other important trade items sold here are printed religious

literatures and Quranic verses prepared by the local religious „Ulama. Both the market around

and in the compound of the Shrine of Daggar and gifts to the family of Shäykh Shäräfädin are

extremely increased through time.296

The votive offerings also indirectly reach the surrounding

communities. During the period of Derg regime, the family of Shäykh Shäräfädin provided sheep

and goats to representatives of the Peasant Associations who worked in Daggar Kebelē on the

weekly ceremony of Friday. Every Friday, the family of Shäykh Shäräfädin provides sheep and

goat acquired from the pilgrims to the representatives of Peasant Associations freely.297

Healing

Frances Westley argued that “Healing do not occur at every meeting, but are usually requested

by a member.”298

In healing, the adherents of Shäykh Shäräfädin attach themselves with

memories of those done by their spiritual leader. It is said that the miraculous deeds of Shäykh

Shäräfädin that confirmed his intercessory power of curing the ill transmitted from generation to

295 Informants: Ato Mubärek Ymäm and Zeritu Hussein.

296

Informants: Shäykh Muhämmäd Beqele, Ato Usmän Abegäz and Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole.

297 Informants: Ato Tesfäw Muhämmäd and Ato Kässäw Muhämmäd who had worked in Daggar as

representatives of the Peasant Associations in Daggar Qebelē during the Derg regime.

298 Frances Westley, the Complex Forms of the Religious Life: a Durkheimian View of New Religious Movements

(California: American Academy of Religion, 1983), p. 69.

97

generation through oral medium. Thus, his adherents asked him to cure from disease. Assefa

Balcha considered diviners and spirit mediums as traditional healing systems in Ethiopia.

Moreover, religious personalities went as far as institutionalizing healing system in different

parts of the country. Though traditional healers received a suspicion and unsupportive attitude on

the sides of the state, their effort was highly reflected in the area before nineteenth century and

continued to the present. The pressure of western medicine on indigenous healers started in the

immediate post-Menelik era.299

As stated so far, the social composition of the pilgrims of the shrine of Daggar includes those

who were possessed by the Zar cult. The belief in the Zar spirit had an ancient origin predating

even the introduction of both Christianity and Islam to Ethiopia. The Bale Zar, a person with Zar

spirit possession, served as a spirit medium and communicated with the spirit causing the

sickness. During this ritual-healing session, the Zar spirit through its human medium, would

identify the troubling spirit including Jinn (devil) and evil-eye spirits and also recommend the

solution. Spiritually-inspired healers used their mystical powers to recommend diverse sorts of

solutions to the physically ill, the psychologically disturbed and those who had personal and

social problems.300

However, the persons possessed by Zar cult had to participate in the rituals

and ceremonies held in the shrine of Daggar to update their sense of being “possessed.” They

think that updating their “possessed” status would be essential for improving their health. Zar

spirits do not only serve as guardian spirits of individuals, but also serves as patron spirits of

certain social groups. They cried out, fell into a trance, occasionally outburst, and conducted

orgiastic dancing around the tomb of Shaykh Sharafadin. They also fell into frenzy by shouting

299 Assefa Balcha, “Church based Medicine and the State in Ethiopia, 1900-1980,” (Ph.D. Dissertation,

Department of History, Emory University, 2008), pp. 4-28;

300 Ibid.

98

and uttering esoteric phrases. These were the mechanisms of the Zar possessors to update their

spirit and also to cure those who were ill.301

Apart from these, all people who had physical illness, psychological disturbance and emotional

problems come to the shrine of Daggar get cures from their disease. This was because, almost all

the pilgrims considered Shäykh Shäräfädin as a mediator between human being and Allah. As a

result, they came to Daggar for the purpose of using the mediatory power of Shäykh Shäräfädin

to get the assistance of Allah for their wellbeing. Apart from these, some religious students and

their religious teachers prepared prayer textbooks by quoting some verses from the holy Qur‟an.

They wrote prayer textbooks in Arabic by quoting some Quranic verses, some passage from the

known Hadiths302

and notable religious men. These are sold to the pilgrims by informing some

prescriptions about the use of the prayer textbooks. Most of them sold their produced materials in

secret.

301 Seťärgew Qenäw, “Spirit Possession as a Center of Health Education: A Case Study from Central Ethiopia,”

(Addis Ababa University: Institute of Ethiopian Studies, 1997), p. 428 and Informants: Shäykh Ahmed Abubu. Yerome Demisē, who was possessed by Zar and fell into trance in the Mäwlid ceremony of October 22

nd-24

th, 2013

in the compound of the shrine of Daggar. She responded to my question after she updated her spirit possession status. She felt better than before and she felt al right. Her outburst also came to an end.

302 Prophetic Tradition; See, Hussein Muhämmäd Ali, p. 7.

99

They also wrote a piece of paper and prescribed the users to keep it as an amulet on his/her

neck.303

Thus, the healing power of Shäykh Shäräfädin was one factor that attracted pilgrims to

the shrine of Daggar.

303 Informants: Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole, Ato Gäshäw Yimer, Ato Mitiku Yimer and Wäyzäro Workinesh Siggät.

The latter interviewee was a Christian pilgrim that I had got in the Mäwlid ceremony of October 2013. She reminds me that only by participating in the ritual of the festival day and night and informing health related problems to Shäykh Shäräfädin cured her. I had also observed some ‘Ulämä, who secretly tried to convince some pilgrims individually to buy their prayer text books and other forms of healing materials written in Arabic. Initially, they inform what they hold hidden either in their pocket or bag and gave it to any one if they considered the person they were talking was convinced.

100

CHAPTER V

DISCOURSE: VENERATION OF SHÄRÄFÄDIN IBRÄHIM AND CRITICISMS IN

POST-1930s

Concomitant Interaction between Islam and Traditional Beliefs and Practices

The traditional religious leaders of Islam could not force the ordinary men to be strict followers

of Islam. This was partially because traditional religious leaders had narrow intellectual pursuits.

In addition to this, the social distance maintained between traditional Islamic preachers and

commoners was the other factor that hindered their strong appeal to the society. Even their

educational activities did not extend beyond a small circle of young pupils and advanced

students.304

Pre-Islamic beliefs have more to do with the religious life of the people of Ethiopian Muslims in

general and Wällo in particular than either Orthodox or esoteric Islam. There has been a strong

symbiosis between pre-Islamic elements and Islam. The spread of Islam did not uproot all of the

traditional beliefs and habits of the people. Rather, Islam and Islamic practices were colored by

traditions of old beliefs and practices. Hence, Islam had some how assimilated some ineradicable

rites and beliefs of the pre-Islamic era. The foundation of Täriqä (order) was related with the

belief that communion with Allah is possible through intermediaries who have a special virtue

(Bäräkä) of Allah. The founders of Turuq have such guidance and also believed that their

Bäräkä was inherited by their religious descendants and continued their functions forever.305

Abdu Adem argued that Islam was understood considerably among the people of tropical Africa


th century Wällo, p. 81.

305

Trimingham, pp. 225-233; Abdu Adem, “Qubbä Abbä Aräbu: an Islamic Shrine in Jimmä,” BA Thesis, Department of History, 1992, p. 6 and Hussein Muhämmäd Ali, pp. 60-64.

101

in accordance with local conditions and habits. Moreover, the people accepted only the outward

form of Muslim religion, its simplest rituals, but maintained their old beliefs enthusiastically.

Abdu Adem stated that the Oromo traditional beliefs were familiar to a few of the concepts of

popular form of Islam. Thus, the transition from traditional Oromo religion to Islam was not

shocking but smooth and did not lead to the complete uprooting of old traditional values.306

The prevalence of certain religious practices incompatible with Orthodox Islam was the

characteristic feature of Islam in the region. Drinking local alcoholic drinks and the offering of

sacrifice were common among Muslims of South Wällo. The ordinary people compensated the

observance of religious obligations by seeking the blessings of saints and their forefathers‟ pious

clerics.307

The Development of Islamic Reform Movement in South Wällo:

The Late Eighteenth and the First Half of the Twentieth Century Movements

The revival and reform effort of Muslim preachers in Islam is a long tradition that waged

struggle against the introduction of local customs and innovations (bid‟a) into the Orthodox form

of Islam. The eighteenth and nineteenth century reformist and revivalist movement of Islam was

highly related with the introduction and propagation of mystical orders (Turuq). The Qädriyä

mystical order was the first Täriqä brought to Wällo in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth

centuries. After that Sämmäni order was first introduced into South Wällo by Al-Häjj Bushrä.308

Following the opening of the port of Täjurä, which is relatively near to eastern Wällo, and the

opening of an inland trade route facilitated the contact of Muslims of Wällo in particular and

306 Abdou Adem, pp. 4-12.

307


Century Wällo, p. 129 and Kelklachew Ali, p. 99.

308 Hussein Ahmed, “Al-Häjj Bushrä Ay Muhämmäd,” p. 175-177

102

Ethiopian in general with the holy places of the Middle East. This situation maintained closer

links of the local Ulämä with the Arabian centers of Islamic learning and pilgrimage centers.

This enabled them to acquire texts on the traditional disciplines of Muslim scholarship and on

contemporary intellectual trends, political events, and above all, to travel in order to receive

advanced training and acquire new ideas about the reviving mystical orders and Sunni Islam.309

This occasion facilitated pilgrimage to holy places in the Middle East and to buy theological and

instructional texts. Apart from the Muslim religious leaders, local chiefs also benefited from the

revenue generated from this trade route to build their power base. These clerical and religious

leaders were actively involved in the revival of regional Islam.310

Hence, the initiative of acquiring training in the mystical way and the will to disseminate it

locally emanated from indigenous Muslim scholars. Since different orders were introduced to

different parts of Wällo by the local „Ulämä, many orders were represented and co-existed in the

region. Mystical orders were disseminated by local scholars who were familiar with the existing

local customs and traditions. They were in a position to create favorable conditions in which the

orders could flourish. This avoided probable strong opposition from the established religious

notables and the political authorities. There was, except occasional friction, no intense rivalry

and clashes among the propagators and followers of each school of mystical tradition in the

region. The new mystical orders and the mode of their expansion were not threats to the existing

local and regional power structure.311

However, from time to time, difficulties began to emerge between some traditional religious

authorities, and chiefs and the Sufi leaders. This was because; the later some times questioned


th Century Wällo, p. 76.

310

Ibid., p.77 and Kelklachew Ali, pp. 93-94.


th Century Wällo, pp. 78-79 and Kelklachew Ali, pp. 31-32.

103

the religious commitment of the former. They also sought to abolish traditions amalgamated with

Orthodox Islamic beliefs. The new religious creations developed by mystical orders were related

with the development of literacy and scholarship along with spiritual insights and reflections, and

the venues for religious gatherings. They emphasized on educational establishments.312

The attributes of the Sufi scholars that glorified them as reformers and defenders of Orthodox

Islam were life of piety, holiness and the power to transmit Bäräkä. However after the

succeeding generations, the scholarly dimension of local Sufism began to be overshadowed and

eventually eclipsed by popular features. This character was reflected in the development of local

centers of pilgrimage. The major reformist and scholarly centers became centers of ritualistic and

ceremonial aspects of saint veneration. This was partially due to the inclusion of some elements

of traditional beliefs and practices undermine the Orthodox and revivalist agenda of the first

generation of scholar-saints. These beliefs and practices were giving sacrifices to shrines, saint

veneration, beating of drums in religious gatherings, consumption of ćät, mixing of women and

men in congregational prayers, and others. The scholars of mystical orders brought new spiritual

dimension to religious insight and experience. These were: the ritual of reciting and studying

dhikr (liturgical chants and litanies glorifying Allah) as a way to salvation, set high standard of

Islamic morality and devotion in their behavior. These were believed to be mechanisms to create

a sense of fraternity and equality between religious scholars and lay communities in regularly-

held religious gatherings. They intellectually criticized discrimination and hierarchy based on

occupation, ethnicity and regional affiliation.313

312 Ibid and Kelklachew Ali, p. 94.

313

Hussein Ahmed, “Al-Häjj Bushrä Ay Muhämmäd,” p.80.

104

Unlike the pre-eighteenth century traditional scholars, the Sufi teachers of eighteenth and

nineteenth century relied more on their reputation and preeminent position as a source and

transmitter of Bäräkä and possessor of Kärämä. Their teaching of dhikr and other ecstatic rituals

opened the hearts and souls of the faithful. While the traditional religious teachers concentrated

only on individual mastery of the knowledge of Fiqh, Täwhid, Nähw, Arud, Särf, Mäntiq, Usul

and Ilm al-Häyat, the Täriqä teachers additionally emphasized on the discharging of the

obligations laid down in the Qurʾan and Sunnä.314

Some of the religious obligations that need to

be seriously observed are; accepted and committed the five pillars of Islam, Avoiding Shirk,

scrupulously follow the Sunnä of the Prophet, performing the five daily prayers, fasting during

the month of Ramadan (fasting month), paying annual alms and if possible, to go to pilgrimage

to Mecca at least once in alife time and equally treat the poor and rich, and follow the Imäm.315

Mufti Däwud (1743-1819) who was trained in Zäbid and returned to Däwwäy in 1783 and

established his own center of teaching at Gäddo in Däwwäy. He observed certain traditional

practices like drinking of the fresh blood of slaughtered animals and worshipping under trees by

local Muslims of Däwwäy. Traditions confirmed that Mufti Däwud watchfully tried to demolish

these traditional practices. This scholar initially appealed to each family of the region to send

their children to him to learn. Later, the trainees of this Täriqä teacher informed their family to

suspend their unscriptural practices of traditional beliefs along with Islam. The earliest Muslim

reformer of Wällo was known as Shäykh Muhämmäd Shäfi b. Asqäri Muhämmäd. He was born

in Wärrä-Bäbo near Lake Häyq in 1743. He died in 1806/7. He argued that, Islam in a popular

314 Ibid., p. 81 and Gäshäw Muhämmäd, pp. 9-10.

315

Kelklachew Ali, p. 43 and Informants: Shäykh Umar Därgē Aräreso, Ato Mubärek Ahmed and Shäykh Seid Muhämmäd.

105

level was highly related with rituals and ceremonies than with discharging their religious

duties.316

Shäykh Muhämmäd Shäfi (1743-1806/7) tried to introduce Orthodox Islam compatible with the

Shäria among the Oromo and Amhäric speaking population of Borenä in south western Wällo.

Though there is no authentic source that tells us the specific period of his engagement in

purifying Islam in Borenä, Hussein Ahmed confirmed the period of his return to Albuko in

1795/6. So, he was in Borenä until this period. However, the time-span he lived in Borenä needs

further research. He then transferred the base of his activities to Jämmä in Borenä. The then local

chief, Jäwhär, gave him extensive Wäqf-land. He, then, built mosques, though the numbers are

unknown, in this area. The area as far as Aheyyä Fäjj317

on the frontier with Northern Shewä was

under his spiritual jurisdiction. He successfully established rigorous Islam in the areas under his

authority. He undertook the task of converting local Christians to Islam and also tried to reform

some already existing local customs of the Oromo inhabitants. He also launched military

campaigns and carried out his reform movements in different parts of south western Wällo.

While he was on an expedition against Christians in the neighborhood of Aheyyä Fäjj, his son,

Mujähid was killed in action.318

After the death of his son, he returned to Albuko and got wäqf-

land in the district of Errensä in Albuko in 1795/6. Shäykh Muhämmäd Shäfi also provided

several contingents of warriors to Abä Jibo Muhämmäd Ali while the later fight to repel an

316 Hussein Ahmed, “Al-Häjj Bushrä Ay Muhämmäd,” pp. 82-96 and Mohämmäd Seid Abdellä, “The Contribution

of Mufti Däwud (1743-1819) to Islamic Intellectual Development in Ethiopia,” (MA Thesis, Department of Institute of Language Studies, Addis Ababa University, 2007), pp. 20-24.

317 Aheyyä Fäjj is a hill found between Jämmä and Northern Shewä. The area was named as such because of its

difficult terrain and death of donkeys and traders who went to Northern Shewä from Borenä. My informant, Shäykh Umär Därge Aräreso expressed the area as a difficult path that challenged both weak and strong donkeys of traders. See, Beckingham C.F. and Huntingford (eds.), The Preseter John of the Indies, Vol.2, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961, P. 574 and Beckingham C.F. and Huntingford (eds.), The Preseter John of the Indies, Vol.1, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961, P, 29 map and 259.



106

invading army of Beggemder in 1783/4. His last expedition was led to Northern Shewä. In

Northern Shewä he fought against Christian forces of the region. Many Muslims and Christians

lost their life. On his way home, he fell ill and remind his survived forces to take him to Jämmä

Negus to be buried there. He also instructed them not to publicly disclose his death due to his

fear that the districts they pass through might want to have the body buried in their own territory.

He was finally died in 1806/7 immediately they reached in Jämmä Negus and was buried

there.319

The other distinguished mystic and reformer of Islam was known as Shaykh Jäʽfär Bukko b.

Siddiq (1793-1860) who was born in Gättirä (south western Wällo).320

Due to his relentless

effort for the reform and revival of Islam, he earned an honorable title Säyf al-häqq (the sword of

the truth) by Muhämmäd Shäfi. After accomplishing his early education, he undertook a

religious mission to various places in South Wällo. He waged an intensive struggle against

members of the Muslim religious establishments such as judges and those who recite the Qur‟an

because of their unlawful appropriation of the Zakat, and offerings made at funeral services. He

also opposed inappropriate hereditary principle of succession to the office of Qädi (judge). All in

all, he waged intensive struggle against ritual leaders, Muslim judges and officials to reform

Islamic practices of the region. One of the important legacies of early Muslim mystical reformers

was the continuing importance of the mystical orders in contemporary social and religious life of

the society of South Wällo. This fact was manifested in the annual visits to their shrines.321


th Century Wällo, pp. 95-101; Zergäw, p. 31; Abir, Era of the Princes and H. weld

Blundell, the Royal Chronicle of Abyssinia, pp. 60-61.

320 Hussein, “Al-Häjj-Bushrä,” p. 179 and Hussein, Islam in 19

th Century Wällo, p. 101.

321

Hussein, Islam in 19th

Century Wällo, pp. 101-114 and Hussein, “Al Häjj- Bushrä,” p. 180.

107

Wähhäbism322

: The Escalation of Criticism towards Saint Veneration

The renaissance of Islam in Ethiopia and the external influences felt in the country created three

types of local Islam after 1940s. The local forms of Islam that developed in contemporary

Ethiopia were; Radical Jihädi Islam, Fundamental Islam and Popular Islam. Fundamental Islam

is defined as Islam striving to redefine Ethiopian culture and working systematically, gradually

and determinedly to Islam‟s political victory in Ethiopia. In Ethiopia, organized and individual

followers of this form of Islam with its aim of gradual empowerment of Islam were called

“Wahhabists.” Popular Islamic religious followers, however, are those who are proud to be equal

partners in a pluralist, multi-religious Ethiopia, maintaining a balance between local traditions

and innovations to the Orthodox Islam. The third one, Radical Jihad Islam, as we can also

understand from its name was intended to purify Islam by Jihäd (holy war). They are admirers of

the first half of the sixteenth century campaign of Ahmed ibn Ibrähim.323

Italy‟s pro-Islamic policy, under Italian colonial administration, and their program of

Islamization of Ethiopian peoples was partially responsible to the dissemination of Wähhäbiyä in

Ethiopian history from 1936- 1941. The Italian legation introduced Arabic news papers from

Libya; like Al-„Adl, Räqib al-„Atid and Bärid Bärqä. Education was also given in Arabic.

Pilgrimage to Mecca was encouraged. On May 10, 1936, around 1,900 Ethiopians made

322 Originally, Wähhäbiyä was a name given by the opponents to those following the teachings of Muhämmäd

‘Abdu al- Wähhäb (1703-1792), a hänbäli reformist who criticized local customs including the cult of saints (Awliyä), interpreted as Bid’a (innovation). In the Ethiopian context, the appellation, Wähhäbiyä, has become a general name referring to those people opposing the widespread local custom of venerating Awliyä and Sufistic practices. See, Minäko Ishihärä, “Beyond Authenticity: Diverse Images of Muslim Awliyä in Ethiopia,” (Nanzan University, Department of Anthropology and Philosophy, African Study Monographs, Suppl.41, March 2010), p. 88. However, the followers of the movement prefer to be called Säläfis, or Ahl al-Sunnä, or Täwhid-followers. See, Terje ØstebØ, “The Question of Becoming: Islamic Reform Movements in Contemporary Ethiopia,” (CMI Working Paper, WP 2007:8), p.4, foot Note No.8.

323 Erlich Haggai, Saudi Arabia and Ethiopia: Islam, Christianity and Politics Entwined (Boulder and London:

Lynne Reiner Publishers, 2007), p. 211.

108

pilgrimage in Mecca, which might be a record in Ethiopian history of Imperial Ethiopia.

However, before this year, due to world economic depression, the number of pilgrims to Saudi

Arabia declined in the period of the first few years of the 1930s. The year 1933, in which only 11

Ethiopians conducted pilgrimage to Saudi Arabia, was an illustrious evidence for this episode.

From 1934-1935, only 29 recorded pilgrims, made pilgrimage which successively went down to

7 in the period from 1935-1936. But, in 1936, Italians encouraged Ethiopian Muslims to make

pilgrimage to the holy place of Saudi Arabia by covering their expenses. Until Italian entry to

World War II, the number of pilgrims from Ethiopia slightly declined. Hence, the fascist

occupation proved to be significant in Wähhäbiyä history in Ethiopian-.324

The advocates of Wähhäbiyä Islam began to openly criticize Sufi-Islam and considered it as a

flexible and popular form of Islam capable of co-existing with other local cultures since 1990s.

Sufism revolved around popular cults of grave visitation and ecstatic ceremonies of saint

worship. It strongly based on the Sufi principle of Täwässul (using the Sufi Ulämä as an

intermediary), reaching Allah through intercession. However, the local Muslim religious leaders,

who have strong partnership with the community in ćät sessions, coffee ceremonies gained fame

among the community and were considered as a Sunni scholar and widened their circle of

admirers.325

The period between 1987and 1991 was a period during which direct Saudi Islamic involvement

began in Ethiopia. During this time, Saudi Arabia and the Muslim World League provided aid to

Ethiopia in the fields of education, social and humanitarian services as well as for the

implementation of various projects in the country. With a total cost of 3.75 million US Dollar of

324 Ibid., pp.67- 74.

325

Ibid., p., 84 ,176 and 225 and Medhäne Tädesse, Al-Ittihäd: Political Islam and Black Economy in Somalia, (Addis Ababa: Megä Printing Enterprise, 2002), p. 29.

109

aid from the Islamic Development Bank, schools were opened in Wällo, Härär, Addis Abäbä and

Debre Zeit.326

After 1991, however, the revivalist movement of Islam took an institutional form

in South Wällo following the arrival of Ustäz Mohämmäd Usmän in in Dessē from Pakistan. He

was born in Dessē in 1962. He travelled to Saudi Arabia in 1973 at the age of eleven. He stayed

seventeen years there and in Pakistan studying Qur‟an until he finally graduated from the Islamic

university of Medina. In 1990, he came back to Dessē where he established Mädräsä. In this

period a Qur‟an School directed by Ustäz Mohämmäd was established in Dessie town. The

school was named as Merkez Tähfizel Qur‟an and Tejweed.” This school was engaged in

preaching Islam in Dessē and elsewhere and out rightly condemned the traditional Islamic

practices including saint veneration. The students of this Qur‟an School got scholarship for

further education in Saudi Arabia and also began to win awards in international Qur‟an

competition. Large numbers of youth of the surrounding communities of South Wällo were

admitted to the school to either begin or update their Qur‟anic knowledge. Apart to this, those

Young Muslims who travelled to Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries as immigrants came

with radically different views concerning about Islamic practice to their respective birth places in

South Wallo.327

However, there is no statistical data that confirmed the number of youths

travelled to Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries.

Islamic Reform Movements and Rituals and Ceremonies of the Shrine of Daggar

The main point of difference among Wahhabist understandings of Islam and the local Sufi

understandings is that the former insisted on strict observance of the Qur‟an and Hädith,

doctrinal purity. The later stressed on spiritual experience and adherence to the basic organizing

326 Ibid., pp. 90-167.

327 Kelklächew Ali, “Religion, Rituals and Mutual Tolerance in Wällo: The Case of Kabi, South West Wällo,” (MA

Thesis, Department of Social Anthropology, Addis Ababa University, 1997), pp. 93-96.

110

ideas and ethics of the Muslim faith, they unscrupulously observed Qur‟an and Hädith.328

As

stated so far, in contexts of religious contact, older religious ideas incorporated traditional beliefs

that could not easily be disentangle or discarded. Muslim clerics critically opposed pilgrimage

conducted to local shrines. The wandering pilgrims are not even considered as genuine Muslims.

This opposition was partly caused by the amalgamation of some elements of traditional beliefs to

Orthodox Islam. The adherents Orthodox Islam believed and taught that drum beaters and

singers should be expelled from membership of the main stream of Orthodox Islam.329

As stated

so far, the rituals and ceremonies held in the shrine of Daggar mainly after 1930 were: beating of

drum, consumption of ćät, mixing of men and women in the ecstatic dancing, sacrificing animals

and slaying in the compound of the shrine, over frenzy, vow and others are considered non-

Islamic by the revivalist Muslim leaders.330

Unlike reformists, the popular Muslim leaders considered their Awliyä as figures and religious

models of the community. Their religious view was suitable to adapt the religion of old folk and

the culture of the region. It is clear that popular Islam tied up Islamic beliefs with earthly and

human values. As a result, the cult of saints helps in deepening and strengthening one‟s religious

feelings. This is because people are inclined to express their religious feelings by giving them a

certain experience of divine reality. They believed that religious sense of a Muslim not only

derived from his/her religion rather it has deeper roots buried in the collective unconscious of

mankind. People tried to associate religion with what they have sensed from their internal feeling

328 Jan Abbink, “Transformations of Islam and Communal Relations in Wällo, Ethiopia,” in Benjamin F. Soares and

Rene Otayek, Eds., Islam and Muslim Politics in Africa (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), p. 76 and ØstebØ, Pp.

8-9.

329Alula Pankhurst, pp. 942-946 and Medhane Tadesse, Al-Ittihad: Political Islam and Black Economy in Somalia,

(Addis Ababa: Mega Printing Press, 2002), p. 78.

330

Trimingham, Pp. 247-252; Hussein Ahmed, “Two Muslim Shrines,” p. 79 and Informants: Shäykh Ahmed Abubu and Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole of Daggar.

111

even though they did not conscious about it. The people‟s primitive conscience has an inherent

desire for representing primordial thoughts by associating it with newly developed beliefs. They

could not justify their decision of amalgamating ancient beliefs with the newly developed Islam.

This is probably because they are unconscious about the source of the primitive believes that

they desired to represent in the ethics and standards of Islam. Primitive thoughts transmitted

from generation to generation through unbreakable oral media convinced people to accept it

without asking its rationality. It is clear that no one had a religious justification for his/her

decision of mixing traditions with the orthodox form of Islam in the process of discharging his

religious obligation. They probably said that it was inherited from their forefathers. Thus, these

primitive thoughts unconsciously resided in the collective memory of the people of South Wällo

forced to prejudice the scriptural form of the religion. Symbols are also used as an instrument for

the preservation and transmission of ancient thoughts and practices. Symbols were/are used to

express the mystery of man whose attributes are thus revealed, felt and sensed through them. In

Wällo, as a result, religious sense sprung from the pre-Islamic religion practiced by the people

before the introduction of Islam. the people never gave up their popular roots. The cult of Shäykh

Shäräfädin as the other saints of Wällo highly contributed to the deepening and strengthening of

Muslims‟ religious feelings in the past. People associate religious values with some cultural

experiences to express the divine reality. The veneration of Shäykh Shäräfädin emanated from

the pre-Islamic beliefs and practices as well as his miraculous deeds exposed his intercessory

power for his adherents. He was considered as intermediary between Allah and man who helped

to bridge the gap between man and Allah through providing a more concrete access to Allah.

What makes it different is, however, that the ancestral cult system was smoothly substituted by a

112

kind of veneration, which was acceptable to Islam in its period of introduction. He was

considered to be favored by Allah during his earthly life.

He is also considered as a link between Allah and the material world even after his death.

Following his death, he was endowed with mysterious power of the faith called Bäräkä.331

Though the cult of saints is relevant for the Islamization as well as for the strengthening of the

Islamic faith, it became unscriptural and intolerable to the strict and fundamentalist Orthodox

Muslims.332

The Development of Criticism against the Veneration of Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim

The performance of the dhikr (liturgical chants and litanies glorifying Allah) and practices

connected with the worship of Awliyä is not supported by followers of Orthodox Islam.333

In the

period of Islam, the Muslim communities were accustomed to the culture of requesting and

supplicating to their dead Awliyä. However, the emergence of reformist and revivalist

movements in the eighteenth century developed critical opposition against these popular

practices. In Saudi Arabia, Wähhäbiyyä authorities ruthlessly suppressed the practices and tore

down the tombs and mausoleum where saints were venerated since the eighteenth century. This

was basically because the avoidance of equating the Wali to Allah could be tackled through

opposing the mere mention of Awliyä and their shrines.334

Worship of Prophets and Awliyä

331 Emile Foucher, “The Cult of Muslim Saints in Harar: Religious Dimension,” In Bahru Zewde et al eds.

Proceedings of the Eleventh International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Vol.2 (Addis Ababa University: Institute of Ethiopian Studies, 1994), pp. 72-74 and Informants: Shäykh Muhämmäd Hässen, Shäykh Ali Kässa and Shäykh Muhämmäd Säni.

332 Hussein Ahmed, “Two Muslim Shrines,” p. 64 and 78.

333 Spencer J. Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia (London: Oxford University Press, 1952), p. 225; Emile Foucher,

p.78 and Informants: Shäykh Muhämmäd Säni, Shäykh Abdul Menän Umär and Shäykh Muhämmäd Hässen.

334 Emile Foucher, pp. 71-72 and Joseph Nevo. “Religion and National Identity in Saudi Arabia: Middle Eastern Studies, London: Frank Cass, 34:3(1998), p. 37.

113

recently become a religiously crime in which one is guilty of equating lesser beings with

Allah.335

Of course, criticism of saint veneration was not a recently developed agenda. Rather, in the

eighteenth and nineteenth century some Sufi religious leaders critically reminded their followers

no to venerate them and carry out rituals and ceremonies in their tomb. A notable example of

this was a contemporary of Shäykh Shäräfädin, Shäykh Tälhä b. Jä‟fär preferred to spent the rest

of his life in Eastern Ethiopia, amongst people who knew little about him. He feared that his

tomb would be turned into a shrine and a place of ritual sacrifice after his death. He knew the

deep-rooted culture of Muslims of Wällo who venerated of their religious leaders after their

death. So, this fear forced Shäykh Tälhä to leave his birth place to eastern Ethiopia. The point

that we can understand from this incidence is that venerating saints was wrong even in the eyes

of notable religious leaders of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, who were visited by their

adherents.336

Similarly, Shäykh Shäräfädin strongly turned down the question of Shäykh Jä‟fär

Bukko to write his miraculous deeds in the form of Mänäqib. He justified his opposition that the

local Muslims might venerate him when they read it. Shäykh Shäräfädin wrote nothing about

what he did and also opposed those who were devotedly inspired to write Mänäqib for him. But,

following his death, Shäykh Mehdi Khelifä and Kerem Shäykh Yäsin wrote two Mänäqibs. Their

devotion to him probably forced them to write his miraculous deeds unlike his favour. Apart to

this, Shäykh Adem Derqä of Dessē who was buried in Däwudo around Qidäme Gebeyä School

also reminded and begged the Muslims not to venerate him in his death bed. Shäykh Adem

Derqä was born in Tehulädärē Wärädä specifically in Derqä region. He was born in 1840s from

335 Camilla C. T. Gibb, “In the City of Saints: Religion, Politics and Gender in Harar, Ethiopia,” (Ph.D. Thesis,

Department of Social Anthropology, University of Oxford, 1996), p. 138.

336

Hussein Ahmed, “The Life and Career of Shäykh Tälhä b. Jä’fär (c.1853-1936),” Journal of Ethiopian Studies, XXII, 1989, p. 16.

114

his father Shäykh Ahmed Hässen and his mother Wäyzäro Yeshi Wähilom. He was a notable

negotiator, ritual leader, religious teacher and Wäli. He died in July 22, 1962 due to old age

affiliated by disease.337

Hence, some of the already venerated but deceased Awliyä of Wällo also criticized their

veneration as an unscriptural. The revivalist and the reformist groups similarly led a significant,

massive and well-financed movement against popular Islam and struggle to bring them „proper‟

Islam since 1987. Lack of recorded sources and its informal nature of dissemination made the

investigation of the process difficult. However, its influence is widely felt through out South

Wällo. The religious leaders of different Mädräsäs (modern schools of Islamic learning) held a

regular religious discussion program with the urban youth for one or two days a week. A notable

Mädräsä of the revivalists known as Medresete al-Sunnä was established and began to provide

Islamic courses in Borenä Wärädä since 2001. This Mädräsä was established due to the joint

efforts of Shäykh Zubäyr Abdulmejjid, Dr. Abdurohmän ibn Abdelläh al-Jibri, Häjj Nesru Abdul

Khärim and Abdul Khärim Ahmed. Shäykh Zubäyr Abdulmejjid (d.2012) was a preeminent

Muslim scholar. He followed further education in al-Azhär University of Egypt. He had secured

Ijäzä (permission) from this university. According to the terminological definition of the Hädith,

Ijäzä means the grant of permission to teach, narrate to transmit religious knowledge, especially

anecdotes and deeds of the Prophet. It was a mark of great scholarly attainment and commitment

to teaching and endless inquiries into the ever-expanding Islamic knowledge. It also represents

the commitment of him to spread the true message of Islam to humanity and to demonstrate the

best ethical qualities.338

He was born in Wärrä-Himäno and was a director of the Mädräsä from

337 Kitabu Tajumuhibin Fi Manaqib, manuscript and Muhammad Ibre, “Shaykh Adem Derqa Ena Giťmochächew,”

(BA Thesis, Department of Ethiopian languages and Literature, Addis Ababa University, 1996), pp. 12-23.

338 Mohammad Seid Abdella, p. 24.

115

2001 to December 2012 until his death in December 2012. Dr. Abdurohmän ibn Abdelläh al-

Jibri on the other hand is an Arabian national who is a chairman of the store house of Zäkäh in

Saudi Arabia known as Betelmäl. As a member of the leadership of the center, he provided funds

for the establishment of the Mädräsä. Every allowance of the Qur‟an students and the salary of

Ustäzs are covered by Betelmäl store house of Saudi Arabia. Häjj Nesru is the Imäm of Mesjidel

Nur Mosque in Mekäne-Seläm. He is also director of Borenä Wärädä Islamic issues Bureau.

And his father, Abdul Khärim Ahmed was a notable and pious Muslim who established a historic

mosque in Däbät about 20 kilometers south of Mekane-Selam town. The mosque is one of the

nineteenth century mosques at which youths educated Qur‟an. It was/is also a center of

celebration of Friday public prayer and Mäwlid festival of the Prophet. He was a father of the

present Imam of Mesjidel Nur Mosque, Häjj Nesru Abdul Khärim. The co-ordinated effort of

these Ulämä and their power of convincing the municipality of Borenä Wärädä resulted in the

establishment of the Mädräsä. Particularly, as my informants relate, the popularity of Abdul

Khärim Ahmed and his son Häjj Nesru Abdul Khärim was instrumental to the establishment of

the Mädräsä. Shäykh Abdul Khärim Ahmed of Däbät and Shäykh Abdu Kemäl of Kätto were the

First Imäms who conducted pilgrimage to Mecca from Borenä Awräjjä 1964 and 1967

respectively.the lataers journey to Mecca was accompanied by Shäykh Abdul Khärim Ahmed.339

Starting from 2001, the Quranic School in Mekane-Selam invited volunteers from all regions of

South Wällo and other parts of the country. It began its work by registering about 60 students.

The students of the Mädräsä came from different Wärädäs of South Wällo and even from Belä

Shängul Gumuz and Afär regions. Not less than 40 Qur‟anic students are annually registered for

education. In 2003, about 11 students graduated by accomplishing Qur‟anic education. Austäz

339 Gäshäw Muhämmäd, p. 34 and Informants: Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole, Shäykh Umär Abäs, Shäykh Seid

Muhämmäd, Yimäm Hussein, Ustäz Muhämmäd Hässen, Shäykh Ali Kässä and Shäykh Abdul Menän Umär.

116

Muhämmäd Hässen is now the director of the Mädräsä after the death of Shäykh Zubäyr

Abdulmejjid in 2012. Muhämmäd Hässen is a grade 11 student in Borenä Preparatory school.

Jemäl Mengistu and Muhämmäd Umär were visually impaired students of the Mädräsä. The

other eight Qur‟anic students joined university education in different parts of Ethiopia. The

Mädräsä management obliged the Qur‟anic students to pursue their academic education and be

broadminded.340

All in all, 172 Qur‟an students graduated from Medresete al-Sunnä between

2001 and 2013. Among these, eleven graduates were students of Kelelä Wärädä who were

engaged in the dissemination of Orthodox Islam in Kelelä Wärädä. The Mädräsä had four Ustäzs

who engaged in teaching Qur‟an.341

The graduates of the Mädräsä were assigned throughout south Wällo to preach and conduct

de‟wä342

about Orthodox Islam as much as they could. Muhämmäd Säni, who was a 4th

year

computer science student in Gondar University, travelled to Kelelä Wärädä in 2003. He stayed in

Kelelä Wärädä for five years until 2008, and was actively engaged in Quranic teaching. Later,

Yimäm Hussein who is a 3rd

year student of Sociology department in Addis Ababa University

lived in Kutäber between 2009 and 2010. He provided Qur‟anic and Islamic education to the

surrounding community. Ali Muhämmäd, who graduated from Dillä University in Economics in

2012, travelled to Wogd for the same mission and stayed there between 2003 and 2008. Yimäm

Aregä, a student in Wällo University, was also engaged in providing Islamic courses in Aqestä,

the capital city of Lägämbo Wärädä, between 2004 and 2010. The Mädräsä also sent its

Qur‟anic students to different Middle Eastern countries for either International Islamic

340

Informants: Ustäz Muhämmäd Hässen, Yimäm Hussein, Shäykh Abdul Menän Umär, Mekin Sufian Adem. Graduates of 2003 were: Muhämmäd Hässen, Bushrä Säid, Yimäm Hussein, Muhämmäd Säni, Yimäm Aregä, Ali Muhämmäd, Kemäl Ashägrē, Ahmed Nuru, Muhämmäd Adäm, Jemäl Mengistu and Muhämmäd Umär.

341 Informants: Shäykh Ahmed Wäsē, Shäykh Yimäm Hussein and Shäykh Muhämmäd Hässen.

342

De’wä is the Islamic call which signifies propagation and preaching with the objective bringing a person to Islam (to the correct observance of Islam). See, Terje ØstebØ, p. 5.

117

competitions or for further studies. Bushrä Said, who was an outstanding Qur‟anic student,

travelled to Egypt and Saudi Arabia to participate in International Islamic competitions in 2008

and 2009 respectively. Finally, he went to Turkey for further education in 2012. In addition to

him, Abdulhämid Zubäyr went to Egypt and Saudi Arabia in 2007, Misbäh Säni Saudi and Dubai

in 2005 and 2013 respectively. These conditions are considered as opportunities for the

dissemination of revivalist Islamic movement in different parts of the country. Along with these,

the Mädräsä also invited the Ulämä of different parts of Wällo to participate in Islamic

education in summer programs since 2003. Thus, the contribution of Medresete al-Sunnä for the

expansion and consolidation of the revivalist trend of Islam is exceedingly pronounced in

different parts of Ethiopia.343

Betelmäl also sponsored the establishment of a mosque in Kelelä Wärädä in 2008. This mosque

was established by the joint efforts of the community of Kelelä Wärädä and Saud Arabian

individuals who made their association to sponsor its establishment. Around 25% of the

allowance to the construction of the mosque was covered by Betelmäl. The remaining allowance

was covered by the community of Kelelä town. Shäykh Said Hudä was/is the Imäm of the

mosque since its establishment in 2008. The teaching and learning process of the Qur‟an was/is

led by Ustäz Muhämmäd Ahmed. He learnt Qur‟an in Gerewä Mosque in Kelelä Wärädä. During

the period of the Derg, he travelled to Mecca for further education. Thus, this mosque is engaged

in training the youth so as to stamp out the unscriptural veneration of saints in general and

Shäykh Shäräfädin in particular.344

343 Informants: Yimäm Hussein, Ustäz Muhämmäd Hässen and Shäykh Ali Kässä.

344

Informants: Ustäz Muhämmäd Ahmed, Shäykh Said Hudä and Ato Mubärek Yimäm.

118

Different leaders of different Mädräsäs also preach the prayers after and before the completion

of Friday public prayer in which some voluntarily stay and hear them while others leave the

mosque as they saw them on the balcony for preaching.345

Both sides that were in the war of

word in western Wällo had a common understanding that visiting the tomb of the deceased is

religious observance if and only if they did it to remember death. Conducting pilgrimage to

tombs for such purpose is considered as Sunnä.346

However, slaughtering animals on tombs in

need of the assistance of a deceased person is unscriptural according to the ethics and standards

of Orthodox version of Islam. Hence, the revivalist groups teach the unscriptural feature of

slaying animals on the tombs in such a way that:

በሠላሣ ገዝቶ መቃብር ከማረድ

ዯስ ያሰኝ ነበር ሇሠላሣ ዘመድ

ሇዒሣም ቢታረድ ሇኛ ሙሀመድ

መብከቱ እንዯሁ አይቀር ሣይሆን ሇዋሂድ፡፡ 347

Rather than slaying animals that cost thirty on the tomb

better satisfied thirty relatives

slaying either for Jesus Christ or prophet Muhammad

it became valueless and nothing for Allah.

As indicated above, couplets repeatedly recited by the revivalists indicated that slaughtering

animals on the tombs have no value in the religious view. They insisted that slaying animals

should be in the name of Allah and every where without preferring places for sacrifice.

345 Jan Abbink, p. 75 and Informants: Shäykh Abdul Menän Umär, Shäykh Muhämmäd Hässen, Shäykh Ali Kässä

and Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole.

346 Nejäsh Islamic Printing Press, Al-Fetäwä, (Addis Ababa: Nejäsh Islamic Printing Press, 1996), p. 25.

347

Hussein Ahmed, “The Life and Career of Shäykh Tälhä,” p. 16.

119

As usual, the pilgrims continued to beat drum to make the ceremony delightful and enjoyable.

However, the revivalist Muslims seriously opposed it and also considered it as un-Islamic. A

notable nineteenth century Muslim scholar, Häjj Bushrä, angrily reminded his followers to

discard the beating of drum in Mäwlid celebrations and other festivals. In other words, he

notified the un-Islamic feature of beating drums in whatever situations. As compared to other

shrines of Ethiopia, one distinguishing factor of the al-Häjj Bushrä shrine of Gättä, is the

prohibition of beating drums during the annual Mäwlid festival.348

According to my informant, Shäykh Umär Juneid, communicated to me on October 21, 2008, he

went to Daggar with his eleven friends. The objective of his eleven friends, unlike him, was to

publicly criticize the veneration of Shäykh Shäräfädin in Daggar. On their way, however, they

began to shout and shiver on the bus from Aqestä to Daggar. Aqestä is the capital city of

Lägämbo Wärädä which is about 95 kilometers far from Daggar. After they arrived to the

compound of the shrine, they immediately travelled to the place where animals were slaughtered

to drink blood. Rather than opposing others as they had initially thought, they themselves held

ecstatic dance and other un-Islamic rituals and ceremonies according to their own view. He also

indicated nine of them died after their return from Daggar due to illness. He was telling the truth

and it was no exaggeration of the story. Only Mohämmäd Seid, now in Addis Ababa, survived

from the hardship.349

We can understand from this that adherents of Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim

are responding to the opposition groups of the revivalist movements by relating such stories.

They terrorized Muslims who affiliated themselves with Orthodox Islam and engaged in

348 Hussein Ahmed, “Al-Häjj Bushrä Ay- Muhämmäd: Muslim Reformer, Scholar and Saint in the 19

th century

Wällo, Ethiopia,” eds., Bertrand Hirsch and Manfred Kropp, Saints, Biographies and History in Africa (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2003), p. 185 note 26.

349

Informants: Shäykh Umär Juneid and Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole of Mekäne-Seläm.

120

opposition movements by notifying the intercessory power of Shäykh Shäräfädin to injure them.

They tried to convince them by enumerating such stories.

The Reaction of the adherents of Shäykh Shäräfädin to such Criticisms

Adherents of Shäykh Shäräfädin believed that he could reward those people who showed respect

to him and his shrine and punish those who did not. They also believed that Shäykh Shäräfädin

used to work miracles when he was alive and also posthumously. More recently, wandering

pilgrims were not considered as sincere Muslims by the followers of the revivalist Muslims who

ear lie looked down on them. However, the adherents of Shäykh Shäräfädin defended themselves

from criticisms by pointing such justifications. They defended their Wäli and their decision to

celebrate his annual birth day by enumerating his miraculous deeds of that should not be carried

out by ordinary man. They also argued that Shäykh Shäräfädin was a devoted Muslim who

scrupulously carried out Islamic obligations according to its ethics and standards. Thus, follow

him as a role model and respect him as an intermediary power between Allah and the community

to solve their problems. Moreover, Shäykh Shäräfädin was believed to be the medicine of the

community by Allah. As a result, they argued that they are abided by the will of Allah to

venerate Shäykh Shäräfädin, rather than abusing His order as the criticizers argued. They even

tried to terrorize those who criticized them by declaring the intercessory power of Shäykh

Shäräfädin to hurt them as a response for their offence.350

As was confirmed by Assefä Mämo,

Jänoyē recited the following poem to remind those who doubted the intercessory power of

Shäykh Shäräfädin to do miracles.

መሀባዉ አሇምን የሚያንሰፈስፍ፣

350 Informants: Shäykh Ahmed Abubu, Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole, Ato Kässäw Usmän and Shäykh Muhämmäd

Awole of Daggar.

121

በሱ የነገዯ አያል አሇዉ ትርፍ፣

አንድ ጊዜ ሲጠሩት የሚሆነዉ ዕልፍ፣

የበረካ ዛፍ ነዉ ሇሁለ እሚተረፍ፣

ፍሬዉ የሚበላ ስሩ እሚያሳርፍ፣

ዙሪያዉን ተጠምዷል የመዓናዉ[ከራማ] መድፍ፣

ተመዞ ይኖራል የከራማዉ ሰይፍ፣

እምትሰማም ስማ ያልሰማህ እረፍ፣

ይቆራርጡሀል ስትክሇፈሇፍ፡፡351

the one who is loved by the whole Community;

who adhered to him got enormous profit;

when called once he would be in thousands

could assist the needy without any problem of exhaustion;

his fruit is edible and we can live under his shade;

his intercessory power surround all of us;

and his kärämä is always stretched as a sword;

hear who was to hear and those who do not like to listen be quiet;

otherwise[Shäykh Shäräfädin] will injure you if you upset him.

As it is indicated in the above poem of Jänoyē, Shäykh Shäräfädin, still a boundless presence in

this world and could revenge against those who offend him by his intercessory power

represented by his Kärämä. The adherents of Shäykh Shäräfädin thus reprimand and terrorize

offenders by notifying the capability of Shäykh Shäräfädin to reward his adherents and punish

offenders. To do this they compose different poems and oral presentations. Shäykh Shäräfädin

has an important place in the life of the Muslims of Wällo in which many Muslims swear in his

351 Assefa Mamo, pp. 67-68.

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name or brag saying “Ye-Shäräfädin Ashker” (the servant of Shäykh Shäräfädin). Unlike the

recent resurgence of revivalist and reformist Islam, the number of pilgrims to the shrine of

Shäykh Shäräfädin always increased. Thus, rather than surrendering to the new trend of Islam,

the family of Shäykh Shäräfädin invested their time and money on the pilgrimage ceremony

established a committee to strengthen their relations with the government and other concerned

bodies since 1994.352

Starting from 1994 some structural arrangements were done to respond to the newly developed

Islamic trends. This arrangement continuously increased number of pilgrims to the shrine of

Daggar and the income of the family of Shäykh Shäräfädin Ibrähim. Before 1994, this religious

center had no organized committee responsible to control activities related with ceremonial and

ritual celebrations, financial control, renewing the shrine, working on fundraising, and other

related activities. However during this period, control of financial fund, distributing it to the

growing family members of Shäykh Shäräfädin, and receiving guests of the Mäwlid ceremonies

became out of the capacity of Kädäms (servants) of the shrine. These factors also became the

concern of Kelelä Wärädä and Zonal officers. Based on some study and recommendation of joint

representatives from different offices, the committee of the shrine was established in 1994. The

name of this committee is known as Yegetäw Shäräfädin Yemesjid Limät Astebäbäri Committee

(managing and development Committee of the mosque of Shäykh Shäräfädin). This Committee

initially has nine members. It was established by the joint effort of Kelelä Wärädä parliament

and Cultural and Tourism Office. The first members of the committee were:

1. Shäykh Yesuf Hässen--------Chairman

2. Ato Sileshi Muhämmäd------- Vice Chairman

352 Informants: Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole of Daggar, Ato Kässäw Usmän and Shäykh Ahmed Abubu.

123

3. Ato Häsenu Hussein------------- Secretary

4. Ato Ashebir Ali---------------- Finance officer

5. Ato Hässen Ali---------------- Auditor

6. Ato Tesfä Michael Legesse--- Supervisor

7. Ato Aliyu Hussein------------- Supervisor

8. Ato Usmän Abegäz------------ Member

9. Shäykh Muhämmäd Beqele---- Member

Later on, due to some problems and disagreement that emanated from their large number and

varied views, the members of the committee were minimized to five. There was no election

carried out after 1994. But, the nine elected committee members informally minimized four

members. Thus, Ato Tesfä Michael Legesse, Ato Usmän Abegäs, Shäykh Muhämmäd Beqele and

Ato Ashebir Ali were minimized. In 2001, Shäykh Yesuf Hässen, the chairman of the committee

was replaced by Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole. He is the chairman of the committee still now. The

committee has its on seal and got recognition to the federal level of the administrative

structure.353

This committee was established with the intention of renewing the old religious center without

changing its original historical setting. It is intended to make it destination for tourists through

facilitating basic infrastructural buildings such as; construction of modern hotel, supermarket,

library, modern Mosque and other institutions. It has a program to built modern Museum to keep

the historical materials of the shrine that are kept in the house of individuals until now. As stated

above, Abäbä Shifäw and the Machete are kept in the house of unnamed Individuals. The

353 Official letter sent from Kelelä Wärädä to South Wällo Cultural and Tourism Bureau, No. አ-19/878/2003፣ ቀን

17/8/2003; and Informants: Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole, who is a chairman of the Committee after the dismissal of Shäykh Yesuf Hässen in 2001 and Ato Mubärek Yimäm.

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committee has a responsibility to divide gifts and money to the family of Shäykh Shäräfädin.

Before 1994, gifts from pilgrims in every ceremonial celebration, both weekly and annually,

were collected and distributed to the family of Shäykh Shäräfädin by the Kädäm, Kässäw Usmän.

The establishment of the committee improved the relationship of the shrine with governmental

and non-governmental organizations and individuals. After 1994, Kelelä Wärädä

Communication Bureau opened a temporary studio to make the annual Mäwlid ceremony

celebrated from October 22nd

-24th

impressive. Along with this, Kelelä Wärädä Cultural and

Tourism Bureau distributed brochures to the pilgrims which directly intensified their devotion to

their Wäli. The Wärädä police force is also involved to maintain peace and security in the annual

ceremony of October 22nd

-24th

. Along with the assistance of police force, the committee began to

arrange the structure of the temporary market during the Mäwlid ceremony starting from 2007.

According to this arrangement, food items and various types of incense were arranged in the first

row near to the temporary tents of pilgrims. The next row is reserved merchants of bottled water

and soft drinks. The next rows were arranged to clothes and other house-hold materials.354

Though the intentions of the committee were broad and valuable to the preservation of this

historical and religious center, they were criticized for their inept engagement to deliver.

However, based on the request of the committee, Shäykh Hämid of Bahr Dar started to re-build

the tomb in cement. Unfortunately, however, the Zonal Cultural and Tourism Bureau refused the

rebuilding process on the justification that it might lose its historical and cultural setting. But, the

354 Informants: Ato Mubärek Yimäm Musťefä, Cultural and Tourism development Officer in Kelelä Wärädä, who

was a graduate of Wild Life and Eco-Tourism Management, Ato Kässäw Usmän who was a servant of the Shrine for 30 years, and Muhämmäd Awole who has been Chairman of the Shrine.

125

interior part of the tomb was re-built by this individual in 2011.355

There is no source that

substantiated the short history of him. I could not find a person who can tell his full name in

Kelelä. The devotee adherents of Shäykh Shäräfädin also continued to provide valuable

equipments for the shrine established by their intermediary saint. A notable example for this

pious activity was Gētäyyē (Nächur)356

who provided power generator in 2005, which provided

light until 2013. He is a resident of Northern Shewä specifically in Midä. However, in the

beginning of 2013, the Ethiopian Electric power began to provide power.

Before 1998, no governmental offices gave much attention to the shrine of Daggar other than

occasional visit of some officers. However, following the establishment of Kelelä Wärädä

Cultural and Tourism Bureau, different brochures were prepared and disseminated to the people.

Moreover, this office sent a letter to South Wällo Zone Cultural and Tourism Office in 2009

requesting the office to give recognition to the shrine of Daggar as one tourist attraction center in

Kelelä Wärädä. Along with this letter, the office also sent short historical notes about the shrine

of Daggar.357

Kelelä Wärädä Cultural and Tourism Office also began to conduct statistical

observation on the number of pilgrims of the annual Mäwlid ceremony held from October 22nd

-

24th

. Kelela Warada Cultural and Tourism Bureau and Communication Bureau stated the number

of the pilgrims of 2010 about 30 thousand people. The number of pilgrims that the researcher

saw in the Mäwlid festival of October 2013 forced to accept the authenticity of the above

355 Informants: Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole, the Chairman of the committee since 2001; Ato Kässäw Usmän, the

long years Kädäm of the shrine, and Ato Usmän Eshētu, who is the Construction and Heritage Preservation Officer in South Wällo Cultural and Tourism Bureau.

356 Nädur is the local name of a person who gave generator to the shrine. No one knows his full name. It is said

that he was a devotee adherent of Shäykh Shäräfädin in northern Shewa. Informants: Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole of Daggar and Shäykh Ahmed Abubu.

357 Letter sent from Kelelä Wärädä Cultural and Tourism Office to South Wällo Zone Cultural and Tourism Office

“Beworedächin Yälu Qrsochin Mäsäwoqin Ymeleketäl, No. ባ/ ቱ/ 66/ 2001፣ ቀን- 13/ 4/ 2001.

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statistical data.358

More importantly, the office along with the co-operation of Kelelä Wärädä

Communication Office, opened temporary studio in the compound of the shrine of Daggar. This

became an opportunity for the office to sale brochures that state the miraculous deeds and history

of Shäykh Shäräfädin. Brochures were/are prepared in Amharic. Pilgrims bought brochures and

also got support from studio members to find missed members of their family or friends through

their microphone. Pilgrims also got free services of the temporary studio to find lost belongings

and other items of property in the compound of the shrine. As I had seen in my field work held

from October 22nd

-27th

, 2013, in the compound of the shrine, they temporarily studio in the

compound of the shrine also gave free HIV/AIDS check up for volunteers. The office also count

and register the amount of the votive offerings in each annual Mäwlid ceremony both in cash and

in kind. According to 2013 office report, the votive offering of the Mäwlid ceremony of October

of this year, i.e., 2013 were 400 sheep and goats, 9 bulls and 250,000 Birr. As usual, due to the

continuous increase of pilgrims, the votive offering has also increased. The elected committees

of the shrine got recognition from the South Wällo Zone Cultural and Tourism Office in 2011. It

also took full responsibility to inform and report to the Zonal, Regional and Federal Offices

respectively through different mechanisms. In the post-2006 period, these offices, and the

committee, which represented the shrine, began to work co-operatively.359

The other governmental office that began to work with the shrine of Daggar, following the

establishment of its sisterly offices, Cultural and Tourism Office, was Kelelä Wärädä

Communication Office. Fortunately, this office began to publish a magazine entitled as “Kelelä

358 Ye-Bäqelo/Ye-Däggär Mäwlid, manuscript written by Kelelä Wärädä Cultural and Tourism Bureau in 2010

and Däggär Ye-Shaykhye Mender: Economiyawi Limätu Lemenfesäwi Häbtu Si’abr, manuscript prepared by Kelelä Wärädä Comminication Bureau in 2010.

359 A Letter sent to South Wällo Zone Cultural and Tourism Office from Kelelä Wärädä Cultural and Tourism

Office,”Be-Daggar Mesjid Zuria Siletequ’aqu’amew Yelmät Committee Ewqnä Mesťetin Yimeleketäl; No. አ-19/878/2003፣ ቀን- 17/8/2003 and Informants: Shäykh Muhämmäd Awole, Ato Mubärek Shäykh Yimäm and Ato Kässäw Usmän.

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Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä” in 2010. This magazine became an important source of

information about the shrine of Shäykh Shäräfädin and the historical importance of the shrine.

Generally, these two sisterly offices of Kelelä Wärädä are involved in facilitating the renaissance

of the shrine.360

Glossary

The meanings of terms given below are those which obtain in the historical context examined in

this study.

I. Arabic Words/phrases

„ad kabire derived from the Arabic word kabir, which refers to the ancestor of the

clan who stated to be migrants from hijaz and settled in Temben

ajam texts written in Amharic but in Arabic script

alim Muslim savant, scholar

360 Kelelä Enä Yältenegeru Tärikochwä, a magazine prepared by Kelelä Wärädä Communication Office in 2010.

128

amir commander, prince; honorific title of a member of a ruling house

ante selamun awliya the wali of the awliya, the representative of the awliya

asqari derived from the Arabic word asghar which refers to the title of

descendants of a holy family

awliya (see, wali) plural form of Wali

baraka divine favour, a chief characteristics of a wali

bid‟a reprehensible innovation

darasa a young student or follower of a Shaykh

de‟wa the Islamic call usually signifies propagation and preaching with the objective

to bring a person to Islam (to the correct observance of Islam)

dhakir one who is engaged in dhikr

dhikr liturgical chants and litanies glorifying Allah

eleyhiyuredun Qur‟anic chapter that Shaykh Musa taught from Shaykh Ja‟far Bukko

faqih jurist and theologian

figh Islamic jurisprudence

habasha pejorative word that represent Ethiopians

hadith prophetic tradition

hadiya offering made to a Shaykh or at a shrine

hadra sufi gathering for collective worship

hajj, al- tittle given to one who has made pilgrimage to Mecca

hajj the holy pilgrimage to Mecca

harakat represent the four Arabic vowel signs

hijra the flight of Prophet Muhammad from Mecca to Medina

id al-adha annual festival of Muslims after two months of the end of fasting

id al-fatir official Muslims‟ festival following the end of fasting

ilm mastering of Islamic knowledge

imam leader of the obligatory Islamic prayers; title of the Muslim rulers of

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Warra-Himano in Wallo and those of Harar

Imamate a muslim dynasty administered by Imam

jabarti muslims inhabiting the Ethiopian and Eritrean highlands

jama‟a congregational prayer

jihad efforts made „in the way of Allah,‟ which may or may not include holy war

jin devil

karama power of a wali to work miracles

kadam one who offers daily services to his Shaykh

khalifa (pl. khalifas) successor to a Muslim political office or to a founder of a sufi center

kelewa a sufi religious leader‟s center of ritual

luh wood slate used to write Arabic letters and short texts

madhhab (pl. madhahib) school of Islamic jurisprudence

madrasa modern school of Islamic learning

Manaqib (pl. manaqibs) virtues; a literary genre extolling the deeds of a saint: equivalent with

Christian hagiography

manzuma a didactic poem recited at religious festivals

mawlid the prophet‟s birth day anniversary festival. In this thesis, the anniversary

festival of Shaykh Sharafadin also called by this name

mesjidel jami‟i the mosque of the Awliya

minkesbi yedihi a person who eat his own produces

mujedidel sharia strict follower of the religious scripture

murid disciple

nahw the study of the classical Arabic, particularly its grammatical rules and usage

qadi judge

said an honorific title given to a recognized scholar or saint

salat official Islamic prayer

sayf al-haqq the sword of the truth

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sayydul-bal It was an honorific title of Al-Hajj Bushra Ay Muhammad of Gattira

sedeqa equivalent to the Christian tazkar

shafa‟a medicine

sharia the divine or revealed law

sharif a name given to the great men in Islamic history

shaykh scholar, cleric

shirk association of Allah with other creatures

Subihi salat among the five obligatory prayers in Islam which is conducted in early

morning of each day before the sun rises in the east

sufi mystic

tafsir commentary of the holy Qur‟an

tahaji/majlis is the first stage of traditional Qur‟anic school system that involved in the

learning of the Arabic letters and the reading of the Qur‟an

tariqa (pl. turuq) the sufi way; a mystical order

tawassul using sufi ulama as an intermediary

ulama (see, alim) Muslim scholars

ustaz teacher in madrasa

wali (pl. awliya) Allah‟s protégé; saint

waqf charitable property ( in Wallo, usually land)

wudu a process of washing part of the body as per the requirement of prayer (Salat)

from hand to leg

zakah alms tax

zawya hospice, a multi-purpose sufi center of teaching, a rural mosque

ziyara visitation made to a sufi shrine

II. Non-Arabic; Amharic, Ethiopiac and Kushitic

aba/ ababa lit.: father; as a title, it is used for an elderly man or priest; part of a

traditional „horse name‟; in local Islam it is used as an agnomen

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ababa shifaw the name given for the lance of Shaykh Sharafadin

abb gar a traditional leader of a ritual ceremony; assimilated into popular Islam

to mean a leader of religious gathering

abetech (see amarech)

alaqa title of a chief priest

amare the Amhara clan who lived in northern shewa, kelela and jamma

amarech the ancestral people of Kelela who separated the other ancestral people of

Kelela known as abetech by mareko river

arti Artemisia tilesii

așe title: emperor

ato a common title of respect used with a man‟s given name

attate maytenus

attise sound produced by the deceased son that announced his return to the

worldly life

awrajja an administrative unit within a province

balabat (pl. balabats) the hereditary owner of the land

bale zar persons possessed by zar cult

belg a period of small rain from march-may

buqri a local non-alcoholic drink made up of the mixing of roasted corn and

water

ćat catha edulis

darasa local name given to the students of Qur‟anic school

dejjach/dejjazmach military and civil title: general or governor

fuqra exorcist (a corruption of the Arabic, Fuqara (pl. of faqir: a sufi mendicant)

gasha an instrument used to measure the area of land

gefersa Oromo word which means wide

getaw lord

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getaw shahye the glorious Shaykh

getaw shahye mejen due to the intercessory power of the glorious shaykh

getaw shayhye mesjid the mosque of the glorious Shaykh, Sharafadin

gobeden site of a ritual, usually under a tree

injera a common and favorite food item of Ethiopians

kebele (pl. kebeles) the smallest administrative unit within a district

kelela refers the convienence location of kelela wärädä for defence and offence

lej lit.: child; honorific title of members of the high nobility

masfen (pl. masafent) nobleman, prince; also used as a title: governor

mohammadoch refers to the muslim dynasty of warra-himano who followed the religion of

the Prophet

negadras (negadrases) a customs of official: chief of long distance merchants

negus (pl. nagast) title: king

qallabi provider, patron of Muslim clerics and their students

qallacha ritual leader; Muslim cleric

qolla tropical area

quna seći executive body of amare quna

quna sefi legislative body in the amare- quna traditional negotiation system

ramsa a collection of pious songs recited at the beginning of a religious gathering

ras title: duke or governor

sebat bet seven house

sebat bet wallo refers to the seven house of wallo who antagonized each other to

dominate the region

Ťegera money

wodaja collective worship, supplication

warada (pl. waradas) district under the administrative structure of Awrajja

warka ficus vasta

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wayzaro a common title for married women

woina dega sub tropical region

ye-amare quna unwritten traditional law of the Amhara of Northern Shewa, Kelela and

Jamma

ye-borenaw geta the lord of Borena Awrajja

ye-qolla wanza piliostigma thonningii

ye-sharafadin ashker servant of Shaykh sharafadin

ye-shimaglewoch shimagle the name given for ababa shifaw

zemene mesafent the age of the princes: the period in the history of north central Ethiopia

zar cult of spirit-possession

The History of the Shrine of Daggar, 1868-2013

Documents

Transcript of The History of the Shrine of Daggar, 1868-2013