The changing contours of lived communities on the Hengchun Peninsula, 1850-1874

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The Changing Contours of Lived Communities on the Hengchun Peninsula, 1850-1874

國家與原住民研討會論文集

The Changing Contours of Lived Communities on the Hengchun Peninsula, 1850-1874＊

Douglas L. Fix＊＊

Reed College, U.S.A.

Abstract

This article examines the constitution of (and relationships between) aboriginal and Chinese communities on the Hengchun peninsula, �850-874, in order to explore the impact of foreign intrusion. It analyzes shifts in the boundaries of lived communities, and it studies the changing contours of social, political and economic pressures and processes that contributed to the evolution of human activity on the Hengchun peninsula. Ethnic communities boundaries, marriage networks, defense associations, and military alliances were examined to understand the major society-making effects on the peninsula during this historical period. To apprehend changes in the political economy and the growth of state-making capacities, I analyzed Western shipping and surveying, the diplomatic adventures of Charles Le Gendre, and the Qing and Japanese military invasions onto the peninsula in �867 and �874-�875. The rhythms and contours of work in peninsular communities, as well as coastal junk markets and inland trade depots, were examined to understand changes in the local and regional economies after �850.

I have concluded that legacy settlements remained the foundational institution in which settler and aboriginal communal life was experienced. However, inter-community alliances

* This research was first presented as a paper for “Nations and aborigines: History of ethnic groups in the Asia Pacific Region,＂ a conference held at the Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica, �4-�5 November �005; I wish to thank Shi-yung Liu for reading that paper in my absence. Additional thanks are extended to Li-wan Hung and Chang-kuo Tan for the many thoughtful comments they provided, both during and after the conference. Lung-chih Chang, Li-wan Hung and Mi-cha Wu all recommended additional readings for me to ponder, and several are cited in the revised manuscript. John Shufelt (Tunghai University) commented extensively on all parts of the original paper, and I have benefited greatly from his corrections and suggestions for revision. I am also grateful for the criticisms and comments provided by three anonymous reviewers.

** Professor, History Department, Reed College, U.S.A.


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�. Introduction

�. Lived communities and their constitution

�. A time before the Rover wreck

4. The Le Gendre era, �867-�87�

5. Assessing the Qing presence, �867-�874

6. Invading the Hengchun peninsula: Imposing force and transforming communities,

�874

7. Conclusions

1. Introduction

Everyone at his own place; if you place Chinese in our midst, their bad faith will cause

our people to rise in anger. Build your fort among the half castes. They will not object

to it and it will satisfy us.�

These were the last words that Tauketok（卓杞篤）, leader of the “Federation of

�8 Settlements,” spoke to Charles William Le Gendre, the U. S. consul at Xiamen

（廈門）, at their first meeting in southern Taiwan in October, �867. According to Le

Gendre's record of the meeting,

Tauketok had treated with the foreigners, because he respected their courage. He had

seen them fearlessly ascending the mountains under fire... ; they had met him on his own

� Tauketok to Le Gendre, �0 October �867, at the “Volcano,＂ Hengchun peninsula, southern Taiwan.

were disrupted by foreign intrusion, altering the necessary mechanisms for cross-ethnic, cross-community negotiation and exchange. New cross-community mediators were “born” at the intersection of kinship connections, munitions markets, and castaway exchanges. Conversely, the mediating and mobilizing capacities of the Federation of �8 Settlements declined as a result of foreign intrusion.

Sources used in this research include Western travelogues, maritime surveys, American and British diplomatic reports, documents compiled by the Qing and Japanese armies, and maps produced by each of these sources.

Keywords:


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territory to treat for peace, and their intentions were clear.�

Despite this “respect,” Tauketok rejected Le Gendre’s request that a fort be

established and manned by Qing soldiers on territory under Tauketok’s control.

Furthermore, Tauketok refused to meet with and negotiate a truce with Liu Mingdeng（劉

明燈）, the Qing general whose army had escorted Le Gendre into Tauketok’s territory.

Seven years later, when the Japanese army distributed flags of protection to

collaborating settlements on the Hengchun（恆春）peninsula, aboriginal leaders negotiated

from a much weaker position. In �874, Esuck, headman of the settlement of Shemali（射麻

里）and temporary leader of the Federation of �8 Settlements, was unable to prevent Japanese

soldiers from marching through sovereign aboriginal territory. In addition, he was forced to

accede to Japanese demands to establish a landing post on the southeast coast, not far

from his home. Refusing payment for Japanese use of this land may have been Esuck’s

only resistance to this foreign encroachment. At the formal ceremony in which he and

six other aboriginal leaders were awarded flags of protection, Esuck appeared as a

subordinate “friend” of the Japanese. Esuck was invited to watch General Saigo’s（西郷従道）soldiers parade, treated by a military physician for eye ailments, and rewarded

with gifts of colored cloth and pictures for his acquiescence to Japanese demands.�

These disparate vignettes suggest that a transformation in the fortunes of aboriginal

communities, as well as changes in the political economy of the Hengchun peninsula,

occurred between �867 and �874. Can these developments be attributed to the

vicissitudes of exposure to foreign intrusion on Taiwan's southern shores? To explore

this question, I examine shifts in the boundaries of lived communities -- aboriginal

settlements and Chinese settler towns and villages -- and the changing contours of social,

� Charles Wm. Le Gendre, Notes of travel in Formosa, mss., vol III, p. �50; Le Gendre papers, Library of Congress.

� There are several eye witness reports of this meeting. See, for example, the detailed report in Edward H. House, The Japanese Expedition to Formosa (Tokio: Edward H. House, �875).

political and economic pressures and processes that contributed to the dynamic evolution

of human activity on the Hengchun peninsula in the third quarter of the ��th Century.

2. Lived communities and their constitution

In recent meditations on late imperial Chinese society, Timothy Brook suggested a

useful mode of re-imagining the constitution of lived communities that were embedded

in complex commercial networks and constrained by the demands of an early modern

imperial state:

A more reasonable starting point...might be to accept a higher degree of interaction

among society, polity, and economy, so that the boundaries of lived communities are

understood as running along contours created by all three: The society-making effects of

field boundaries, kinship collectivities, irrigation projects, and ritual circuits; the state-

making capacities of existing administrative patterns, new state systems, and imposed

units of demographic and territorial definition; and the economy-making factors of

production, commodity networks, trading centers, and systems of resources access.4

To employ this model to analyze lived communities in the frontier of southern

Formosa, one may need to re-think the constitutive elements of Brook’s three main

components: society, polity, and economy. Ethnic community boundaries, inter-ethnic

marriage networks, defense associations, and warring alliances generated the major

society-making effects on the peninsula. Aborigine chiefs and local strongmen actively

managed their respective territories and kept the late imperial state at bay for most of the

��th Century. However, when Chinese and Japanese armies thrust deep into the

4 Timothy Brook, The Chinese State in Ming society (New York: RoutledgeCurzon, �005), p. 40.


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peninsula in �867 and �874-�875, they brought their own constraints on local

communities. In this complex cultural and ecological environment, economy-making

factors were never uniform. Trade depots dotted the peninsula, connecting Chinese and

aboriginal communities without creating an integrated market network. Community and

individual lives were structured by the dynamics of disparate economic activities.

Fishing, farming, arms manufacture, weaving, timber felling, livestock production,

plunder and trade determined the rhythms and contours of work in these communities;

and most of these activities were practiced in groups. Although the experiences of lived

communities in southern Taiwan may have been structured and constrained differently

than those in central China in the ��th Century, careful employment of Brook's model

will enable us to gain a textured understanding of change stimulated by local dynamics

and foreign impact.

Situated on the Hengchun peninsula in an age of accelerated sea-bound trade and

exploration, the settler and aboriginal communities discussed below were also connected

to the maritime zones of East and Southeast Asia. Hamashita Takeshi reminds us of the

integrated nature of this land-sea connection:

The meaning of the seas cannot be fully appreciated as long as they are seen as opposed

to the land as long as one's focus is on the land. The seas, in fact, form and set the

conditions of the land. The seas and the land should be understood not as being

separated by the coasts, but as part of a larger whole in which the land is part of the seas

（and vice versa）. The sea forms, in short, a road, a basis for communication and

network flows, not a barrier.5

5 Hamashita, Takeshi, “Tribute and Treaties: Maritime Asia and Treaty Port Networks in the Era of Negotiations, �800-��00,＂ in Giovanni, Hamashita, and Seldon, eds., The Resurgence of East Asia: 500, 150 and 50 year Perspectives (New York: Routledge, �00�), pp. �7-50; quoting from p. �7.

This was particularly true for communities situated in the various junk ports on the

peninsula, but inland settlements also felt the impact of sea-land interactions. Junk trade

connected aboriginal settlements on the southern tip of the peninsula with consumers in

Dagou（打狗）and farmers further afield. Castaways from foreign shipwrecks were

shuttled up the land-based transportation net until they arrived at the same destinations.

Aboriginal headman noted the increase in steamship traffic around the extremity of the

peninsula, and foreign sailors recorded their sightings of aboriginal villages far from

shore. Real and imagined interactions were constituted by the porous nature of these

sea-land connections.

My assessment of the foreign impact on the lived communities of the Hengchun

peninsula and on the market networks and political systems that connected these

settlements from �850 till �874 has been fundamentally informed by the conceptual

insights of Brook and Hamashita. If my research begins with the records of outsiders,

such as Charles Wm. Le Gendre, and ends with the official reports of an invading

Japanese army, my primary goal in the discussion that follows is to ascertain whether

lived communities on the Hengchun peninsula were changed by these incidents of

foreign intrusion. In the end I conclude that they were and also that they were not. What

follows is my attempt to explain, in some detail, that mixed response.

3. A time before the Rover Wreck

Substantial foreign impact on social, political and economic relationships across the

Hengchun peninsula prior to �867 is difficult to prove. Prior to �867, there were several

attempts by foreign ships to survey and investigate the southwestern and southeastern

coasts（such as the missions of the Salamander in �85�, the North Pacific surveying

expedition in �855, the Inflexible in �858, the Flamer and the Dove in �865, and the

Sylvia in �867）, but not all landed crew members on shore, and few foreign sailors


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proceeded inland.6 It is possible that the increasing presence of foreign ships in the

waters off these southern coasts was an important, well-observed change. However,

because not much substantial contact between foreign sailors and local Chinese settlers

or aborigines occurred, the concrete influence of these encounters is difficult to measure.

Shipwrecks（of Chinese junks and foreign ships）occurred with some frequency on the

southeastern coast and southern tip of the Hengchun peninsula, but it is not known

whether these events engendered disputes among aboriginal communities（such as

disputes over possession of the cargo, castaways, or debris of the wrecks）adjacent to or

near the sites of the wrecks. To take one important aboriginal leader's perspective as an

example, we know that Tauketok attempted to rationalize the murders of the Rover crew

by Koalut（龜仔律）warriors in �867. Therefore, it seems likely that he had not openly

opposed this violence against shipwrecked sailors until he was asked to defend it in his

first meeting with Le Gendre.7

Settlements adjacent to Langqiao Bay（瑯M灣）possessed a superior geographical

position in the larger maritime world that enveloped the Hengchun peninsula. A brief

chronology of documented foreign shipping in the region from �845 to �8678 indicates

that Langqiao Bay was visited more often than any other junk port on the peninsula. In

many instances, these foreign ships anchored for only one day and carried on minimal

communication with the headmen of the villages of Checheng（車城）and Sheliao（射寮）.

Whenever this involved some attempt to rescue missing seamen or other castaways,

local headmen or their sons served as intermediaries between foreign ship captains and

aboriginal settlements. Consequently, the flow of communication（and commodities�）

6 See Appendix � for details; sources used in compiling that appendix are listed at the end of that document.7 Le Gendre, Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol III, p. �4�.8 See Appendix �.� Hakka leaders in Baoli showed Swinhoe evidence of this provisioning in �866: “The head-man of this

Hakka village showed us a letter from a Dutch captain, who had been into the bay and got provisions from his people. The letter was written in Dutch and English, and spoke in good terms of the kindness he had met with.＂ See Robert Swinhoe, “Additional Notes on Formosa,＂ Proceedings of the Royal Geographical

between foreign ships and peninsular aborigines reinforced the superior status of

headmen families in villages on the shore of Langqiao Bay vis-à-vis those in other

Chinese settlements（such as Baoli 保力）farther inland. It also created mediating

networks that were exploited by later foreign visitors, including the Japanese military in

�874. Geographical placement was crucial to this elevated status for the Langqiao Bay

communities of Checheng and Sheliao, but the fact that most foreign shipwrecks

occurred at Nanjia（南岬）and not near Donggang（東港）or Fangliao（枋寮）is

also essential to this history. As there were no bays or ports suitable for the anchorage of

Western ships on the southeast coast of Formosa, there was also no competition from

that direction to challenge the Checheng / Sheliao position in this broader maritime

zone.�0

The increase in foreign shipping did impact the region in other ways. Shipwreck

survivors and the sea captains who rescued them all record seeing foreign navigational

equipment（e.g., “spy-glasses,” anchor chains）in Langqiao Bay and beaches further to

the south.�� Collected by coastal aborigines and their Chinese neighbors, these goods

were traded as far north as Dagou. Some of the goods were recycled as scrap metal and

used in the Hakka firearms industry in Baoli and elsewhere.�� Wood taken from the

boats and ships wrecked in these southern waters was traded up the market chain that

connected Checheng and Sheliao to larger junk ports further north along the coast.

Aggressive actions employed by the Koaluts and their allies against foreign

Society of London �0 (�866), p. ��7.�0 A full mapping of the maritime zone relevant to the peninsula would require us to have much more data on

junk routes and the hierarchy of junk ports resulting from junk-based trade in southern Taiwan. I am not aware of an excellent source of such data for the �850-�875 period.

�� See for example the record in The Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle �85�, p. 5��.�� Robert Swinhoe, “Additional Notes on Formosa,＂ p. ��7 cites foreign lead being used by Koaluts in their

muskets. Le Gendre claimed that Hakka at Baoli supplied many of these arms: “Their arms are the bright firelock, short swords, such as I sent last year to the United States, bows and arrows made of bamboos, with iron or brass points, forged by the Hakkas of Poliac.＂ See Le Gendre, Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol III, p. �77.


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intruders projected two types of meanings. Among members of East Asian treaty-port

communities, the southern Formosan “savages” quickly became just as dangerous to life

and limb as the treacherous seas in the vicinity. Press coverage of the murders of the

Larpent crew in �850 succeeded in promoting this image. However, repeated attacks on

foreign ships anchoring in Kwaliang Bay,�� as well as the adamant refusal of neighboring

Chinese communities to grant access to Koalut territory, only darkened the outlines of

this evil persona.�4 Without denying the power of this imaginary to generate fear and to

stimulate defensive or retaliatory behaviors, we can also read a different meaning into

Koalut aggression: They were defending their territory from foreign intrusion, thereby

protecting Koalut communities from harm. Such a local perspective was given to

William Pickering by a Chinese informant in �867:

[T]he savages exterminated all strangers, merely because they had determined never to

allow anyone to tread upon their soil with impunity. But in doing this, they had no

mercenary motives. They seldom or never retained anything that came from the

wrecks.�5

Although this explanation for Koalut aggression was not articulated by a majority of

foreigners or local Chinese, it may provide clues to an alternative way of assessing local

motives and actions. However, contemporaries, including some who shared the same

�� Records are incomplete, but some evidence can be cited. Aborigines fired on crews of the British Larpent (September �850), the Prussian Elbe (November �860), the British Dove (May �865), the American Rover (March �867), the British Cormorant (March �867) and the British Sylvia (June �867). See Appendix No. � for details and sources.

�4 For examples of this image in the treaty-port discourse, see the following: Deposition of Captain John F. Roundy, Antelope, enclosure to Bush, U.S. Consul, Hongkong, dispatch of �4 June �85� to Parker, U.S. Charge d'Affairs, Canton; The Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle �85�, p. 5��; Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan �7, ii (��0), pp. 84-85; Robert Swinhoe, “Narrative of a Visit to the Island of Formosa,＂ Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society �, ii (�85�), p. �5�.

�5 Le Gendre, Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol III, pp. ��4-��5.

territory, were more compelled by rumors of Koalut predilections for savage

headhunting.

The destructive power of foreign guns must not escape our notice, even though few

contemporary documents provide details of the range or gravity of this foreign impact.

Furthermore, we have little evidence of such foreign actions prior to British and

American responses to the Rover wreck in �867. As the appendix to this paper will

show, sailors from the Prussian ship Elbe destroyed aboriginal villages during their

battles with South Cape natives in late �860. More than six years later, British and

American gunboats took revenge on the Koaluts for the murders of the Rover crew by

destroying aborigines' huts and shelling the coast from ships anchored offshore. Le

Gendre informs us that unexploded shells from this aggression inflicted damage that we

recognize from wars in our own era:

[A] hunting party, crossing the place where our projectiles had fallen, picked up a large

unexploded shell, which they brought to their camp fire, where it burst with a terrible

noise, killing and wounding many.�6

4. The Le Gendre era, 1867-1872

With that assessment of the foreign impact on local communities prior to �867 now

complete, let me turn to the first of two major encounters between local peninsular

leaders and the representatives of foreign governments（the United States and Japan,

respectively）. In order to provide detailed historical contexts（for the summary

analysis that follows）as well as comparable encounter situations, I have chosen to

�6 Le Gendre, Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol III, p. ��6.


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adopt a more narrative historical treatment of the two encounters, of �867 and �874.

This is supplemented by a conceptual analysis of data（gathered in piecemeal fashion）

on the numerous communities that dotted the Hengchun peninsula.

（�）Meeting at the Volcano, �0 October �867

The first formal meeting between Charles Le Gendre and Tauketok, chief of the

Federation of �8 Settlements, almost did not happen, at least as Le Gendre tells the story.

William Pickering and Sub-prefect Wang,�7 representing Le Gendre and General Liu

Mingdeng, respectively, had met with Tauketok's representatives on �4 September �867 to

prevent a violent confrontation between the Qing army and Tauketok's forces. The original

idea for such a truce might have been suggested by the Hakka headman of Baoli, Lin Ajiu

（林阿九？）, or his Hoklo counterpart from Checheng. The diplomatic efforts of Wang

and Pickering were rewarded with a promise from their Paiwan（排灣）counterparts

that Tauketok would meet Le Gendre at Baoli two days hence in formal talks.�8

That meeting was not fated to occur. Le Gendre wanted some formal guarantee

from Liu Mingdeng that the Qing would delay military operations and accept a peaceful

resolution of the conflict if Le Gendre were able to negotiate one. When that guarantee

was not given, Le Gendre sent a request to Tauketok, asking to postpone their meeting.

Wary of foreign trickery, Tauketok immediately headed back east with his army.

Apparently this action startled the Qing military leaders, for they sent Le Gendre the

�7 Many of the official titles that Le Gendre and his consular colleagues used in their reports do not correspond to the actual titles or positions held by Qing civil or military bureaucrats. In this case, “Sub-prefect Wang＂ may be Wang Wenqi ( 王文棨，臺防理番同知 ), who accompanied Liu Mingdeng on his expedition to Langqiao in the fall of �867 and was charged with pacifying native communities after Liu's army arrived in Checheng. See 劉明燈，〈丁丑福建臺灣鎮總兵劉明燈奏〉，《籌辦夷務始末》，同治朝，五十四卷，

頁 �6-��。�8 Le Gendre, Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol III, pp. ��-��. Le Gendre also reported the details of this

meeting in his dispatches to superiors in China soon after his return to Amoy from southern Taiwan.

guarantee he sought and asked him to arrange another meeting with Tauketok. That

meeting was re-scheduled for the �0th of October -- this time not far from Tauketok's

own settlement on the eastern corner of the peninsula.��

The small contingent that Le Gendre took with him to this meeting at “the volcano”

（some 4 miles east of the Langqiao 瑯M coast, deep in aboriginal territory）surprised

his hosts. With him were Pickering, Joseph Bernard（Le Gendre's friend and

interpreter）, Mia（son of the Sheliao headman）,�0 and three other “interpreters.” Le

Gendre tells us that he declined an escort of five hundred of General Liu’s regulars. Two

hundred of Liu's best soldiers had accompanied Pickering and Wang in late September,

so the missing escort on �0 October made news along the path of Le Gendre's trek

inland. In contrast, Tauketok’s show of force numbered some two hundred men and

women, many of them armed.

Face-to-face for the first time, Le Gendre and Tauketok immediately got down to

business; we are told that the entire meeting lasted less than 45 minutes. From Le

Gendre’s record of this meeting, it appears that both men carefully performed their initial

posturing, each observing the other for signs of intent. Le Gendre sought an explanation

for the murders of the Rover crew. Tauketok explained Koalut violence as both a means

of self defense against foreign intrusion and as revenge for the brutal aggression of white

seaman who nearly exterminated their people many decades ago.�� Le Gendre noted the

innocent deaths that such revenge produced, whereupon Tauketok expressed his personal

opposition to the practice. Yet he firmly reminded Le Gendre that this was why he had

traveled all the way to Baoli to negotiate with Le Gendre, who did not show. Taking a

�� Le Gendre, Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol III, pp. ��5-��6.�0 Le Gendre names Mia as his guide in a later report. See his �7 April �87� dispatch to Frederick F. Low, U.S.

Minister, Peking.�� This becomes “fifty years ago＂ in Liu Mingdeng’s report of the expedition, but that date is nowhere found in

Le Gendre's papers or reports. See 劉明燈，〈丁丑福建臺灣鎮總兵劉明燈奏〉，《籌辦夷務始末》，同

治朝，五十四卷，頁 �6-��.


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firm stance, Tauketok remarked that if Le Gendre came onto the peninsula to make war,

aborigines of the Federation of �8 Settlements would resist him, but if he were ready for

peace, it would be forever. When Le Gendre chose friendship, arms were put aside and

talks continued on a new footing.��

If Le Gendre's account of these subsequent discussions can be believed, remarks

were very brief and to the point. Le Gendre sought promises that Tauketok and his

subordinates would provide future castaways with basic needs, and that peaceful crews

of foreign ships seeking water and provisions would not be molested. After a marker of

peaceful intent -- a red flag -- was settled on, Tauketok agreed to Le Gendre’s conditions.

Thereupon Le Gendre asked permission to erect a fort on aboriginal land at the center of

Kwaliang Bay（芎蕉灣）to serve as yet a further means of guaranteeing the peaceful

treatment of foreign shipwreck survivors. However, Tauketok rejected that spot,

suggesting land “among the half castes” instead:

Everyone at his own place; if you place Chinese in our midst, their bad faith will cause

our people to rise in anger. Build your fort among the half castes. They will not object

to it and it will satisfy us.��

Now firmly in control of the proceedings, Tauketok called the meeting to an end.

“We have said enough, let us depart and not spoil such a friendly interview by words

that would make us enemies.”�4 Le Gendre’s group exited towards Dashufang

（大樹房）, intending to select a spot for the fort “among the half-castes.” Presumably

Tauketok and his contingent of braves returned to his settlement further to the east.

Some four or five days later, Pickering delivered a sample red flag to Tauketok at

�� Le Gendre, Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol. III, pp. �4�-�4�.�� Le Gendre, Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol. III, pp. �4�-�4�.�4 Le Gendre, Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol. III, p. �4�.

Zhulaoshu（豬朥束）, the chief's settlement on the eastern coast. Pickering then returned

with two of Tauketok’s daughters, who were being sent to represent him in “talks” with

General Liu’s men at Baoli. However, from reports of this meeting, nothing substantial

was exchanged because Tauketok's daughters took a rather defiant stance.�5 In the

aftermath of his favorable agreements with Tauketok, Le Gendre pushed for a fort on land

situated at the southern tip of the Hengchun peninsula, and Liu Mingdeng responded by

establishing a temporary one not far from Dashufang, manned by local braves, one of

whom was Mia（Le Gendre’s guide from Sheliao）. In addition, a bond was given to

Le Gendre by the headmen of the southeastern settler villages, specifying conditions that

guaranteed their assistance in the event of future attacks on innocent foreigners inside

aboriginal territory.�6 The Qing army retreated and Le Gendre walked out of the

peninsula with them.

（�）The burdens of friendship and Tauketok's declining prestige

If these portraits of Tauketok, sketched by men such as Le Gendre who considered

themselves superior to the Federation chief, are plausible, I would conclude that

Tauketok’s military power, skills as a negotiator, and personal charisma had peaked in

the fall of �867. It was at this moment that he defended the actions of the Koaluts

against the Rover crew and planned for an all out war with the Qing army approaching

from the southwest coast. Furthermore, Tauketok had presented his powerful army

（600-strong）in the first arranged meeting with Le Gendre（who did not show）and

defiantly refused to meet with Qing representatives after negotiating a belated truce with

Le Gendre. On the other hand, even at this historical moment, Tauketok was dealing

with internal opposition to his decisions and commands; not all aboriginal leaders

�5 Le Gendre, Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol. III, pp. �4�-�50.�6 Le Gendre 7 Nov. �867 dispatch to Secretary of State; Dispatches from U.S. consuls, Amoy.


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favored negotiating with Le Gendre. The very fact that foreigners were allowed to enter

aboriginal land unmolested was（in the eyes of some of his followers）an affront to his

own power and prestige.

As detailed evidence from �86� is limited, it is very difficult to compare that later

situation with October �867 in order to understand whether there was some immediate

and substantial decline in Tauketok’s influence and the stability of his rule after the first

negotiated settlement with Le Gendre.�7 The record for �87��8 clearly indicates that

Tauketok was involved in more intense conflicts and quarrels（perhaps caused by the

Ryukyu castaways incident of �87�）. He no longer claimed to have control over even

his closest neighbor, the Shemali aborigines. When Le Gendre spoke with Tauketok in

March of �87�, he noticed this change in Tauketok's prestige and attempted to use his

own influence to shore up the federation chief's authority, but to no good end. Therefore,

I see a decline in Tauketok's influence not long after �867. His influence as a mediator,

his power as a military chief seeking to mobilize a large army, and his charisma as the

landlord patron of aborigines（e.g., Ami 阿美族）, pingpuzu（平埔族）, and Chinese

settlers had all declined by that date. Furthermore, as this decline occurred before his

death in �87�, it cannot be attributed to the waning prowess of an aging leader. Rather,

it was the consequence of an increase in local conflicts that resulted, in part, from the

growth in interactions with foreign powers. Despite the appeal of an argument that

associates Tauketok’s diplomatic accomplishments vis-à-vis Le Gendre and other

foreigners with an increase in his prestige on the peninsula after �867, I lack sufficient

evidence to support such a claim.

�7 Le Gendre does discuss his late February, early March meeting with aboriginal leaders in Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol. III, p. �66ff. See also his dispatch No. 4�, �� March �86�, to J.R. Browne, U.S. Minister, Peking.

�8 I have omitted the narrative of Le Gendre’s March �87� meeting with Tauketok, as it was rather long and somewhat repetitive of the �867 meeting. For that narrative, see Le Gendre’s dispatch No. 7�, �7 April �87�, to Frederick F. Low, U.S. Minister, Peking. I anticipate exploring the rituals and negotiation styles associated with such meetings at a later date.

We must remember that there were burdens associated with these relations with

foreigners. After Tauketok agreed in �867 to protect shipwrecked sailors, he did provide

assistance to several groups of castaways, expending no small amount of his resources

on their behalf. Although this expense was not as large or important as the funds needed

to maintain his personal army, or to provide patronage gifts to his subordinate chiefs, it

was an outlay of funds that Tauketok did not previously need to make. Thus, one has to

attribute this added burden to the new relations with foreigners; the chief of the

Federation made that same connection. For example, in the fall of �86�, Tauketok asked

Thomas Hughes and William Pickering to be reimbursed for expenses related to aiding

survivors from the Horn shipwreck, who had been deposited on the shores within

Tauketok’s territory.��

（�）Peninsular settlements vis-à-vis the Federation

An assessment of the impact of an increasing foreign presence on the Hengchun

peninsula cannot be limited to a discussion of one rather famous man’s political

biography. Though data on the socio-economic well-being of peninsula communities is

piecemeal and not easily correlated with specific dates, it does suggest that developments

in maritime trade, supported by increasing gunboat activity, did bring changes to a

broader range of settler villages and aboriginal settlements. Several such influences are

discussed below.

There is ample evidence to suggest that Checheng and Sheliao ----- port towns

bordering Langqiao Bay ----- maintained relatively greater political independence from

the aboriginal villages and their Federation than other Chinese settlements on the

peninsula. However, one consequence of this independence was the continued state of

�� For the details of this meeting, see T.F. Hughes, “Visit to Tok-e-Tok, Chief of the Eighteen Tribes, Southern Formosa,＂ Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society of London �6 (�87�), pp. �65-�7�.


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war between Tauketok（and perhaps the whole Federation）and the Hoklo settlers

living in Checheng and in the neighboring coastal villages. This political independence

depended, in part, on the legacy of comparatively early Hoklo habitation along the

shores of the Langqiao Bay.�0 The favorable location（or orientation）of Langqiao Bay

（as the most protected bay on the lower southwest coast）contributed to this elevated

position in the economic and political hierarchy of villages on this coast. However, the

web of exchanges between Checheng and Sheliao and the hinterland also gave these port

towns their prominence. The export trade in firewood, shipwrecked goods, and

aboriginal products that flowed through Checheng or Sheliao did also depend upon

exchanges with southern and central aboriginal settlements.�� Annual tribute（as a tax

on land use）generally was paid by settlers to aboriginal chiefs who claimed a right to

tribute on（if not ownership of）that territory.�� Furthermore, it appears that kinship

ties with the inland aborigines were more common in Checheng and Sheliao than among

settler communities further north along the southwest coast.��

The status of one influential resident of Sheliao, Le Gendre’s guide Mia（also

�0 I have relied on two recent MA theses for my data on this earlier history of Chinese settlements on the peninsula. See the theses by Gao Jiaxing and Zhou Yuling, cited in the bibliography.

�� Trade in shipwrecked goods as early as �850 is documented in Alexander Berries’ deposition, American Diplomatic and Public Papers: The United States and China. Series I, Vol ��, p. ��. Le Gendre estimated the population of Checheng at �000 “Fuhkien＂ (= Hoklo) residents in �86�; aboriginal products brought to Checheng to trade included: firewood, charcoal, deer horns, deer, otter, leopard, wild cat skins and [water] buffalo hides. He also noted that aborigines exchanged firewood for power, shot, clothing and matchlocks. See Le Gendre’s dispatch No. 4�, �� March �86�. In his �87� report, Hughes remarked that “savage curiosities, matchlocks, swords, embroidered jackets and pouches, belts of silver filagree work, &c., are exposed for sale [at Checheng].＂

�� Le Gendre, Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol III, p. �40.�� The prominence of aboriginal women in these communities may be the ultimate source of the differences

thus perceived by my historical informants; many were wives of headmen. I could not attempt any statistical comparison with the limited data at my disposal. See Le Gendre, Notes, vol III, p. ��8; Le Gendre �7 April �87� dispatch to Low; and James Horn, “Extract from Mr. James Horn's Journal,＂ in W. A. Pickering, Pioneering in Formosa: Recollections of Adventures among Mandarins, Wreckers, and Head-hunting Savages (London: Hurst and Blackett, �8�8), p. �88.

called Miya or “Yeu Tick-tchien” in the sources）, may help illustrate the intersection of

location, networks and historical contingency in structuring foreign impact on the lived

communities around the Bay. The growth in Mia’s elevated status in the hierarchy of

political networks on the peninsula may have depended upon several factors:（�）his

father's own status as headman of Sheliao;（�）Mia’s innate intellect, his political skills

and his linguistic abilities;（�）his parents’ connections with Tauketok（for his mother

had married in from one of Tauketok’s settlements and his father claimed to have

intimate relations with Tauketok）;（4）Mia’s experience serving as guide and

interpreter for foreigners, such as Le Gendre;（5）his service in the militia that General

Liu Mingdeng established in �867; and（6）his formal military ranking, received from

the Taiwan daotai in �87�, at Le Gendre's request.�4 Together these factors establish a

privileged position for the Sheliao headman's son. Furthermore, circumstantial evidence

suggests that Mia's service as foreign guide predated the arrival of Le Gendre on the

peninsula.�5 Nevertheless, Mia's prominence in the political hierarchy in southern

Formosa in the �860s and �870s depended to a remarkable degree on the political capital

that intruders like Le Gendre provided him. Sheliao and its favorable geographical

location enabled and initially structured these encounters; personal experience and

historical contingencies carried them to fruition.

Relationships between Hakka settlers and aborigines on the peninsula appear to be

even more complex than those found at Checheng and Sheliao. Geographical proximity

to inland aboriginal settlements structured these connections, for several Hakka villages

（e.g., Baoli）were closer to aboriginal communities than were their Hoklo counterparts

�4 This assessment is based on piecemeal information provided by Le Gendre in his official dispatches to the Secretary of State that document each of his trips to southern Taiwan. Much of this information was later repeated in Notes of Travel in Formosa, in each of the revised narratives of Le Gendre’s trips.

�5 See the testimony of Tek-Kwang, sole survivor of the Rover shipwreck, reprinted in Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Ex. Doc. No. �. Part I (Washington: Government Printing Office, �868).


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（e.g., Sheliao or Checheng）. Hakka headmen had more influence over Tauketok, Mudan

（牡丹）leaders and other northern aboriginal settlements than did Hoklo headmen. Hakka

intermediaries were involved in just about all of the encounters with foreigners recorded

in these years（e.g., the Rover wreck, the Horn wreck, the Ryukyu castaways

incident）.�6 Contemporary informants have provided evidence of Hakka meddling and

also Hakka influence. Some informants have argued that Tauketok and other aboriginal

headmen were dependent upon the Hakka at Baoli for their powder, shot, and guns, some

of which were manufactured at Baoli. On the other hand, Hakka headmen told Le

Gendre that they had to pay Tauketok annual tribute, though it was a sum far less than

they expected to pay a Qing tax collector.�7 Marriage ties between Baoli residents and

women from aboriginal communities are not specifically recorded in the historical

accounts I have examined. However, references to “half-castes” among the Baoli

population, as well as the closeness with which the Hakka interacted with aboriginal

settlements indicates that some form of marriage network between Baoli and

neighboring aborigines did exist. There is plenty of evidence to suggest that Hakka

settlers were advisers, weapons suppliers, trade partners, and overall general

collaborators with Tauketok and the settlements under his control. In fact, this

collaboration lasted throughout the period under study, for there were rumors of Hakka

weapon suppliers and spies assisting the Mudan and Gaoshifo（高士佛）leaders in �874,

long after Tauketok's death.�8

How do post-Rover encounters help us understand these contours of the political,

social and economic topography for the greater Hengchun peninsula? Several

�6 For details, see Le Gendre’s 7 Nov �867 dispatch; Le Gendre, Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol III, pp. ��6-��7, �06-�08, �77; Horn, �8�8, p. ��; and the pen conversations between Japanese military officers and local informants for �0 May �874 in the first volume of the local affairs diary, 《地方事物日誌，第一號，

明治七年五月十二日至三十日》.�7 Le Gendre, Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol. III, pp. �06-�08.�8 See the pen conversations between Japanese military officers and local informants for �0 May �874 in the

first volume of the local affairs diary.

possibilities are suggested in documents from the �860s and early �870s. The threat of

Qing military attack in August and September of �867 was communicated to Tauketok

by Baoli headman. These men also advised Tauketok on how to defend the inland

settlements, and provided the arms and military technology that（in their estimation）

would defend the Federation's settlements from Liu Mingdeng's army.�� Le Gendre's

preference for a negotiated settlement, suggested in a Pickering-Hakka meeting prior to

Le Gendre's arrival, provided a context in which Hakka middlemen could strengthen

their position vis-à-vis all parties. When Pickering led Tauketok's daughters back to

Baoli after their brief meeting with General Liu Mingdeng's representatives, he traced

the contours of the Hakka-Paiwan communication network, thereby reinforcing that

alliance.40 That Hakka porters were employed by Le Gendre half-way into Shemali for

his second visit in �86� suggests that such relations were common, perhaps ubiquitous;

Le Gendre's unease with these connections did not prevent his own personal use of

them.4�

These events remind us that cross-ethnic alliances were an integral characteristic of

the political and social topography of the peninsula, and these associations were also

influenced by increased Taiwanese engagement with the maritime world after �867.

While Pickering and Horn were attempting to locate and obtain Rover survivors（or

remains）in August �867, they were approached by Hoklo and Hakka leaders（of

Checheng and Baoli, respectively）, who were interested in collaborating to negotiate a

peaceful settlement to the crisis.4� However, informants from coastal villages told

Pickering that Hakka headmen were also supplying the Federation with arms and

ammunition. Thus, this Hoklo-Hakka alliance in the fall of �867 was unusual, doubted

by some participants, and temporary. On the other hand, these cross-ethnic alliances -----

�� Le Gendre, Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol. III, pp. ��6-��7.40 Le Gendre, Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol. III, pp. �4�-�50.4� Le Gendre, Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol. III, p. �66ff.4� Le Gendre, Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol. III, pp. �07-�08.


��


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whether it be the Baoli-Mudan defense alliances or Dashufang-Koalut trade associations

（described below）----- tell us that lived experiences of inter-community cooperation on

the peninsula were especially complex and dynamic.

Our attention must also turn to other sectors of the peninsula, in particular the

southern corner and the upper southwest coast. Longnuan（龍鑾）and Dashufang

（settlements on the southwestern tip of the peninsula）benefited from shipwrecks in that

vicinity and further south, and the anticipated profit from trade in shipwreck goods

induced headmen in Longnuan and Dashufang to encourage the aggressive actions of the

Koaluts towards foreigners who intruded upon their territory.4� Whether Longnuan or

Dashufang settlers were also responsible for creating the “ferocious Koalut” persona in

local rumors and among foreign observers is impossible to confirm; there is some

circumstantial evidence to suggest that they did.44 Furthermore, whether aborigine-

settler exchanges of goods and shipwreck survivors from this corner of the peninsula

also involved Sheliao, Dashufang, Longnuan, the pingpuzu settlements near Houdong

（猴洞）, or Hakka interpreters or traders is very hard to ascertain. On the other hand,

this trade in shipwreck goods does not seem limited to just a Dashufang-Longnuan

alliance. Coastal topography also influenced this history. Owing to the lack of active

and safe junk ports on the southern tip of the island, the Koaluts seem not to have

experienced the same form of trade dependence that has been associated with other

aboriginal settlements on the peninsula. The Koaluts benefited from a natural barrier to

their territory, one that also provided occasional commodities（shipwreck debris and

survivors）for which there was an outside market. Foreign gunboats transgressed the

boundaries of that territory in �867, but they did not transform the economic and

political contours of that environment. As I will show below, Koalut soldiers continued

4� See Appendix � for a record of these intrusions; they include some of the earliest encounters recorded in my data.

44 Le Gendre, Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol. III, pp. ��4-��5; see also III, p. �45, and James Horn, “Extract from Mr. James Horn’s Journal, ＂ p. �86.

to defend their territory from encroachment by the Japanese in �874 and by Imperial

Chinese Customs Service personnel in �875.45

Relations between settler communities and aboriginal settlements further north

along the southwestern coast reveal a different story. Between �867 and �874, northern

settlement aborigines on the peninsula were dependent upon the junk ports（e.g.,

Fenggang 楓港）for access to powder, shot and guns. On the other hand, exports from

these ports, which were traded up the seaport chain to Fangliao and then Dagou, also

included many goods obtained from trade with inland aboriginal villages.46 There were

several depots where this barter trade took place on a frequent and regular basis.

Residents of Fenggang（and perhaps other settlements on the coast）paid annual tribute

to the aborigines（especially to Saprek 射不力）as rent/tax on the land they farmed.47

It also appears that aboriginal military power（measured by the higher level of settler

fear of aboriginal attacks）was stronger in this part of the peninsula. Although there is

some evidence that a few Hoklo residents（in Fenggang, for example）could

communicate with the aborigines in their own language, the only evidence of marriage

ties in my sources are brief references to the “half-caste” residents of Fenggang.48

45 For details of the �875 encounter, see M. Beazeley, “Notes of an Overland Journey through the Southern Part of Formosa in �875, from Takow to the South Cape, with Sketch Map,＂ Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society and Monthly Record of Geography n.s. 7 (January �885), pp. �-��.

46 Chinese informants made this claim to Japanese officers on �0 May �874; see the first volume of the local affairs diary. Hughes’ �87� report has records of exports, listing firewood, deer-horns and sinews.

47 Le Gendre claimed that inhabitants of Hong-kong [= Fenggang] owed allegiance and paid tribute to the Takoubouns/Takubien, the Sapoulais /Saprêk, the Qumans/Kay-uan/Kvaian and the Kowsa Kouts [= Gaoshifo], all of which are mere branches of the Boutan [= Mudan]; see Notes, vol. III, pp. ��5-��6.

48 See the late May �874 information collected by Japanese officers and cited in the local affairs diary. Similar documentation from the official military record for the Fenggang Japanese base camp gives more detail on the aboriginal threat as it was experienced by local Chinese settlers.


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（4）Le Gendre's influence

I believe that we must acknowledge not only the importance but also the growth of

Charles Le Gendre's influence on the political economy of the peninsula from his first

appearance in April �867 till the ascension of the Japanese military, after the Stone Gate

（石門）battle in mid-May �874. This influence can be measured in several ways: �）

Le Gendre's actual presence in an ever expanding area of the peninsula, culminating in

his meeting with Tauketok at Zhulaoshu in �87�; �）the growing recognition by

Tauketok and some（but not all）of his subordinate chiefs that Le Gendre was a

constructive influence for peace and order on the peninsula, as well as the provider of

useful commodities on an irregular basis; �）the terms of the treaty that Le Gendre was

able to negotiate in �867, which may have reduced aboriginal violence and saved a

number of castaways; and 4）the usefulness（to British and Japanese forces arriving on

site in �874）of the personal relationships with residents that Le Gendre had cultivated

from �867 to �87�. On the other hand, Le Gendre's influence did not extend northward

from Checheng along the southwest coast, nor did it reach into the Sichong River（四重溪）

valley or into any of the settlements in the northern quadrant of the peninsula.4� Rather, he

was a “southern peninsula” fellow. Furthermore, his influence did have adverse effects,

such as his proposal to bring Tauketok and Esuck together on better terms in �87�, an act

that may have increased tensions between the two leaders.50 Finally, the sum of Le

Gendre's visits, alliances, and negotiated settlements did not result in a successful bid for

greater official Qing management of this part of the Taiwan frontier.

4� A note of caution to the reader here. I am not attempting to rationalize Le Gendre’s aggressive actions in this paragraph; an in-depth analysis of his machinations will be saved for a later paper. I am merely arguing that Le Gendre played a very prominent role in this part of the history of the peninsula.

50 Le Gendre’s �7 April �87� dispatch; Le Gendre, Notes of Travel in Formosa, vol. III, p. �47.

5. Assessing the Qing presence, 1867-1874

The might of the Chinese military was not tested on the Hengchun peninsula prior

to �875. When Liu Mingdeng had the chance to invade and occupy this frontier region

in the fall of �867, Charles Le Gendre urged him to camp his troops and support Le

Gendre's efforts to negotiate a truce with Tauketok and his allies. After General Liu left the

peninsula with his army in late �867 and did not attack aboriginal settlements as his

proclamations had declared he would, local Chinese settlers suffered from a resurgence in

aboriginal aggression. Residents of Fenggang and Citongjiao（莿桐腳）told Japanese

soldiers in the summer of �874 that inland aborigines returned after Liu's army had

exited the region in �867, and exploited them, the settlers, even worse than they had

before.5� Perhaps these Hoklo informants were motivated by the realities of the military

situation in �874 to recount only a partial history of Fenggang-Paiwan relations.5� On

the other hand, Tauketok and his advisors in the Federation had anticipated that a major

battle with Qing forces would take place in the fall of �867. When that conflict did not

occur and the Qing army retreated from the region instead, Tauketok and other

Federation headmen must have concluded that their own prowess helped to chase the

Qing military away. Increased aggression by aboriginal forces against Chinese settlers

in parts of the peninsula after �867 was the outcome of that first encounter. A few

settlers articulated even more serious consequences of the Qing retreat. Informants near

Fenggang told a Japanese patrol in mid-May, �874 that the murders of the Ryukyu

castaways in late �87� should be attributed to the failure of Liu Mingdeng to use his

army to destroy the Mudan aborigines.5� This assessment of Qing military weakness had

become local knowledge as early as �87�.

5� See, for example, the Fenggang Japanese camp reports for �4 August �874.5� A more difficult task is the reconstruction of this history from a number of different local perspectives, in

particular that of aborigine residents of the Fenggang area.5� Wang Mashou was the informant; he was interviewed on the �6th of May, �874; see Commander Fukushima


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According to sources available to us today, it appears that the Qing military

retreated from the lower Hengchun peninsula some time in late �867, returned a small

contingent of soldiers to Fangliao in the summer or fall of �87�, but did not increase

their presence in any substantial way until after the Japanese army had left Taiwan in the

fall of �874.54 Sporadic attempts by the Chinese military to gather information during

these years have been recorded. For example, reports on the James Horn shipwreck of

late �86� suggest that Qing officials in Taiwan sent a small delegation（one officer and

eight soldiers）as far south as Checheng to retrieve seventeen castaways in early �870.55

However, the same response was not provided for survivors of the Loudoun Castle

wreck in August �87� nor for the survivors of the Ryukyu shipwrecks a few months

later.56 The “governor of Formosa” had assured Le Gendre in February �870 that a

military station would be established at Fangliao, with a garrison of Qing regulars and

local militia under the command of volunteer officers at Fenggang and Langqiao, but

when Le Gendre visited Fangliao in early �87�, he found only a military messenger

there, and nothing more substantial further south.57

This lack of an official（and specifically military）Qing presence south of Fangliao

was a constant complaint articulated by Le Gendre in his communications with Qing

bureaucrats stationed in Taiwan, as well as their superiors in Fuzhou. Le Gendre sought

the establishment of a fort on the southern tip of the peninsula, in close proximity to the

to Okuma, “Native conditions on arrival of the ships in Langqiao, plus pen conversation, etc.,＂ Okuma papers, A-��, vol. �.

54 The most comprehensive collection of intelligence on the Qing military presence on the peninsula can be found in Le Gendre's dispatch No. 7�, �7 April �87�, to Frederick Low, U.S. Minister, Peking, which includes a variety of enclosures. See also the enclosures to Le Gendre’s dispatch No. 8�, �7 September �87�, to Frederick Low, U.S. Minister, Peking.

55 Le Gendre’s 4 May �870 dispatch to S.S. Williams.56 Pelham Warren, HBM Assistant Consul, Takao, letter dated �0 November �87�; enclosed in Le Gendre

dispatch No. �0�, �� February �87�, to Admiral John Rodgers, U.S. Colorado.57 See Le Gendre’s dispatch No. 5�, 4 May �870, to S.S. Williams; his dispatch No. �0�, �� February �87�,

to Admiral Rodgers; and his dispatch No. 7�, �7 April �87�, to Frederick Low. Each of these dispatches contains translations of communications from Chinese officials.

dangerous seas of the South Cape. On the one hand, Le Gendre thought such a fort

would be a haven for shipwrecked sailors, and on the other, he assumed a military station

manned by Qing regulars would deepen official commitment to managing the region and

maintaining order. Local Qing officials thought otherwise. Rather than stimulate

aboriginal suspicion or risk increased inter-ethnic tension, they thought it would be better

to station civil and military officers at a distance（such as near Fangliao）and leave the

governing of lower peninsular villages and settlements to headmen “chosen by the local

people.” 58

This impasse continued until Le Gendre resigned from his post as U.S. consul in

Xiamen in late �87�. In March of that year, a “communication of proceedings” had

been signed by Le Gendre and Qing officials in Taiwanfu, stating their disparate

opinions, but agreeing to propose the transfer of a military officer and soldiers to

Fangliao, to reopen the road from Fangliao to Fenggang, and to ask their superiors（on

both sides）to consider making plans for erecting a lighthouse（rather than a fort）on

the southern tip of the peninsula.5� Although Le Gendre received word from Qing

officials in southern Formosa that the road had been reopened by late August, he had no

independent confirmation of the establishment of a greater military presence in Fangliao.

Neither did the pessimistic views of officials in charge of the road project give Le

Gendre any reason to expect a change in policy implementation. Returning from an

inspection tour of the new road（which was little more than a footpath in some mountain

sections）in July, the magistrate and his military escort were ambushed near Fangliao,

and two militia soldiers were killed. The magistrate's response to this event reveals to us

both the frustration（and prejudices）of Qing frontier management and the dangers

associated with life on the peninsula for settler families:

58 See enclosure No. � to Le Gendre dispatch No. 5�, 4 May �870, to S.S. Williams.5� See the English translation of this memo, enclosure No. �� to Le Gendre dispatch No 7�, �7 April �87�, to

Frederic Low.


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After this, the road being opened, people must pass. But how are they to protect

themselves? Truly I cannot see how they can do it. And how can the murderers be

seized? Consul Lee [Le Gendre], when the road was opened, thought that if a boat was

wrecked, soldiers would protect the crew along this road. But the savages know nothing

about law, they never try to be good, and if a vessel is wrecked, and the crew while

passing along the road get hurt, what can we do? When I considered all these things I

felt as though I was standing on water. When people in any of the villages are killed by

the savages, they never report the matter to the government. I called the relatives and

friends of the two men who were killed, and though they said nothing against the

government, yet I could judge what they felt in their hearts and pitied them.60

6. Invading the Hengchun peninsula: Imposing force and transforming communities, 1874

As there is an extensive historiography on the Japanese invasion of southern Taiwan

in �874, I need not reiterate the details of that army's arrival in early May, the “decisive”

Stone Gate battles in late May, or the Japanese army's attacks against aboriginal

settlements on the northern sector of the Hengchun peninsula that followed.

Assessments of battlefield successes, aboriginal resistance, and native collaboration are

contested, and differences in perspective will not easily lead to any consensus on these

matters. My attention has been drawn to the impact of the invasion, including its

military maneuvers, the army's encampment on the southwest coast, and the expansion

60 Extract from the report of the Zhanghua and Fengshan magistrates, on the re-opening of the road from Fangliao to Fenggang, �5 August �87�, enclosure No. � to Le Gendre dispatch No. 8�, �7 September �87�, to Low.

of military patrols to other parts of the peninsula. Though my sources are primarily

official reports compiled by members of the Japanese military or those who accompanied

them, I believe they reveal important changes in the social, economic and political

topography of the Hengchun peninsula that can be documented. That is the goal of the

sections that follows.

（�）Society-making effects

Scattered settlements remained the primary site of aboriginal and settler habitation

throughout the months of the Japanese invasion. Japanese attacks against the settlements

of Mudan, Gaoshifo and Ernai（爾奶）in late May and early June forced residents of

those settlements to flee to the north. It appears that these communities did not return to

their original location for some time, if at all. In contrast, the Koaluts on the southern tip

of the peninsula continued to maintain a defensive posture with regard to defining and

protecting the boundaries of their territorial community. On �6 May, Koalut soldiers

fired upon Japanese surveying boats in the vicinity of the lower southeast leg of the

peninsula. Japanese forces did not retaliate because of the rapid escalation of conflicts

with Mudan warriors, which diverted their attention elsewhere. 6� Though the Koalut

headman did attend surrender ceremonies with Esuck（temporary leader of the

Federation of �8 Settlements）in early June, there is no indication that he or his soldiers

altered their practice of maintaining a tight control of the perimeter of their territory. In

�875, when representatives of the Imperial Chinese Customs Service sought access to

that land in order to locate a lighthouse there, Koalut soldiers again presented obstacles

to that party's advancement.6� Territorial communities on the peninsula, then, were

6� Edward H. House, The Japanese Expedition to Formosa, p. 70.6� M. Beazeley, “Notes of an Overland Journey through the Southern Part of Formosa in �875, from Takow to

the South Cape, with Sketch Map,＂ Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society and Monthly Record of Geography n.s. 7 (�885).


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impacted quite differently by the invading Japanese forces, but the legacy of scattered

residence in established settlements does not appear to have been transformed by this

new foreign intrusion.

Nevertheless, I cannot conclude from this evidence that intra-community rivalries

abated as a result of this new foreign threat. If priestesses in Zhulaoshu discouraged

further Federation aggression against foreigners in the summer of �867, so did surviving

elders of the Mudan settlement urge an immediate surrender to the Japanese in August,

�874. Youth in Mudan, on the other hand, vigorously opposed that stance and instead

sought revenge for the slaughter of their comrades at Stone Gate on the ��nd of May, as

well as for the destruction of their villages in the invasions that followed.6� In this latter

case, the death of the older Mudan headman at Stone Gate no doubt enabled this

bifurcation of opinion. His death ultimately led to a restructuring of the political

leadership of Mudan and its two sister communities.64

Official records suggest that a bifurcation of cross-ethnic, cross-community

alliances began to develop on the peninsula as a consequence of Japanese intrusions. On

the one hand, alliances between Sheliao and southern settlements of the Federation grew

stronger as Japanese communications with leaders of those aboriginal settlements were

funneled through Mia, the Sheliao headman's son. Because the Japanese main camp was

situated on the shores of Langqiao Bay, meetings with southern Paiwan headman were

often held on the “neutral territory” of Sheliao. Edward House recorded the marriage of

a young woman from Shemali to Mia's nephew very soon after the defeat of the Mudan

group at Stone Gate.65 It's likely that this union had important political implications for

the communities involved.

6� General Saigo to Okuma, “Skulls of the Ryukyu castaways and the surrender of the Mudan, etc.,＂ Okuma papers, A-��, Part �, vol. �.

64 Gao Jiaxing, MA thesis, pp. 47, 4�-50.65 Edward H. House, “Formosa: The Japanese Forces in a Position to Bring the Pirates to Terms,＂ New York

Herald (�0 August �874); House’s byline was “�0 June �874, Sheliao.＂

Likewise, the Hakka leaders of Baoli and Tongpu（統埔）enhanced their connections

with leaders of the estranged settlements of Mudan, Gaoshifo and Ernai, when they

served as the conduit for Japanese requests for aboriginal surrenders. These Hakka

headmen also obstructed the machinations of Qing messengers, who were attempting to

prevent the transfer of Ryukyu skulls（of the �87� shipwrecked sailors）into the

Japanese camp. It may be significant that Baoli headmen sought out the assistance of

Zhulaoshu leaders rather than Shemali's Esuck in their most urgent attempts to convince

the new Mudan leadership to surrender to the Japanese military.66 However, as my

sources provide very little information on the leadership of the Zhulaoshu settlement

during this period, this puzzle awaits further attention.

It would surprise no one to learn that during periods of crisis（such as the fall of

�867 or May, �874）, conflict resolution among peninsular communities was threatened

by the lack of willing interpreter-mediators. The regular work of these individuals（men

and women）was curtailed by the dangers of movement between communities or, in

some cases, by their very deaths. Informants at Fenggang told Japanese officers in May

that previously there had been only two individuals who understood the local aboriginal

[Sapoulais 射不力？ ] language well enough to serve as intermediaries, and both of those

interpreters had been killed in recent aboriginal raids on their community.67 Thus, if war

or the threat of war actually strengthened some alliances across ethnic boundaries, it also

threatened a tenuous status quo in cross-community relations elsewhere on the peninsula.

My evidence would suggest, though, that foreign involvement, both by Le Gendre and

the Japanese, directed resources and influence into inter-community ties that otherwise

might have floundered in the face of violent conflict.

66 See the �� August �874 pen conversation in General Saigo to Okuma, “Skulls of the Ryukyu castaways and the surrender of the Mudan, etc.,＂ Okuma papers, A-��, Part �, vol. �. The machinations of Zhou Youji and the complex transactions involving the skulls are described in great detail in this document.

67 Japanese Expedition bureau May �874 documents.


��


��



（�）Economy-making factors

Foreign travelogues and official reports for the �850-�875 period suggest that trade

and communication on the peninsula was highly compartmentalized prior to �850（and

perhaps even as late as �867）, so that each junk port or exchange depot facilitated trade

with a small number of aboriginal communities in the immediate neighborhood. I do

recognize that connected to each of these trading centers were thin lines or a shallow

network that structured the migration of some goods into the interior from the junk ports

or channeled aboriginal products out of the interior to the coast for export. If later

research proves this to be the situation prior to �867, then one could argue that a

transformation of this trade pattern occurred when armies（Qing and Japanese）moved

across extant market networks in �867 and �874.

Aggregate economic changes caused by these new local-foreign commodity

networks are difficult to determine with any accuracy.68 However, the immediate

increase in the absolute value of exchange following the establishment of a Japanese

base camp at Langqiao Bay in May �874 is documented. In the early days of that new

camp, Sheliao and Checheng provided hundreds of laborers, who assisted in the

construction of Japanese fortifications. Foodstuffs needed to feed the large Japanese

army were also procured from the surrounding villages. These exchanges in labor and

goods also engendered conflicts between settlers and the Japanese intruders over wages,

prices, and even local access to the villagers' own land. Although mediation of a timely

nature helped resolve many of the more substantial issues, official diaries from the main

camp as well as a subordinate camp at Fenggang document the continuation of such

conflicts until the Japanese left the island.6� Though a final assessment of the overall

68 A calculation of the labor and goods procured by the Langqiao Bay Japanese army camp might be accomplished by extensively mining all of the reports sent back to Japan by Japanese officers.

6� The affairs diary for May for the Japanese base camp at Langqiao and the documents of the Japanese camp at Fenggang contain an abundance of information on these exchanges and the conflicts that occurred.

impact of these new markets on the trade networks across the peninsula must await

comprehensive examination, my research suggests that important changes in the

economic history of the peninsula might be attributed to these foreign troops and their

needs.

One formidable question remains: Was the growing independence of the Mudan-

aligned settlements after �86� predicated upon their access to new sources of weapons

and ammunition no longer controlled by Tauketok? Intelligence collected by Japanese

patrols in �874 provides some evidence that Fenggang（and perhaps junk ports to the

north）had begun to supply more and more military goods to Mudan and its allies.70 If

this is so, then one might look to this aggregate economic history to better understand the

intra-Federation disputes that predated the murder of Ryukyu castaways in late �87�.

（�）State-making capacities

The influence of foreign military powers gradually increased after �850. At first,

the impact was limited to gunboat harassment following the loss of（or the fear of

potential deaths of）foreign castaways to aboriginal violence, but Le Gendre's

aggressive meddling（both his own involvement and that of his representatives）gave

this foreign intrusion a more personal and regular face. With the arrival of the Japanese

forces in May �874, the whole dynamic of local-foreign interaction changed. Whether

this larger and more mobile foreign presence transformed the political landscape beyond

recognition is a question that will be answered by extensive research into the post-�874

period. Nevertheless, several important trends can be detected. The formal “surrender”

of headmen from the southern settlements of the federation on � June �874 provides us

with an event that elucidates these trends.

70 See the pen conversations collected in Commander Fukushima’s report to Okuma, Okuma papers, A-��, vol. �, as well as pen conversations included in the documents from the Fenggang Japanese camp.


�4


�5



In his report of this meeting, Edward House remarked that Issa [= Esuck] and the

other chiefs under his guidance were sent for; they did not come on their own.7� At their

first meeting with the Japanese commanders and the American advisors, this was also the

case. However, several reports tell us that Esuck initiated his second meeting with the

Japanese authorities soon after the Stone Gate battle; his gift of livestock（cattle, pigs

and chickens）signaled his interest in new talks.7� From House's record we also learn of

a side attraction whose greater significance escaped the attention of this American

journalist. On the 8th of June �874, the Sheliao headman's house had been the site of a

wedding; Mia's nephew took a young woman from the Shemali settlement for his bride.7�

Esuck and the headmen of other Federation settlements had come to Sheliao with two

hundred armed men; James Johnson（Le Gendre's former interpreter, now working for

the Japanese army）advised Esuck to send the armed escort back into the hills, and he

did. However, Esuck probably used the pretext of this wedding to retain some of his

forces closer at hand in Sheliao. He, too, did not trust the Japanese.

The formal presentation of protection flags by the Japanese military occurred on the

�th ----- during the daylight hours, in contrast to Esuck's second meeting with the Japanese

commanders, which had occurred at Sheliao late at night.74 Earlier that morning, the

headmen from Kuchilai（加知來）and Kaotan（probably Houdong, a pingpuzu village

southeast of Sheliao）had already met with the Japanese commander, General Saigo, to

proclaim that they intended no violence towards the Japanese forces but now sought

Japanese protection. When General Saigo met Esuck and his allied headmen later that

day, Saigo presented flags of protection to each leader, indicating that each headman was

7� House, “Formosa: The Japanese Forces in a Position to Bring the Pirates to Terms,＂; Jas W. Wasson's report agrees; see his � June entry in Wasson, [Report of �875], Manuscript, Le Gendre papers, Library of Congress.

7� Edward H. House, The Japanese Expedition to Formosa, p. �4.7� Edward H. House, “Formosa: The Japanese Forces in a Position to Bring the Pirates to Terms,＂ House was

perceptive enough to remark that inter-community marriage was not uncommon and woman were allowed to circulate freely in every part of the peninsula.

74 Edward H. House, The Japanese Expedition to Formosa, p. �8.

responsible for his own community:

These（protecting flags）were received by Issa, of Samali（射麻里）; Kalutoi, of Mantsiu

（蚊蜶）; Sinjiu, of Pakolut（巴龜律）; Lulin, of Loput（羅佛）; Pinali, of Lingluan

（龍鑾）; Minat, of Tuilasok（豬朥束）, and a representative of the Koalut（龜仔律）

leader. 75

Saigo then warned the aboriginal headmen not to give shelter to the Mudan or the

Kussikuts. He asked Esuck to allow a Japanese landing on his territory on the east coast,

and after some hesitation, Esuck gave his consent; payment for the rent of this land,

however, was declined by the chief. With the ceremony completed, the Japanese

renewed their invitation to Esuck to visit the base camp and see the modern technology

and training that had made the Japanese army so powerful. After first declining the offer,

Esuck changed his mind. In his record of this visit, House described the boat ride across

the river from Sheliao to the camp, which brought much anxiety to the Koalut

representative ----- actually the headman, though his identity had been concealed till very

late in the meeting. Esuck requested some treatment for an eye ailment, and he was

examined by a Japanese military physician. General Saigo presented each headman with

colored cloth and pictures. Official Japanese records state that the aboriginal leaders

were impressed by the parading of the soldiers. Japanese expectations had been met on

all accounts.76

The formal “surrender” of aboriginal settlements to General Saigo at the Guishan

（龜山）camp, or to Japanese officers in charge of the regional camp at Fenggang, was a

novel act that had not previously been experienced.77 Headmen, elders, and sometimes

75 Edward H. House, “Formosa: The Japanese Forces in a Position to Bring the Pirates to Terms,＂ .76 This record is based on Edward H. House’s New York Herald report; Wasson’s report contains a few

additional details.77 The Fenggang Japanese camp documents are perhaps the best source for an analysis of these encounters.


�6


�7



entire village “militia” turned out to participate in these ceremonies. In some instances,

the process of surrender reproduced a local political hierarchy that reflected the web of

power relationships that had previously existed in the region. The first spontaneous

exchanges of Japanese protection flags for aborigines' promises of friendship were

quickly replaced by formal ceremonies whose participants behaved according to “rules”

established by the Japanese authorities. Settlement headmen（and their supporters）

were invited into the Japanese camp. Saigo or his representative gave a formal speech

that either chastised the settlement headman for daring to oppose the Japanese or

narrated the acts of collaboration by “friendly” aborigines. This speech sometimes

explained the nature of future Japanese protection; it always outlined the type of

cooperation expected by settlement headmen receiving protection flags. Then protection

flags, written certificates, sometimes a seal and always gifts were given by the Japanese

officers to the headmen. Subsequently, aboriginal representatives were often invited to

witness a military parade, both at the Guishan base camp and in Fenggang. It is clear

that the Japanese intent behind such ceremonies was the establishment of a subservient

relationship between the aborigines and the Japanese military. However, the historical

record shows that these “surrenders” did not mean the cessation of hostility, especially

against settler communities.78

One might also wonder how these ceremonies were interpreted by Esuck,

Federation headmen, settlement elders, or younger, dissenting warriors. If Tauketok's

agreement with Le Gendre in �867（codified into a written contract in �86� and

reaffirmed in �87�）manifested itself in the eyes of aborigines and foreign consuls as

implementing a type of international treaty, then were the “surrender” ceremonies

interpreted by Federation headmen and elders in the same fashion? Possession of a flag,

Abstracting a non-official perspective from these texts, however, will be quite a challenge.78 Official reports from Fenggang near the end of the Japanese occupation, for example, give evidence of new

attacks on settlers in that area by aborigines who had “surrendered＂ to the Japanese.

a seal and a certificate（all of which were given powerful meaning through an

orchestrated, solemn ceremony）symbolized at least a minimum form of agreement

between the Japanese government and individual aboriginal settlements. By that

agreement, headmen promised to remain peaceful, to deny refuge to Japan's enemies,

and to allow passage of the Japanese military across Federation territory. In exchange,

the Japanese military promised to recognize settlement boundaries and to protect

settlement residents from raids by their enemies. In short, settlements engaged in a level

of cooperation with military officials of the new Meiji nation, and the broad range of

these exchanges had not been witnessed or experienced prior to �874. Le Gendre's

previous meetings and agreements with Tauketok do not rise to this same level of

complexity; neither did those of the Qing bureaucrats.

What had become of the Federation of �8 Settlements in this new dispensation?

Did its health and usefulness to member settlements depend solely upon the political

skill, integrity and military might of the Federation chief, or had this political alliance

suffered general damage in �874 that could not be repaired? There is some evidence to

suggest that the formal position of the headman of Zhulaoshu settlement still held

political purchase within the Federation in �874, despite the encroachment on this

leadership and privilege by Esuck and the headmen of settlements other than Shemali.

Historical sources record the presence of Tauketok's adopted son（though it's not always

clear that this is Pan Wenjie 潘文杰）in several of Esuck's meetings with the Japanese,

though his influence is never mentioned. The Zhulaoshu headman（probably one of

Pan's elders）played an important mediating role in negotiations that led to the formal

surrender of the Mudan soldiers and their allied settlements to the Japanese in August,

�874. On the other hand, Esuck denied any responsibility for the northern settlements

（Mudan and Gaoshifo）when he obtained protection flags from General Saigo earlier in

June. This was in contrast to Esuck's repeated attempts to discipline the Koaluts for

aggressive behavior toward the Japanese military, which threatened to provoke foreign

retaliation. These disparate actions suggest that the Federation of �8 Settlements no


�8


��



longer functioned to mobilize and coordinate the resources（economic and political）of

�8 aboriginal settlements on the Hengchun peninsula nor to mediate the conflicts that

arose among the Federation's constituents. In contrast, records from �867 tell us that the

Federation was performing those very functions throughout the territory of its member

settlements when Le Gendre first entered the region, escorted by Liu Mingdeng's

military force, in �867.

7. Conclusions

In my introduction, I noted that the aim of this paper was to explore whether the

constitution of（and relationships among）lived communities on the Hengchun

peninsula were changed by foreign intrusion. Here at the end, I have concluded that they

were and also that they were not. Let me explain.

Legacy settlements（Chinese and aboriginal）and their territorial boundaries were

foundational components of society-making on the Hengchun peninsula in �850 and

they remained paramount structures in �874. Some communities（for example Mudan

and her sister villages of Ernai and Gaoshifo）were forced from their homes by foreign

invasion, or their numbers were diminished through wars with foreign（and local）

opponents. Migration, marriage and maturation（whether individual- or community-

specific）may have altered the composition of these communities, but such processes

did not transform the constitution of the settlements and towns I have studied, at least not

during the �850-�874 period.7� Intra-community rivalries may have challenged the

established lines of authority during moments of crisis, but none of these conflicts

7� During the course of my research, I collected all of the demographic data I could locate on the various aborigine settlements on the peninsula; this data was included in Appendix � of the original paper, but I have omitted it from this final version. That data was insufficient (in detail, accuracy and time range) and, therefore, could not contribute substantively to the conclusions of the present work.

destroyed the constitution of legacy communities. On the contrary, it appears that

settlements remained the foundational institution in which settler and aboriginal

communal life was experienced.

The contours of inter-community alliances appear less stable（or perhaps more

dynamic）in comparison. Shared economic interests reinforced the symbiotic Koalut-

Longnuan-Dashufang alliance throughout the �5 years of this study. However, similar

exchange networks in the northwest corner of the peninsula did not engender such a

tight-knit alliance between Fenggang settlers and their aboriginal neighbors. It's likely

that the defense ties connecting Mudan with Gaoshifo and Ernai in �874 emerged during

the period under study; they were more the product of intra-Federation disputes（in

�87�）and the Japanese attacks（of �874）than the reproduction of any extant legacy

alliance.

Perhaps because of this relative instability and the crises that foreign intrusion

produced, the mechanisms for cross-ethnic, cross-community negotiation and exchange

developed and multiplied during the �850-�874 period, undiminished in the long run by

local skirmishes. Interpreters and guides employed by foreigners（or outsiders）are but

one form of this mediation, and the importance of interpreter-guides in the larger scheme

of things may be more the product of extant historical records than the absolute

contributions these individuals made to cross-community communication. Another

group, unnamed older women ----- nearly all labeled “aborigine” wives of headmen -----

seem to appear just as frequently as the Mias in my sources. Their existence and

recorded activities indicate that cross-community mediators were “born” at the

intersection of kinship connections, munitions markets, and castaway exchanges.

Furthermore, the regularity of their mediation suggests that a gendered analysis of the

historical constitution and reproduction of frontier communities is long overdue.

If settlements retained their foundational role in the reproduction of lived

communities, the same is not true for the disciplining, mediating or mobilizing capacities

of the Federation of �8 Settlements. Historical records magnify the voices of Federation


40


4�



leaders（such as Tauketok and Esuck）, and the transcripts of major encounters between

these men and foreign officials（such as Le Gendre and Saigo）sketch these federation

chiefs in very bold outlines, surrounded by a well-armed contingent of aboriginal

soldiers. Nevertheless, dissenters emerge from the corners of these portraits, whenever

they are exposed to a critical lens. I believe that the Federation of �8 Settlements served

more as a forum for articulating disparate opinions from �867 to �874 than as a coalition

among aboriginal settlements to defend territory and resources.

The sea-land dynamics in southern Taiwan in this age of increased trade and

exploration require additional analysis. However, certain contours appear less fuzzy

than others. Settler communities in the Langqiao valley or along the southeastern leg of

the peninsula were much less integrated into the networks of junk（and later steamship）

trade than the southwest coastal ports of Fangliao, Checheng, and Sheliao. Likewise,

aboriginal settlements on the northeastern corner of the peninsula had fewer ties to these

seaborne sources of munitions and export markets than aboriginal villages in the vicinity

of Fenggang or the Langqiao Bay. Piecemeal evidence suggests that the territorial

boundaries of some settlements（such as Koalut or Zhulaoshu）extended out into the

sea. Whether that movement beyond the confines of the land involved only the defense

of settlement territory or whether it also included an active aboriginal engagement in the

coastal trade networks along the southwestern and southeastern shores is not yet clear

from the sources employed for this paper. What has been documented is the impact

carried onto the Hengchun peninsula by foreign steamships and gunboats from afar.

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�: 8-�; �: �0-��.�87� “Visit to Tok-e-Tok, Chief of the Eighteen Tribes, Southern Formosa.＂ Proceedings of the

Royal Geographical Society of London �6: �65-�7�.

Ibis, Paul �876 “Ekskursiia na Formozu.＂ Morskoi Sbornik �5�, i: neoffitsial’nyi otdel, ��-�4�; �5�, ii:

neoffitsial’nyi otdel, ��-�4�.�877 “Auf Formosa: Ethnographische Wanderungen.＂ Globus ��: �4�-�5�, �67-�7�, �8�-�87,

��6-�00, ��4-��, ��0-��5.

Le Gendre, Charles Wm.7 November �867 Dispatch [to the Secretary of State]. Dispatches from U.S. consuls, Amoy,

United States National Archives.�� November �867 Dispatch No. 4�, to W.H. Seward, Secretary of State. Dispatches from U.S.

consuls, Amoy.


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�86� Reports. United States. House of Representatives. Message of the President of the United States, and Accompanying Documents, to the Two Houses of Congress at the Commencement of the 3rd session of the 40th Congress. Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States. Ex. Doc. No. �. Part I. Washington: Gov't Printing Office.

�� March �86� Dispatch No. 4�, to J.R. Browne, U.S. Minister, Peking. Dispatches from U.S. Consuls, Amoy.

4 May �870 Dispatch No. 5�, to S.S. Williams, Charge d'Affairs, Peking. Dispatches from U.S. Consuls, Amoy.

�� February �87� Dispatch No. �0�, to Admiral John Rodgers, U.S. Colorado. Dispatches from U.S. Consuls, Amoy.

�7 April �87� Dispatch No. 7�, to Frederick F. Low, U.S. Minister, Peking. Dispatches from U.S. Consuls, Amoy.

�8 April �87� Dispatch No. �68, to Assistant Secretary of State. Dispatches from U.S. Consuls, Amoy.

�7 September �87� Dispatch No. 8�, to Frederick Low, U.S. Minister, Peking. Dispatches from U.S. Consuls, Amoy.

[�875] Notes of travel in Formosa. Le Gendre papers, Library of Congress.

Man, Alexander. �8�� “Formosa: An Island with a Romantic History.＂ The Imperial and Asiatic Quarterly Review

and Oriental and Colonial Record �nd series 4（�8��）: 56-7�.

Nye, Gideon. ��7� “Notes upon Formosa.＂ pp. �7�-��6 in Jules Davids, ed. American Diplomatic and Public

Papers: The United States and China. Series �: The Treaty System and the Taiping Rebellion, �84�-�860. Vol ��, Formosa. Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources. The Depositions of Alexander Berries (especially) and William Blake seem to have supplied most of the detail which appear in the Chinese Repository. These are published in the same volume of American Diplomatic and Public Papers, pp. ��-��: Document no. 7, Letter. F.T. Bush (U.S. Consul at HK) to Peter Parker, Enclosure no. �8, �� July �85�, China Dispatches, Vol. 6.

Pickering, W.A. �8�8 Pioneering in Formosa: Recollections of Adventures among Mandarins, Wreckers, and Head-

hunting Savages. London: Hurst and Blackett.

Plauchut, Edmond �876 “Formose et l'expédition Japonaise＂ [Formosa and the Japanese expedition]. pp. �-54 in C.

Lévy, ed. Les Armées de la Civilisation. Les Quatre Campagnes Militaires de 1874: Les Japonais à Formose. Les Français au Tonkin. Les Anglais à la Côte d'Or. Les Hollandais à Sumatra, suivi de la Traite des Coolies à Macao. �e édition [Texte imprimé]. Paris: Michel Lévy.

Ritchie, Hugh �875 “Notes of a Journey in East Formosa.＂ The Chinese Recorder and Missionary Journal 6:

�06-��.�875 “Letters from China.＂ The Messenger and Missionary Record 8: ��6.

Stanley, George �867 “Formosa South and West Coast.＂ Nautical Magazine �6: �5�-�58.

Swinhoe, Robert �85� “Narrative of a Visit to the Island of Formosa.＂ Journal of the North-China Branch of the

Royal Asiatic Society �, ii: �45-�64.�866 � April �865, Letter from Takao. The Ibis �nd Ser. �: �57.�866 “A voice on Ornithology from Formosa.＂ The Ibis �nd ser. �: ��-��8, ��-��6, ��-406.

[Letters dated Takow, S.W. Formosa, � October �865, �0 December �865, � February �866 and Amoy, 8 March �866.] Note: The last section describes a trip into the interior that he made; but unfortunately it does not tell us much about that area.

�866 “Additional Notes on Formosa.＂ Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society of London �0: ��-��8.

Warren, Pelham, H.M. Consulate, Takao.�0 Nov �87� Report. Enclosure No. [5]. Le Gendre, Peking, �7 October �874 memo to Okuma. Le Gendre papers, Library of Congress.

Wasson, Jas W�875 Manuscript. Le Gendre papers, Library of Congress.

Williams, S. Wells ��0 “A Journal of the Perry Expedition to Japan（�85�-�854）.＂ Transactions of the Asiatic

Society of Japan �7, ii.

Wirth, Albrecht. �8�8 Geschichte Formosas bis Anfang 1898 [History of Formosa up to the beginning of �8�8].

Bonn: Verlag von Carl Georgi, Universitats-Buchdruckerei.

Yen, Sophia Su-fei. ��65 Taiwan in China's Foreign Relations, 1836-1874. Hamden: The Shoe String Press.


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Appendix 1: Encounters Between Foreign Visitors and

Aborigines on the Hengchun Peninsula, 1845-1867

�845/07/�6 H.B.M. Plover passed by the southern tip of Taiwan, but did not land.

�847（approximately）A European vessel was wrecked off the southern coast of Taiwan; a watch, spyglass and sextant from this wreck was later purchased by Lin Wanzhang（林萬掌）, powerful landlord living south of Donggang [Tung-kiang]（東港）.

�850/0�/�� British barque Larpent was wrecked off the southern coast of Taiwan; the crew of one lifeboat landed on a “sandy beach near a remarkable sugar loaf at the south end of Formosa.＂ They were fired upon and several were killed or wounded; at least four survivors were rescued and three of those were kept by local villagers not too far from Langqiao Bay for 8-� months. One survivor made 4-5 attempts at different times to get on board foreign ships that anchored near shore. European ship stores, anchor chain, and iron knees were seen at the coastal village of San Seanah [Sheliao?].

�85�/05/0� Three survivors of the Larpent were rescued by the U.S. barque Antelope off the shore of Langqiao Bay; the Antelope did initially fire on the boat that brought the men to the ship.

�85�/08 The Salamander surveyed the southern coast of Formosa. On board were two survivors of the Larpent shipwreck; crew members went on shore and met with local officials and village heads. Those who had aided the three survivors were invited on ship to receive a monetary reward and to be feasted. According to records, the three Europeans had been kept at Langqiao [Lang-Keaou], Penan and another village close to Langqiao. Later in the same month, a Chinese investigator sent by U.S. Consul Parker（Amoy）was also in the region of southern Taiwan checking for other shipwreck survivors.

�854/0�/�7 Ships on Perry's expedition to Japan（the Powhatan towing the Lexington; the Mississippi towing the Southampton）passed by the southern end of Formosa without landing.

�855/0� The crew of the North Pacific surveying expedition landed on the southeast coast at a sandy beach [perhaps Langqiao bay?]. They interacted with the locals, who prevented them from going further inland, lest they be murdered. Habersham recorded details of a crew member's（Hartman）brief encounter with a group of aborigines on shore.

�855 New York clipper High Flyer, commanded by Captain G.B. Waterman, was lost on south Formosa coast; all �00 passengers on board were lost.

�857 [?] The schooner Pearl visited the southeast end of Formosa, seeking information on captive foreigners; they received reports of the foreign artifacts, including a spy-glass.

�858/06 H.M.S. Inflexible rounded the southern tip of Formosa; part of their mission was a search for missing seamen. They had first stopped at Fangliao [Pangliao] and walked inland to interview Lin Wanzhang. They anchored in the bay of Langqiao [Liang-kiow] for at least one night, and it appears that they gathered some intelligence from villagers on land. They did not land at South Cape or anywhere else on the southeast corner of Hengchun peninsula.

�860/08/�5 A ship from the Prussian naval expedition sighted the southern tip of Taiwan but did not attempt a landing.

�860/�� Prussian ship Elbe anchored off a small harbor in southern Taiwan and was fired upon by aborigines on shore. The ship returned fire and destroyed aboriginal villages in the skirmishes that followed.

�864/0� British brig Susan Douglas was wrecked on the island of Samasana（火燒島）off southeast Formosa; captain and crew were kindly treated; the captain got to Dagou [Takao] aboard a junk and then the rest of the crew were rescued by the British gunboat Bustard, commanded by Lt. Tucker. No apparent contact between foreigners and Hengchun peninsula residents occurred.

�864/07 Traveling on H.B.M. gunboat Bustard, Swinhoe landed at Fenggang [Hongkong] and later at Langqiao [Lungkeaou] -- probably Checheng. He trekked inland from [Checheng] and visited a mixed village � ½ miles from Checheng, then met the native youth of the Choojuy tribe further inland, then visited a Hakka village a little south and west of Langqiao.

�865/0�/�0 H.M. gunboat Flamer returned from Langqiao [Lung-kiau] Bay after cruising for pirates.

�865/05 [?] The British ship Dove surveyed the coast near Lung-keaou [Langqiao] and Kwaliang [Kwa-leang] Bay. The crew of the Dove were attacked by natives at Kwaliang Bay and one sailor was wounded.

�865/�� British schooner Julia Ann was wrecked �5 miles south of Dagou [Takao].

�867/0�/�� The shipwrecked Rover crew encountered �5-�6 aborigines on southern tip of Formosa, and most of the Rover crew were murdered by them.

�867/0�/�4 or �5 Tek-Kwang, sole survivor of the Rover shipwreck, reached a Chinese village, [Langqiao], �-�� miles from the wreck site and found a local resident（“a Chinaman's son by one of their [aborigine] women＂）to help ransom any survivors. The next day the messenger returned [to Langqiao] with news that some of the crew had already been killed.

�867/0�/�5 Captain Broad, commander of H.B.M. sloop Cormorant, visited Langqiao [Tang-Kaiow] Bay; the chief of the settlement provided him with interpreters and a pilot to visit the site of Rover wreck. Arrangements were made to send a message to the aborigines and to offer a reward for any lives saved.

�867/0�/�6 H.B.M. Cormorant attempted to land a force（� boats, �0-40 British soldiers）at the site of the Rover wreck. Aborigines on shore fired on the landing party; soldiers in one of the boats returned fire, and in the skirmish, one of the soldiers was wounded; aborigine casualties, if there were any, were not recorded. The British retreated to the Cormorant and commenced firing shells into the woods on shore.

�867/04/�4 Le Gendre visited Langqiao [Tang-Kaiow] Bay on board the U.S. Ashuelot, commanded by Capt. Febriger; they met with the chief [headman] there, who provided pilots. The Ashuelot steamed south to the site of the Rover crew murders, interrogated the crew of a junk, but did not go ashore.

�867/06? A surveying party from H.B.M. surveying vessel Sylvia was attacked by aborigines on the southern tip of Formosa.

�867/06/�� The crews of the U.S. Hartford and Wyoming attempted a reprisal raid against aborigines at the site of the Rover wreck. They landed �8� men at two spots; most of the troops marched inland from the shore; aborigines fired on both columns. The soldiers returned fire and also destroyed abandoned huts


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in at least two places. At � p.m. a halt was ordered, as further passage inland was difficult and the troops were exhausted. They were fired upon and one commanding officer was killed; the American force retreated to their ships in the bay.

�867/08/0� Pickering and Horn arrived in Sheliao [Sialiao], collecting information on the whereabouts of the remains of the Rover crew. They visited several villages on the Hengchun peninsula, including Dashufang [Tossupong] and Longnuan, where they located the remains of Mrs. Hunt and became aware of castaway Bashee Islanders（巴士群島人）being held by the east coast aborigines. During their several weeks on the peninsula, Pickering and Horn also sent several local mediators further inland in an attempt to negotiate an exchange of captives and Rover victims' remains.

�867/08/�8 Pickering and Horn visited an aboriginal village six miles northeast of Sheliao [Sialiao]. A few days later, Pickering mediated with Hoklo and Hakka headmen at Baoli [Poliac] and Checheng [Chesiang], who were attempting to defuse tensions on the peninsula.

Sources for Appendix One:

The China sea directory. Vol III, Comprising the coasts of China from Hong Kong to the [sic] Korea; north coast of Luzon, Formoza [sic] island and strait; . . . Second edition. Compiled by Captain Charles J. Bullock, R.N., F.R.G.S. London: Printed for the Hydrographic Office, Admiralty by J.D. Potter, �884.

The China pilot. Part 1, East coast from Hongkong to Shanghai. Chiefly from the surveys of Captain Collinson, R.N., C.B. Edited by Robert Loney, Paymaster, R.N. London: Printed for the Hydrographic Office, Admiralty by J.D. Potter, �855.

The China pilot, comprising the coasts of China, Korea, and Manchuria; the sea of Japan, the gulfs of Tartary and Amur, and the sea of Okhotsk . . . Compiled by John Wm. King. London: Printed for the Hydrographic Office, Admiralty, �864.

United States 40th Congress, �d Session, Senate Executive Documents No. 5�, “Message of the President of the United States, communicating, in compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 5th of February last, correspondence upon the subject of the murder, by the inhabitants of the island of Formosa, of the ship's company of the American bark Rover.＂ Washington: GPO, �868.

Ami 阿美族

Amoy 廈門

Baoli 保力

Bashee Islands 巴士群島

Checheng 車城／柴城／福

安街

Chesiang [= Checheng]Choojuy 「靠近瑯嶠的 Choojuy 部落」（quoting Swinhoe, �866）; aboriginal settlement under Tauketok's influence; exact site uncertain.Citongjiao 莿桐腳／W桐腳

／刺桐腳

Dagou 打狗

Dashufang 大樹房／多樹房

／大頌房

Donggang 東港

Ernai 爾奶／爾乃

Esuck, 伊素／一素／一色／

亦失； headman of Shemali （射麻里）

Fangliao 枋寮

Fenggang 楓港

Fengshan 鳳山

Gaoshifo 高士佛

General Saigo 西郷從道

Guishan 龜山

Hengchun 恆春

Hongkang [= Fenggang]Houdong 猴洞

Issa [= Esuck]Kalutoi, headman of Mantsiu （蚊蜶） in �874Kaotan, also Kautang, Kantang, Kootang; pingpuzu village southeast of Sheliao [= Houdong]

Koalut 龜仔律／龜仔角／姑

仔律／龜仔祿

Kuchilai 加知來／加芝來

Kussikuts [= Gaoshifo]Kwaliang Bay 芎蕉灣

Kwa-leang Bay [= Kwaliang Bay]Lang-Keaou [= Langqiao]Langqiao 琅VLangqiao Bay 琅V灣

Leangkiou [= Langqiao]Liang-kiow [= Langqiao]Lin Ajiu 林阿九？ ; Hakka headman of BaoliLin Wanzhang 林萬掌 powerful landlord in Fangliao region Lingluan [= Longnuan]Liu Mingdeng 劉明燈

Longnuan 龍巒／龍鑾

Loput 羅佛

Lulin, headman of Loput （羅

佛） in �874Lung-keaou [= Langqiao]Lung-kiau [= Langqiao]Mantsiu 蚊蟀／蚊蜶

Mia,（or Miya; also Yeu Tick-tchien）, Sheliao headman's sonMinat, headman of Tuilasok （豬朥束） in �874Mudan 牡丹

Nanjia 南岬

Paiwan 排灣

Pakolut 巴龜律／八姑律／

八姑角

Pan Wenjie 潘文杰

Pangliao [= Fangliao]

Penan（near Langqiao; exact site uncertain）Pinali, headman of Longnuan（龍巒／龍鑾）in �874pingpuzu 平埔族

Poliac [= Baoli]Samasana Island 火燒島，即

綠島

Sapoulais, “branch of the Botans＂（according to Le Gendre）; 射不力？

Saprek 射不力

Samali [= Shemali]Sheliao 射寮

Shemali 射麻里

Sialiao [= Sheliao]Sichong River 四重溪

Sinjiu, headman of Pakolut （巴龜律） in �874South Cape 南岬

Stone Gate 石門

Sub-prefect Wang 王文棨？

Takao [= Dagou]Tang-Kaiow [= Langqiao]Tauketok 桌其篤／卓杞篤

Tongpu 統埔

Tossupong [= Dashufang]Tuilasok [= Zhulaoshu]Xiamen 廈門

Zhanghua 彰化

Zhulaoshu 豬朥束

Glossary


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1850至1874年間恆春半島聚落群的變化

費德廉

摘要

本文欲檢視 �850到 �874年間恆春半島原住民與漢人聚落群的結構，及其相互間的關係，以探討外來勢力侵入所造成的影響。本文試圖分析當地聚落群邊界的變動，

並研究其在社會、政治和經濟壓力等方面的變化與其變遷過程，如何導致恆春半島人

群互動關係的改變。本文也將檢視族群的分界線、婚姻網絡、防禦協會，以及軍事聯

盟等結構，以了解此時期半島社會如何運作。由於要理解政治、經濟以及國家能力成

長的改變，本文亦將分析西方的運輸與測量、李賢德的外交活動，以及在 �867與�874-�875年間清朝與日本對半島的軍事侵略。半島聚落群形成的律動與輪廓，與沿海的中國帆船市場與內陸的交易補給站等，對我們了解當地在區域經濟上的改變亦有

助益。

恆春半島上的傳統聚落群乃是體驗漢人移民與原住民集體生活的基本架構。然聚

落群之間的相互關係因外來勢力侵入而遭破壞，因此更改了原本跨越族群與聚落群在

協商與交易上的必要機制。由於婚姻關係、軍需品市場、船難者的交易等三者的交

會，一個新的，跨越聚落群的調停者於是誕生；過去十八番社的調停與動員能力則因

外來勢力的侵入而逐漸衰退。

本研究所採用的資料來源包括西方人的遊記、沿海測量紀錄、美國與英國的外交

報告、清朝與日本軍隊所編輯的文件，以及相關地圖等。

關鍵詞：？

The changing contours of lived communities on the Hengchun Peninsula, 1850-1874

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Transcript of The changing contours of lived communities on the Hengchun Peninsula, 1850-1874