1  

The ethnography in ancient Japan looked from the present; Some thoughts about kinship and relatedness1

Gil Vicente Lourenção2 To reach a house, you must first enter the gate. The gate is a pathway leading to the house. After passing through the gate, you enter the house and meet its master. Learning is the gate to reaching the Way. After passing through this gate, you reach the Way. Learning is the gate, not the house. Don’t mistake the gate for the house. The house is located farther inside, after the gate is passed. Heiho Kaden Sho, Yagyu Munenori.

Abstract

This article refers to a line from my field research in Japan during the years 2012 and 2014,

and in Brazil from 2007 to 2011, being a stage reference for my PhD in Social Anthropology,

and aims to relate some ethnographic facts collected with the practitioners of Japanese fencing

[Kendo] - among them, Japanese and non Japanese - through the relationships made upon

training places, called Dojo. The aim is make an analogy between the notion of house inside of

anthropological theory that remains an important practical concept for building a kinship /

relatedness to the studied case. By kinship and relatedness, we understand the ways to make

relatives, or understand by an analytical mode their mutual relations; 'relatives' here have a

more free sense, as ways of making relationship without necessarily implying human

reproduction. In short, we use the training hall as unit of analysis with the notion of House

that says about building a kinship / relatedness beyond blood. The plan is to relate some facts

about the fieldwork, which operate in the concepts of hierarchy, family and Dojo in a

relationship with the notion of house, taking into account relations between people of

different cultures.

Keywords: Hierarchy, Family, Notion of House, Japaneseness, Concept of Ki-Energy,

Kinship.

                                                                                                                         1 “Anthropology of Japan in Japan” 2014; Autumn Meeting; Nanzan University, Nagoya, 29–30 November 2014. Acknowledgements: I would like to say thanks to Monbukagakusho, FAPESP, Nanzan and Victor Hugo Kebbe for this opportunity and invitation. 2 PhD candidate in Social Anthropology - Federal University of São Carlos - UFSCAR. Student Researcher – Tsukuba University. Member of these institutions: ABEJ - Brazilian Association of Japanese Studies. LEM - Laboratory of Immigration Studies-UFSCAR; ABA - Brazilian Association of Anthropology, ABMON - Association of Scholarship Students of Monbukagakusho and Japanese Society of Martial Arts – 日本武道学会.

  2  

Few words about the study

I lived over two years in Japan, from 2012 to 2014 and in 2014 was for another 4

months. On the one hand, these two years and a few months, of course, are not enough for a

satisfactory understanding of Japanese Culture, by its overflows, complex connections with

other cultures; folds and multiplicities. And always something eludes by reason of not having

been brought up in this culture.

Nevertheless, with a humble feeling resulting from difficulties along the way, the two

years spent in Japan opened my eyes to a somewhat broader understanding of a given kinship

operation and a series of socio-anthropological paths in practice. At this time, I had contact

with numerous people related to Japanese martial arts, from Japanese and people born in

other contexts and cultures, besides living and have a chance to know about various solutions

about what it means to be in Japan related to the martial ways. These meetings and

conversations, I realized in fragmentary way, little by little, like the petals of Sakura flowers

falling gently in the wind at the beginning of the Japanese spring, that this work would be

longer than research time. Many people have experienced, many researchers have spent their

lives studying about what I studied in Japan, so as to make a science of something as elusive

and yet so present in everything and everyone, being a form of multiple fold between nature

and culture?

Being and becoming

I researched - in Brazil and Japan - collecting data within Kendo training Halls and,

of course, training Kendo. It needs to be understood in order to understand under what

conditions this study was conducted. Training Kendo was and is the relevant way to talk about

Kendo, and about the relationships established through. That is less important the issue of

the Kendo theory - that matters less anthropologists than kendokas - than the ways to make

relationships, and relationalities. And more, it matters because the Kendo is a particular case

of Japaneseness machine, i.e., a way to demonstrate become, which occurs mainly in Japan.

While living in Japan, I realized that there is a whole myriad of modes of subjectivity

quite distinct from another, and which bind to a whole constellation of varied cultures and

practices. Being Japanese in this sense raises a problem and a limit. What is the way a person

becomes ‘Japanese’? And second, what are the ideal from which we would have a comparison

index? After all, there are different subjective processes, which labeled by broad terms as a

Society, Nationality, Culture, State, place more problems than solve. In another sense, even

the term 'Japanese' keeps varied definitions, as well you could write a thesis just about them.

Simplifying, everything depends on the place in which the same person are and does. And

  3  

Inside the martial ways, there are specific ways of subjectivity that even pass by Japan - post or

supra - modern of Akihabara’s electronics or the exorbitant costs of large multinational brands

of Ginza or the capitalist life, connected to a way of life American/Japan. For some people, the

‘Japanese’ is to be employee of a big company like Hitachi or Mitsubishi, go to Nomikais3 after

work and see the family for one or two hours a day. On the other hand, being Japanese, for

others, means just wants to live in peace, be in contact with these indigenous practices,

antique, through which operates a becoming. To have the past as a future. Naturally it does

not mean to deny the present; people still have smartphones, laptops and many other things

of Capitalistic World. Many of people I had contact during the research in Japan are included

in this second group [including non - Japanese]. And, just for comparison, other people -

whose law gives the Japanese status - bind to other cultures, other ways of subjectivity that

would have little to do with Japan. We need to recognize this point, since just say that Japan

is this or that, and all are Japanese is not recognize local specificities. Just as it would be

impossible - in the case of Brazil – put away the regional and local conditions, very different

from each other, by the way, where we can see a whole constellation of ways of being and

ways to become, so it would be the case of Japan, and different modes of subjectivity present

in the archipelago. According to Morishima Sensei [2010]:

The Kendo is education. Making a true Japanese. This is the ultimate aim of Kendo. Currently, greatly increased the Japanese who are not Japanese. There are many Japanese with undefined nationality. In this way Japan's future is critical. Spirit of Kendo, spirit of bushido, externalize it in daily activities. And teach it to disciples. Then society will improve, kendo will improve. Will have the courage to rebuild Japan. This is the mission of those who practice kendo.

From the point of view of a given anthropology, we could recognize a definition of

Japanese by three points. First, an underlying hierarchical principle of Japanese social

organization; second, by the native word; and third, by kinship. There are Japanese and

Japanese, said the wise Morishima Sensei. So we just follow that. And despite, there is some

Japanese non-Japanese. And there is non-Japanese, Japanese. So we are left with a provisional

definition of Japanese by an adjective-action, positive. And we will discuss cases that can be

aligned in ways of processing that assume the while Japan as a horizon, which is near of the

heroic past as given.

Anthropologists evaluate and compare culture[s]. And another culture may well

behave the difference, and it’s the case. And how to deal with the difference seems to be

important issue for many of them. And the Kinship, among others, can be viewed as a

machine to make people. That this machine has versions and more appropriate                                                                                                                          3飲み会。

  4  

anthropological pieces to describe operations, does not mean to lose its importance as a way to

build people, and especially relationships that are not limited to individuals/families, and

which sometimes does not pass through the blood as a central criterion.

Kendo4 - a machine to the past?

To begin, Kendo is a place of mythical and rituals speeches about the moral conduct

of practitioners, Japanese and non Japanese. We developed field research in Japanese

Associations Clubs in Brazil and many places in Japan. Kendo means the "Way of the Sword"

and it is a way of Japanese swordsmanship which is used armor and bamboo swords for

fighting, with a series of body movements and a moral code, summarized in Bushido5. It

doesn’t mean that people6 live this code and it is always open to observation. The code itself is

only an indicative aspect to a problem and can be seen as a synthetic way to summarize a

given Japaneseness idea experienced by those people. These practices, although occur in all

places in Japan and many countries on all continents7 has certain specific features that are

located closest to a Japanese heroic past. That is sufficient reason for so many people entering

these training halls looking for that past. Viewed from inside, the relationships are subtler.

For example, in a Dojo that I had practice in Tsuchiura, the Sensei [70 years old, 8o Dan, ex-

Kendo coach of Tokyo Police, the famous Keishicho8] owned his Dojo, Ittoryu master with

Menkyo-Kaiden9, gives Kendo classes for children, teens, parents and interested in general.

First, families accompanying training, which means that mothers and fathers attend. And

help cleaning, serving tea and other accommodations. Second, Dojo is inhabited by relatives

alive and dead. Alive, who visit because of their children and relations with the Sensei. Dead,

because of the pictures that are hanging in walls, consisting relatives in general and Senseis

lineages, and alive not present, such as photos of children who have gone through this space,

indicating a line of training that not stop in Sensei, but stretches to the past and the future

also, being the Sensei an intersection of several ways, of many people.

                                                                                                                         4 Kendo: “剣道”- “The Way of the Sword”. 5 Bushido “武士道”. Bushido “武士道”. Refers to virtues and moral ways of conduct for samurai in the Edo period, and subject of a series of books by samurai and monks, including Yamamoto Tsunetomo, Takuan Soho, Miyamoto Musashi, Yagyu Munenori etc. Inazo Nitobe was distinguished themselves by their famous book of the same title. These virtues were concepts passed orally in Japan, from generation to generation and can be summarized in seven principles: Righteousness, Courage, Benevolence, Respect, Honesty, Honor and Loyalty. 6 Please, read the second chapter of my Thesis (2010a). 7 http://www.kendo-fik.org/index.html [October, 2014] 8「警視庁」。 9「免許皆伝」。

  5  

About the training halls – Dojo – 道場

In Japan, there is a social and environmental structure for martial arts training,

everywhere in many cities. Usually the big stadiums for martial arts are called Budoukan10 [hall

to practice martial arts], and within these, there are Dojos, or training halls. On the other

hand, there are famous Dojos in Japan, of varying sizes, depending on the fame and history of

the Sensei, contemporary or past. This is the case in several Universities, which visited, and

usually in secondary schools found these halls on a reduced scale, since the Kendo course is

elective for students. Police departments in which I was, and in some companies we can find

these training halls. These training spaces gymnasiums for martial arts, having a special

wooden floor, inscriptions on the walls, and the famous Kamidana, that is a small oratory of

delicate wood and finely ornate, where this given one notion of divine for Shinto [Kuroda,

1981]. These places are treated with care for people. Always, and every day of training, it’s

clean in the beginning and at the end, either by children or adults. Typically, if there are

children, they clean; if not, adults.

On the other hand, about the Japanese Dojos, we note that often they are true

extensions of Japanese houses, especially in the case of fixed locations owned by a Sensei.

Small gatherings happen, conversations and of course training. There is Dojo famous for its

history, for example, the famous Dojo of the Kashima Shrine 11, Ibaraki, dedicated to martial

arts and always gets pilgrimages of martial arts in New Year. The Shrine is dedicated to

Takemikazuchi no Kami12, called Deity of the storm, thunder and the sword. In this Shrine

Bokuden Tsukahara, the 'Sword Saint' attained enlightenment [Sakai, 2010].

In Kendo and other Japanese martial ways, by the way, there is a basic hierarchy

system. First professors (Sensei) 13, the senior students (Senpai) 14 and beginner practitioners

(Kouhai) 15. This primary hierarchical system is the basis of any hierarchy in Japan, working in

any relation, inside of Companies, schools, universities and of course in martial practices. The                                                                                                                          10「武道館」。 11 「お正月」。 The Kashima Shrine receives around 600.000 persons every year, according to the Shrine information. 12 「「建御雷之男神」Takemikazuchi, Kashima-no-kami, one of the deities of the storm, thunder, martial arts, and the Sword. In the book Kojiki the name of this deity is 建御雷之男神 "Brave-Awful-Possessing-Male-Deity". He also have alternative names: Takefutsu (建布都神 "Brave-Snapping-Deity") And Toyofutsu (豊布都神 "Luxuriant-Snapping Deity"). In this temple is located the「要石」 - Kaname stone or pivot stone. This stone marks the position of the fish, below the soil of the Kashima temple area, and this fish [Namazu (鯰)] is controlled by Takemikazuchi deity, whose work is keep it quiet by the sword. If not, earthquakes occur. Chamberlain, Basil Hall [1882]. Seção VIII, The slaying of the fire-deity.Chamberlain, Basil Hall [1882]. Section VIII, The slaying of the fire-deity. A Translation of the "Kojiki," or a record of ancient matters. Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan. Tuttle publishing, Global Grey 2013. 13 「先生」。 14 「先輩」。 15 「後輩」。

  6  

professor is treated with deference because he is responsible for teaching and also by people

who training, as well as having the credentials for teaching. This hierarchical principle is

important and ties the past to the future. There are lineages of martial schools in Japan, and

weighs about each understanding attitude, even if unconscious, on his master and disciple

connection. And the responsibility related to this connection. The Senpais are the mediators

between the novice and the Sensei, and finally, the beginners16.

Well, this hierarchical system Sensei, Senpai and kouhai is vitally important to

understand the Japanese social structure. This primary hierarchical system is the first and

most present system of social organization in Japan, existing in all places where I had the

chance to observe. All other systems used it in a similar logic and its operation takes into

account basically the temporality. The longer in a given activity, the more a person should to

know. And teach. Secondly, it’s working in any Japanese relationship, in terms of teaching-

learning-work activities. Which means that in any place where they’re exchange or difference

of knowledge, and where there is a difference of age, this system operates.

Inside Japan, people become Japanese. And from one point of view, they can also not

become, when they want to live under other logics. But still, this system is valid. It is true that

it can be modulated or decreased in its operation, especially in cases where it raises questions

about the position of Senpai in education process, but remains a system of organization of any

social practice. The K. Sensei told me several times about how I was more Japanese than

many people she knew. The case of Abe san began to demonstrate this; in my weekly training,

in the care with which I treated people, the knowledge of some Japanese rituals. This caused

surprise to these people, until the point of being treated as a person of Japan; I was not just

the Gil of Brazil; still, but began to become Jiu 「慈雨 - Welcome Rain」of Kendo and

Iaido studying Ki and the Japanese Culture.

Kinship makes relatives

Dido San, 38 years old, Italian, married in Japan with Japanese wife and two children,

was one of Senpais I met over the practice, and has a long history in Japan. He lived about 8

years here, been studying language and Culture in Tokyo and after went to work in Japan;

according to our conversation, he was motivated by Kendo. At one point he met I. Sensei and

went on to study Ittoryu17, and it changed some things he saw in Japan since became part of a

'big family', in his words. He told me that, from a Italian point of view, was a very good thing

to find a teacher like I. Sensei, because soon he began to feel as a family, as well as expert

                                                                                                                         16 About this, see Lourenção [2014]. 17 School basis of modern Kendo.

  7  

swordsman, has an open heart who want to learn. Furthermore, I. Sensei was in Italy by

invitation of Dado, to teach in an Ittoryu seminar, and this made I. Sensei liability relation to

practitioners and more especially with Dido. Dado, as he told, who became a ‘son’ of I. Sensei.

Since coming to Japan annually for seminars and Ittoryu training, and providing at this time

his 6th Dan in Italy.

M. Ishii P., 38 years old, English, married with Japanese wife and newborn son,

working in High School as a teacher of English. Come to Japan after living in Australia and

study there, where he marries his wife. Mainly interested in Kendo and martial arts, came

because the family and work in Japan, making residence in Kanagawa. According to M., life

in Japan was possible for the family that cultivated and interest in martial arts, and want to

live there because of the wife and child. He told me that Japan would be funny because you

always seem to be in family: at home, at Kendo Dojo, until even in Isakayas with friends. That,

he said, was one of the things he liked to live here. In addition, it makes a change in his name,

getting Ishii of his wife. One reason for this is the issue of child nomination, as for the child

receives the compound surname, [Ishii P.], is necessary the father also have the same surname.

The composition of surnames must be made in local city hall [to husband's last name change,

in the case]; the Ministry of Justice is only called in case in which the wife asks for a change of

surname, or new composition of names.

A. Fisherman, 28 years old, English, married with Japanese wife, two children,

working in Kendo supply store in international sales. Come to Japan in 2009 to enhance the

Kendo and knew his wife and married. He says Japan is the best place to have a kind of life he

have, to take care of the family, training and work and expect to live more years here, and

being winner of European Kendo Championship in a possible future. And recognizes that

must have something inside the heart to want to live in Japan and he feels as if he have a

Japanese heart, so much that likes to live and learn here. Says life was not easy at first, but

motivated by the Kendo and desire, learned to love Japan. He says he is not only by Kendo

that we can recognize a person as Japanese, and that is takes hard work and training for this.

G. McCalling, 40, Scottish, English teacher, married Japanese wife, lives in Osaka 10

years ago. Came as a student of computer science by Monbukagakusho, but the underlying

reason, he said was the Kendo. He maintains a website with information and English

translations of famous papers and books, being an important reference for Kendo people to

make the translation of these and give several tips about training in Japan and is also an editor

of several books of martial arts. We had an interview in 2013, when he told me that really

loves living in Japan and training there because it was strange to anyone. According to him,

the important point is owns a Japanese spirit and it is something possible, to do with

  8  

confidence. In addition, this wouldn’t be a Japanese quality only, since they have to work on it,

thinking through Japaneseness notions. At the time, he recognizes as their family students in a

secondary school [he became professor of Kendo and English at school where he works in

Osaka] and plans have children soon.

D. Castelliani, Italian, about 50 years old, Kendo 7th Dan. Master in oriental history,

and electronic engineering got at University of Bologna. She lived about a year and a half in

Japan, working at Tozando Kyoto, Kendo supply store. She came to try the 7th Dan

examination, and begun to training with M. K. Sensei, 7th Dan, and made a close friendship

with him. I interviewed her along the M. Sensei’s event, in November of 2013, when in this

opportunity we talked about Mario Sensei, Italian, died at age 84 [2012]. He was graduated

in 4th Dan and did not change the graduation until his death. The wife of Mario Sensei

donates his Do18 [Shield Chest] that he might become a trophy in a championship of World

Kendo Network. In this event, he was honored, remembered and added into this family.

About the house and the Dojo- 道場と家 について。

The notion of house have an important connotation in case of martial ways, since it is

a metaphor for kinship and a sense of corporality inside Japanese Culture by which people are

inserted in networks of mutual respect. Just a comment on the notion of house - the training

halls are given in spaces where Sensei teaches. They treat their students with care and respect

and made relationships in these spaces, not only obligations regarding to training. About the

house, two things are important - the inner space and the arrangement of elements that

recount the relationship and the relations established with the living and the dead.

According to Levi-Strauss 19 (1986, p. 186-187) in Europe and around the world - as

in Japan - the medieval houses have exactly the same characteristics, defining the ownership

of a domain composed of tangible and intangible assets - the "Honors" - among which are

located even supernatural treasures. And the important thing is, in order to perpetuate then,

the 'houses' appealed widely to kinship, whether it's guild or adoption. In the absence of male

heirs, and sometimes in competition with them, sisters and daughters could ensure the

transmission of goods, powers and honors (Lévi-Strauss, 1986, p. 186-187), (1981, p. 153

and following).

                                                                                                                         18 「胴」。Dou – Chest Armour. 19 About the House, Levi-Strauss tells (Dictionnaire de L´Ethnologie, 1992, p.435):

La maison est une personne morale, détentrice d´un domaine composé à la fois de biens matériels et immatériels, et qui se perpétue par la transmission de son nom, de sa fortune et de ses titres em ligne réelle ou fictive, tenue pour légitime à la condition que cette continuité puisse se traduire dans le langage de la parenté ou de l´alliance, ou le plus souvent les deux ensemble.

  9  

In another time we demonstrate the importance of comparing house and Dojo inside

of Kendo way (Lourenção, p.76-101 2010a; 2010b) precisely for the reason the notion of

House applied to Dojo presented possible ways of diversifying the relatedness-kinship

(Machado: 2006, 2006b, 2011; 2014), (Carsten: 1995; 2004) and noted in ethnographic

contexts that the theory of House (Levi-Strauss: 1981 1985, 1986, 1992); (Carsten & Hugh-

Jones: 1995) and House-Dojo (Lourenção: Idem) still working. On the appropriate relations

and the application of this model, see Lourenção [2014].

About Ie and the House

Firstly, the Ie - Japanese house - as an Kinship problem brought doubts in the models

used so far, mainly made by Europeans and Americans [Shimizu, 1991]. Well, in Japan

usually Kazoku is understood as the nuclear family and the Ie, as the 'house' in strict sense.

However, scholars from various fields of social sciences began to study the Japanese rural

environment in the 1930s, when classic studies about kinship had enough influence in Japan

and begin to focus on Ie concept, since it was one of those key concepts that present problems

for a kinship theory. Among them, it was noted that the Ie had issues regarding relatives and

non-relatives, consanguinity and affinity; although it could be considered as 'family' in a broad

sense, had a variety of irregular terms, such as those mentioned above, most problems caused

by birthright, adoption, leadership, etc. [Ibid, p 378].

Although Ie can be based on family, problems are not solved with the kinship tools

used until then. As a rule, the eldest son should succeed his father as head of the family

[Kazoku20]. Here, the Ie was interpreted as a patrilineal descent (Oikawa 1967 [1940]), aput

Shimizu, [1991]. Aruga interpreted from the birthright, distinguishing family members from

the line of succession putting aside the collateral relatives. However, this solution has brought

problems as a result, since relatives other than the ideal line of succession, the so-called

"Adopted sounds in-law", as adopted successors and servants, as they should be interpreted, if

they were seen as relatives? The solution was to focus in the first [both in the case of not

having children in line, as in the case of having only women] through the practice of Muko [in

the case of husband] Yoshi [adoption], that is, it became in an adopted son [Muko-yoshi];

that is, as adopted relatives, according to the debate, they could run the line of succession21.

On the other hand, the servants would be point of debate for some time, in literature

and Japanese Academy (1978-81 Nakano [1964]); (Oikawa 1967 [1940]), aput Shimizu,                                                                                                                          20 「家族」。 21 There are various cases of adoption to Japan, although the adoption of son in law is the most common [Muko Yoshi] according to Beillevaire (1986, p. 318). But can count on the adoption of a couple [fufu Yoshi], which is the direct way to perpetuate the 'house' when the impossibility of a relative in the consanguine line, which leads to a double order consanguinization process. At this also can be seen in Bachnik (1983) and Shimizu (1987).

  10  

[1991], since they were incorporated into the house and were recognized by a family solidarity,

and becoming members of families and houses, by fact and law. With the transformation and

the rise of urban areas - or as seen in Japan, the rural-urban areas - mainly in the post-war,

transformations occur but in principle, relations from the Ie are not profoundly changed, and

what was seen in terms of family structures and solidarity in rural areas moves and starts to

work within family businesses, through a formalization of kinship ties. However, the debate

between two interpretations made by Aruga and Kitano, the first who attempted to interpret

the Ie in a more synthetic way, based on consanguinity, and the second, by a more broadly,

incorporating the related continued until the late 60, when Nakane (1964; 1967; 1970)

returns from England and seeks to apply the studies of the 60s, where she look at the main

concepts of descent and family, and begins to doubt that these concepts can explain the Ie and

Dozoku. This was the second movement of Japanese studies about this matter [Shimizu

ibdem]. In short, she says Ie cannot be understood as family and not as extended family, since

membership is not done by the blood / birth and its subject to a residence and local economy.

The third wave of studies came with the critical work of Nakane. For example, Gamo

(1968; 1970) accuses Nakane to see family in just a result of a biological kinship, focused on

consanguinity. Naturally researchers led by Gamo discussed the notions and concepts of

kinship, and saw that many were not adaptable to the case of Ie/Dozoku; however, also argued

that had aspects that could not be overlooked. Gamo analyzed the important symbols and

reassessed defending the idea of Kamado, or the "heart of the family." According to the

definitions given by his informants, the adopted children and adopted relatives successors are

the same as blood relatives. In addition, the symbolic unity of Ie widely incorporates the

relatives by marriage and adoption (Gamo 1968; 1970). This would be an interesting debate

way, since it points to a line of a social relationship, unlike one based on blood.

About the notion of House

It is useful to think the Ie/Kazoku, since consider other aspects beyond the framework

given by corporate groups of kinship. For the case of Ie, four levels may be considered,

according to Shimizu [p.385-86]: the social entity means dwelling house [unlike Kazoku,

regard to nuclear family] and is sensed as independent of its members. For each house there is

an identification with name, social status and history. This aspect Shimizu calls symbolic Ie

and regulates how it built their social lives. The other aspect, which he calls corporate Ie

[embodied Ie], is established on 2 levels: Hotoke or the dead and the living, organized in a

corporate group. The dead are aligned in wedding couple, and the status of system in

corporate Ie is modeled by this alignment. Here, these precedes the pairs of weddings,

  11  

preceding the future leaders of Ie, which will establish through marriage, the division of labor

between the gender and the continued survival of the House. In this case, there hierarchical

dominance of man over adopted, the child born on the adopted, of men over women, but

within the limits of kinship, the rules for the adoption remain valid. This model naturally is

focused on an evaluation of blood at the expense of possible ties and manipulated

arrangements. This was a criterion listed by Shimizu, taking into account their study of rural

field in Japan at the end of the twentieth century, but he points out that the Ie cannot be only

interpreted based on the blood ties and, in most cases, the blood is relegated as one aspect,

smaller, in front of others.

Well, the first point to note is which is the possible comparison between Dojo, Ie, and

notion of house22. First, Dojo can be understood as house, where all the other relationship can

be retraced. The symbolic Dojo is in conformity with the lineages; the built-in, through and

linkages taking into account the families and other relationships. The status of the system and

therefore the members and relationships. Second, it would be related? Satisfies conditions?

Well, the conditions are met and acquisitions are made, and these people sometimes are

treated through the family ties language and keeps the consistent attitudes. In the case of a

series of Dojos in Japan, we see some constants lining a kinship. The basic unit consists of

three generations: older, seniors and young. Second, the important points are the birth, the

nomination and the body's production through training. Inside the Dojo, we have only one,

and that is training - for Japanese - and sometimes the nomination [for people who become

members of a Dojo, when in case of non-born in Japan [in case of births in Japan, retraces up

from the family name]. Third, and crucially, the Japanese case shows a dimension of kinship

building, in which we could distinguish three - or more times – of construction. The first, on

the relationship by procreation; the second, for the construction of body itself and the third

through an alignment ideologically [or symbolic].

On the first, of course we would have the notion of birth and belonging to a family

relationship given by consanguinity. On this, the relationships that start-point and make the

child, and your body - nomination, power, religious rites, etc. On the second, kinship by

                                                                                                                         22 According to Shimizu:

  12  

construction implies that in Japan the birth itself is insufficient to people be accept in society:

food, religious rites, age groups and joint activities etc. In this case, various activities enable

the body and the person to that stage. And is inside it that most Non-Japanese are

incorporated, in families, Houses and Dojos. Finally, an ideological kinship, and at this stage

we can also see non-Japanese given. We see a symbolic apparatus that certifies the binding, as

emblems of the house, past senseis, schools [流派], belonging and affiliations etc.

These three ways can be seen as progressive in time, but may also be seen as

concentric as is the case of rural areas of Japan and, it seems, valid for Dojos in urban areas

and family companies. Although the blood has become something that defines families in

modern Japan, for various reasons and relations, the kinship as a multiple construction

[beyond the blood] can still be found.

Still about kinship – Conclusion

From this point we can see the mistake of anthropologists and social scientists to

think Ie is due largely to disregard the analysis of what is conceived as a body, Seishin and Ki

as this largely makes the kinship and analysis work. The body 「体」 for Japanese is

something constructed from birth until death. Not admitted that a person becomes a full

member of society except through an incessant work of formation of the body [at least within

the martial ways]. The Seishin「精神」on the other hand, what would be the mind, spirit,

intention. This term does not seem dwarfed by the body, and needs attention and constant

training. The Ki 「気」 on the other side indicates a notion of vital energy, largely related to

elements that are not taken into account in kinship analysis, such as relations with nature, not

tight and fixed, but continually folding on culture. Also Ki is something made to some extent

by constantly repeating the procedures in training halls. These things effects are a multiple

folding between nature and culture. What analysts see as kinship, as culture, is something that

folds constantly on nature. Is believed that the bodies are different, the spirits are different,

but this difference does not lie in culture or in nature, but in both at the same time. Both are

foldable, infinitely. Against the difference of bodies, nutrition and practices. Against the

difference of Spirits, nutrition and practices. Against the notion of the nuclear family, the

unfolding of Ie. The question here is admit in a sense, only with a balance between a folding

nature in culture and a culture in nature, social life is possible. Kinship is possible. A given

humanity is possible. As a tenuous balance between them.

What is ‘given’ and what is ‘made’? [Wagner: 2010; Viveiros de Castro: 2009].

Depends. Depends on the relationships from which Kinship is done, as of possible folds

between nature and culture to the case analyzed. All account for this relationship, not just the

  13  

blood, the body or the soul, or the land, the house and the plants and flowers - which also

exist. The Japanese Kinship puts this kind of problem and difficulty. It depends; maybe is a

graceful exit. And wise.

On the other hand, the idea of mutuality of being [Sahlins, 2011]; [Machado: 2014]

is quite interesting to think about the way in which kinship relationships are made in Japan,

including non-Japanese; persons involved intrinsically in the existence of other people, living

the lives of others and share the deaths of others. In short, and above all, the experience of

these people shows participation into the lives of others.

The Ie can be socially constructed as genealogically; can be interpreted as an emphasis

on biological, at birth, the role of man and woman, body transformations, and ancestors and

substances, including the Spirit [Ki, Seishin], blood, semen. In the postnatal stage: edibility,

residence, reincarnation, adoption, friendship, shared suffering. And ideologies such as

schools, lineages, bindings, age, gods, spirits, etc. Now we see that the notion of Ie have and

allows a series of Kinship operations in practice. Far from dividing, it would be better just to

state that these steps, concentric, are kinship/relatedness. And that this relationship unfolds in

its members. Japanese and non-Japanese. Now, the human being - or ningen 「人間」- is a

space into person. A break, filled by others, relationships, family relationships, substance,

morals, ways of life, agency, nature, culture. What would be the Ie, for a kinship? Most likely

a fill through inter mutually involved interests; one organizational processes and

manufacturing, deployment, mutuality. More than mutuality of being, perhaps would be

appropriate to think of mutuality of become relatives. Perhaps here is the detail, missing in the

Ie, and the notion of house’s scholars.

References: BACHNIK, Jane M. 1983,Recruitment Strategies for Household Succession: Rethinking Japanese Household Organization. Man, New Series, Vol. 18, No. 1 pp. 160-182. Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Mar., Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2801769 BEILLEVAIRE, P. 1986, Le Japon, une société de la maison. In Burguière A. Klapisch-Zuber, C., Segalen, M., Zonabend, F. (Org.). Histoire de la famille 2, Temps médiévaux, Orient/Ocident. Paris, Armand Colin, p. 287-340 CARSTEN, J. HUGH-JONES, S. 1995: About the House. Cambridge University. Press CARSTEN, J.1995: The substance of kinship and the heat of the hearth: feeding, personhood, and relatedness among malays in Pulau Langkawi. American Ethnologist 22(2): 223-41. CARSTEN, J 2000. Knowing where you've come from: Ruptures and continuities of time and kinship in narratives of adoption reunions. J. R. Anthropol. Inst. vol. 6, no4, pp. 687-703, CARSTEN, J. 2004: After kinship. Cambridge university press CHANBERLAIN, Basil Hall 2013 [1882]. Seção VIII, The slaying of the fire-deity. A Translation of the "Kojiki," or a record of ancient matters. Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan. Tuttle publishing, Global Grey. DAVIS, W.: Japanese religion and society: paradigms of structure and change. State University of New York press, Albany, 1992 DAVIS, W. 1982. Dojo: magic and exorcism in modern Japan, Stanford University Press. DOI, T. 1973. The anatomy of dependence. Kodansha, Tokyo DUMONT, L. 1992: Homo hierarchicus. Edusp, SP, DUMONT, L. 2000: O Individualismo. Rocco, Rio de Janeiro, FOUCAULT,.1994: Les techniques de soi in Dits et Écrits IV. Gallimard, Paris P.783-813 GAMO, M. 1968. 'Nihon no shinzoku soshiki' oboegaki: descent group to dozoku ni kan'shite. Sha 2, 80-5. GAMO, M. 1970. Nihon no dentoteki kazoku no ichi kosatsu. In Minzokugaku kara Mita Nihon: Oka Masao kyoju koki kinen ronbunshu. Tokyo: Kawade Shobo Shinsha.

  14  

HÉRITIER, F. 1999: Two sisters and their mother. Zonebooks KAWAMURA, Lili Katsuco. 2001: A questão cultural e a Discriminação Social na Migração de Brasileiros ao Japão. In CNPD, Seminário Internacional Migrações Internacionais - Contribuições para Políticas . Brasília, CNPD, 2 KAWAMURA, Lili Katsuco 2003: Para onde vão os brasileiros? Campinas, Editora da Unicamp. KAWAMURA, Lili Katsuco 2008: 32o Encontro Anual da ANPOCS. GT 25 Migrações Internacionais, REDES SOCIAIS E CULTURAIS ENTRE O BRASIL E JAPÃO NA MIGRAÇÃO INTERNACIONAL DE BRASILEIROS KITAMURA, A. 北村優. 2008. Gender Equality Dilemma in Japanese Society: How Traditional Ideas Affect both Women and Men, 文教大学国際学部紀要 第 19巻１号 2008年７月。 KOBAYASHI, L. 2010. Peregrinos do Sol. A arte da espada Samurai. Estação Liberdade. KURODA, Toshio, James C. Dobbins and Suzanne Gay. 1981. Shinto in the History of Japanese Religion, Journal of Japanese Studies,Vol. 7, No. 1 (Winter, 1981), pp. 1-21, Published by: The Society for Japanese Studies, Article Stable URL:http://www.jstor.org/stable/132163 KUMAGAI, H.1988. Ki: the fervor of vitality. Symbolic Interaction, Volume 11, Number 2, pages 175-190. KUMAGAI, H.1986. The Hidden "I" in Amae: "Passive Love" and Japanese Social Perception. Ethos, Vol. 14, No. 3. LATOUR, B. 1994: Jamais Fomos Modernos. Editora 34 LATOUR, B..2005: Reassembling the Social. Oxford University Press LATOUR, B. 2014. Para distinguir amigos e inimigos no tempo do Antropoceno. Revista de Antropologia, [S.l.], v. 57, n. 1, p. 11-31, nov. 2014. ISSN 1678-9857. Disponível em: <http://www.revistas.usp.br/ra/article/view/87702>. Acesso em: 15 Nov. 2014. LESSER, Jeffrey. 2003 (ORG): Searching for home abroad: japanese brazilians and transnationalism. Durham: LEVI-STRAUSS, C. 1970. O Pensamento Selvagem. Companhia Editora Nacional, EDUSP, São Paulo LEVI-STRAUSS, C. 1976a: Mitológicas 4: El hombre desnudo. Siglo veintiuno editores, México, LEVI-STRAUSS, C. 1976b: Antropologia Estrutural 2. Biblioteca Tempo Universitário, (45), RJ LEVI-STRAUSS, C. .1981: A via das máscaras. Editorial presença, Lisboa LEVI-STRAUSS, C. .1985: Os pensadores, Abril Cultural LEVI-STRAUSS, C. .1986: Minhas palavras. Brasiliense LEVI-STRAUSS, C. .1992: Verbete “Maison” in BONTE&IZARD: Dictionnaire de L’Ethnologie et de L’Anthropologie. PRESSES UNIVERSITAIRES DE FRANCE, P. 434-436 LEVI-STRAUSS, C. . 1996. Antropologia Estrutural. Biblioteca Tempo Universitário, (7), 5ª Edição, RJ LEVI-STRAUSS, C. .2000: Mito e significado, Edições 70 LEVI-STRAUSS, C. .2000: Tristes trópicos. Companhia das Letras LEVI-STRAUSS, C. .2003: Introdução à obra de Marcel Mauss, in Mauss, M. Sociologia e Antropologia. Cosac & Naify, São Paulo, LEVI-STRAUSS, C. .2003: As estruturas elementares do parentesco. Vozes, Petrópolis, LEVI-STRAUSS, C. .2004: O Cru e o Cozido. [Mitológicas Vol. 1] Cosac & Naify, São Paulo LINGER, Daniel T. 2001. No One Home: Brazilian Selves Remade in Japan, Stanford University Press, California LINGER, Daniel T. 2003. “Do Japanese Brazilins Exists?”, In LESSER, Jeffrey. 2003. Searching for Home Abroad – Japanese Brazilians and Transnationalism. Durham & London: Duke University Press LOURENÇÃO, G. V. 2011. O caminho da espada como maquina de operação da japonesidade, in MACHADO, I.J.R. [ORG],: LEM – novos estudos sobre a presença japonesa no brasil. fapesp – UFSCar, LOURENÇÃO, G. V. 2010a Identidades, práticas e moralidades transnacionais: etnografia da esgrima japonesa no Brasil. Dissertação de mestrado em Antropologia Social, São Carlos, SP, UFSCar [2009], [disponível em www.gilvicenteworks.wordpress.com ] LOURENÇÃO, G. V. 2010b “Kendo: devir samuraico, mitológicas e ritológicas nipônicas. Adentrando a ‘Casa Japonesa’ [Parte II]”. Revista de Antropologia Social dos alunos do PPGAS-UFSCAR [2010]. V.1, No. 2, p 64-93, São Carlos, São Paulo. Disponível em: http://gilvicenteworks.wordpress.com/academico/, LOURENÇÃO, G. V. 2010c “Dos mares do Japão às terras férteis do Brasil: considerações sobre o Brasil, a imigração japonesa e sua influência na agricultura.” Brasil – Japão. Observação: em análise para o Livro sobre a Contribuição dos Japoneses à Agricultura no Brasil. [Aos interessados, contatar-me pelo site: http://gilvicenteworks.wordpress.com/contato/ ] LOURENÇÃO, G. V. 2010d. O caminho da espada como maquina de transporte para um japão ideal. VIII Congresso internacional de estudos japoneses no Brasil e XXI ENPULLCJ, (Congresso) Site: http://www.enpullcj.com/ LOURENÇÃO, G. V. 2008: A esgrima japonesa, a i[e]migração e os direitos humanos: algumas considerações. REHMU 31, Outubro de 2008. ISSN: 1980-8585, PP.306-316; No de páginas: 592 MACHADO, Igor José de Renó. 2014. Deslocamentos e parentesco – PROPOSTA DE LIVRO- FAPESP-2014 [A ser enviado para publicação]; ver dentro deste volume os capítulos de Victor Hugo, Nadia Kubota e Erica Hatugai. MACHADO, Igor José de Renó. 2003: Cárcere Público: processos de exotização entre imigrantes brasileiros no Porto, Portugal. Tese de doutorado em Ciências Sociais, Unicamp, Campinas MACHADO, Igor José de Renó..2004: “Estado-nação, identidade-para-o-mercado e representações de nação”, In Revista de Antropologia, vol.47, no.1, p.207-233. ISSN 0034-7701 MACHADO, Igor José de Renó..2002a Brasileiros no exterior e cidadania. [mimeo] in “caminhos da cidadania” org. Bela F. Bianco, ed UNICAMP, SP MACHADO, Igor José de Renó. 2002b. Mestiçagem arqueológica. in Estudos Afro-Asiáticos, Ano 24, nº 2, pp. 385-408 MACHADO, Igor José de Renó. 2006a: Laços de sangue e fluxo de dinheiro: notas sobre o “parente ausente” no contexto migratório transnacional Portugal/Governador Valadares – Texto apresentado na ABA MACHADO, Igor José de Renó. 2006b: Um mar de identidades: A imigração brasileira em Portugal. EdUFSCAR, São Carlos,SP MACHADO, Igor José de Renó..2004: Imigrantes brasileiros no Porto. Aproximação à perenidade de ordens raciais e coloniais portuguesas. In Lusotopie: 121-140, Éditions Karthala, Paris, MACHADO, Igor José de Renó. 2011. [ORG],: LEM – novos estudos sobre a presença japonesa no brasil. FAPESP-EDUFSCAR. MAUSS, M. 2003. Sociologia e Antropologia. Cosac & Naify, São Paulo, MAUSS, M. & HUBERT, .2005. Sobre o sacrifício. Cosac & Naify, SP

  15  

MENCIUS: 1984, translated by D.C. Lau. Chinese University Press MORISHIMA, Tateo, 森島健男 [2010]. 技の剣道から心・気の剣道ヘ日本人を取り戻すために剣道範土森島健男 , 163番号 , NAKAGAWA, H. 2008. Introdução a cultura japonesa. Ensaio de antropologia reciproca. Martins Fontes. NAKANE, C. 1964. 'le' no kozo bunseki. In Ishida Eiichiro kyoju kanreki kinen ronbunshu. Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten. NAKANE, C. 1967. Kinship and economic organization in rural Japan. London: Atione. NAKANE, C. 1970. Kazoku no kozo. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai. OCADA, F.: 2002: A cultura e o Habitus japonês: ingredientes da experiência. XIII Encontro da Ass. Brasileira de Estudos Populacionais, Minas Gerais. OHNISHI T. 2007. How Far Can Ki-energy Reach? A Hypothetical Mechanism for the Generation and Transmission of Ki-energy. University of Pennsylvania, School of Medicine., eCAM 2009;6(3)379–391 doi:10.1093/ecam/nem102. Advance Access Publication, October 2007. OIKAWA, H. 1967 [1940]. Dozoku soshiki to kon'in oyobi soso no girei. In H. Oikawa: Dozoku soshiki to sonraku Seikatsu. Tokyo: Miraisha. 小川忠太郎。1993。範士剣道講話、株式会社体育とスポーツ、東京。 井上義彦。 2007. About Ki. Kendo World, 4.1. 井上義彦。1990。剣道清談、一、二、三。体育とスポーツ、東京。 POUTIGNAT&STREIFF-FENART&BARTH, 1997: Teorias da Etinicidade. Editora Unesp, SP RAMBELLI, F.2010, Home Buddhas: Historical Processes and Modes of Representation of the Sacred in the Japanese Buddhist Family Altar (Butsudan). Japanese Religions, Vol. 35 (1 & 2): 63- 86. REYNOLDS, D. 1976. Morita Psychotherapy. Berkeley: University of California Press. ROSALDO, M.1980. Knowledge and Passion Cambridge University Press SAHLINS, M. 2011. What Kinship is (One and Two). Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) 17, 2-19. SAHLINS, M. . 1997. O “Pessimismo sentimental e a experiência etnográfica (PARTE I e II) MANA 3(1):41-73 SAHLINS, M. .1999: Ilhas de História. Jorge Zahar, Rio de Janeiro SAHLINS, M. .2003: Cultura e razão prática. Jorge Zahar, Rio de Janeiro SATO, H. 1985. The Sword and the Mind, The Overlook Press SATOU, K. (1996). Ki, Tokyo: Sanseido Co. Ltd.. SASAKI, Elisa Massae. 1999: Movimento DeKassegui: A Experiência Migratória e Identitário dos Brasileiros Descendentes de Japoneses no Japão. In Sales e Reis (orgs). Cenas de Um Brasil Migrante. São Paulo, Boitempo Editorial, SASAKI, Elisa Massae. .2000: Dekasseguis: trabalhadores migrantes nipo-brasileiros no Japão. Campinas-UNICAMP. Edições NEPO. SASAKI, Elisa Massae. .2006. A imigração para o Japão. Estudos avançados no. 57 SASAKI, Elisa Massae. .1998. O jogo da diferença: a experiência identitária no movimento Dekassegui. Campinas, dissertação de mestrado em sociologia, IFCH, UNICAMP SASAKI, Elisa Massae. 2009: Ser ou Não Ser Japonês? A Construção da Identidade dos Brasileiros Descendentes de Japoneses no Contexto das Migrações Internacionais do Japão Contemporâneo. Tese de doutoramento, UNICAMP, Campinas, SP 酒井利信。2000。人間形成と気 - 気と武道. 神戸学院大学。 酒井利信。2010。日本剣道の歴史 英訳付き (剣道日本) (日本語) 単行本 。 SCHNEIDER, D. 1987. A critique of the study of Kinship. The University of Michigan press, Ann Arbor, SCHNEIDER, D. 1968: American kinship: a cultural account. Prentice-hall SINGER, K. 1989. Mirror, Sword and Jewel, Tokyo: Kodansha International SHIMIZU, A. 1991. On the Notion of Kinship. Man, New Series, Vol. 26, No. 3 (Sep., 1991), pp. 377-403 SHIMIZU, A. 1987a. Ie and dozoku: family and descent in Japan. Curr. Anthrop 28(4), supplement, 85-90. SHIMIZU, A. 1987b Ie, shintai, shakai: kazoku no shakai jinruigaku. Tokyo: Kobundo. TAKUAN Soho: 1985, Fudochi Shinmyo Roku, The unfettered mind. Writings of the zen master to the Sword master, in the Sword and the mind, Hiroaki Sato, Overlook press, NW. TOKITSU, K. 2012. Ki e o caminho das artes marciais, Cultrix VIVEIROS DE CASTRO, E. 2009. "The Gift and The Given.Three Nano-Essays pn Kinship and Magic" in Sandra Bamford and James Leach (eds.) Kinship and Beyond Berghan Books pp.235-268 YAGYU Munenori, 2012. Heiho kadensho- The Life-giving Sword, tradução de Willian Scott Wilson, Shambhala, London. YANAGISAKO, Sylvia. 1992 Tradition and Kinship Among Japanese Americans, Stanford University Press. WAGNER, R. 2010. A invenção da Cultura. Cosac Naify. Sites: http://www.kendo.or.jp/#all [October, 2014] http://www.kendo-fik.org/index.html [[October, 2014] http://www.nipponbudokan.or.jp/ [October, 2014] http://www.jnto.go.jp/eng/location/spot/shritemp/kashimajingu.html, [October, 2014] http://kashimajingu.jp/ [October, 2014] http://www.gender.go.jp/english_contents/pr_act/pub/pamphlet/women-and-men13/ [October, 2014]