This article was downloaded by: [KSU Kent State University]On: 05 May 2014, At: 07:28Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH,UK

The Professional GeographerPublication details, including instructions for authorsand subscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rtpg20

The Gendering of PhilippineInternational Labor MigrationJames A. Tyner aa Lecturer in the Department of Geography ,University of Southern California , Los Angeles, CA,90089–0255Published online: 15 Mar 2010.

To cite this article: James A. Tyner (1996) The Gendering of Philippine InternationalLabor Migration , The Professional Geographer, 48:4, 405-416, DOI: 10.1111/j.0033-0124.1996.00405.x

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0033-0124.1996.00405.x

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all theinformation (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform.However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make norepresentations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness,or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and viewsexpressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, andare not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of theContent should not be relied upon and should be independently verified withprimary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for anylosses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages,and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly orindirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of theContent.

This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes.Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan,sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is

expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found athttp://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

KSU

Ken

t Sta

te U

nive

rsity

] at

07:

28 0

5 M

ay 2

014

404 Volume 48, Number 4, November 1996

Murashima, E. 1987. Local elections and leadership in Thailand: A case study of Nakhon Sawan prov- ince. Developing Economies 2 5: 3 63-84.

Neher, C. 1986. Thailand. In Politics in the ASEAN States, ed. D. Mauzy, 13-55. Kuala Lumpur: Mari- cans.

Nie, N., and S. Verba. 1975. Political participation. In Nan-governmental Politics, ed. F. Greenstein and N. Polsby, 1-74. Reading, PA: Addison-Wesley.

Ockey, J. 1992. Business leaders, gangsters, and the middle class: Societal groups and civilian rule in Thailand. Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, Ithaca, NY.

. 1993. Chaopho: Capital accumulation and social welfare in Thailand. Cross~oads 8(1):48-77.

-. 1994. Political parties, factions, and corrup- tion in Thailand. Modem Asian Studies 28:251-77.

Phiphatserithani, P. 1982. Wikhro laksana kanpen chaokhong turakid khanadyai nai prathet thai (Analy- si.r of the Charucteristics of Big Business Ownership in Thailand]. Bangkok: Thammasat University.

Phongphaichit, P. 1994. Korupchan kab prachathipatai thai [Corruption and Thui Democracy]. Bangkok: Centre for the Study of Political Economy, Fac- ulty of Economics, Chulalongkorn University.

Prasith-rathsint, S. 1983. Ethnicity and Fertility in Thailand. Bangkok: National Institute of Drvelop- ment Administration.

Purcell, V. 195 1. The Chinese in Soiitheast Asia. Lon- don: Oxford University Press.

Reynolds, C. 1991. Introduction: National identity and its defenders. In National Identity and Its De- fenders: Thailand, 1939-1989, ed. C. J, Reynolds, 1-35, Clayton, Victoria: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University.

Richardson, B. 1973. Urbanization and political par- ticipation: The case of Japan. American Political Science Review 67:433-52.

Rumley, D. 1980. The geography of political partici- pation. Australian Geographer 23~279-85.

Samudavanija, C. 1991. State-identity creation, state-building and civil society. In National Identity and lts Defenders: Thailand, 1939-1989, ed. C. Reynolds, 59-87. Clayton, Victoria: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University.

Skinner, G. 1957. Chinese Society in Thailand: An Analytical History. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

-. 1958. Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community o f Thailand. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Smalley, W. 1994. Linguistic Diversity and National Unity: Language Ecology in Thailand. Chicago: Uni- versity of Chicago Press.

Suehiro, A. 1989. Capital Accnmulation in Thailand 185F-198F. Tokyo: Centre for East Asian Cul- tural Studies.

Suryadinata, L. 1985. Government policies toward ethnic Chinese: A comparison between Indonesia and Malaysia. Southeast Asian Journal o f Social Sci- ence 13(2): 15-28,

-. 1993. Patterns of Chinese political partici- pation in four ASEAN states. Contemporary South- east Asia 15(3):292-308.

Tejapira, K. 1995. Chinthakam chat thii maipen chum- chon khan chanklang lukjin kab chatniyom doi rat khong thai [Imagined Uncommunity: Luk Cin Middle Class and Thai Official Nationalism]. Bangkok: In- stitute for Reporter Training and Development, Manager Newspaper.

Thomson, C. 1993. Political identity among the ethnic Chinese in Thailand. Geoyaphical Revzm 83:397409.

US. Central Intelligence Agency. 1993. The World Factbook 1993. Washington, DC: US. Govern- ment Printing Office.

Wantana, S. 1993. Nakturakit thongthin kab prachathipatai thai [Provincial businessmen and Thai democracy]. In Chon chankhlang ban krasae prachathipatai Fhe Middle Cla.rs and Thai Democ- ra~y], ed. S. Piriyarangsan and P. Phongpaichit, 195-225. Bangkok: Political Economy Centre, Faculty of Economics, Chulalongkorn University and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung.

Wu, Y., and C. Wu 1980. Economic Development in Southeast Asia: The Chinese Dimension. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Wyatt, David. 1984. Thailand: A Short History. New Haven: Yale University Press.

CURTIS N. THOMSON (Ph.D., University of Utah) is Assistant Professor in the Department of Geography, University of Idaho, Moscow, ID 83843. His research interests include international eco- nomic development, economic geography, and mi- norities of Southeast Asia.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

KSU

Ken

t Sta

te U

nive

rsity

] at

07:

28 0

5 M

ay 2

014

The Gendering of Philippine International Labor Migration*

James A. Tper University of Southern California This paper provides an institutional analysis of the use of gender as an organizing principle for labor migration flows. Through a case study of the marketing and recruitment strategies of Philippine government and private institutions, I examine how gendered representations contribute to divergent patterns of male and female labor migrants from the Philippines. Representations, or controlling images, are used by institutions to provide explana- tions or justification of a policy. Findings indicate that the global marketing of workers is organized around specific gendered assumptions of male versus female occupations. Recruiment strategies are also influenced by gendered representations of occupations, locations, and workers. T h e use of gender by government and private institutions as an organizing device provides a gendered context in which migrants and their households must suhsequently operate. Key Words: international labor migration, gender, representations, the Philippines.

Introduction

e study of women in migration has par-

field of women’s studies, shifting from an em- phasis on the identification of sex-based pat- terns of migration to the explanation of those patterns (Tyner 1994, 591). During the 1970s and 1980s, researchers sought to document the existence of women in migration flows (Morokvasic 1983; Fawcett et al. 1984; Pittin 1984; Tjn-ee and Donato 1986), a task that is ongoing (Zlomik 1995). This work uncovered strong sex differences in migration flows and challenged male biases in research, including the assumptions that patterns of female migra- tion mirror those of male migration, and that men are the initiators of migration while women are merely followers. A most critical task ahead is a continued reassessment of gen- der and migration and the search for more theoretically based explanations (Radcliffe 1990; Chant and Radcliffe 1992; Bailey and Ellis 1993; Fincher 1993; Tyner 1994, 1996). In particular, I reinforce the distinction be- tween studies of sex differences in migration flows and studies of gendered migration. Re- search on sex differentials-which documents divergent patterns of male and female mi- grants-while important, does not in and of itself constitute a “gendered” understanding.

T alleled advances made within the larger

As Hondagneu-Sotelo (1994, 3) argues in her study of Mexican migrant households, “Gen- der is not simply a variable to be measured, but a set of social relations that organize immigra- tion patterns.” A study of gendered migration, therefore, must acknowledge and interpret the various ways in which gender, like any other system of relations in society, orders human interaction (Sayer and Walker 1992, 35).

This paper is also part of an emergent trend in geography in particular, and social sciences in general, over the use of representations in various texts (Duncan and Ley 1993; McDow- ell 1993; Jackson 1994; Spurr 1993; Tyner 1996). Representations constitute dominant images, often in the form of stereotypes, and serve a multitude of functions. Previous re- search has documented how the construction of representations, whether in journalistic or academic writings, significantly influences the understanding, rationalization, or legitimation of preconceived viewpoints (Collins 1990; Hossfeld 1994; Mullings 1994). Slavery, for example, was legitimated through the employ- ment of derogatory representations of peoples from Africa (Patterson 1982; Collins 1990).

In combining these two strands of literature, I provide an institutional analysis of the Phil- ippine labor migration indusuy to explain the production of gendered patterns of interna- tional labor migration. Specifically, I focus on

‘1 extend thanks to Curt Roseman, Adrian Railey, Laura Pulido, and three anonymous remewers for their inalghtful comments on an earllrr draft. Ths research was funded by a Fred H. Bixhy Fellowship for Population Research on Developing Countries, and a National Science Foundation Dissrrtauon Grant (SBR-9406448). Any opiruons, conclusions, or recommendations are those of the author and do not necrsaar- ily rcHect those of the revirwers, the Bixby Foundation, or the Nauonal Science Foundanon.

Profcssional Geographer, 48(4) 1996, pages 4 0 5 4 1 6 0 Copyright 1996 by Association of American Geographers. Initial submission, January 1996; revised submissions, March 1996, April 1996; final acceptance, April 1996.

Publiyhed by Blackwell Publishcrs, 238 Main Street, Cambridge, MA 02142, and 108 Cowley Road, Oxford, OX4 IJF, UK.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

KSU

Ken

t Sta

te U

nive

rsity

] at

07:

28 0

5 M

ay 2

014

406 Volume 48, Number 4, November 1996

how peoples, places, and occupations are rep- resented by government and private institu- tions in the labor migration system. In the marketing of “foreign workers,” Philippine- based government and private institutions em- ploy specific representations of men and women in an attempt to increase the attractive- ness of Philippine workers by ascribing “valu- able” or “desirable” traits onto their worker pool. This representation process is critical in a highly competitive global system of labor export, as Philippine institutions seek to ac- quire larger shares of international labor con- tracts. Concurrently, the recruitment strateges of these institutions are also influenced by gen- dered representations. Here, the use of repre- sentations serves in part as a cost-reducing policy by “targeting” specific regions within the Philippines in which to recruit. I support these assertions through an analysis of personal interviews and other primary materials (eg., labor contracts, job orders, and promotional brochures) gathered from both government and private sectors of the Philippine labor mi- gration industry. Throughout this paper I fo- cus exclusively on the legal deployment of “contract” labor migrants. I do not consider other, more informal systems of international movement, such as the migration of individuals on tourist or student visas, or those individuals who were deployed illegally through organized crime syndicates and other non-sanctioned re- cruitment agencies.

The Philippines provides a remarkable op- portunity to examine the gendering of formal contract labor migration. It is the largest Asian exporter of labor, and exhibits a strong sexual division of labor flows. Annually, approxi- mately 500,000 migrant workers are deployed internationally, about 40% of whom are women engaged primarily in service-sector oc- cupations. These flows comprise part of what is increasingly referred to as the “feminization” of labor migration, i.e., the growing number of female-dominated labor flows (Boyd and Tay- lor 1986; Hugo 1992; Brochmann 1993). The Philippines is also a logical choice of study because of the highly developed organizational character of its labor migration system (cf. Ale- gado 1992). Indeed, the principal government agency, the Philippines Overseas Employment Administration, is used as a model by the ln-

ternational Labor Organization for other la- bor-exporting countries.

A Framework of Gendered Labor Migration

The formal contract labor migration process consists of three broad phases: contract pro- curement, labor recruitment, and worker de- ployment. These phases are characterized by the development of social relations, and sub- sequent negotiations, between numerous indi- viduals and institutions in a variety of loca- tions. The relative importance of participants (e.g., labor recruiters, foreign employers, mi- grants) varies according to the stage in the migratory process. The contraa procurement phase consists of complex negotiations and bargaining primarily between labor recruiters and government officials in both labor-import- ing countries and labor-exporting countries, as well as potential employers. Geographically, this phase occurs a t the international level, as linkages are formed between countries of labor surplus and labor shortage. In general, labor- importing countries are seeking a cheap, dis- posable work force to satisfy temporary labor needs (Sassen 1988). Concurrently, labor-ex- porting countries are attempting to deploy workers to alleviate domestic unemployment, increase revenue through remittances, and in- crease the level of human capital as workers return from temporary employment abroad (Stahl 1988; Agostinelli 1991).

Currently, temporary labor migration is a demand-driven phenomenon, with more countries desiring to export labor than coun- tries seeking to import labor. This creates a highly competitive context in which labor-ex- porting countries must operate. Moreover, la- bor-importing countries are increasingly more selective in the type of migrant workers sought. This migrant selectivity is evidenced by strictly defined immigration policies based on a confluence of demographic and economic characteristics (Mitchell 1992). These two trends of global competition and increased mi- grant selectivity necessitate the adoption of ag- gressive marketing strategies on behalf of la- bor-exporting countries, as these governments must out-bid other countries of labor surplus for a finite number of labor contracts offered

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

KSU

Ken

t Sta

te U

nive

rsity

] at

07:

28 0

5 M

ay 2

014

The Gendering of Philippine International Labor Migvation 407

by foreign employers. The completion of this phase is indicated by the formalization of bi- lateral agreements, memorandums of under- standing, and actual labor contracts.

The second phase, labor recruitment, oper- ates mostly within labor-exporting countries. Dominant players include a combination of labor recruiters, government officials, and the migrants themselves. During this phase, gov- ernment and private recruiters attempt to match specific labor contracts with qualified potential migrants. To a considerable degree, labor recruiters must comply with the specific demands of foreign employers (cf. Bakan and Stasiulis 1995). Labor recruitment may thus be seen largely as a situation of acquiescence on the part of labor-exporting institutions to the desires of labor-importing institutions. How- ever, labor recruiters will be shown to retain some amount of flexibility.

Potential migrant workers also must comply with the demands of foreign employers: work- ers desiring temporary employment abroad must meet the qualifications imposed by pro- spective employers. In particular, potential mi- grants attempt to qualify for the limited num- ber of international jobs available, by best matching the prescribed qualifications. The abilities and practices utilized by potential mi- grants, as well as the household negotiations and gender dynamics involved during this phase, while not addressed in this paper, are certainly worthy of in-depth study (cf. Cruz and Paganoni 1989).

During the third phase of contract labor migration, worker deplqrnent, the worker-ap- plicant is offered a contract and must decide whether or not to actually take the foreign job. This stage, similar to the period of labor re- cruitment, is also marked by a series of nego- tiations between the potential migrant and herhis family and friends. Considerations of familial responsibility and financial obligations frequently influence the eventual decision of whether or not to migrate (Trager 1988; Chant 1992; Lindquist 1993).

Since the contract procurement, labor re- cruitment, and worker deployment phases are affected by social relations and negotiations between participants, it is possible to examine how issues of gender (as well as race, class, nationality, and so forth) influence the out-

comes of these interactions. Considerable work has located the gendering of migration within the household negotiations of the sec- ond and third phases (Trager 1988; Radcliffe 1990, 1991; Chant 1992). This work has pro- vided a greater understanding of sexual divi- sions of power within households, differential access to public and private resources, and seg- regated labor markets. Still needed, however, is a more complete understanding of the role of gender during the first and second phases on the part of government and private institu- tions.

In order to understand the production of gendered migration created during the con- tract procurement and labor recruitment phases, it is imperative that the activities of the dominant participants are understood. Partici- pants involved in the procurement of labor contracts and the recruitment of workers are seen as active, knowledgeable, reasoning indi- viduals (Moos and Dear 1986, 235). And while not exercising complete freedom in their ac- tions, participants do attempt to guide nego- tiations to satisfy their own specific goals (Tyner 1996). Thus, for example, foreign em- ployers attempt to employ specific types of workers, while labor recruiters seek to deploy as many workers as possible.

The attainment of these goals is fostered by the use of representations, or controlling im- ages (Patterson 1982; Collins 1990; Tyner 1996), whereby specific occupations, locations, and workers are depicted in distinct, carefully constructed, and easily recognizable images. Similar to other advertising campaigns (Bur- gess 1982, 1990; Jackson 1994), represen- tations may be used to provide explanations or to affirm a certain perspective (Sibley 1995). As Sibley recently argued, “These attitudes as- sume significance in the day-to-day routines of control.” This is certainly the case in labor migration systems, in which workers are “bought” and “sold” in a process of com- modification (cf. Orozco 1985)

That these representations frequently com- prise gendered stereotypes should come as no surprise. A growing body of literature has ex- amined how the employment of workers in labor-intensive industries is predicated on gen- dered recruitment and occupational segrega- tion (Hossfeld 1994; Chant and McIlwaine

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

KSU

Ken

t Sta

te U

nive

rsity

] at

07:

28 0

5 M

ay 2

014

408 Volume 48, Number 4, November 1996

1995). Similar processes are in operation in flows of international labor migrants (cf. Eelens and Speckmann 1990; Hugo 1992). By prescribing specific qualifications-based on a confluence of social, demographic, and eco- nomic attributes-onto labor contracts, for- eign employers are able to influence consider- ably the characteristics of global flows of labor migration. Indeed, gendered patterns of labor migration reveal to a great extent the world- wide existence of sexist stereotypes among im- porters of foreign labor.

The Setting

Labor migration, and migration in general, is firmly embedded within contemporary Philip- pine society (Alegado 1992; Tyner 1995). As of 1992, temporary labor migration repre- sented the largest form of emigration from the Philippines, accounting for approximately 85% of all migrants. Philippine labor migrants find employment in over 130 countries and territo- ries around the world. Men and women are deployed in nearly equal numbers, but there exist strong occupational sex differences (Table 1). Men are principally employed in produc- tiodconstruction sectors; they also find em- ployment in professional and service sectors, notably as accountants or engineers. Women, conversely, find overseas employment pre- dominantly in service sectors, mostly as do-

mestic workers. While it is true that women also find employment in professional sectors, these numbers are misleading. Nearly half (43%) of these “professional” workers are ac- tually employed as dancers, singers, or musi- cians in the entertainment industries.

A considerable number of Philippine labor migrants are underemployed while working overseas. Previous studies (Cruz and Paganoni 1989; Amarles 1990) find that many teachers and doctors obtain overseas jobs as maids, jani- tors, or dancers. These studies indicate, on the one hand, the extreme poverty and unemploy- ment that exists in the Philippines and the desire of individuals to obtain higher incomes. On the other hand, these findings also indicate that observed patterns of concentration in less- rewarding occupations, especially for women, are not the result of a lack of qualified appli- cants. There are many women in the Philip- pines who are qualified for skilled positions (Table 1); their migration and subsequent em- ployment in low-skilled jobs, however, indi- cates a gendered structuring of opportunities. At the risk of overgeneralizing, labor-import- ing countries prefer to hire Philippine women as baby-sitters rather than pediatricians, or as hostesses rather than hotel managers.

The sexual division of labor has a clear spa- tial dimension, reflecting in part the level of development of labor-importing countries (Tyner 1994). Labor-importing countries in

Table 7 Distribution of Deployed Phdippine Overseas Contract Workers and Workers in the Philip- pines, by Sex and Occupation *

Occupation

Professional, Technical

Management Admin

Clerical

Sales

Services

Agriculture

Production Construction

TOTAL

Total

91,400

2,700

29,400

6,800

267,200

3.300

320,500

721,100

Deployed Workersa

Male Female

48,500 42,800 (53 1 ?‘a) I46 9%)

1,800 800 166%) 129 6%) 22,200 7,100 176%1 124Y01

3,900 2,900 157 4%) 142 6%) 48,100 219,100 118%) (82 % 1

3,300 0 (100%) (0%) 302,300 10,200 194 3%) 15 7 % ) 430,000 291,000 (59 6%) 140 4%)

Total

1,392,000

284,000

979,000

3,195,000

2.21 0,000

10,745,000

5,067,000

23,917,000

Domestic Workersb

Male

51 7,000 137 1 %I

196,000 169 ?hi 452,000 146%)

1.01 1,000 (31 6%)

960,000 143 4 Yo 1 7,981,000 (74.3%) 4,001,000 178.9%)

15,147.000 163.3?’0)

Female

875,000 162.9%1

88,000 131 %i 528,000 (54%)

2,185,000 168 4%)

1,250,000 (56 6%)

2,764,000 125.8%1

1.067.000 121.1%)

8,770,000 136.7%)

Source: Depanment of Labor and Empluyment (1992), Tables 3.6 and 13.14. *Numbers may not add up due to rounding. ‘Deployed Philippines overseas contract workers, january to October 1991. hEmployed workers in the Philippines, October 1992.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

KSU

Ken

t Sta

te U

nive

rsity

] at

07:

28 0

5 M

ay 2

014

The Gendering of Philippine International Labor Migration 409

the Middle East (especially Saudi Arabia, Ku- wait, and the United Arab Emirates), Africa, and Oceania predominantly employ men in productiodconstruction sectors. During the 1980s, for example, approximately 200,000 Philippine workers were deployed annually to Saudi Arabia; over two-thirds of these mi- grants were male construction workers. These patterns appear to be changing, however, as various infrastructure projects (such as airport, hospital, and highway construction) near com- pletion. In their stead, construction workers are increasingly being replaced by service and clerical workers. Conversely, countries in Asia, Europe, and North America are more likely to employ female labor migrants as either do- mestic workers or entertainers. Over 90% of the approximately 30,000 Philippine migrant workers in Hong Kong during the 1980s and early 1990s, for example, were female domestic workers (Tyner 1995).

The magnitude of Philippine labor flows would not be possible without the existence of a highly institionalized system for the Philip- pine labor migration industry (cf Alegado 1992; Battistella and Paganoni 1992; Goss and Lindquist 1995; Tyner 1995). This industry, composed of numerous individuals and institu- tions enpged in the recruitment and deploy- ment of labor, has a relatively recent history. A state-sponsored policy of labor export was codified only in 1972 in the Labor Code of the Philippines, and in 1974 with the establishment of the Overseas Employment Development Board. This government institution was reor- ganized and renamed in 1982 as the Philip- pines Overseas Employment Administration (POEA). Currently, the POEA is the most important organization in the Philippine labor migration industry. Among the many respon- sibilities mandated to the POEA are the overall regulation of labor migration, the regulation of the operations of the private recruitment agen- cies, and the development and coordination of linkages between Philippine-based and for- eign-based institutions. The POEA is also re- sponsible for the promotion of skills develop- ment and worker selection, the drafting of worker contracts, and the welfare of deployed labor migrants. T o accomplish these latter goals, the POEA operates in tandem with other government agencies, including, but not limited to, the Department of Labor and Em-

ployment, the Department of Foreign Affairs, and the National Youth Manpower Council.

A reciprocal relationship exists between the POEA and the approximately 300 legal private recruitment agencies. This relationship is stated in the Administration Rules and Repla- tzons (Philippines Overseas Employment Ad- ministration 1992; hereafter referred to as Rules and Regulations):

The promotion and development of employment opportunities abroad shall be undertaken by the [POEA] in cooperation with other government agencies and the private sector, through organ- ized market research and promotion activities and services. (Book V, Rule I, Section I)

The private sector includes a myriad of la- bor recruitment agencies, distinguished pri- marily by the type of worker recruited or de- ployed. Some agencies deploy only profes- sional workers (e.g., nurses), whereas other agencies specialize in domestic workers or per- forming artists. Private recruitment agencies may also deploy workers only to certain over- seas locations (e.g., Saudi Arabia, Hong Kong, or Canada). In part, the specialization of pri- vate recruitment agencies reflects the licensing procedures established by the POEA, as addi- tional licenses are required to recruit and de- ploy workers in certain occupations (most no- tably performing artists). Further specialization of agencies, however, often reflects a mixture of human capital and the current global con- text. For example, several private recruiters en- tered the labor export business following ear- lier business ventures such as export manufac- turing. These agents were able to capitalize on previously established social networks with foreign employers and other business associ- ates.

Methodology

The Philippine labor migration industry is supported and functions through the estab- lishment of both formal and informal guide- lines and channels of communication (Tyner 1995). In the migration literature, formal channels, such as the establishment of bilateral agreements, are perhaps best known. However, informal channels of communication and the social networks of nonmigrants (e.g., labor re- cruiters, government administrators, and for-

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

KSU

Ken

t Sta

te U

nive

rsity

] at

07:

28 0

5 M

ay 2

014

410 Vokme 48, Number 4, November 1996

eign clients) play a fundamental role in the procurement of contracts and the recruitment of labor; hence, they influence the timing, di- rection, volume, and attributes of labor flows (Tyner 1995). Employment opportunities are frequently produced in an ad hoc manner through casual conversation. Ambassadors and consulate generals, for example, act as the “eyes and ears” of the labor migration indus- try; past relations between recruiters and em- ployers may also influence labor flows, as social networks are maintained and favors are cashed in.

During two trips to the Philippines (May- June 1993 and June-July 1994), I interviewed key informants in the Philippine labor migra- tion industry using a qualitative corporate in- terview strategy (Schoenberger 1991, 1992; McDowell 1992). This survey technique util- izes an unstandardized format with a predomi- nance of open-ended questions (Schoenberger 1991, 180) so that the researcher can better understand the rationales underlying complex, ongoing processes. This approach does not merely complement large-scale yuan titative techniques; it also better reveals the underlying causal mechanisms and structures that lie be- hind observed behavior (McDowell 1992,2 13). Information obtained through this method is especially important since many of the activi- ties and practices involved in the Philippine labor migration industry are unwritten and not closely monitored.

I interviewed 11 members of the govern- ment sector, and 9 presidents, vice-presidents, general managers, or consultants of private re- cruitment agencies. Interviews were conducted in English, usually in the respondent’s office or in hotel lobbies. T h e establishment of trust was essential during the interview periods. T h e export of labor is a controversial issue in the Philippines. When confronted with academic and media accounts of white slavery and state- sanctioned prostitution, most government and private agencies are decidedly guarded about their operations. During the interviews I was candid and up-front. I explained that I was interested in the mechanics of their operations, with the purpose of understanding their role in producing patterns of labor migration, and especially that of female migrants. Questions revolved around the actual (both legal and il- legal) techniques used in acquiring labor con-

tracts and in recruiting potential migrant workers. Primary materials, including promo- tional brochures, official guidelines and regu- lations, government and private sector news- letters, and actual labor contracts, were also obtained. These materials provided the foun- dation for initial discussion during the inter- view periods, as well as the principle source of data for this paper, as I examined how repre- sentations of migrant workers are constructed during the marketing and recruitment phases of the Philippine labor-export system.

The Production of Gendered Migration

An examination of the Rules and Regulations reveals no official guidelines or procedures for either the procurement of labor contracts or the recruitment of labor migrants. Moreover, guidelines are silent on what constitutes “male” or “female” occupations. In short, there are no restrictions prohibiting the recruitment of women for professional positions or of men for domestic work. Any influence on the part of government and private institutions on sex- ual divisions of labor will therefore be revealed in either the unwritten, informal activities of the agents and employers or the published ma- terials used to market “Philippine workers.”

image Construction in the Procurement Process To be competitive in the demand-driven, global labor migration system, a labor-export- ing country must have a viable product: an attractive labor force. As such, it is essential in the contract procurement phase that both government and private institutions utilize representations to increase the marketability of migrant workers by ascribing desirable traits onto their worker pool. T h e Philippine labor migration industry promotes a certain type of worker, consistent with the demands of foreign employers in labor-importing coun- tries. Hence, images associated with Philippine workers revolve around positive traits: reliabil- ity, docility, competence, low cost. One bro- chure distributed by the POEA, emblazoned with the caption “We’ll do the work for you!” reads:

Whether on board ocean going vessels or work- ing in various company projects, Filipinos con-

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

KSU

Ken

t Sta

te U

nive

rsity

] at

07:

28 0

5 M

ay 2

014

The Gendering of Philippine International Labor Migvation 41 1 tribute management and operational know-how in various industry sectors. They are properly educated and well-trained, proficient in English and of sound temperament.

Another brochure proclaims the Philippines to be

ahead of the rest when it comes to sending the right man for the job. The Filipino worker offers an international standard of performance excel- lence, deserved only by the most intelligent hir- ing decisions. Because he is the skill and talent that you need, we’re sure he’ll be the formula of productivity:

ABLE MINDS + ABLE HANDS chosen from a breed of conscientious people.

T h e brochure continues with an explanation of why the POEA is proud of its (male?) overseas workers:

They blend with ease with different cultures, environments and situations. Their discipline, talent, dedication, facility in communication and loyalty to their employers make them a prime choice in staffing decisions. Indeed, our overseas employment program has produced so many AMBASSADORS OF GOODWILL, FILI- PINO OVERSEAS WORKERS.

These promotional brochures are revealing in their representation of Philippine labor mi- grants as loyal, disciplined, and obedient. T h e quotations also make reference to an “interna- tional standard,” a representation that is vital because it attempts to set Philippine workers apart from those of other potential labor-ex- porting countries. In an environment of labor surplus, including competition from other Ia- bor-exporting countries such as Indonesia and Pakistan, this distinctive feature can be a major selling point. T h e quotations also play on the egos of potential employers, through refer- ences to “intelligent hiring decisions” and “prime choice in staffing decisions.”

Promotional materials draw attention to perceived (and actual) sexual divisions of labor: occupations are represented as either masculine or feminine. In particular, men are frequently portrayed in either professional or construc- tion occupations, while women are depicted as nurses or domestic workers. Another brochure contains a picture of six Philippine labor mi- grants: three men are dressed as an engineer, a construction worker, and a ship-based officer, while the three women are clothed as a nurse,

a domestic worker, and an entertainer (wearing a miniskirt and holding a guitar). Not only do these brochures draw on preexisting stereo- types of men and women as a marketing ploy; the existence and continuance of these images also serves to reinforce the notion that these socially constructed sexual divisions of labor are normal and natural. Specifically, research has shown that, within the Philippines, Filipi- nas are routinely portrayed within the media as either homemakers, mistresses, or mothers (Azarcon-dela Cruz 1988). Internationally, these images draw on established, sexually defined representations of Filipinas that were used as a ploy to facilitate tourist arrivals dur- ing the sex tours of the 1970s and 1980s (Tyner 1996). In both cases, the woman’s role is depicted as one of providing physical con- fort.

Admittedly it is possible to read too much into these brochures. O n the one hand, I do not know the precise origins or motivations behind the construction of these repre- sentations. O n the other hand, we should not lose sight of the fact that these are promotional materials designed to attract potential employ- ers. If the number of deployed workers is an indication of success, these marketing materi- als are surely successful.

In short, the purpose of these materials is to send a message in the attempt to sell a prod- uct-in this case, Philippine labor migrants. Here, the message mirrors the motivations be- hind the demand for temporary labor mi- grants. Labor-importing countries desire a ready supply of cheap, disposable workers who are ready to come in, perform their jobs, and then leave. Certainly language ability and oc- cupational qualifications are necessary. But so too are other intangibles: the loyalty, dedica- tion, and discipline of the worker. Importers of labor often spend considerable sums of money for temporary workforces, and these employ- ers do not want to lose their investments by having workers return home before the job is completed. Foreign employers, however, also desire to save money in the provision of wages and accommodations. Frequently, employers provide only the most basic provisions stipu- lated in contracts. With such spartan condi- tions, employers need workers who will not complain. As a marketing strategy, it makes sense to cater to these conditions.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

KSU

Ken

t Sta

te U

nive

rsity

] at

07:

28 0

5 M

ay 2

014

412 Volume 48, Number 4, November 1996

Image Construction in the Recruitment Process

T h e attempt on behalf of labor recruiters to satisfy the demands of foreign employers pro- vides the context for labor recruitment. There exist a number of recruitment strategies in the Philippines, including both passive and active techniques, tha t carry with them significant differences in terms of costs (Tyner 1995). In- deed, cost considerations provide a key ele- ment in the use of gendered representations in the recruitment of workers.

Passive techniques include methods where the worker-applicant (the potential migrant) seeks out employment opportunities, while ac- tive techniques include those where the em- ployment opportunity is taken to the potential worker. T h e maintenance of “manpower” list- ing is the most common form of passive re- cruitment. Both the POEA and private recruit- ment agencies maintain listings of worker-ap- plicants. When potential labor migrants ap- proach either the POEA or a private agency they may sign up and wait for a job. Deploy- ment results when the agency receives a job request matching the qualifications of the worker-applicant, and a contract is signed.

T h e use of manpower listings is an ine- fficient mechanism for most private recruit- ment agencies. As a general manager ex- plained, very often when job requests are for- warded by potential foreign employers, the private agencies do not have an adequate sup- ply of workers possessing the exact qualifica- tions specified in the job order. For example, a foreign employer might request 30 engineers; if that private agency does not have that many engineers on its manpower list, some active recruitment is necessary.

T h e least costly, yet often most efficient, form of active recruitment is the use of mass media. Overseas employment opportunities are advertised in newspapers, on radio and television shows, and on public notice boards. One recruiter explained that advertisements are frequently disseminated on Friday, and that come Monday morning, when the agency opens, there is a waiting line of over 100 ap- plicants. Another passive recruitment tech- nique is the use of job fairs. T h e Rules and Regulations defines this technique as “an activ- ity conducted outside of an agency’s author- ized business address whereby applicants are

oriented on employment opportunities and benefits provided by foreign principals and employers.” Job fairs are frequently held in rural provinces, often in conjunction with local government officials such as governors and mayors. These tend to be locations where in- formation about overseas employment may not be as pervasive as in urban areas. During these fairs, the POEA sets up an information booth with materials on overseas employment oppor- tunities. T h e positive image of overseas em- ployment is vividly marketed to potential workers. T h e timing of these fairs usually co- incides, according to one government inform- ant, with local festivals and celebrations.

When advertising is insufficient, forms of more active recruitment are employed, includ- ing direct personal contact between recruiters and worker-applicants. Costs and difficulties, however, increase with these techniques. Con- straints are embedded within the regulations surrounding the recruitment of workers. Legal restrictions exist as to where a labor recruiter can solicit worker-applicants. Also, depending on the location of the agency and the type of worker to be recruited, special licenses are often required. This entails additional time and money spent as the agency is required to submit personal information on all recruiters, including photographs, biographical details, and other assorted paper work (cf. Goss and Lindquist 1995).

It is the increased cost associated with active forms of labor recruitment that influences, in part, the gendering of labor migration during this phase. This point is best illustrated in two fundamental areas, the obtainment of licenses and the selection of recruitment sites, with respect to the recruitment of women. Labor recruiters who specialize in the deployment of performing artists routinely point out that the entertainment sector is the most heavily regu- lated. In an attempt to protect migrant per- forming artists, layer upon layer of regulations are imposed in the recruitment and deploy- ment procedures. For example, special licenses are required to recruit potential performing artists, and then extensive training and testing procedures must be followed. Potential mi- grants must pass a series of academic and skills tests, all of which are designed to improve the standards of deployed workers and to protect against potential abuses encountered overseas.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

KSU

Ken

t Sta

te U

nive

rsity

] at

07:

28 0

5 M

ay 2

014

The Gendering of Philippine International Labor Mipation 41 3

Overall, recruiters indicated that i t required six months to a year before a potential workers could be legally trained and deployed. When asked why, in the light of such complex regu- lations, the recruiters continued to recruit and deploy performing artists, the responses var- ied. Some individuals explained that the de- ployment of performing artists did not consti- tute a major part of their business, and so it was not that big of an issue. More frequently, however, private recruiters pointed to the con- tinued demand for performing artists (espe- cially women). As the recruiters freely ac- knowledge, they are engaged in a business ven- ture and respond accordingly to market de- mands.

The selection of sites for recruitment also entails numerous costs. It is expensive and time consuming to send recruiters into the field, and so preselection of locations is essential. Indeed, many parallels exist between recruit- ment strategies and survey techniques em- ployed by researchers. For labor recruiters, the selection of areas is often predetermined by specific representations of people and places. For example, when searching for construction workers for overseas oil-industry projects, re- cruiters principally target the oil-producing re- gions of the Philippines. Similarly, potential sea-based workers are recruited in the port areas around Manila, Cebu, and Batangas. Conversely, recruiters may not always recruit in areas where a particular type of worker might normally be sought. Agents generally avoid nightclubs and red-light districts when recruiting performing artists. This avoidance of areas, according to respondents, is founded on the assumption that women in these loca- tions are “less desirable” and more “difficult to control.” As one president of a recruitment agency specializing in the deployment of per- forming artists informed me, “The women in the night-clubs are more professional.” When questioned on this notion of “professional,” the agent explained that these women have already been exposed to difficult situations and, implicitly, to prostitution. Thus, once these women are deployed, they are more likely to turn to prostitution because they like

Owing to these representations of urban women being more professional, agencies fre- quently recruit in provincial areas looking for

‘‘I immediate” money.

“innocent” women who can be trained for po- tential overseas work as performing artists. The role of talent managers thus assumes para- mount importance for many agencies. Accord- ing to one consultant, talent managers are in- dividuals who go out to the provinces and encourage young, unemployed women to train, with the promise that after completion they will find employment as musicians or singers in Japan. Another president of a re- cruitment agency, who did not deploy perform- ing artists, explained that talent managers refer to trainees as cows, and that it is the talent manager’s responsibility to herd (recruit) and fatten up (train) the potential workers. How common this representation of trainee per- forming artists is, I cannot say. All attempts to interview talent managers during my stay in the Philippines were refused. Nevertheless, numerous agencies engaged in the deployment of performing artists did agree that they could not exist without talent managers. One large agency, which deployed approximately 200 women per month, employed 34 talent man- agers who were busily recruiting women throughout the provinces.

Domestic workers are also heavily recruited in the provinces. For these workers, however, the motives are considerably more varied than those given for performing artists. According to members of the private sector as well as individuals working in the POEA, Filipinas living in rural areas are frequently considered by foreign employers to be more adept a t do- mestic skills. Drawing on a wide range of stereotypes, foreign employers from Hong Kong to Kuwait, Singapore to Saudi Arabia, request Filipina maids because they are consid- ered to be better a t cooking, cleaning, and child rearing. Indeed, in a mixture of racial and sexual stereotypes, Filipinas as opposed to women of other nationalities are requested. In Jordan and Italy, for example, employers fre- quently prefer to hire lighter-skinned Filipinas rather than darker-skinned Sri Lankan or Af- rican women (Humphrey 1991; Andall 1992). Provincial women in the Philippines are also thought to be more docile and harder working. Curiously, contradictory assumptions exist as to the physical attractiveness of rural Filipinas. Agents indicated that while some employers believed rural Filipinas to be more beautiful, and hence more desirable as maids, other em-

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

KSU

Ken

t Sta

te U

nive

rsity

] at

07:

28 0

5 M

ay 2

014

414 Vohme 48, Number 4, November 1996

ployers requested provincial women because they are considered less beautiful. In this case, the women are perceived to not care about fashion, makeup, or even a social life, and hence would make better workers. Despite the explanations forwarded by foreign employers, private recruiters in both cases would target rural localities in their search for potential do- mestic workers. In short, recruitment strate- gies, which are greatly informed by sexist rep- resentations, significantly influence the gen- dering of international labor migration.

Thus far, the labor recruitment process may be seen as one of acquiescence on behalf of recruitment agents toward the needs of the foreign employers. Indeed, the recruiter’s ac- tions (such as targeting young, unemployed women) become legitimized since they are simply responding to external market de- mands. This is not to imply, however, that labor recruiters, nor the government, remain passive throughout the entire process. Rather, these institutions retain a considerable amount of power and flexibility in their business strate- gies. In particular, private recruitment agencies are attempting to develop new market niches for Philippine labor migrants. The president of an agency, again specializing in the deploy- ment of performing artists, indicated that he was building on his existing networks in Japan. It is his goal to capitalize on the aging popu- lation of Japan, and to deploy a large number of nurses and caregivers. The POEA, likewise, is seeking ways to channel women into less- vulnerable and higher-paying occupations.

Summary and Implications

Sassen (1993, 73) argues that “migrations do not just happen; they are produced. And mi- grations do not involve just any possible com- bination of countries; they are patterned.” Hence, it is imperative to acknowledge that observed international labor migrations are produced and patterned through a myriad of actions in selected locations. Further, it is within these actions, especially the procure- ment of contracts, the recruitment of labor, and household decision making, that migration patterns acquire their distinctive features, such as gender, ethnic, and occupational composi- tion.

Specific to the Philippines setting, gendered explanations for observed sex differences in labor migration systems are sought within in- stitutional processes that occur pvior and tun- gential to the migrants’ decision-making proc- ess. Patterns of labor migration are socially constructed through the activities of govern- ment and private recruitment institutions that control the availability and distribution of la- bor contracts. Moreover, the motives and ac- tions of nonmigrant participants, including la- bor recruiters, foreign employers, and govern- ment administrators, are seen as providing a fundamental role in the production of gen- dered migration patterns. Drawing on a mul- titude of representations-of people, places, and occupations-these individuals and insti- tutions selectively market and recruit workers using gender as an organizing principle. Sub- sequent frameworks of explanation must ac- knowledge the existence of hegemonic ideolo- gies that operate in conjunction with more traditional economic and political factors com- monly associated with international labor mi- gration.

As part of a larger project designed to incor- porate a feminist perspective into the study of international labor migration (Tyner 1994, 1996), this paper makes three fundamental contributions. First, this research situates the theoretical focus of gender and migration within the context of social constructions and the use of representations as an organizing structure (cf. Collins 1990; Jackson and Pen- rose 1993; Jackson 1994). Second, this research supplements studies of gendered recruitment and occupational segregation for both domes- tic household services and labor-intensive in- dustries found with developed and lesser-de- veloped countries (Glenn 1992; Hossfeld 1994; Bakan and Stasiulis 1995; Chant and McI1- waine 1995). Third, this research situates the production of gendered migration within an institutional framework based on the everyday activities of nonmigrants. Additional work is certainly needed. In particular, more research should focus on the nexus between labor re- cruiters and potential migrants. What exactly is involved during the negotiations between these participants? How are gendered occupa- tions contested by worker-applicants? And lastly, how might potential migrants turn these

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

KSU

Ken

t Sta

te U

nive

rsity

] at

07:

28 0

5 M

ay 2

014

The Gendering o f Philippine International Labor Mipation 41 5

gendered stereotypes into a positive opportu- nity, rather than a negative liability?

Literature Cited

Agostinelli, Gianni. 1991. Migration-development interrelationships: The case of the Philippines. Occasional Papers and Dorumentation. New York: Center for Migration Studies.

Alegado, Dean T . 1992. The political economy of international labor migration from the Philip- pines. Ph.D. Diss., University of Hawaii at Ma- noa.

Amarles, Bienvendia M. 1990. Female migrant la- bor: Domestic helpers in Singapore. Philippine Journal of Public Administration 34(4):365-87.

Andall, Jacqueline. 1992. Women migrant workers in Italy. Women’s Studies International Fomm 15(1):4148.

Azarcon-dela Cruz, Pennie S. 1988. From Virgin to Vamp: Images of Women in Philippine Media. Ma- nila: Asian Social Institute.

Bailey, Adrian, and Mark Ellis. 1993. Going home: The migration of Puerto &can-born women from the United States to Puerto RICO. Profissional Ge- ographer 45(2): 148-58.

Bakan, Abigail B., and Daiva Stasiulis. 1994. Foreign domestic worker policy in Canada and the social boundaries of modem citizenship. Science and So- ciety 58(1):7-33.

-. 1995. Making the match: Domestic place- ment agencies and the racialization of women’s household work. Signs: Journal of Women in Cul- mre and Society 20(2):303-35.

Battistella, Graziano, and Anthony Paganoni, eds. 1992. Philippine Labor Migration: Impact and Policy. Quezon City: Scalahrini Migration Center.

Boyd, Monica, and Chris Taylor. 1986. The femini- zation of temporary workers: The Canadian case. International Migration 24(4):7 17-33.

Brochmann, Grete. 1993. Middle East Avenue: Female Migrationfiom Sri Lanka to the Gulf: Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Burgess, J. 1982. Selling places: Environmental im- ages for the executive. Regional Studies 16:l-17.

. 1990. The production and consumption of environmental meanings in the mass media: A research agenda for the 1990s. Transactions, Inst- mte of British Geographers 15: 139-6 1.

Chant, Sylvia, ed. 1992. Gender and Migration in Developing Countries. New York: Belhaven Press.

Chant, Sylvia, and Cathy McIlwaine. 1995. Gender and export manufacturing in the Philippines: Continuity or change in female employment? The case of the Mactan Export Processing Zone. Gen- der, Place and Culttire: A Journal of Feminist Geog- raphy 2(2):147-76.

Chant, Sylvia, and Sarah A. Radcliffe. 1992. Migra- tion and development: The importance of gender. In Gender and Migration in Developing Countries, ed. Sylvia Chant, 1-29. New York: Relhaven Press.

Collins, Patricia Hill. 1990. Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empow- erment. New York: Routledge.

Cruz, Victoria P., and Anthony Paganoni. 1989. Fil@inas in Migration: Big Bills and Small Change. Quezon City: Scalabrini Migration Center.

Duncan, James, and David Ley, eds. 1993. Place/Cul- mre/Representation. New York: Routledge.

Eelens, Frank, and J. D. Speckmann. 1990. Kecruit- ment of labor migrants for the Middle East: The Sri Lankan case. International Migration h i m 24(2):297-322.

Fawcett, James T., Siew-Ean Khoo, and Peter C . Smith, eds. 1984. Women in the Cities o f Asia: Migation and Urban Adaptation. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Fincher, Ruth. 1993. Commentary: Gender relations and the geography of migration. Environment and Planning A 25:1,703-05.

Glenn, Evelyn Nakano. 1992. From servitude to service work: Historical continuities in the racial division of paid reproductive labor. Signs: 30urnal of Women in Culture and Society 18(1):143.

Goss, Jon, and Bruce Lindquist. 1995. Conceptual- izing international labor migration: A structura- tion perspective. international Migration Review 29(2):317-51.

Hondagneu-Sotelo, Pierrette. 1994. Gendered Tran- sitions: Mexican Experiences of Immigration. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Hossfeld, Karen J. 1994. Hiring immigrant women: Silicon Valley’s “simple formula.” In Women of Color in US. Society, ed. Maxine Baca Zinn and Bonnie Thornton Dill, 65-93. Philadelphia: Tem- ple University Press.

Hugo, Graeme. 1992. Women on the move: Chang- ing patterns of population movement of women in Indonesia. In Gender and Migration in Develop- ing Countries, ed. Sylvia Chant, 174-96. New York: Belhaven Press.

Humphrey, Michael. 1991. Asian women workers in the Middle East: Domestic servants in Jordan. Asian Migrant 4(2):53-60.

Jackson, Peter. 1994. Black male: Advertising and the cultural politics of masculinity. Gender, Place and Culture: A 30urnal o f Feminist Geography 1 (1):49-S9.

Jackson, Peter, and Jan Penrose, eds. 1993. Constnu- tions o f R a e , Place and Nation. Minneapolis: Uni- versity of Minnesota Press.

Lindquist, Bruce A. 1993. Migration networks: A case study in the Philippines. Asian and Pacifir Migration Journal 2(1):75-104.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

KSU

Ken

t Sta

te U

nive

rsity

] at

07:

28 0

5 M

ay 2

014

416 Volume 48, Number 4, November 1996

McDowell, Linda. 1992. Valid games? A response to Erica Schoenberger. Profersional Geographer 44:2 12-15.

-. 1993. Space, place and gender relations: Part I. Feminist empiricism and the geography of social relations. Progress in Human Geography 17(2):157-79.

Mitchell, Christopher, ed. 1992. Western Hemisphere Immigration and United States Fweip Policy. Uni- versity Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press.

Moos, Adam, and Michael J. Dear. 1986. Structura- tion theory in urhan analysis: l . Theoretical exe- gesis. Environment and Planning A 18:23 1-52,

Morohasic, Mirjana, ed. 1983. One Way Ticket: Mi- gration and Female Labor. London: Routledge.

Mullings, Leith. 1994. Images, ideology, and women of color. In Women of Color in U S . Society, ed. Maxine Baca %inn and Bonnie Thornton Dill, 265-89. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.

Orozco, Wilhemina S. 1985. Economic Refigees: Voy- age of the Commoditized: A n Alternative Philippine Repon on Migrant Women Workers. Manila: Phil- ippine Women’s Research Collective.

Patterson, Orlando. 1982. Slavery and Social Death. Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press.

Philippines Department of Labor and Employment. 1992. I992 Yearbook of Labor Statistics. Manila: Department of Labor and Employment.

Philippines Overseas Employment Administration. 1992. Administration Rules and Regulations. Manila: Philippines Overseas Employment Administra- tion.

Pittin, Renee. 1984. Migration of women in Nigeria: The tIausa case. International Migration Review 1 8(4): 1,293-3 14.

Radcliffe, Sarah A. 1990. Ethnicity, patriarchy, and incorporation into the nation: Female migrants as domestic servants in Peru. Environment and Plan- ning D: Society and Space 8:379-93.

-. 1991. The role of gender in peasant migra- tion: Conceptual issues from the Peruvian Andes. Review of Radical Political Economies 23(34): 129- 47.

Sassen, Saskia. 1988. The Mobility of Labor and Capi- tal: A Study in International Investment and Labor Flow. Cambridge: University of Cambridge.

-. 1993. Economic internationalization: The new migration in Japan and the United States. International MigratioTz 3 1(1):73-99.

Sayer, Andrew, and Rtchard Walker. 1992. The New Social Economy: Reworking the Division of Labor. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell.

Schoenberger, Erica. 199 1. The corporate interview as a research method in economic geography. Pro- fesrional Geoppher 43(2): 180-89.

-. 1992. Self-criticism and self-awareness in research: A reply to Linda McDowell. Professional Geogvapher 44:2 15-2 18.

Sibley, David. 1995. Geographies of Exclusion. New York: Routledge.

Spurr, David. 1993. The Rhetoric of Empire: Colonial Discourse in 3ournalim, Travel Writing, and Impe- rial Administration. Durham, NC: Duke Univer- sity Press.

Stahl, Charles W. 1988. Manpower export and eco- nomic development: Evidence from the Philip- pines. International Migration 26(2): 147-68.

Trager, Lillian. 1988. The City Connection: Migration and Family Interdependence in the Philippines. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Tyner, James A. 1994. The social construction of gendered migration from the Philippines. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 3(4):589-617.

-. 1995. Migration as a socially-constructed process: The case of Philippine international mi- gration. Ph.D. diss., University of Southern Cali- fornia, Los Angeles, CA.

-. 1996. Constructions of Filipina migrant en- tertainers. Gender, Place, and Culture: A purnal of Feminist Geography 3 (1):77-93.

Tyree, Andrea, and Katharine M. Donato. 1986. A demographic overview of the international migra- tion of women. In International Mipation: The Female Experience, ed. Rita J. Simon and Caroline B. Brettel, 2141 . Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Al- lanheld.

Zlotnik, Hania. 1995. The south-to-north migration of women. International Migration Review 29(1):229-54.

JAMES A. TYNER is a lecturer in the Department of Geography, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0255. His research interests include migration, labor, gender, and the Philip- pines.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

KSU

Ken

t Sta

te U

nive

rsity

] at

07:

28 0

5 M

ay 2

014